engendering gender representation in liberia for sustainable peace
TRANSCRIPT
Engendering Gender Representation in Liberia for Sustainable Peace
A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of Requirements for Master of Arts (MA) in Peace Studies
Submitted By: Michael GebehCandidate, MA Peace Studies
Supervisor: Dr. Danny Rye
The Archbishop Desmond Tutu Center for War and Peace StudiesDepartment of History and PoliticsLiverpool Hope UniversityHope Park, Taggart Avenue Liverpool, UKL16 9JD
i
Researcher’s Declaration:
I, Michael Gebeh, the undersigned do hereby declare that this research is original and has not been submitted before in support of any degree. The research was independently conducted and all information provided herein are genuine and authentic.
Signed: _____M.Gebeh_______
Name: _Michael Gebeh_______
Date: _18 th September, 2015__
ii
Table of Contents
List of Tables........................................................................................................................................ iv
Abstract:................................................................................................................................................v
Dedication.............................................................................................................................................vi
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION.........................................................................................................7
1.0: Context and rationale:.................................................................................................................7
1.1: Research questions:.............................................................................................................10
1.2: Significance of the research:................................................................................................10
1.3: Structure..............................................................................................................................11
Chapter 2: Literature Review........................................................................................................12
2.0: Overview:............................................................................................................................12
2.1 A brief historical and theoretical overview:.........................................................................12
2.2 Relevant Literatures on Gender Representation:..................................................................15
2.3 The rise of contemporary feminist discourse and globalization:..........................................17
2.4 Gender representation in Africa:..........................................................................................18
2.5 The impact of gender quota on enhancing women’s representation:....................................19
2.6 A hint at gender representation in West Africa:...................................................................21
2.7 The reality of gender representation and the conflict history in Liberia:..............................21
2.8 Hindrances to gender representation in Liberia....................................................................22
2.9 Contributing to Positive Peace:............................................................................................23
2.10 Summary.............................................................................................................................24
Chapter 3: Methodology...............................................................................................................25
3.0 Overview:............................................................................................................................25
3.1 Research approach and justification:....................................................................................25
3.2 Structure of the methodology for the research.....................................................................26
3.3 Ethical issues:......................................................................................................................29
Chapter 4: Discussion and Analysis..............................................................................................30
4.0 Overview:............................................................................................................................30
4.1 The Gender Quota debate:...................................................................................................30
4.1.1 The qualification argument of quota candidates.....................................................31
4.1.2 The Challenge in Recruiting Women for parliament/legislature...........................33
4.1.3 The Different quota systems – where and where-not applicable............................35
4.1.4 Gender gap and status of gender quota in Liberia..................................................37
4.2 The Education Factor to gender representation in Liberia...................................................38
4.3 Cultural Stereotype against Women.....................................................................................41
iii
4.4 Access to Finance as a barrier to women’s representation...................................................44
4.5 Summary and significance of gender representation for sustainable peace................................46
Chapter 5: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations.............................................................50
5.0 Overview:............................................................................................................................50
5.1 Research Summary..............................................................................................................50
5.2 Conclusion...........................................................................................................................53
5.3 Recommendations................................................................................................................55
5.4. Strength...............................................................................................................................56
5.5 Limitation:...........................................................................................................................56
References.......................................................................................................................................57
Appendixes......................................................................................................................................66
List of Tables
Table 1: Questionnaires for interview..............................................................................................28
Table 2: Schedule of activities for survey........................................................................................28
Table 3: Major ethical issues agreed upon by the parties................................................................29
Table 4: Education disparity in Liberia – excerpt of the 2009 LISGIS report.................................40
iv
Abstract:
Mainstreaming gender in all forms of decision making including political leadership is
contemporarily believed to be a key global focus amidst various national governments’
interest in adopting measures to become more gender inclusive. One measure that is known
to have become widespread is the implementation of various gender quotas; a strategy that
has supposably led to a fast-track increase in the number of women in several national
parliaments/legislatures. Within the last two decades, this approach has gained significant
attention and consequently led to increased women’s representation in parliament in a
number of developing countries, specifically in eastern and southern Africa. However, in
West Africa, women’s representation in parliament is said to be low. In Liberia, the focus of
this research, women are believed to be acclaimed globally for their unprecedented non-
violent role in ending years of conflict. The country elected a woman president in its first
post-conflict election in 2005 and re-elected her in 2011, the first on the continent. Yet the
overall gender representation, especially at the national legislature remains low; dropping
from 14% in 2005 to 11% in 2014, which leaves the country at 108 th position out of 140
countries captured by the Inter-parliamentary Union 2015 report.
This qualitative research uses a combination of empirical documents and response from
surveys as it attempts to unearth some of the major challenges confronting equal gender
representation in Liberia. The paper provides an argument that amidst various challenges to
women’s political participation, gender quota is the most appropriate approach to engender
gender representation in a short-term. Contrary to several scholarly literatures, the research
reveals that quota is applicable in a Single Member District (SMD) electoral system, like
Liberia. It concludes that enhanced gender representation will contribute to good governance
and promote sustainable peace.
Key words: gender representation, legislature, quota, fast-track, critical mass, women, peace,
feminism
v
Dedication:
This dissertation is dedicated to my beloved and caring wife, Mrs. Yah Melissa Deshield
Gebeh and my precious children for the continuous patience, love, courage and inspiration
provided me from the inception of my admission process to the completion of this paper.
This work is also dedicated to all those who contributed to this endeavour, including but not
limited to my family, friends, supervisor, editors and my office, the Angie Brooks
International Centre through its Establishment Coordinator, Cllr. Yvette Chesson-Wureh for
the financial support towards this process. Finally, this research is dedicated to all women,
especially those who took up their precious time to provide resources for this research,
including Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic
of Liberia and UN Diplomat for her involvement and encouragement for other high level
personalities to participate in the research.
vi
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION
“The world is starting to grasp that there is no policy more effective in
promoting development, health and education than the empowerment
of women and girls. And I would venture that there is no policy more
important in preventing conflict or in achieving reconciliation after a
conflict has ended”.
– Kofi Annan, Former Secretary General of the United Nations, (UN, 2006).
1.0: Context and rationale:
Feminist agenda on gender equality at all levels has reached a new level in the 21 st Century
with recent calls and pressure mounting for the selection of a woman as the next Secretary
General of the United Nations. As Gillian Sorensen and Jean Krasno write, it is about time
that a woman is given the opportunity to head the world body as since its establishment in
1945, eight individuals have held the post, all of whom have been men. These authors note
that there is no longer an excuse of women qualification as there are several qualified women,
some of whom have served as Presidents, Prime Ministers, Chancellors, Foreign Ministers
and diplomat (Sorensen & Krasno, 2015).
These latest developments point to the gains thus far in ensuring women’s representation.
Anderlini (2007) pin-points progress in women political leadership as well as women’s
contribution to peace. She highlights the elections of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in
Liberia, followed few months later by the victory of Michelle Bachelet as President of Chile,
as well as the fielding of several women candidates by Hamas; six of whom were elected in a
landslide victory against the ruling Fatah party in Palestine. The author notes that these
developments amongst others had captured the attention of the world, declaring 2006 as the
year of women leaders (Anderlini, 2007, p. 115). These women join the list of powerful
women leaders including Angela Merkel (elected in 2005 as Chancellor of Germany) and
Margaret Thatcher (the longest severing Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in the 20 th
century: 1979 – 1990), among others. But what is most significant in the rise of these women
amidst the global increase in women’s political representation is the trait of feminism that is
being emphasized in the recent breed of women leaders. Anderlini (2007) further presents
that while Barchelet takes pride in representing women’s voices and paying tribute to female
constituents, Johnson Sirleaf is heralded for her wider connection to particularly the women
populace, who believe she can represent their interest and lead to greater women’s
representation both on the national and international scenes (Anderlini, 2007, p. 116).
While previous feminists efforts to increase women’s representation and political
participation like that of the incremental model that led to higher women’s representation in
the Nordic or Scandinavian countries (Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, etc.) in the
1970s, 1980s and 1990s (Matland, 1998, p. 111) have received laudable global attention over
the years, Dahlerup and Freidenvall (2006) pinpoint that such methodology is no longer
practical to attain fast political representation for women to meet the current global demand
(Dahlerup & Freidenvall, 2006, pp. 26 - 48). They argue that gender quota is a more suitable
and a fast-track approach to enhance greater gender representation, particularly in national
parliaments; noting that this method has replaced the Scandinavian approach in increasing
women’s representation at various national parliaments around the world (Dahlerup &
Freidenvall, 2006, pp. 26 - 48). The logic of gender quota is centered on the idea of ensuring
that women obtain the adequate numerical strength (known as ‘critical mass’ – 20%, 30%,
etc.) so that they are able to influence major national policies and make substantive political
difference (Dahlerup, 2006, pp. 511 - 522).
Tripp & Kang (2008) explain that the emergence of gender quota system has resulted to
greater attention and improved gender representation with over 84 countries around the world
adopting the measure as of 2006 (Tripp & Kang, 2008, p. 339). While acknowledging the
significant impact of quota on gender representation globally, several authors, Tripp (2004),
Dahlerup & Freidenvall (2006) and Bauer (2008) among others admit that with the
introduction of quota, Africa has experienced greater increase in gender representation in the
last two decades than any other region in the world. As a result, several countries on the
continent of Africa including Uganda, Tanzania, South Africa, Mozambique and Namibia are
among the top countries on the global rank for high gender representation in
parliament/legislature (Bauer, 2008, p. 349). Currently, Rwanda tops the world ranking on
high gender representation, accounting for 60% women’s representation in parliament, while
South Africa and Uganda, are ranked high with nearly 45% and 35% women parliamentary
representation respectively. All these progresses are directly attributed to the implementation
8
of some forms of gender quota in these countries. (Greenberg & Zuckerman, 2006; IPU,
2015; Commonwealth, 2013).
As highlighted in the above opening quote by Kofi Annan, former Secretary General of the
United Nations, a number of scholars and authors including Anderlini (2007) have also
frequently linked women’s representation not just to the attainment of good governance, but
also health, education, development and peace (Anderlini, 2007, pp. 19 – 48; Baksh, et al.,
2005). The 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action portrays this link even further
and calls for the need to enhance women’s representation at all levels. Excerpt of the mission
statement of the Beijing Platform for Action reads:
“Equality between women and men is a matter of human rights and a condition for
social justice and is also a necessary and fundamental prerequisite for equality,
development and peace. A transformed partnership based on equality between
women and men is a condition for people-centered sustainable development”
(UNWomen, 2015).
Bauer & Britton, (2006) analyze the impact of enhanced women’s representation in
strengthening democracies and improving peace and security in several countries in Africa.
Citing the cases of Rwanda, Angola, Uganda and South Africa, all of which had had conflict
in recent years, these authors present that the implementation of gender quota has led to
improved women’s representation, resulted to smooth democracy and improved security in
these countries (Bauer & Britton, 2006).
In Liberia, the visibility of women is high both on the national and international scenes for
the heroic non-violent role played by women in ending the nearly fifteen years conflict
(Gbowee, 2011) and for the election of the first woman president on the continent of Africa
in 2005 (Adams, 2008, p. 475). Gbowee (2011) narrates how the women of Liberia used
various non-violent mass actions including prayers, sisterhood, sex strike and sit-in actions
amongst others to pressure the warring parties to cease the hostilities and sign the 2003 Accra
Comprehensive Peace Agreement that eventually ended the conflict (Gbowee, 2011, pp. 15 -
27). Holmgren (2003) links and attributes the momentum of the women peace campaign in
2003 to the drive that resulted into the historic election of the first woman president on the
continent in 2005. He notes that the momentum from peace activism gave women the
courage, confidence and a self-believe that they can influence the society and as such their
9
drive did not stop at brokering peace but extended to mobilizing voters that led to the election
of a woman as president and also a number of women in the legislature – approximately 14%
(Holmgren, 2013). These landmark achievements were followed by more global recognition
and visibility when two esteemed Liberian women (Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Leymah
Gbowee) were jointly awarded the prestigious Nobel Peace prize alongside Tawakkol
Karman from Yemen in 2011 (Cowell, et al., 2011).
Despite these achievements and global recognition, the overall gender representation at the
national legislature, where laws and national policies are made remains very low. The heroic
women peace activism of 2003 and the subsequent election of a woman president in 2005
have not translated into increased representation. Since 2005 women’s political
representation at the legislature continues to linger far below the ‘critical mass’ benchmark
with even further decline in subsequent years. During the first post conflict elections in 2005
women won only 14% of the seats and in the subsequent elections in 2011 and special
senatorial elections in 2014, the percentage of seats won by women candidates dropped to
only 11%. The result puts Liberia at 108 th spot out of 140 countries highlighted by the Inter-
Parliamentary Union 2015 report (IPU, 2015).
Given the remarkable role played by women in the restoration of peace in Liberia, leading to
global acclimation, and the fact that a woman was elected as its post-conflict leader, the first
on the continent, one would expect tremendous women influence that will lead to the
enactment of legislation favoring protected seats for women. Unfortunately, that is not the
case as Liberia lingers far behind, countries such as Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda,
among others (Commonwealth, 2013). All of these countries have instituted some form of
quota, which has contributed to enhanced gender representation.
1.1: Research questions:
What exactly has been the cause of such underrepresentation of women in Liberia? What is
the short or long term impact of underrepresentation of women on the sustainability of peace?
Can equal gender representation be attained void of the introduction of quotas? What are the
foremost challenges to the quota system and women’s gender representation?
1.2: Significance of the research:
10
Liberia continues to endure many challenges hampering gender representation including the
lack of legislation (gender quota) protecting women candidates; the general educational
factor of women constituency; existence of cultural stereotypes and socio-economic
conditions of women including financial support to women candidates, among others. This
research focuses on finding responses to the above questions in order to come up with
appropriate recommendations on how to address the issue of gender representation in Liberia.
1.3: Structure:
In finding responses to these questions, the paper uses existing literatures including books,
journal articles, electronic documents and news stories on the subject. The research also
involves surveys through questionnaires and interviews to gather qualitative expert opinions
from key stakeholders in the private and public sectors. The findings from the surveys are
critically analyzed and compared with existing literatures to draw a conclusion on what are
the major obstacles hindering the enhancement of gender representation in Liberia and how
these obstacles can be tackled through appropriate mechanism(s) that will fast-track the
attainment of gender representation within a short period.
The research is structured and segmented into five chapters namely; Chapter 1 - an
introduction, Chapter 2 - literature review, Chapter 3 - research methodology, Chapter 4 –
discussion and analysis, and Chapter 5 – conclusion. It also includes references in Harvard
format and appendixes that comprise of transcribed interviews and some of the responses
from questionnaire form that are relevant to the argument provided in the paper. Chapter 1,
the introduction provides a summary of the paper, highlighting context, content and structure,
while chapter 2 discusses relevant literatures on the subject, chronologically providing
theoretical framework and analyzing empirical materials with contemporary scholarly
literatures. Chapter 3 emphasizes the methodology used in this research and Chapter 4
provides a discussion and analysis based on the outcomes of the interviews and questionnaire
forms. Specifically, chapter 4 discusses four key points that cut across both the findings from
the researched literatures and the responses gather from the interviews and questionnaires that
are relevant to enhance gender representation. Consequently, this aspect presents arguments
and counter arguments to each point as provided by researched literatures and expert opinion
from the survey; providing in-depth justification that by addressing the four cross-cutting
issues, will lead to the enhancement of gender representation. Finally, chapter 5 gives a
11
summary of the findings and provides recommendation to tackle and enhance gender
representation in Liberia.
12
Chapter 2: Literature Review
2.0: Overview:The global trend in the rise of gender representation especially at the level of various national
parliament/legislature as well as the contemporary role of women in globalization,
environmentalism, religion, commerce, conflict and conflict resolution, etc. have added a new
flavor in substantiating the works of academic scholars of international politics that feminism
is not dead or outdated, contrary to the argument by some critics (Brown et al; 2011). In the
book Everywhere & Nowhere, Jo Reger published a powerful mission statement from a group
of young students – Forum for Women (FFW), and was left puzzled by their enthusiasm
amidst constant negative propagandas about contemporary feminism. Reger (2012) writes:
“…Written in the first decade of the twenty-first century, the group’s belief that
feminism is relevant as a life-empowering ideology stands in strong contrast to the
pervasive public discourse that feminism is dead and no one, particularly young
women, is interested anymore”(Reger, 2012, p. 4).
The struggle for the rights and equality of women has permeated every fabric of the modern
society and gender mainstreaming is today a key global focus.
This chapter examines the relevant literatures relative to the significance of equal gender
representation and the appropriate mechanisms to enhance women’s political participation. It
connects related feminine theoretical framework to the contemporary global development in
gender representation and its associated benefits, specifically in the context of contributing to
sustainable peace.
2.1 A brief historical and theoretical overview:
Eleanor Flexner conveys in the book: Century of Struggle that in most of early human
history, women had been the subject of marginalization in all spheres of life including
economic, social and education, least to mention political representation. Gathering her
strength from the terrible experience of women in America, especially the middle class and
African American women, Flexner presents a masterpiece on the early struggle of women
from as far as 1608, even before the emergence of the famous women’s movement that
emanate from the United States and Europe (Flexner, 1975).
13
Ryan (1992) describes all struggles for women’s emancipation, whether 19 th or 20th century
or even contemporary 21st century initiative as having a feminist identity. In her book:
Feminism and the Women’s Movement, Barbara cleverly links the early women’s struggle to
today’s feminist movement. Her works can be interpreted as describing contemporary
women’s movement as an era in which theoretical consistency appears to be developing
among activist groups with strategies moving primarily towards political engagement (Ryan,
1992).
Throughout the history of women’s struggle for emancipation, to today’s global drive of
gender equality, the link to feminism has been inseparable. Feminism, like most international
relations theories has in itself evolved over time amidst differences in ideology but by and
large, its focus on the general interest of women has remained unchanged. Drawing clues
from Eleanor Flexner’s Century of Struggle: Women’s History and the Women’s Movement,
Leila J. Rupp published in the NWSA Journal in the summer of 1992;
“Despite the fact that women worked collectively in a wide range of causes, from
peace to birth control, and organized around class, racial, religious, and political
identity, feminism had come to be associated with the demand for ‘women’s
rights……’ (Rupp, 1992, p. 157).
Similarly, Chris Weedom in his book: Feminism, theory and the Politics of Difference points
out:
“… Beginning as loose networks of consciousness-raising and campaigning groups,
the women’s movement attempted to develop new forms of political organizations
which aspired to non-hierarchical structures and aimed to empower all women
whatever their background. …Like other social movements, feminism has given rise
to new forms of social and cultural theory” (Weedom, 1999, p. 1; 2).
Overall, the origin of feminism as a theory is said to emanate from the traditional struggle for
an equal place of women in society (Rowbotham, 1973). Farganis (1994) note, the 19th and
20th centuries witnessed the rise in the ideology to increase women’s visibility as championed
by feminist movements under what is regarded as the Waves of Feminism (Farganis, 1994).
The worldwide feminist movement is a feminist inspired global campaign in International
Relations for gender equality at all spheres. It is historically divided into three phases as
Burchill (2013) notes;
14
“…the first wave of feminism mobilized for women’s equal access to the public
sphere of civil and political rights, and the second wave of the world-wide movement
struggled to make visible inequalities between men and women in the private sphere
that shape public economic and political inequalities...” (Burchill et al, 2013, pp 242-
243).
Recent works categorized under the third wave of feminism, coupled with the increased
global attention on ensuring equal gender representation at all levels as well as promoting
women peace and security in accordance with the United Nations Security Council
Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) and subsequent follow-up resolutions have placed the issue
of gender representation at the forefront of global agenda. UNSCR 1325 is a legal
framework document crafted by the United Nations Security Council in 2000, calling for
women’s participation in all forms of peace processes, women’s protection and prevention
from violence as well as gender mainstreaming. It has had several follow-up resolutions
including UNSCR 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106 and 2122 (Miller, Pournik, and Swaine,
2014; p. 1-2 ).
“Engendering Gender Representation for Sustainable Peace” as presented in this research is
suitably situated in the theoretically framework of Feminism theory of international relations.
Arguably, while feminism as a theory may be considered as a broad field due to its
undisputed ‘politics of difference’, that encompasses a range of theories, its general focus
remains concentrated at understanding gender inequality with specific emphasis on power
relations, politics and the protection of the interest of women especially against a patriarchal
system (Weedon, 1999). Weedon (1997) notes:
“…If feminism is a politics, it is also a theory, or rather, a range of theories. Whether
acknowledged or not, every form of feminist politics, and there are many, implies a
particular way of understanding patriarchy and the possibilities of change” (Weedon,
1997, p. 4).
As different theories of feminism address separate core issues in the discipline, this paper
concentrates more within a certain liberal perspective. That is, the argument as presented
throughout the literature and discussion of the paper is precisely positioned in a liberal
feminist standpoint, emphasizing the liberal individualistic character as a means to achieve
the overall primary goal of gender equality in both the public and private sectors. Liberal
feminism sees women political rights as a fundamental tool to attain freedom, liberty and
15
equality (Cornell, 1998). Liberal feminism supports confirmatory legislative action that will
include and protect women political participation on the grounds that past or current
prejudice may simply be to the disadvantage of women participation (Jaggar, 1983, pp. 1-14).
All of these are in the search for liberty and the protection of women’s interest but
specifically, liberal feminism searches for women’s equality with men through political and
legal reforms. Its uniqueness amongst the different theories of feminism is that it emphasizes
the possibility to attain equality without necessarily altering the structures and system of the
society (Jaggar, 1983, p. 181). As Weedon (1983) further states in the book Feminist Practice
& Poststructuralist Theory:
“Liberal feminism aims to achieve full equality of opportunity in all spheres of life
without radically transforming the present social and political system. The realization
of its aims, however, will mean the transformation of the sexual division of labour and
of contemporary norms of femininity and masculinity” (Weedon, 1987, p. 4).
Utilizing previous works of Michel Foucault, Jana Sawicki analyzes the potential threat of
difference to the discipline which could “put to question the concept of a revolutionary
subject and the idea of social totality”. She however noted that the politics of difference had
always existed but the impact of feminism is what matters (Sawicki, 1986). In similar line,
Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson (2014) in Representation: The Case of Women, note
that the significance of enhancing gender representation involves not only getting women into
key leadership positions in government but also ensuring that they articulate the general
interest of women and translate those interests into policies that will impart all women in the
future (Escobar-Lemmon & Taylor-Robinson, 2014). Hence, Liberal feminism is better
situated to achieve the overall objectives of feminism in this contemporary era.
2.2 Relevant Literatures on Gender Representation:
In the book Global Perspectives on Gender Equality, Francisco Cos-Montiel quotes Beall
(1998), stating that a key strategy to advance and solidify the progress in gender
mainstreaming thus far is to support the implementation of measures that will alter public
policies and improve the implementation of said policies that will lead to the direct benefit of
women (Cos-Montiel, 2008).
Bari (2005), while discussing the broad rationale of women’s political participation, the
issues and challenges associated with it, points to two justifiable reasons for mainstreaming
gender and ensuring women’s political participation. This argument, supported by many
16
women advocates firstly points to the doctrine of fundamental human rights, arguing that
women make up half of the world’s population and as such it is right that they be allowed
equal political participation and leadership. The second aspect of this worldwide argument is
based on the belief that women and men have different political mentality based on their
sexuality and no one gender can favourably determine the best interest of the other. This
second justification portrays that women’s political participation will bring on board the
female political attributes necessary to strengthen governance , improve peaceful coexistence
and better the livelihood of mankind (Bari, 2005).
The fight for women’s political inclusion and gender mainstreaming has come a long way
and in the twenty first century, the variables are no longer the same in terms of national
progress and the barriers that hinder women progress to leadership. For example, Matland
(1998) in a research on representation of women in national legislatures observed striking
differences in variables affecting female representation from two different contexts in a
Proportional Representation (PR) system. His research shows that women’s involvement in
the labour force, cultural standing and level of development had positive effects on countries
within the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), but none of
these factors had any positive bearing on countries in Less Developed Countries (LDC)
(Matland, 1998).
However, there are still a number of cross-cutting issues across region. Using case studies of
a number of countries, Hoare & Gell (2009) discuss series of barriers affecting women’s
leadership and political participation, most of which cut across specific regional boundaries.
These authors concord with other literatures that the major obstacles to women’s political
participation center on structural, institutional, economic and cultural barriers as well as
supporting women to take up leadership positions. Except women overcome these barriers,
there will be very limited opportunity to influence decisions at the national or international
level that will directly address high rate of poverty amongst women, socially impact their
lives and the welfare of children and their communities (Hoare & Gell, 2009).
Women’s political participation is not only necessary to change the socio-economic status of
women, but also to contribute to the policies that will influence development and enhance
peace and stability. In the works of Anderlini (2007), she points to the many odds faced by
women for inclusion in political participation, conflict prevention, transformation and post-
conflict governance and leadership including how the international system lets women down.
17
Presenting various scenarios, she unveils how women, either collective or individually have
challenged these odds and made impact in both leadership and peace even though the
challenges remain enormous. From the stories of Liberia, Zimbabwe, Venezuela, Chile,
Afghanistan, Iraq, etc., she presents cases of women influences in politics and non-violent
approach in conflict resolution (Anderlini, 2007).
2.3 The rise of contemporary feminist discourse and globalization:
Arguably, feminism is believed to have enjoyed a striking rise than any other movement or
international relations theory in the 21st Century. Sylva Walby presents in the Economy and
Society journal: Feminism in a global era, feminism is taking a new shape by its articulation
into a global discourse of ‘human rights and an increased focus on states intervention’
(Walby, 2002). Attaining its objective has been tied to universal development, peace and
security as stated by Kofi Annan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations in
quotation that precede the introduction of this paper.
Wilson (2005) writes:
“… This is not just me talking. Three decades of research in state legislatures,
universities, and international public policy centers have proven beyond doubt that
women, children, and men all benefit when women are in leadership. Broader social
legislation, benefiting everyone, is more likely to pass if women are in office. We
know the power of women as peacemakers in the world from scores of stories about
their effectiveness at negotiation, from Ireland to Pakistan to Norway to South Africa
to India and beyond.” (Wilson, 2015).
Feminism agenda appears to be contemporarily taking global center stage with nearly every
region incorporating gender perspective into both the public and private spheres. Various
frameworks have been established in states to ensure the protection of women’s rights and the
promotion of equal representation. Hernes (1987) analyzes feminist movement during the
close of the twentieth century that has facilitated the rise in women’s political participation
and the global focus generated, which has made women issues paramount on the world
political agenda (Hernes, 1987). As of January 2015, UNWomen, the United Nations arm for
ensuring gender mainstream globally reported an increase in women’s representation at
national parliaments from 11.3% in 1995 to 22% in 2015 while at the same time 10 women
served as head of state with a total of 14 women as head of government (UNWomen, 2015).
18
2.4 Gender representation in Africa:
Like other regions of the world, Africa, has also prioritized the improvement and promotion
of gender at various levels, which has attracted global financial commitment in recent years.
In December 2011, the president of the United States of America, Barrack Obama while
issuing the United States National action Plan (NAP) on women, peace and security
underscored the strategic importance to focus on Africa, a continent with nearly half of its
countries either in active conflict or recovering from recently ended ones (USAFRICOM,
2011). President Obama is quoted as rallying support for Africa, where most of the casualties
of its contemporary conflicts are women and children noting “… a safe, secure, stable and
prosperous Africa is in the US National Security interest (US-NAP, 2011).
As a peace and security measure, and to conform to the worldwide trend of globalization,
various governments and regional bodies on the continent of Africa are ensuring gender
mainstreaming through women’s representation and political participation. States and local
civil society actors are endeavouring to attain feminist agenda of equality while the African
Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Southern African
Development Community (SADC), etc. all have protocols that support the enhancement of
women’s representation, which are periodically reaffirmed (Martin, 2013). For example,
article 12 of the SADC’s protocol on gender and development states: “state parties shall
endeavor that, by 2015, at least 50% of decision-making positions in the public and private
sectors are held by women including the use of affirmative action measures as provided for
article 5” while similarly, article 13 calls on: “state parties shall adopt specific legislative
measures and other strategies to enable women to have equal opportunities with men to
participate in all electoral processes including the administration of elections and voting”
(SADC, 2008). The global target is however set at attaining at least 30% representation
regarded by contemporary feminine activists as the “Critical Mass”. Dahlerup (2006)
describes the “Critical Mass” as that theory in contemporary feminism that argues that a
minimum representation (at least 30%) is required for a minority group (women in this case)
to be able to make any substantial political difference. She notes:
“… I will however argue that while the theory has been contested in the scholarly
literatures, a story of the theory of a critical mass has played an important role for
women politicians themselves, as well as for those advocating increased
19
representation for women in politics, most recently for the many who advocate
introducing gender quotas” (Dahlerup, 2006, pp. 511 - 522).
The “Critical Mass” has been set as a benchmark which states and regional policy
frameworks as well as affirmative action have been working to reach and/or exceed this
target. The last two decades have resulted significantly to improvement towards the critical
mass theory with increased gender representation at the legislative/parliamentary level on the
continent of Africa especially in eastern and southern Africa, even though their overall social
and economic condition remain appalling. Several countries in sub-Saharan Africa including
Rwanda, South Africa, Namibia, Senegal, Uganda, Mozambique and Zimbabwe amongst
others are among the leading countries that top the world list in gender representation at
parliamentary level with 30% or more women. In fact, Rwanda stands as the leading country
in gender representation with over 60% women in parliament (IPU, 2015). Bauer and
Britton (2006) present and acknowledge there has been an upward continental shift of women
in African parliament which has been a result of women working together beyond “religious,
ethnic, and class” divisions. Their book, Women in African Parliaments shows how increased
women’s representation is enhancing more inclusive democracies on the continent and how
they have begun to transform governance and contribute meaningfully to peace and stability
(Bauer & Britton, 2006).
2.5 The impact of gender quota on enhancing women’s representation:
Interesting to note in the rapid increase of gender representation, has being the role played by
gender quota. Realizing the critical need to enhance women’s representation, most states
have resulted to one form of quota system or another since this has proven to be the most
effective instrument to increase representation of women in politics and fast-track gender
balance (Squires, 1996, pp. 77-90).
Dahlerup and Fridenvall (2005) suggest that enhancing women’s representation can either
take an incremental or fast track approach. An incremental approach, like that of the
Scandinavia model takes a much longer period but it is argued that an institutional
mechanism is setup to sustain the gains while on the other hand, a fast track approach creates
the framework for instant increment of women at national legislatures (Dahlerup &
Freidenvall, 2005). While there are debates for and against both models of increasing
women’s representation in national parliaments/legislatures, the latter is seen as a more
20
practical approach to increase women’s representation at least to a critical minority in order
to obtain the numerical strength necessary to influence policies concerning women, “raise
attention to women’s issue in policy-making processes, change the gendered nature of the
public sphere, and inspire female voters to become more politically involved” (Franceschet,et
al; 2012).
Amidst the various electoral systems; Tremblay (2006) analyses that the proportional
representation has proven to be more favourable to attaining higher women representation in
parliament. Analyzing the number of female elected based on these three elector systems
(Plurality, Proportional Representation or both), Tremblay (2006) reveals that a majority
system accounts for less women’s representation (10.8% on average), a mixed system
accounts for more number of women (17.7% on average), while a Proportional
Representation (particularly with party lists) allows for the most women elected to
parliaments/legislatures (21.1% on average). The conclusion of her analysis confirms many
studies that indicate that the PR system provides greater potential for women in politics to be
elected to national legislature as compare to the majority system (Tremblay, 2006, p. 503).
However, she argues further that such representation does not necessarily correlates to
women substantive representation owing to a number of factors including party loyalty and as
such there are very little bearing on the general interest of women. Hence, Tremblay &
Pelletier (2000) while analysing the situation of Canada suggest that the best strategy for
women’s descriptive and substantive representation is to promote women in political parties
and ensure those elected are feminists (Tremblay & Pelletier, 2000).
Bauer and Britton (2006) account that quota has significantly improved women’s
representation, strengthened democracies and enhanced peace and stability. They note that
most of the countries in Africa with successful gender quotas system are countries emerging
from some form of conflict but the system has helped contribute to stability (Bauer & Britton,
2006). For example, Rwanda, which globally has the highest representation of women in
parliament emerged from a brutal conflict that resulted into what is known to be one of the
worst genocides in history in 1994. Others such as South Africa, Burundi, Angola, etc. all
have conflict history but are among countries with high gender representation according to
the Inter-parliamentary Union 2015 report (IPU, 2015).
21
2.6 A hint at gender representation in West Africa:
Although several agree that quota system is a ‘fast-track’ method to enhance rapid growth in
women’s representation and it has successfully worked in many countries either through
some kind of voluntary party quotas, compulsory party quotas or reserved seats (Tripp and
Kang; 2008, p. 340), in West Africa the practice is yet to be fully adopted. As a result the
overall gender representation of women in parliament remains low with only Senegal
obtaining and exceeding the ‘critical mass’ benchmark, according to data compiled and
published by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU, 2015). The global database for women,
QuotaProject attributes Senegal’s swift rise to 43% gender representation at parliament to a
legislated candidate quota system in 2012, which calls for parity that provides for alternation
between female and male candidates on the electoral list (QuotaProject, 2014).
2.7 The reality of gender representation and the conflict history in Liberia:
In 2005, Liberia became the only country on the continent of Africa to elect a woman as
president (Adams, 2008, p. 475) and she was subsequently re-elected in 2011 for a second six
years term yet the overall representation of women at the national legislature, where laws and
state policies are made, remains below the ‘critical mass’ benchmark and continues to
decline. Women’s representation dropped from approximately 14% in 2005 to only 11% in
2011, leaving the country at 108th spot out of 140 countries highlighted by the Inter-
Parliamentary Union 2015 report (IPU, 2015). Holmgren (2013) notes that even though the
election of Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf as Africa’s first elected female president has
increased the visibility of Liberian women in politics both nationally and internationally, the
challenge of obtaining balanced gender representation at the national legislature remains a
daunting task amidst various challenges (Holmgren, 2013).
Liberia is emerging from over a decade long civil conflict in which statistics show that
women and children were worst affected but yet women defied the odds and championed the
cause through peaceful mass women action that led to the restoration of peace and stability
(Gbowee, 2011). Gbowee (2011) narrates how the women of Liberia used various non-
violent mass actions including prayers, sisterhood, sex strike and sit-in action amongst other
to pressure the warring parties to cease the hostilities and sign the 2003 Accra
Comprehensive Peace Agreement that eventually ended the conflict.
22
The unprecedented role of the Liberian women received both local and international
acclamation, which also impacted the election of the first female president in Africa as well
as a substantial number of women in the Legislature. Holmgren (2003) attributes and links
the success of President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf to the impact of women peace activism from
the conflict. Holmgren notes that the momentum from peace activitism gave women the
courage, confidence and a self-believe that they can influence the society and as such their
drive did not stop at brokering peace at the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Accra in
2003, but also participating in creating an enabling environment for post conflict peace. They
continued their advocacy for increased representation and more visibility in the post conflict
political and development processes. As a result they worked exceedingly hard to increase
the number of women voters, which consequently paid off with the election of the first
female president and a significant number of women in the national legislature. Even though
Madam Johnson-Sirleaf was re-elected in 2011 a number of women lost their seats at the
national legislature (Holmgren, 2013).
2.8 Hindrances to gender representation in Liberia
Researchers, scholars and academicians point to an argument that the lack of legislated quota
to be the main reason responsible for decline in gender representation during the last election.
For example the Carter Center-Fall (2011) indicates the decline in women’s representation
because during the 2005 elections there was a provision for gender quota, mandating political
parties to allocate at least 30% of seats for women candidates in their electoral list but
nothing of such was included in the elections of 2011 and as such political parties were not
obligated and made to allot slots for women (Carter Center-Fall 2011).
Holmgren (2003) blames the lack of gender quota legislation in Liberia to resistance from
male dominated political parties and lack of political will, noting:
“... A first attempt to change the status quo was the controversial Gender Equality Bill
that was presented at the 52nd National Legislature. The bill, which called for a
minimum of 30% representation of women at all levels of governance, was intended
to address the entrenched inequalities that exist in Liberian politics. To the
disappointment of most women’s rights advocates, the Gender Equality bill was
23
thrown out of the national legislature, the first sign to women lawmakers that their
male counterparts were unprepared to give them more access to formal political
influence” (Holmgren, 2013).
2.9 Contributing to Positive Peace:
In August 2013, Liberia celebrated a decade of peace, since the signing of the peace
agreement that ended the violence. In a statement to the world in commemoration of ten
years of peace, President Johnson Sir-leaf narrated the heroic non-violent role played by
women in the restoration of peace but was quick to mention that challenges still remain and
efforts in governance must continue to ensure a more sustained peace (FrontPageAfrica,
2013).
As Holmgren (2013) and several authors have presented, the women of Liberia were
instrumental in advocating for an end to the circle of violence in the country. They are
recognized nationally and internationally for contributing to the restoration of what is
described as a “negative peace” and transformation to a “positive peace” in accordance with
the contemporary concept of the field of peace studies as proffered by key researchers and
proponents of the discipline including John Galtung. Call and Cousens (2008) note that:
“While scholarship on civil wars still tended to emphasize the more minimalist
outcome of “negative peace” (i.e. no armed conflict), the practitioner and advocacy
community and some scholars increasingly emphasized a more ambitious goal of
“positive peace” (i.e., inclusive of justice, equity and other core social and political
goods) (Call & Cousens, 2008, p. 3).
While adopting the definition of peacebuilding that reflects the collective view of scholars of
the discipline, Call and Cousens (2008) underscored the significance to prioritize the goal of
the immediate absence of conflict (negative peace) but equally highlight the need to focus on
the elements of positive peace for sustainable peace and prevent the recurrence of conflict.
Citing the case of Angola in 1991 and Rwanda 1993 – 1994 these authors note that a
significant number of armed conflict recur and become even more aggressive and destructive
when countries failed to consolidate peace by ensuring the tendency of “positive peace” (Call
& Cousens, 2008).
24
A key element in ensuring the tendency of “positive peace” is good governance, defined by
Anderlini (2007) as the ability of government to maintain social peace, guaranteeing law and
order, creating enabling conditions for economic growth amongst others but with specific
emphasis on ensuring democracy where equal opportunity will be provided to all to represent
and be represented in political decision making (Anderlini, 2007, p. 123). In other words,
this means providing women the opportunity to contribute their political quota to the peace
and stability of the state and enhance “positive peace”.
2.10 Summary
With the theoretical concept, historical background, and literary justification to enhance
women’s representation in Liberia for sustainable peace, this research attempts to unearth
some of the major barriers to enhancing gender representation in Liberia. Prominent amongst
arguments provided include educational, cultural and financial barriers but most importantly
it will counter argument that gender quota system is not application in countries with
‘majority’ system, like the case of Liberia. The paper argues in favour of quota as a fast-
track approach to enhance women’s representation, like Franceschet,et al (2012) and several
other authors have provided. It however contrasts with their argument that gender quota is
not application in a majority/plurality electoral system.
Whereas most literatures argue that the inapplicability of gender quota in Liberia is the cause
for the decline in gender representation at the legislature, this paper provides justifications on
the applicability of quota system and that together with tackling other barriers, gender
representation can be enhanced, which shall contribute to sustainable peace.
The research uses current books, contemporary articles, news stories, surveys and interviews
with paramount stakeholders in determining these gaps and analyses appropriate strategies to
address these factors and to enhance gender representation in Liberia over a short period so as
to ensure the guarantee of genuine peace and stability.
25
Chapter 3: Methodology
3.0 Overview:
The essence of this research is to find explanations to the existing gender underrepresentation
in Liberia and advance appropriate measures that will enhance women’s representation in the
national legislature. In doing so, the paper identifies some of the main causes of
underrepresentation and argues that by tackling these problems will enhance gender
representation and lead to sustainable peace. However, in order to identify these factors and
come up with a logical conclusion, a careful and systematic approach is required in gathering
information. This may require going beyond the use of normal traditional empirical
literatures and bringing on board some unfolding realities and practical experiences of
stakeholders. This section examines the approach used in gathering information for this
research and further justifies why said method is appropriate in answering the research
questions and tackling the research problem.
3.1 Research approach and justification:Existing statistics by the Liberia Institutes for Statistics and Geo-information Services
(LISGIS) suggest that women make up more than half of the population in Liberia (LISGIS,
2009). However, their participation in political governance particularly at the national
legislature remains low and continues to decline, dropping from approximately 14% in 2005
to 11% as of 2014 which makes the country among the least in the world in terms of gender
representation at national parliament/legislature according to the Inter-parliamentary Union
(IPU, 2015). This result on Liberia’s gender representation has been captured in many
contemporary literatures and as such the aim of this research is not to verify this numerical
representation but to evaluate, analyze and find explanations to the causes of such
underrepresentation and its immediate and/or long term implication on sustainable peace.
In this regard, the paper employs a qualitative research methodology, flexibly using existing
literatures as well as conducting research survey that involves in-depth interviews and open-
ended questionnaires to find qualitative explanation to the existing quantitative political
representation of women. This method tends to be more flexible in generating information
that will lead to an expanded argument on the issue as participants are provided the liberty to
freely discuss their thought on the subject and not necessarily being pin-down to a ‘yes’ or
26
‘no’ response as well as being caught up in statistical details that may require quantitative
methodology to analyze. This methodology is pragmatic for this research because there is no
need to convert interviews and expert opinions into statistics for analytical purpose. Whereas
existing literatures are important in the process, participants’ expert opinions could be used to
support a pros or cons argument. As Hesse-Bibier & Leavy (2004) present, such method is
flexible and not restricted to a single philosophical ground or methodology but allows for
“epistemological, theoretical and methodological choices” that will clearly explain a given
phenomenon. On the other hand, these authors note that in a quantitative methodology, the
research relies heavily on interpreting numerical or percentage data placed in charts, table and
graphs (Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2004, pp. 1 - 2), which are often complex and appropriate for
this kind of research considering the result needed.
This method takes into consideration the use of the words ‘why’, ‘what’ and ‘how’ in order to
understand the numerical representation of women in Liberian politics as presented in
existing literatures. It shall offer additional explanation and understanding of the data and its
contextual setting, provide the rationale associated with such result and present clues to
evaluate the effectiveness for the mechanism used in engendering gender representation. As
Ritchie & Lewis (2003) put it, qualitative research is great in supporting and explaining a
quantitative data in that it provides an interpretative approach concerned with understanding
the meanings that people attach to actions, decisions, beliefs, values and the likes within their
social world, and understanding the mental mapping process that respondents use to make
sense of and interpret the world around them (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003, p. 23). Dillman (2000)
further justifies the use of a qualitative approach for such a research, stating: “qualitative
methods play an important part in developing, maintaining and improving survey quality by
assessing vital issues that field pre-tests and pilot surveys alone cannot address. They are
better able to identify the problems experienced by respondents in answering questions
because they place a more systematic and in-depth spotlight on each question and its
administration, as well as routing and instructions” (Dillman, 2000, p. 61).
3.2 Structure of the methodology for the researchBasically, the methodology is structured into two components. The first component, which
comprises about 50% of the research, is based on relevant empirical literatures, while the
remaining 50% is based on research interviews and questionnaires. The reason for focusing
50% of the research on survey is due to the fact that participants’ viewpoint, which is often
based on their experiences and up to date realities is cardinal in deriving at a logical
27
conclusion in such a qualitative research (Oppenheim, 1992). As Hesse-Biber & Leavy
(2004), quoting Bogdan and Taylor (1975) state the need for the “phenomenologically
inclined researcher to see things from participants’ point of view” (Prior, 2004, p. 317). The
survey is also segmented into two categories namely: (1.) an in-depth interview and (2.)
detailed questionnaires for a focus group to create more flexibility for gathering of
information.
1. The in-depth interview for this paper involved direct Skype video interaction with
participants on broad issues in relation to the research subject. Participants were provided the
opportunity to address the issue in-depth but in a manner that seems informal even though the
interviewee had been notified that the interview would be recorded so that it can be
subsequently transcribed. Kerlinger (1970) and other authors, present justifiable reasons for
using in-depth interviews in a qualitative research as it gives the researcher the freedom of
planning content and sequence as well as controlling the pace of the discussion with
interviewee(s) (Kerlinger, 1970) . It involved a friendly exchange of conversations with
interviewee and interviewer listening and seeing each other during the chat. Miller &
Crabtree (2004) explain that such approach “creates a listening space where meaning is
constructed through an interexchange/co-creation of verbal viewpoints in the interest of
scientific knowing” and for the establishment of primary resources for the argument in the
research (Miller & Crabtree, 2004, p. 185). This approach was necessary in order to get
primary information from key stakeholders, rather than just basing the argument of the paper
solely on empirical materials. Participants were provided pre-interview questions as inserted
in table 1, although more issue arose that were addressed by interviewees. A complete list of
participants is attached as Appendix I.
2. Detailed questionnaires for a focus group – A more detailed questionnaire forms were
circulated via email to representatives of targeted groups including women organizations,
Non-governmental organizations (NGO), advocacy groups and women in politics. This focus
group had consented to provide expert opinion on the subject. These informations were also
used as primary information in the discussion and analysis chapter. The research also relied
on qualitative primary and secondary resources including books journal articles amongst
others to proffer arguments in the discussion and analysis.
28
Both the in-depth interview and the questionnaires survey were carefully organized into a
comprehensive calendar of events lasting for approximately two months (June – July 2015).
See Table 2 for schedule of events.
Table 1: Questionnaires for interview
Engendering Gender Representation in Liberia for Sustainable PeaceA research to ascertain the expert opinion from some prominent women leaders on the causes and effects of under representation of women in Liberia as well as appropriate methodology in engendering gender representation.
Brief background:
In Liberia, the visibility of women is high both in the national and international circle for the heroic non-violent role played by women in ending the nearly fifteen years conflict and for the elections of the first woman president on the continent of Africa in 2005 Considering their brave and heroic role in brokering peace, one would rationally expect the institution of measures that will ensure high women’s representation in the post conflict governments of both countries. Unfortunately, after more than a decade since the restoration of peace, which they championed, women’s representation specially in the national legislature remains extremely low – amongst the least on the continent.
I. CAUSES FOR WOMEN UNDER REPRESENTATION:
1. Which of the following do you think is/are the foremost reason(s) today for the under representation of women at legislative/parliamentary level in your country?
a. Traditional and cultural stereotype
b. Lack of qualified women candidates
c. Lack of financial and material resources
d. Resistance from men
e. Lack of financial and material resources
f. Lack of interest from women in political participation
Please justify your selection
2. How was your country able to translate the important role played by women in the restoration of peace to representation at parliament/legislature?
II. EFFECTS OF UNDER REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN3. How is under representation of women a problem for development, peace and security in your country?
Please provide your expert opinion.
4. How was UNSCR been domesticated in your country and what has been the impact or otherwise- on gender representation -please clarify or explain
III. METHODOLOGY TO ENHANCE GENDER REPRESENTATION
5. What do you think is the most appropriate methodology to enhance women’s representation over the next five years?
Table 2: Schedule of activities for survey
No. Date Activities Targeted Participant(s)
1. June 10, 2015 Send out letters and pre-survey
questions via email to participants
25 participants targeted (10 interviewees;
15 questionnaires
2. June 21, 2015 Follow-up with participants Start getting feedbacks on questionnaire
forms and schedule interview days
3. June 25, 2015 Conduct pilot interview; testing Participant not included in formal list
29
auto record system, etc. and information not use in the paper
4. July 1-9, 2015 Conducting of interviews A total of five participants consented
5. July 10-17, 2015 Recorded interview transcribed Four interviews transcribed and accepted
3.3 Ethical issues:
Cohen, Manion & Morrion (2011) points to the significance of taking into consideration
ethical issues in research dealing with other human beings. These authors note that a careful
consideration of ethical issues will safeguard not only the researcher but also the participants
in ensuring that issues such as anonymity, consent and confidentiality amongst other are
respected (Cohen, et al., 2011). Similarly, Clough & Nutbrown (2007) in their book: A
student’s guide to methodology: Justifying enquiry also emphasize ethical consideration as a
fundamental principle in research methodology noting that a careful implementation of
ethical practices leads to respect of the findings of the research.
Considering the caution from these authors and several others, the research takes due note of
ethical issues throughout both the interview process and questionnaire surveys. A
comprehensive ethical form was completed in collaboration with the dissertation supervisor
and each participant was fully briefed and provided assurance of appropriate ethical
consideration. For example, each participant was provided prior notice that participation in
the survey was voluntary and that in the case of interviews; a recording will be carried out
and subsequently transcribed. Table 3, below presents a list of some of the major ethical
issues agreed upon by both interviewees and researcher prior to conducting the survey.
Table 3: Major ethical issues agreed upon by the parties
No. Type of Ethical Issue Survey type Applies to:
1. Anonymity of participant, where applicable Both interview and
questionnaire
Researcher
2. Recording of interviews Interview only Interviewee and Researcher
3. Transcribing and approval of transcribed
interview
Interview only Interviewee and Researcher
4. Information gathered is to be used only for
the purpose of this dissertation
Both interviews and
questionnaire
Researcher
5. Non-relevant information arising should be Both interviews and Researcher
30
trashed immediately questionnaire
6. Participants’ right to withdraw any
information previously provided
Both interviews and
questionnaire
Researcher
Chapter 4: Discussion and Analysis
4.0 Overview:
Baksh et al (2005) indicates that mainstreaming gender in national governance by creating
opportunities and ensuring women’s participation in political governance is recognized in
international affairs as a mechanism for good governance that leads to conflict transformation
and the promotion of sustainable peace (Baksh, et al., 2005). The approach has been adopted
by several countries with the practice helping to strengthen democracy in several post-
conflict countries in Africa such as Rwanda, South Africa, Burundi, Angola etc. Liberia, the
focus of this research, which is nurturing its democracy from a brutal fourteen years of civil
conflict, accounts for one of the lowest rates of women’s representation in parliament despite
the election of a female head of state ten years ago according to the June 2015 UK House of
Commons library briefing paper (UK/commons-library, 2015) .
Based on the information provided by various scholars, researchers and authors as presented
in the literature review in chapter 2 of this research, as well as responses and expert opinions
gathered from the questionnaires and interviews with some key stakeholders in Liberia, four
key points cut across both the researched literature findings and the responses acquired from
the interviews and survey that are relevant to enhancing gender representation. Specifically,
the issue of gender quota, educational status, cultural stereotypes and socio-economic
conditions including financial support to women candidates are factors impeding women’s
representation in many places especially developing countries. In the case of Liberia, these
factors are cardinal and have negatively affected gender representation at the legislature one
way or the other. Even though there are contrasting views on the subject from authors,
researchers and interviewees, this chapter critically analyzes the various points of view on
each of these factors. By providing arguments and counter arguments to each point as
provided by works in the literature review and expert opinions from the survey, this session
will provide in-depth justification that by addressing these factors will enhance gender
representation and lead to sustainable peace in Liberia.
31
4.1 The Gender Quota debate:
In what is described by scholars as favouring of feminism theoretical agenda, the climax of
the twentieth century and beginning of the twenty first century have witnessed the rapid rise
in gender representation in nearly all spheres of society but most notably within political
representation at parliamentary/legislative level. This rapid growth, according to expert in
the field, can be attributed mostly to the implementation of different electoral quotas, which
have resulted to high percentage of women in national parliament/legislature around the
world (Franceschet, et al., 2012, p. 3). However, there are basically two schools of thought
on the impact of the rapidly increasing practice of gender quota around the world. As
Francheschet, et al (2012) presents, one school of thought believes that the adoption of
gender quota is extremely impactful in enhancing women’s leadership as the system allows
not only for the increase in the number of women elected to political office, but also brings
about the conditions that will change the gender nature in the public sphere, adequately
address the interest of women and children in national policy matters, inspire women more
into political governance and diversify the types of women elected to public office. On the
other hand, the second school of thought believes that any form of gender quota practice is a
breeding ground to elect unqualified women with little or no interest in women’s issues in
accordance with feminist’s agenda and this will consequently reinforce stereotype against
women, make women candidates inferior to men in future elections (Franceschet, et al., 2012,
p. 3).
4.1.1 The qualification argument of quota candidates
Even though both schools of thought raise substantive arguments, researches reveal that
contrary to the argument about qualified women as presented by the latter, women elected
through a quota system have proven to be equally qualified as their non-quota male
counterparts in parliament (Allen, et al., 2014). While many scholars support this argument,
Dahlerup (2005), in discussing the pros and cons of quota system in chapter 4 of the book:
Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers, clarifies that women elected by quota to
parliament/legislature are just as qualified as men but there is a general tendency to down
grade and subordinate the qualification of women by a political system that had traditionally
been dominated by men. She notes further that the propaganda by male dominated political
system to perceive gender quota as patronage and a system that means politicians are elected
on the basis of gender and not based on their qualification and ability to deliver (Dahlerup,
32
2005). On the other hand and even though not disagreeing with other scholars and female
activists about the qualification and competence of women, Franceschet et al (2012) raised
concern that the appropriation or selection of women in a gender quota system tends to
favour a certain elite women disproportionately. Using the case of Uganda, these authors
analyze that the problem is not about qualified women but simply based on the fact that those
who control the system are most concerned about their personal interest and as such will
select women in quota on the basis of party loyalty and relationship with dominant elites,
who are mostly men (Franceschet, et al., 2012, p. 62).
Substantiating this argument, Dahlerup (2005) quotes a female Spanish MP as saying:
“Quotas are a double-edged sword. On the one hand, they oblige men to think about
including women in decision-making since men must create spaces for women. On the other
hand, since it is men who are opening up these spaces, they will seek out women who they
will be able to manage – who will more easily accept the hegemony of men” (Dahlerup,
2002, p. 2). While the overall objective of the quota system may be to the benefit of
enhancing gender representation, there is a general concern amongst activists on the selection
mechanism for women to serve on a quota slot.
Although the issue of the general educational qualification of women will be addressed
separately in section 4.2 of this chapter, lack of qualified women candidates as a factor for
women’s under-representation in Liberia has been strongly ruled out. Dr. Ruth Caesar, a
former member of the legislature and a key advocate for peace in Liberia states that there are
factors relative to education of women in Liberia but there are equally hundreds of qualified
women to represent the women constituency in Liberia. In her response to a questionnaire
form for this research herein attached to this paper as Appendix II, Dr. Caesar acknowledged
women’s under-representation in Liberia but attributed it to other factors rather than qualified
women to represent women [See Appendix II – questionnaire survey form – Dr. Ruth Caesar]
Also addressing the issue Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele, former Minister of Foreign Affairs
of the Republic of Liberia (2007 -2012), former Minister of Commerce and Industry of the
Republic of Liberia (2005 -2007) and a former UN Diplomat (serving in several capacities
with various UN organs including UNIFEM now UN Women), in a video interview via
Skype for this research, bluntly stated that the problem is not about competent women.
“We have a lot of competent women who had served in various capacities both
nationally and internationally. Yes, we need to prioritize education for women but
33
that does not in anyways mean that there are no qualified women to represent the
interest of women if we had a quota system. If we had a quota system today, I can
assure you that with the calibre of women we have, they can even perform better than
some of their male counterparts” [See Appendix III: Transcribed version of personal
Skype Interview with Hon. King-Akerele].
4.1.2 The Challenge in Recruiting Women for parliament/legislature
Even though researchers have gathered that there are multitudes of qualified women to
represent women constituency in a quota system, recruiting women to
parliamentary/legislative position can be a challenging task that can negatively or positively
hamper the chances of women’s representation. Richard E. Matland in chapter three of
Ballington & Karam (2005) points to three cardinal channels of selection, namely; selecting
yourself as a potential candidate to contest (also known by scholars as the supply side of the
equation), being selected on the ticket of a political party (known also as the demand side of
the equation), and finally getting elected by the electorate, all of which are serious barriers to
attaining gender representation. Wherein, the first process (selecting yourself) is strongly
influenced by the person’s personal ambition, resource capability and opportunities, the
second stage (being selected by a political party) is often the most challenging that usually
prevent women from reaching the third stage (being elected by the electorates). This is
because political parties’ selection process varies from one country to another and often
involves complicated bureaucracies that end up to the disadvantage of women candidates in
favour of their male counterparts (Matland, 2005, pp. 94 - 97).
In the case of Liberia, there are no legislations requiring political parties to field women
candidates and as such women had to struggle through the ‘ranks and file’ of heavily male
dominated political parties to be selected as candidates. In 2005, during the country’s first
post conflict elections, there was an election provision requesting 30% women’s
representation on the list of political parties. This resulted to the elections of at least 14% of
women to the national legislature. However, during the subsequent elections in 2011 and the
special senatorial elections in 2014, this provision was never adhered to, thus dropping the
representation of women to 11% (Boima, 2011).
Many respondents and interviewees also shared the opinion that the attitude of political
parties towards women candidates can greatly influence women’s representation. Honorable
34
Vabah Gayflor, former Minister of Gender of the Republic of Liberia stated that even though
the legislature had not passed into law the gender parity bill, if political parties had taken
seriously the guidelines from the National Elections Commission, the number of female
representative would not have dropped from 14% in 2005 to 11% in 2011. Madam Gayflor,
stated;
“In our case, the first time women representation in 2005 was high because even
though we didn’t have a law, but it was a condition that the elections commission put
in a precondition for party to register, they had to have like 25% of their candidates to
be women. Even though there was nothing for enforcement of this condition, some
parties complied. For example one of the leading parties, Congress for Democratic
Change (CDC) was surprisingly one of the parties that complied. So sometimes if
you have rules or laws that can be enforced, it will help to enhance women’s
representation. All in all, it starts with the political parties; they have a key role to
play with or without a gender quota law. But that is not the case in Liberia” [See
Appendix IV: Transcribed version of personal Skype Interview with Hon. Vabah
Gayflor].
Also providing her expert opinion on the role of political parties in enhancing women’s
representation at the Legislature in Liberia, Hon. King-Akerele noted that first and foremost
the political parties must be sincerely committed to the process of gender inclusion. If the
political parties put forward the women candidates, obviously there will be a change but that
is not the case in Liberia. She notes that competent women must aspire for senior political
party leadership so that they can influence whatever decisions are made in the selection of
candidates to represent the party. She observed that in Liberia women are overly reliant on
the women’s wing of the party which is limiting their ability to be able to influence decisions
at the top. [See Appendix III: Transcribed version of personal Skype Interview with Hon.
Olubanke King-Akerele].
Several scholars have also presented that the obvious and simplest way to increase women’s
representation whether in a proportional representation system or not, is through
institutionalized quota mechanism at the level of national political practice. Paxton &
Kunovich (2003), referring to the works of Caul 2001; Dahlerup 1998; and Reynalds 1999,
states “National or party-level quotas are obvious ways to increase the number of women”
(Paxton & Kunovich, 2003, p. 90). As Kunovich & Paxton (2005) present in the work:
35
Pathways to Power – The Role of Political Parties in Women’s National Political
Representation, the role of political parties in enhancing gender quota is not only necessary
for influencing the number of women being selected as candidates, but also ensuring that
women permeate the political parties leadership, so that they can impact major decisions of
the parties, that will influence and impact women candidature regardless of the electoral
system (Kunovich & Paxton, 2005).
4.1.3 The Different quota systems – where and where-not applicable
As more and more countries adopt the system of gender quota to incorporate more women
into political governance as part of what is described as good governance mechanism in
international discourse, the practice has evolved to suit different circumstance and regional
context. Similarly, the argument about where or where-not a given quota practice is
applicable remains unfading amongst scholars and practitioners in the field. Dahlerup
(2006) defines a quota system as any affirmative action that allows for the allotment of a
certain minimum representation (20%, 30%, 40% or 50%) for an under-represented group
(the case being women in this situation with minimum representation set at 30% also know as
critical mass) for the purpose of participation in decision making and political governance.
Her book, Women, Quota and Politics, presents the different kinds of gender quota systems,
ranging from constitutional, legislated quotas to voluntary party quota and how these
practices are applicable across different countries based on their system of governance,
noting that the practice of quota is more conducive in a system of governance with
Proportional Representation – PR (Dahlerup, 2006, pp. 19 - 21).
In this direction, Richard E. Matland in chapter 3 of Ballington & Karam (2005) also argues
that enhancing gender representation through a quota system is most favourable and
applicable in a system of governance with the Proportional Representation (PR) style than in
those with majority or plurality practice. Citing results from statistics on a survey conducted
in 24 democracies, he presents that influence from the second wave of feminism was
translated into greater representation of women in countries with Single Member District
(SMD) system than those with Multi Member District (MMD) system. The primary
justification for Matland’s argument, like many scholars who support similar argument
including Drude Dahlerup, is that women will have to face the daunting challenge of single-
handedly winning a single slot in the midst of multiple advantageous male contenders. As a
result, the chance of a woman candidacy in an SMD is far slimmer than those in MMD,
36
hence the possibility of winning representative slot is far more challenging (Matland, 2005,
pp. 93 - 109). In other words, in a majority/plurality the political party depends on the
possibility of the lone candidate winning, whereas, in a PR, the party depends on a percentage
of seats based on the percentage won during the electoral process.
Contrary to these assertions and many popular scholarly literatures on the disadvantage of
gender quota in a system of governance with a majority system, Christensen & Bardall
(2014) presents a more comprehensive and workable understanding of gender quota in
majority/plurality system or single member district (SMD). Taking clues from the
applicability of the practice from countries in three separate regions – Uganda in Africa,
France in Europe and India in Asia; their report presents a multi dimensional approach to
achieving a successful implementation of gender quota in a majority/plurality or SMD system
(Christensen & Bardall, 2014).
Recognizing the significant role being played by quota system in achieving balanced gender
in political governance coupled with the immense international commitment accompanying
the practice, which has led to increase number of countries adapting affirmative action in this
regard especially in countries with Proportional Representation, Christensen and Bardall
(2014) pinpoint the need to formulate strategies to also enhance the political representation of
women in countries with majority/plurality system. Their working paper, Gender Quotas in
Single Member District Electoral Systems notes that the implementation of gender quota in
plurality/majority system is often engaged with prejudice and bias by national and
international actors based on unsubstantiated assertions by several authors that the practice is
not feasible in majority/plurality system. This perception is leading to decline and fading of
interest in gender quota by countries with majority/plurality system; citing the situation with
Sierra Leone where, the Carter Center (2012) reports a “dramatically declining participation
of women in Sierra Leone’s elections as a result of the difficulty in applying a gender quota
in Sierra Leone’s single member district system” (Christensen & Bardall, 2014, p. 10).
Christensen and Bardell (2014) proffer workable quota practices for a majority/plurality
system such as “the nomination quotas”, which is practiced in France, the “rotating districts”
popularly applied to the elections of local government in India, and the “super-district”, as the
case is in Uganda or even what is described as an “alternate thresholds” or “best losers”.
Incorporating any of these three approaches in elections in a majority/plurality system, which
37
are undisputedly simpler to understand pose a greater advantage of electing women in a quota
system (Christensen & Bardall, 2014, p. 10).
Darcy et al (1994) point to the enormous benefits to political parties in selecting women in an
electoral system with a single member district or majority system. These authors point out
that a centralized nomination process in a single member district tends to incorporate more
women on selection committee, which can lead to the nomination of more women candidates,
encourage broad political participation of women and increase the chances of electing more
women to the legislature (Darcy, et al., 1994, p. 187).
4.1.4 Gender gap and status of gender quota in Liberia
Bauer and Tremblay (2011) analyzes President Johnson-Sirleaf’s administration and reports
on her drive to enhance gender balance at the executive by appointing several women to key
ministerial positions including six of the twenty one ministries. Dozens of other women have
been named as Assistants and Deputies as well as heads of public corporations (Bauer &
Manon, 2011, p. 92).
Despite these efforts however, gender gap in representation remains extremely high
especially at the national legislature. This research is strategically focused on the legislature
because that is where national laws and policies are made which affect the entire country
including women who make up a little more than half of the country’s population according
to the last census conducted in 2008 (LISGIS, 2009). In the current Legislature, there are
only 8 women out of 73 Representatives (Lower House) and 3 women out of 30 Senators
(Upper House). The Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU) statistics as of 1st May 2015, reports
that women represent only 10.5% of the parliament in Liberia, far below the regional average
of 22.2% for sub-Saharan Africa (IPU, 2015). The number had dropped from the 14% won
during the country’s first post conflict elections in 2005.
Alexander Holmgren writes that the “current political, economic, social, cultural and
religious constraints within both the formal and informal public and private spheres make it
challenging for women to receive the necessary support to become viable candidates for
positions in the bicameral legislature, as well as other levels of governance” (Holmgren,
2013). The past years have witnessed women advocacy group struggle unsuccessfully for the
passage of a gender parity bill that will help enhance gender representation. The draft bill
was submitted since May 2010, seeking a 30% seat in political parties’ leadership and also at
38
all elected offices in the country. After suffering several setbacks, the bill was passed by the
Senate (upper house) in 2014 but still needs to be approved by the House of Representative
(lower house) before it can become a formal law (Carter, 2014).
Additionally, women might still find entry point to enhance gender representation through the
ongoing constitutional review process. Advocacy groups have included provision for at least
50% gender representation in the new constitution which has been submitted to the national
legislature. The Inquirer (2015) notes, that the women are demanding to the Constitutional
Review Committee (CRC) an equal ratio for all elected and appointed positions at the level of
political parties. They are further requesting that said provision be extended to the
recruitment and nomination of candidates for all national elections, which shall subsequently
lead to balance gender representation in political governance (Inquirer, 2015). Their action is
prompted by the huge significance to step-up women’s representation following the drop in
women’s representation at the national legislature during the country’s 2nd post-conflict
elections in 2011 (Roger, 2015).
4.2 The Education Factor to gender representation in LiberiaEducation is one of the most important elements to ensure the effective implementation of
various policies and frameworks ranging from social, economic to development and politics.
As a result, it is a key priority not only in developing countries but also in developed
countries. As Hill & King (1993) point to the overwhelming importance of education even to
the poorest and least in society noting that by creating wider opportunity to educate girls and
women as well as boys and men can have multiple benefits. Their book: Women’s Education
in Developing Countries specifically emphasized the significance of girls’ education, which
in return benefits men. “Indeed, failing to invest adequately in educating women can reduce
the potential benefits of educating men” (Hill & King, 1993, p. 1)
This section deals with the argument on the issue of education as a factor to gender
representation in Liberia. Even though, it is stated earlier in section 4.1.1 that qualification,
which is acquired from education, is not the primary reason for women’s under representation
in Liberia, the need to tackle education for women and girls can no less be emphasized.
While there may be hundreds of qualified women in Liberia to represent the women
constituency in the event of the adoption of quota system, as proffered by most respondents
in this research, it is essential to look at the holistic educational status of the general women
population.
39
First and foremost, it is worth pointing out that in as much as education poses enormous
benefits to any sector, it should not be construed as an automatic factor for attaining women’s
representation. That is to say, the attainment of equal education can only influence the
enhancement of equal gender representation and not necessarily that automatic gender
representation will be attained. For instance, despite the high percentage of educated women
in the United States, which is in fact translated into its labour force (46% of paid labour force
being women), women’s representation in the U.S. parliament has remained appalling at 13%
and 14% at the House of Representatives and Senate respectively (Paxton & Kunovic, 2003,
p. 87) .
However the case, education enhances women’s potential to compete with the male
counterparts and as such to broaden women’s chance of political participation, there is a need
to focus on education of the larger women constituency. In the case of Liberia, the general
illiteracy rate in the country is high with a huge gap between male and female especially in
rural areas. According to the 2008 national housing and population census report, the overall
literacy rate between male and female stands at 55% and 41% respectively. Of the total
number of women in rural areas, only 26% has some form of education, while 61% of women
in urban areas are considered literate. Similarly, 60% of men in rural areas are literate while
in urban areas 87% has formal education (LISGIS, 2009). See table 3 below for
representation according to LISGIS 2009 report.
The statistical reality in Liberia shows a big gap between educated male and female as well as
a huge gender disparity in the educational sector to the disadvantage of women (LISGIS,
2009; Wodon, 2012), something which needs to be address to positively impact gender
representation. The issue of educational impact on gender political participation doesn’t just
focus on the enrollment and completion of primary, secondary and university education the
number of boys and girls but how these educational institutions portray gender relations and
how it impacts the future of students in terms of gender political representation. While there
are no clear assumptions that gender is constructed differently in schools, Rosemary Deem, in
the work of Cosslett et al (1996), Women, Power and Resistance, points out four artifacts that
are often taken for granted but may aversely influence the future of students and negatively
impact how they view women in the public and private sphere. Whereas the artifacts may be
common in society in general, Deem uses the UK as an example to highlight the impact of
“power relations, resources and division of labour in educational settings, the potential of
equal opportunities policies to make for more equal relations between the sexes; and female
40
and male management practices in educational institution". Citing Cockburn (1991), she
notes the dominance of male, patriarchal culture in many mixed educational organizations,
which influences the subject of interest of students and limit their career interest according to
their sexuality (Deem, 1996).
Similarly, in Liberia a recent report of the Ministry of Education shows a huge disparity
between male and female not just in enrollment but also in administrative staffing, subject of
interest and access to opportunities. The 2015 – 2017 education priority project states:
“There is a persistent gender disparity in every grade throughout the Liberian Education
System. Girls are less likely than boys to enroll in school, stay in school and complete
school.” [See Appendix VIII for the Ministry of Education Priorities 2015 – 2017].
Table 4: Education disparity in Liberia – excerpt of the 2009 LISGIS report
Rural Areas Urban Areas Overall literacy
Male 60% 87% 55%
Female 26% 61% 41%
Literacy disparity 34% 16% 14%
Note: Literacy is considered as the percentage of the population that can read and write –
LISGIS 2009 – section 22; pg. 69
This percentage indicates that more than half of the women population in Liberia lack formal
education, something that most authors and some interviewees attribute to old traditional
practice where male were given first preference for school. However, even in the twenty first
century, the gap between male and female enrolment in Liberia remains uneven. According
to a 2007 World Bank report, boys continue to dominate girls both in number and
performance at all levels, ranging from primary, secondary and higher education. The report
for gross enrolment rate for primary and secondary school accounts that 86.8% of boys in
urban areas and 44.9% in rural areas were in school as compared to 63.7% and 33.1% of girls
in urban and rural areas respectively (Wodon, 2012, p. 37).
Consequently, there is a need to address the issue of women’s education from the level of
primary, secondary and senior high as well as to the of level of higher or tertiary and post-
graduate education in both rural sector. Madam Etmonia D. Tarpeh, the former Minister of
Education of the Republic of Liberia, who also served as Minister of Youth and Sport from
2007 to 2011, responded in a Skype interview for this research that one of the many reasons
41
for women’s limited participation in political activities is because of their educational
limitation. She explained that even though there is this traditional stereotype that political
leadership is a field for men, women are shying away from political participation even in this
twenty first century simply because they do not have the educational understanding of the
reality of today’s world. She noted that this is not just unique to Liberia but many African
countries as well and except women can gain the education that will inspire in them the
confidence to gain the numerical strength necessary to challenge the male dominated political
system, attaining equal political representation will only be a dream. Education is a key
problem and should be prioritized as both a long and short term priority objective of activists
in order to overcome this barrier.
“To overcome this we must intensify our educational strategy in every sector of the
country and in every stage of their lives. Not only to girls of school going age but
elderly women also need educational training in order to instil in them that education
is their right and it is a gateway to the open society including political activities. We
must simultaneously engage the children from the primary level and let the girls know
they too can aspire to every form of leadership desired” [See Appendix VI:
Transcribed version of personal Skype Interview with Hon. Tarpeh].
Dahlerup (2013) while discussing liberals and other critics of gender quota, who think that
quota will lead to the elections of unqualified women emphasized the need to broaden the
education of women in order to defeat said mentality. She presents that even though there
has always been a good case in favor of gender quota, critics have also provided justifiable
argument that there are not sufficient number of qualified women to occupy these slots.
Therefore enforcing a quota will only lead to the elections of unqualified women as a token
only in the name of ensuring gender balance (Dahlerup, 2013, p. 298).
Enhancing girls education posses multiple benefits and goes beyond politics. The United
Nations Girls’ Education Initiative (UNGEI) propagates that girls education play a large part
in global development noting; educated women become more knowledgeable and have a
better understanding of their domestic role, have an opportunity for better jobs that will help
in supporting the family, and give them the confidence to participating in development,
political and social decision making of their country. As Hill & King (1993) reveals,
“education enhances women’s economic productivity”. They note that the impact of
women’s education is beyond measure as it affects broad national issues like politics, health
42
and development but can also narrow down to direct or indirect issues relating to family lives
such child’s health and survival (Hill & King, 1993, p. 27).
4.3 Cultural Stereotype against Women
One of the most popular barriers to women’s representation that is also unanimously
addressed by several respondents of this research is the issue of entrenched traditional
cultural stereotype that defines women’s role to secondary activities such as housekeeping
and childcare. Norris & Inglehart (2001), citing a report from the Inter-Parliamentary Union
(IPU), found that women had cited hostile attitude against them as a result of cultural
stereotype as the most important barrier faced in contesting for political offices. While
raising concerns that there are little cross national evidence to substantiate said proposition,
these authors acknowledged that in some societies, where the primary role of women
continue to be restricted to the home and family care, this has negatively impacted women
and drawn them away from political activities. They explain further that while the impacts of
cultural stereotype are still been felt in certain regions as compared to others, positive action,
such as the introduction of gender quota to promote social equality has been cardinal
enhancing women’s participation in political activities and decision making (Norris &
Inglehart, 2001, p. 131).
Concurring with Norris & Inglehart that gender stereotype has been mostly tackled in many
advanced countries especially social and institutional comparable societies in Europe such as
Switzerland, Italy, Belgium, etc., the issue is still a problem in several regions and a need for
affirmative action to address its implication on women’s political participation. Kivoi (2014)
in addressing some of the most prevalent factors impeding political participation and
representation of women in Kenya pinpointed how cultural barrier is a common phenomenon
in many countries. He notes that in Kenya, like many African societies, there is a well
constructed stereotype against women’s ability and capacity to serve as effective leaders. A
large portion of the society continues to harbour the belief that the place for women is in the
kitchen while men make the decisions that affect their future and livelihood. In addition these
authors note: “Also connected to cultural factors is the patriarchal ideology, which provides
the context upon which women play and accept subsidiary roles” (Kivoi, 2014, p. 178).
Like the situation in Kenya as presented by Kivoi (2014) in the preceding paragraph, the
context of Liberia is not any different. Liberia is largely a patriarchal society, where
traditional practices particularly in the rural areas subordinate women to men in nearly all
43
spheres. Nagbe (2010) traces the history of gender inequality in Liberia to pre-independence
and that till date discrimination again women remains entrenched specifically in rural
communities with impact being equally felt on women’s political participation across the
country. He notes that the situation is still prevalent with the men happening to make most of
the household decisions and the women compelled to obey even if they were not in their
interest (Nagbe, 2010).
Contrary to the assertion of Nagbe (2010), some of the respondents in this research disagree
with the intensity of gender stereotype currently existing. Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele
states that the issue of gender stereotype has been a traditional problem in Africa but the
current situation is not so bad any longer. The former Foreign Minister notes: “...Yes, there
are traditional factors”, but she strongly believes that in the case of Liberia, women had had
senior level leadership positions, which has overcome the traditional stereotype that women
cannot lead. She concludes; “...So there has been a greater acquaintance or awareness of
seeing women in local government and so on, much more now and as such I think those kinds
of stereotypes have been reduced” [See Appendix III: Transcribed version of personal Skype
Interview with King-Akerele, 2015].
Other respondents, including, Dr. Ruth Caesar, Madam Roseline Toweh, and Hon. Vabah
Gayflor all acknowledged the prevalence of gender stereotype and its impact on gender
representation. “Traditional and Cultural stereotype contributes immensely to the under
representation of women at legislative/parliamentary level in my country (Liberia)” says
Madame Roseline Toweh, current Chairperson of the Women NGOs Secretariat of Liberia
(WONGOSOL) and National General Secretary of the Young Women Christian Association
of Liberia (YWCA) in response to questionnaire form for this research.
Madame Toweh supports the historical traces of Nagbe (2010) stating that back in the history
of Liberia, women and girls were seen as ‘house helps’ while their male counter parts were
responsible for decisions making and they were also given the opportunity to seek better
education. She argues that currently even though the issue of Gender equality has surfaced
and it is widely discussed across the country, breaking the cultural and traditional stereotype
for women remains a major challenge. She explains that her intensive research in the field has
unveiled that most people still see the representation of women in decision making process as
unacceptable on grounds that women should be the ones providing care for the home and not
to be involved in making decisions. She disclosed that the most challenging aspect is that
44
some women are still holding to this traditional and cultural mentality that keeps them at the
back, something which hinders the promotions of women and contributes to their under
representation at all levels of decisions making in the country. Concluding on the discussion
Madam Toweh cited an example that when women and their male counter parts are in a
gathering where a leader is needed or a major decision is to be taken, most times women keep
quiet and the men take the decision on their behalf [See Appendix VII – questionnaire survey
form – Madam Roseline Toweh].
Cosslett, et al (1996) in the book: Women, Power and Resistances talk about the many
stereotypes existing in literary tradition that depict the passive or nominal role of women as
compared to their male counterpart. These literary works like the age old fairytales of ‘Snow
White and Cinderella’ have had negative implication on children in terms of their perception
on gender as these stories restrict the role of women and reinforce the message of patriarchy.
They present that whilst feminists have over the years concentrated on revising the message
and interpretation of the traditional fairytales; they have already succeeded in sending a
negative reflection and “even reinforcing bad elements of the relationship between men and
women in our culture” (Cosslett, et al., 1996, pp. 81, 82).
These authors present further that cultural representation of women in religious tradition,
literatures, visual art and film have been successful in brainwashing people to perceive
women’s role more passively; believing that marriage is their only goal and that a good
woman will stay in the domestic family sphere and not challenge dominant patriarchy for
equality. These perceptions can be reversed and reclaimed for women even though it will
take a much longer time in changing the mindset. In revising the passive perception about
women in literature, Cossett et al (1996) highlight as example the feminists effort in the
fairytale in the version of Snow White in the Carter’s collection that show a more active
plotting of women, “female solidarity or male/female equality” (Cosslett, et al., 1996, pp. 83 -
84).
4.4 Access to Finance as a barrier to women’s representation
“Politics is financially intensive and once you do not have the requisite financing, your
chances of winning become slim” remarked a prominent Liberian female politician who
prefers anonymity while responding to a Skype interview for this research. She states that in
Liberia, the first obstacle to women in becoming candidate, is the lack of finances to win a
45
political party slot noting political parties are poor and as such if a candidate wants to win a
party slot, the person should have sufficient money to be able to lobby with the party leaders
and they (the political party leadership) must be show the person has the funding to
campaign. “The parties here don’t have money so they are looking for candidates on the
basis of money and not on the basis of qualification or your potential to represent a specific
constituency. Unfortunate must women do not have the financial resources and so they are
disadvantaged at the very beginning”, she remarked.
Women access to finance has long been one obstacle, impeding women candidacy. As
Ballington & Kahane (2014) presents, lack of access to finance can be a major barrier to
women candidates as they need sufficient funding throughout the process ranging from the
process leading to the winning party nomination up to engaging in full scale campaign
process to become elected. Whereas, there may be windows of opportunities to source
funding for the process, women do face discrimination in getting access to these finances
because those who control the funds (both parties and private funds) feel that male candidates
have better chances to win and as such they often prefer to fund male candidates. Quoting
Bryan and Baer, these authors state that a female parliamentarian in South Africa, claims that
male candidate receive thrice as much funding as compared to female candidates (Ballington
& Kahane, 2014, pp. 305-307).
Ballington (2008) explains that women always have fewer accesses to funding and face huge
challenge from their male counterparts. She quotes a Liberia female candidate as saying:
“The main obstacle is financial; if you do not have money to run your election, then
you will not be elected, unless the people in your constituency know what you have
been doing for them then they will help you in everything you undertake” (Ballington,
2008, p. 21) .
Lawless & Fox (2005) raise a similar concern with gender politics in the United States
although not exactly the same. Quoting congressional politics scholar, Jacobson (2004) in
their book entitled: It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don’t Run for Office, these authors
present that for most of the period between the 1950sand the 1980s, electoral competition
was mostly dominated by candidates rather than political parties. They note “The electoral
importance of individual candidates and campaigns expanded, while that of party labels and
national issue diminished” Under such conditions the weak political parties had limited
control over who is nominated as financial standing of the candidate was the most influential
46
factor throughout the process from primary to general elections. Thus, said system
complicated the political field for women and served as a barrier to contesting as candidates
(Lawless & Fox, 2005, p. 12)
Providing her expert opinion on the subject, Hon. King-Akerele, who served as a deputy head
of UN funds for women, UNIFEM, now UNWOMEN for over seven years states that she
believes a critical factor that makes things difficult for women is indeed the finances to do
effective political campaigning but requisite international bodies have not been able to
grapple and find an amicable resolution to this challenge to women political struggle. “We
have not been able to grapple with how to assist women financially to do that political work
that has to be done” the former UN diplomat noted as she throws a collective blame not only
on access to local finance structures but also on international bodies that should support the
process. She concludes that in the years ahead of Liberia, especially for the forthcoming
2017 general elections, local and international partners need to figure out how to help women
with the finances to be able to serve as more effective potential players in the electoral
processes [See Appendix III: Transcribed version of personal Skype Interview with Hon.
King-Akerele].
4.5 Summary and significance of gender representation for sustainable peace
Kittilson (2006) argues that equal or substantive representation of women in national
parliament is highly essential for a quality democracy in any country. Citing several
arguments by Mansbridge (1999); Anne Philips (1997); and Hannah Pitkin (1967), Kittilson
underpins the crucial need for the presence in national politics, groups that are considered to
be traditionally marginalized (women in this case). She pinpoints that the continuous
exclusion of marginalized groups from policy making can lead to contentious issues that
cause conflict and hinder smooth democratic process (Kittilson, 2006, p. 13).
The link between women’s political representation, democracy and the attainment of
substantive peace has been an important point of focus not just by feminists but many
contemporary researchers. Reardon (1993), in the introduction of her book: Women and
Peace: Feminist Visions of Global Security outlines the many global contributions of women
in promoting peace from the level of the United Nations to shaping the discourse of positive
peace by their “resistance to war and struggle for social justice and human rights”. She
presents that the overall drive of women in accordance with the agenda of feminism is to
47
eradicate human differences, as they strive to ensure the freedom and equality of peoples
alike, regardless of sex, social, economic and political realities (Reardon, 1993, p. 2).
This feminists’ drive has taken center stage in global affairs with several protocols and policy
frameworks being put in place at both the national and international levels to ensure gender
mainstreaming and gender representation at all levels. For example, Dahlerup and Fridenvall
(2005) present that gender quota; a new fast track approach to enhance gender representation
has replaced the once popular and highly acclaimed Scandinavian incremental model
(Dahlerup & Freidenvall, 2005). Complemented by regional and international protocols
including the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW), the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 – Women Peace and
Security, and its subsequent resolution amongst other have led to the special quota provisions
at the level of political parties, electoral laws and national constitution in several countries
(Kittilson, 2006, p. 9). Contemporary feminism clearly establishes the relationship between
women’s political representation and globally accepted democratic norms, setting the
traditionally foundation for equal gender representation (justice, balancing decision making,
better protecting the interest of marginalized group) as a prerequisite for good governance
and democracy (Dahlerup, 2013, p. 16).
This chapter has focused on the key factors affecting gender representation in Liberia and has
provided in-depth analysis of how these factors have affected gender representation. The
analysis is based on existing literatures such as books, journal articles, news article and
responses from surveys (interview and question) conducted with some of the key
stakeholders in the sector. In conclusion of this chapter, a critical look at the significance of
gender representation will be examined and how it links to sustainable peace.
While variables in different countries on women’s political representation may differ from
one factor to another, the overall benefit of the practice is more or likely universal. As
presented in chapter 2, the literature review session of this paper, Bari (2005) justifies the
significance of mainstreaming gender representation to two key arguments: (1) the human
rights argument – women make up half of the world’s population and as such it is only fair
that they represent their interest in political governance. (2) the men and women different
competing interest argument – male and female have difference political mentality and
interest and as such it is illogical to be represented by only a single gender in political
governance (Bari, 2005).
48
In support of the latter argument, one respondent to questionnaires for this research, Cllr.
Yvette Chesson-Wureh, Establishment Coordinator for the Angie Brooks International Centre
for Women’s Empowerment, Leadership Development, International Peace and Security
notes that the priorities of men and women are often completely different in political
leadership. She states:
“Women and men have competing interest politically. For instance, in most political
discussions, while the men are concerned with taking on hard and aggressive issues,
like war and power struggle, the women are concerned with softer issues and ensuring
peace and stability. The interests of women are normally about schools, the welfare
of children, healthcare, and the marginalized in society among others. Some anti-
feminists may find this statement arguable, but this is just the reality of life and we
must learn accept to live with these realities” [See Response to questionnaire survey
form of Cllr. Yvette Chesson-Wureh attached as Appendix V].
Amidst numerous social, economic, developmental benefits that come about as a result of
equal gender representation including peace and stability, OSCE/ODIHR (2014) specifically
pinpoints some universal benefits that cut across political parties, women politicians in
particular and the larger society in general. It states that ensuring equal representation leads
to the recognition of equal rights and opportunity of both men and women; improves the
public image of political parties and allows for gender tolerance; expand the opportunity for
women, who are willing to vie for public office and it will also encourage more women into
political life; ensure a fair and balance representation in the political governance and bring
about satisfaction that every sector of society has a voice in the national decision making
process. It also points to the fact that gender inclusive governance can enhance legitimacy,
representativeness and lead to favourable economic development (OSCE/ODIHR, 2014, p.
27).
Linking gender representation to sustainable peace, Cllr. Chesson-Wureh, whose organization
is focused on capacitating women for political leadership in Liberia and training them in
conflict resolution and peacebuilding, highlights that equal representation will enhance the
democratic process and build confidence among the women populace. She notes that
“...once the democratic process is working with every sector of the society being
represented in the governance, there will be no need for conflict, thus leading to
49
sustainable peace” [See Response to questionnaire survey form of Cllr. Yvette
Chesson-Wureh attached as Appendix V].
50
Chapter 5: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations
“Women do not change institutions simply by assimilating into them, only by
consciously deciding to fight for change. We need a feminism that teaches a
woman to say no – not just to the date rapist or overly insistent boyfriends but,
when necessary to the military or corporate hierarchy within which she finds
herself”.
- Barbara Eichenreich – American author and political activist
(Anderlini, 2007, p. 115).
5.0 Overview:This session summarizes the key arguments raised in Chapter 4, following the comparative
analysis of empirical literatures on the subject as well as expert opinions provided by some
major stakeholders. It points out the basic findings of the research and recommends ways
forward in addressing the obstacles to enhanced gender representation. Based on the
researching findings, the chapter concludes that enhanced gender representation will
contribute to good governance and promote the discourse of positive peace.
5.1 Research Summary
The quotations that precede both the introduction and conclusion of this paper, as well as
several justifiable literatures illustrate the overwhelming significance to enhance global
gender representation. In recent years, there has been enormous progress in gender
representation (Moser & Moser, 2005, pp. 11-22), with various methods being put in place to
enhance and incorporate women into political governance (Caul, 1999 , pp. 78-98).
Kittilson (2006), citing Mansbridge (1999); Anne Philips (1997); and Hannah Pitkin (1967),
highlights enormous significance of gender representation to national democracy and
sustainable peace, which have led to substantive progress in enhancing global gender
representation (Kittilson, 2006, p. 13).
Despite these efforts to enhance gender representation, huge challenges continue to confront
a number of countries in the struggle to improve the presence of women in policy and
decision making processes (Kittilson, 2006, p. 132). Against this backdrop, this research has
focused on the state of affairs of gender representation in Liberia, the causes and threats of
51
such representation and the significance of engendering gender representation for sustainable
peace; thus preventing the likelihood of conflict and contributing to a positive peace as
proffered by John Galtung in his work: Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict,
Development and Civilization (Galtung, 1996, p. 32).
In the last decade, women in Liberia have gained a lot of attention and visibility with the
heroic non-violent role played in the restoration of peace after fourteen years of brutal civil
conflict and the elections of Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as the first woman president on the
continent (Adams, 2008, p. 475). Established from empirical documents, contemporary
articles, media sources and existing statistical data from the Liberia Institute for Statistics and
Geo-information Services (LIGIS), the National Elections Commission (NEC) of Liberia and
the Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU), women represent a little over half of the population but
yet their representation in the national legislature stands at 11% as of 2014, declining from
14% attained in the 2005 national elections (LISGIS, 2009; IPU, 2015; NEC, 2014).
From the arguments and counter arguments articulated in the discussion and analysis chapter,
this paper concludes that generally there are several factors that impede gender representation
(Elder, 2004, p. 38) but there are four specific factors, which visibly affect gender
representation in Liberia. This section discusses that by appropriately tackling these visible
factors, will greatly enhance gender representation in the legislature and subsequently
contribute to the enhancement of national peace and stability.
Based on the findings in the works of several scholars, researcher, and practitioners as
presented in this research as well as feedbacks from respondents and interviewees, it can be
concluded that gender quota is the most efficient and fast-track way to enhance gender
representation (Dahlerup, 2006; Matland 2005; Tremblay, 2006; etc.). Where or ‘where not’
said practice is application continues to remain a point of argument within scholarly
literatures. For example, Tremblay (2006), and Matland (2005) argue that quota is not
feasible in countries with Single Member District (SMD) or majority system (such as Liberia)
for which the success of gender quota is mainly focused in countries with Proportional
Representation (PR) or Multi Member District (Tremblay, 2006; Matland, 2005).
Christensen & Bardeall (2014) on the other hand, provide a counter argument, citing
instances where quota has been successful in single member district including the cases of
France, India and Uganda (Christensen & Bardeall, 2014). While there is no enforceable
52
quota law in Liberia, many respondents and interviewees note that a certain democratic
system of governance should not be used as an excuse to implementing gender quota.
One interviewee, the former Minister of Gender and Development of Liberia, Hon. Vabah
Gayflor states that even though Liberia has always had a majority system, gender
representation in the legislature was at an appreciable 14% after the 2005 elections because of
special temporary quota provision put in place by the elections law. She notes that six years
later, the percentage of women’s representation declined because the special quota provision
put in place by the elections commission was not adhered to by political parties and said
provision could not be enforced because it has no constitutional support. Buttressing this
statement, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Olubanke King Akerele presents that the
percentage of women’s representation dropped subsequently because women did not
aggressively pursue the enforcement of quota provision both at the level of political parties
and in formal constitutional legislation. Madam King-Akerele points out that what is most
paramount in gender quota is the role of political parties and not necessarily the kind of
governance, democracy or electoral system. She argues that the larger the number of women
candidates submitted by the political parties, the higher the possibility of electing women
candidates (See Appendix I, II, III and V).
53
5.2 Conclusion
Judging from the arguments, supra, the first conclusion of this paper is that instituting gender
quota is cardinal to engender gender representation in Liberia’s legislature at least to the level
of the ‘critical mass’ over the next few years. In order for quota to be instituted women
advocacy groups and their partners must increase the pressure and momentum for the passage
of the gender parity bill, which has lingered at the national legislature for years. Even though
some literatures argue that quota is not effective in a majority electoral system like Liberia,
the counter argument by Christensen and Bardeall provides a strong basis as the practices has
been successful in several countries with majority system including France, India and
Uganda. Besides, a partial quota was instituted in 2005 elections law and this was very
instrumental in the 14% women representation obtained.
A key point worth mentioning is the role of political parties with or without a quota in place.
Political parties play a key role in ensuring qualified women candidates are selected on party
tickets and that women are provided the opportunity to lead and play leading roles in the
structures of political parties. As stated in the previous chapter Kunovich & Paxton (2005) as
well as a number of authors argue the significant role or political parties in promoting women
candidates. Further substantiating this conclusion and the significant role of political parties
in whatever electoral system, Pitre (2003) quotes MacIvor (1995), stating that the failure of
political parties to select women candidates and provide them the realistic opportunity to
contest for public office means continuous under-representation of a large segment of the
population (women in this instance) and thus increases the likelihood for conflict. On the
other hand selecting women candidates solves the problem of women political exclusion,
brings about satisfaction to every sector of the population and enhances peace and tranquility
(Pitre, 2003, pp. 104 - 105).
The second conclusion is that cultural believes have negatively affected the prospect of
women candidate in Liberia for many years. As some respondents including Madam
Roseline Toweh mentioned, the cultural stereotype that the primary role of the woman is to
serve as housewife and care for the children in the home and that challenging male patriarchy
for political leadership is an abomination, continues to negatively impact women candidacy
both in rural and urban areas (See Appendix VI). Negative cultural stereotypes have been a
major weapon against women’s political participation as presented in the works of Cosslett,
54
et al (1996) in the discussion and analysis chapter. Even though, negative cultural stereotype
is not unique to Liberia, transforming these negative thoughts in national culture will greatly
give confidence to more women to serve as candidates and also influence their elections to
the legislature. But the length of such transformation depends vibrantly on women groups and
partners, including national government.
As presented in the argument, another heavily contested point in this research is the impact of
education of women on gender representation. While several literatures and responses from
respondents show that there are many educated women in Liberia to serve the interest of
women, the general education of women has also impacted gender representation. Although
education of women in no way automatically translates to enhanced women’s representation,
education of women increases their potential to vie for political offices and be elected.
Education will not only qualify women candidates for elected positions, it will enlighten the
larger women constituency on the significance of equal gender representation and erase the
cultural stereotype against women’s political participation. Broad based education of women
will defeat the myth that there are no qualified women candidates to represent women in the
quota system (Dahlerup, 2013). In addition, Hill & King (1993) note that, education
enhances women economic productivity, which benefits every sector of society (Hill & King,
1993, p. 27).
The fourth and final point for consideration in this conclusion is women access to finance. As
presented in the argument, the most efficient means to contest elected position is to be elected
on the ticket of a political party, where party support and individual constituency can increase
the chances of being elected to national political office. In cases with weak political system
as presented in the US case by Lawless & Fox (2005), working your way to winning party
slot to become a candidate can be a complex one and often required substantial financial
resources. This has been a major barrier to women candidacy since most women have
limited access to finance (Ballington & Kahane, 2014; Ballington, 2008). In Liberia, there
are currently over 20 political parties (NEC, 2014) with over 95% of them lacking even a
standard office (Johnson, 2015), least to mention having funding to support candidate. As
admitted by some of the respondents including Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele, the issue of
finances for women candidacy has been a serious problem hindering women at the level of
political parties, a situation, which is yet to be resolved by women groups and their national
and international partners.
55
Eliminating the financial barrier to women political participation is crucial to engender
gender representation in Liberia and this cannot be single handedly done by the women of
Liberia. A collaborative effort with international partners is needed if gender representation
must be enhanced in the next few years. This is necessary to balance the political playing
field not just against male candidates but amongst women themselves. If not holistically
resolved, with the involvement of both international and national actors, a handful of
financially equipped women will continue to dominant the scene of women politics even in
the case of a quota system. As Anderlini (1997) presents, the international system has let
women down and as such it is time to make-up by supporting politically in contribution to
peace and security (Anderlini, 2007, pp. 191 - 226)
5.3 Recommendations
Based on the research findings as stipulated in this chapter, this paper provides four simple
but resourceful recommendations to help tackle the issue of gender under-representation in
Liberia.
i. Gender quota is contemporarily the fast-track approach to enhance gender
representation and as such the passage of the gender parity bill in Liberia will
greatly promote women’s political representation in the short-term and pave the
way for long-term equal representation. As Liberia is still recovering from years
of conflict, which makes the peace fragile, this measure will allay fears of
renewed conflict precipitated by gender disparity in governance.
ii. Whereas gender quota will fast-track women’s representation and contribute to
stability, good governance and democracy, as proven by the various case studies
in this research, sustaining a long-term equal representation is crucial. The first
approach to ensure sustainable gender representation and promotion of the culture
of positive peace is through education. Equality educational opportunities need to
be provided at all levels and to all irrespective of gender.
iii. As presented by various empirical literatures in this research, cultural stereotype
has affected women’s political participation in many regions. Even though
advancement in global affairs has also impacted various cultural norms, in some
places, entrenched cultural beliefs continue to negatively impact women and
sometimes lead to conflict. As a result transforming negative culture about
women’s leadership will boost the confidence of women, encourage more women
56
into politics and eventually lead to increased gender representation. This can be
achieved through awareness campaign by the appropriate stakeholder spearhead
by the national government and women groups.
iv. Finally, the role of finance is central in ascending to political office regardless of
the system put in place. Considering the general poverty rate of women and to
prevent the dominance of only few financially elite women, access to external
financial sources is significant in promoting equal and fair gender representation.
This will require a complete strategy between, women groups, women politicians,
national government and international partners.
5.4. Strength
Whereas several literatures have attempted to explain the causes of gender representation in
specific national and global context as it relates to rights, development and economic benefit,
this research has focused on creating an interlink of underrepresentation and conflict or
peace. It discusses four key factors that tend to explain the cause of under-representation in
Liberia and notes that by addressing these factors will enhance representation in a short
period and help sustain national peace. One important point in this research is the argument
that gender quota is applicable in a Single Member District electoral system like Liberia,
contrary to several contemporary literatures. While the factors discussed may not be the
exclusive reasons for under-representation of women in Liberia, the paper argues that these
issues are paramount and encompass institutional, cultural and structural factors impeding
gender representation which could impact national peace if not addressed.
5.5 Limitation:
The major challenge to this research was getting access to both empirical literatures and
survey information to support the topic. In terms of empirical literatures, most resources
argue that indeed gender quota is the fast-track approach to enhance gender representation for
said method is mostly convenient in the proportional representation (PR) system and not a
major system. On the other hand, several key individuals had initial consented to provide
their expert opinion on the topic but during the survey several of them could not be reached
due to various reasons including their ‘busy schedules’. As a result the research is somehow
limited in the quantity of theoretical material as well as expert opinions from the survey.
57
References:
Adams, M., 2008. Liberia's Election of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf and Women's Executive
Leadership in Africa. Politics & Gender, 4(3), pp. 475-484.
Aili Mari Tripp and Alice Kang, 2008. The Global Impact of Quotas: On the fast track to
increased female legislative representation. SAGE Journals, 41(3), pp. 338-361.
Allen, P., Cutts, D. & Campbell, R., 2014. Measuring the quality of Politicians Elected by
Gender Quota - Are They Any Different?. Political Studies.
Anderlini, S. N., 2007. How the International System Lets Women Down. In: Women
Building Peace. United Kingdom: Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc., pp. 191 - 226.
Anderlini, S. N., 2007. Women building Peace. United Kingdom: Lynne Rienner Publishers,
Inc..
Anderlini, S. N., 2007. Women Building Peace: -What They Do; Why it Matters. Colorado:
Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc..
Anon., n.d. s.l.:s.n.
Baksh, R., Etchart, L., Onubogu, E. & Johnson, T., 2005. Gender Mainstreaming in Conflict
Transformation Building Sustainable Peace. s.l.:The Commonwealth Sacretariat .
Ballington, J., 2008. Equality in Politics: A Survey of Women and Men in Parliaments, New
York: Inter-Parliamentary Union.
Ballington, J. & Kahane, M., 2014. Women in Politics: Financing for Gender Equality. In:
Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns: A Handbook on Political Finance.
Stockholm, Sweden: International IDEA, pp. 301 - 335.
Barbara Miller, Milad Pournik, and Aisling Swaine, 2014. Women in Peace and Security
through United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325: Literature Review, Content
Analysis of National Action Plans, and Implementation, , Washington DC: s.n.
Bari, F., 2005. "Women's political participation : Issues and Challenges"., Bangkok,
Thailand: United Nations - Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW).
Bauer, G., 2008. Fifty, Fifty by 2010: Electoral Gender Quota for Parliament in East and
Southern Africa. International Feminist Journal of Politics,, 10(3), p. 348 –368.
58
Bauer, G. & Britton, H. E., 2006. Women in African Parliaments. s.l.:Lynne Rienner
Publishers Inc..
Bauer, G. & Manon, T., 2011. Women in Executive Power: A global overview. first edition
ed. USA and Canada: Routledge.
Boima, B. J., 2011. allAfrica: Democrat. [Online]
Available at: allafrica.com/stories/201110261200.html
[Accessed 27 July 2015].
Caesar, R. D., 2015. Enhancing Women's Representation in Liberia [Interview] (3 July
2015).
Call, C. T. & Cousens, E. M., 2008. Ending Wars and Building Peace: International
Responses to War-Torn Societies. International Studies Association, 9(1), pp. 1-21.
Carter, B. J., 2014. Daily Observer. [Online]
Available at: www.liberianobserver.com/news/senate-maintains-30-'gender-equity'-law
[Accessed 10 August 2015].
Caul, M., 1999 . Women's Representation in Parliament: The Role of Political Parties. SAGE
Publications, 5(1), pp. 79 - 98.
Chesson-Wureh, Y., 2015. Engendering Gender Representation in Liberia [Interview] (10 05
2015).
Christensen, S. & Bardall, G., 2014. Gender Quotas in Single-Member District Electoral
Systems. Italy: European University Institute.
Cohen, L., Manion, L. & Morrison, K., 2011. Research Methods. London: Routledge.
Commonwealth, 2013. The Impact of Women's Political Leadership on Democracy and
Development, London: Hobbs the Printers.
Cornell, D., 1998. At the heart of Freedom. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Cos-Montiel, F., 2008. Institutionalizing Equality: Putting Gender Issues at the Centre in
Mexico and Sweden. In: N. Kabeer, A. Stark & E. Magnus, eds. Global Perspective on
Gender Equality. London: Routledge, pp. 206 - 228.
Cosslett, T., Easton, A. & Penny, S., 1996. Women, Power and Resistance. Buckingham:
Open University press.
59
Cowell, A., Kasinof, L. & Nossiter, A., 2011. The New York Times. [Online]
Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/08/world/nobel-peace-prize-j
[Accessed 20 August 2015].
Dahlerup, D., 2002. Using Quota's to Increase Women's Political Representation,
Stockholm: International IDEA.
Dahlerup, D., 2005. Increasing Women's Political Representation: New Trends in Gender
Quota. In: Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers. Stockholm: International Institute for
Democracy and electoral Assistance, pp. 141 - 184.
Dahlerup, D., 2006. The Story of the Theory of Critical Mass. Politics & Gender, Issue 04,
pp. 511-522.
Dahlerup, D., 2006. Women, Quotas and Politics. London: Routledge: Taylor and Francis
Group.
Dahlerup, D., 2013. Women, Quota and Politics. s.l.:Routledge Taylor & Francis Group.
Dahlerup, D., 2013. Women, Quotas and Politics. London: Routledge: Taylor and Francis
Group.
Dahlerup, D. & Freidenvall, L., 2005. Quotas as a 'fast track' to equal representation for
women. International Feminist journal of politics, 7(1), pp. 26 -46.
Dahlerup, D. & Freidenvall, L., 2006. Quotas as a ‘fast track’ to equal representation for
women : Why Scandinavia is no longer the model. International Feminist Journal of Politics,
7(1), pp. 26 - 48.
Darcy, R., Welch, S. & Clark, J., 1994. Women, Elections, & Representation. United States
of America: U of Nebraska Press,.
Deem, R., 1996. The gendering of educational organizations. In: Women, Power and
Resistance. Buckingham: Open University Press, pp. 48 - 54.
Dillman, D., 2000. Mail and Internet Surveys: The Tailored Design Method. New York:
Wiley.
Elder, L., 2004. Why Women Don't Run: Explaining Women's Underrepresentation in
America's Political Institutions. Women & Politic , 26(2), pp. 27 - 56.
60
Escobar-Lemmon, M. C. & Taylor-Robinson, M. M., 2014. Representation: The Case of
Women. Oxford: Oxford University Press Inc..
Farganis, S., 1994. Situating Feminism From Thought to Action. Volume 2 ed. s.l.:SAGE
Publicvation Ltd..
Flexner, E., 1975. Century of Struggle. 2nd Edition ed. United States of America: Havard
University Press.
Franceschet, S., Krook, M. L. & Piscopo, J. M., 2012. The Impact of Gender Quotas. New
York: Oxform University Press.
FrontPageAfrica, 2013. Front Page Africa. [Online]
Available at: www.frontpageafrica.com/old/op-ed-editorial/speech/6917
[Accessed 2 August 2015].
Galtung, J., 1996. Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and
Civilization. London: SAGE Publication Ltd..
Gayflor, V., 2015. Enhancing Women's Representation for Sustainable Peace [Interview] (4
July 2015).
Gbowee, L., 2011. Mighty be our powers. Pymble, NSW: Collins.
Hernes, H. M., 1987. Welfare state and women power: essays in state feminism. Norway:
Norweagian University Press.
Hesse-Biber, S. N. & Leavy, P., 2004. Approaches to Qualitative Research. New York:
Oxford University Press.
Hill, A. M. & King, E. M., 1993. Women's Education in Developing Countries: Barriers,
Benefits and Policies. Washington D. C.: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Hill, M. A. & King, E. M., 1993. Women's Education in Developing Countries: an Overview.
Baltimore, Marland, USA: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Hoare, J. & Gell, F., 2009. Women's Leadership and Participation: Case Studies on learning
for action. United Kingdom: Practical Action Publishing .
Holmgren, A., 2013. Consultancy Africa Intelligence. [Online]
Available at: www.consultancyafrica.com
[Accessed 6 July 2015].
61
Holmgren, A., 2013. Consultancy Africa Intelligence. [Online]
Available at: www.consultancyafrica.com/index.php?optin
[Accessed 30 May 2015].
Inquirer, 2015. The Inquirer Newspaper. [Online]
Available at: monroviainquirer.com/2015/04/01/listenint-to-the-women-proposal
[Accessed 10 August 2015].
IPU, 2015. Inter-Parliamentarian Union. [Online]
Available at: www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm
[Accessed 10 August 2015].
IPU, 2015. Women in National Parliaments. [Online]
Available at: www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm
[Accessed 27 May 2015].
IPU, 2015. Women in National Parliaments. [Online]
Available at: www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm
[Accessed 27 May 2015].
Jaggar, A. M., 1983. Feminism and Political Philosophy. In: Feminst Politics And Human
Nature. Great Britain: The Harvester Press Limited, pp. 1-14.
Jaggar, A. M., 1983. Feminist Politics & Human Nature. United States of America: Rowman
& Littlefield Publishers, Inc..
Johnson, B., 2015. Front Page Africa. [Online]
Available at: http://frontpageafricaonline.com/index.php/politic/5979-liberia-s-party-poopers-
multiplicity-amid-filthy-messy-headquarters
[Accessed 2 September 2015].
Kerlinger, F., 1970. Foundations of Behavioral Research. New York: Holt, Rhinehart and
Winston.
King-Akerele, O., 2015. Enhancing Gender Representatin for Sustainable Peace: The case of
the appalling decline in the representation of women in Liberia's parliament [Interview] (6
July 2015).
Kittilson, M. C., 2006. Challenging parties, changing parliaments: Women and elected office
in contemporary Western Europe. Ohio: Ohio State University .
62
Kivoi, D. L., 2014. Factors impeding political participation and representation of women in
Kenya. Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(6), pp. 173 - 181.
Kunovich, S. & Paxton, P., 2005. Pathways to Power: The Role of Political Parties in
Women’s National Political Representation. American Journal of Sociology, 111(2).
Lawless, J. L. & Fox, R. L., 2005. It Take A Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office.
New York: Cambridge University Press.
LISGIS, 2009. 2008 National Population and Housing Census Final Results, Monrovia:
Liberia Institute for Statistics and Geo-information Services.
Martin, O., 2013. The African Union's Mechanism to Foster Gender Mainstreaming and
Ensure Women's Political participation and Representation, Stockholm: International IDEA.
Matland, R. E., 1998. Women's Representation in National Legislatures: Developed and
Developing Countries. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 23(1), pp. 109 - 125.
Matland, R. E., 1998. Women's Representation in National Legislatures: Developed and
Developing Countries. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 23(1), pp. 109 - 125.
Matland, R. E., 2005. Enhancing Women's Political Participation. In: Women in Parliament:
Beyond Numbers. Stockholm: International IDEA publications, pp. 93 - 109.
Miller, W. L. & Crabtree, B. F., 2004. Depth Interviewing. In: Approaches to Qualitative
Research . New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 185 - 201.
Moser, C. & Moser, A., 2005. Gender mainstreaming since Beijing: A review of success and
limitations in international institutions. Gender & Development, 13(2), pp. 11-22.
Nagbe, H. P., 2010. University for Peace: PEACE AND CONFLICT MONITOR. [Online]
Available at: www.monitor.upeace.org/achieve.cfm?id_article=717
[Accessed 5 August 2015].
Norris, P. & Inglehart, R., 2001. Cultural Obstacles to Equal Representation. Journal of
Democracy, 12(3), pp. 126 - 140.
Oppenheim, A., 1992. Questionnaire Design, Interviewing and Attitude Measurement.
London: Pinter.
OSCE/ODIHR, 2014. Handbook on promoting women's participatin in political parties.
Poland: OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR).
63
Paxton, P. & Kunovich, S., 2003. Women's Political Representation: The Importance of
Ideology. Social Forces, 82(1), pp. 87-113.
Paxton, P. & Kunovic, S., 2003. Women's Political Representation: The Importance of
Ideology. Social Forces, 82(1), pp. 87-114.
Pitre, S., 2003. Women's Struggle for Legislative Power: The Role of Political Parties. Open
Journal Systems, 27(2), pp. 102 - 109.
Prior, L., 2004. Following in Foucult's Footsteps: Text and Context in Qualitative Research.
In: Approaches to Qualitative Research. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 317 - 332.
QuotaProject, 2014. Quota Project - Global Database for Quotas for Women. [Online]
Available at: www.quotaproject.org
[Accessed 27 May 2015].
Reardon, B. A., 1993. Women and Peace: Feminist Visions of Global Security. United States
of America: State University of New York Press.
Reger, J., 2012. Everywhere & Nowhere: Contemporary Feminism in the United States. New
York: Oxford University Press, Inc..
Ritchie, J. & Lewis, J., 2003. Qualitative Research Practice: A Guide for Social Science
Students and Researchers. London: SAGE.
Roger, A.-V., 2015. FrontPageAfrica. [Online]
Available at: www.frontpageafricaonline.com/index.php/news/4800-liberian-women-
seeking-gender-parity-in-constitutional-review
[Accessed 22 August 2015].
Rowbotham, S., 1973. Hidden From History. London: Pluto Press.
Rupp, L. J., 1992. Eleanor Flexner's Century of Struggle: Women's History and the Women's
Movement. NWSA Journal, 4(2), pp. 157 -169.
Ryan, B., 1992. Feminism and the Women's Movement. New York: Routledge.
SADC, 2008. SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, s.l.: s.n.
Sawicki, J., 1986. "Foucault and Feminism: Toward a Politics of Difference". Hypiatia, 1(2),
pp. 23-36.
64
Sorensen, G. & Krasno, J., 2015. The Washington Post. [Online]
Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/a-woman-should-lead-the-un
[Accessed 20 August 2015].
Squires, J., 1996. Women and Politics - 'Quota for Women: Fair Representation?. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Susan Brown, Jeanne Perreault, Jo-Ann Wallace and Heather Zwicker, 2011. Not Drowning,
But Waving: Women, Feminism, and the Liberal Arts. s.l.:University of Allberta Press.
Susan Franceschet, Mona Lena Krook and Jennifer M. Piscopo, 2012. The Impact of Gender
Quota.. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Tarpeh, H. E. D., 2015. Engendering Gender Representation for Sustainable Peace
[Interview] (1 August 2015).
Toweh, R., 2015. Engendering Gender Representation for Sustainable Peace. Monrovia:
Response to Questionnaire Form.
Tremblay, M., 2006. The Substantive Represetation. Politics & Gender, 2(4), pp. 5.2-510.
Tremblay, M. & Pelletier, R., 2000. More Feminists or More Women?. International
Political Science Review, 21(4), pp. 381 -405.
Tripp, A. M. & Kang, A., 2008. The Global Impact of Quotas On the Fast Track to Increased
Female Legislative Representation. Comparative Political Studies, 41(3), pp. 338 - 361.
UK/commons-library, 2015. Women in Parliament and Government, London: UK House of
Commons Library.
UN, 2006. From its headquarters to its field work, UN Marks Women's Day. United Nations
News Centre, 8 March.
UNWomen, 2015. UN Women. [Online]
Available at: www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2015/02/beijing-synthesis-
report
[Accessed 22 August 2015].
UNWomen, 2015. UN Women. [Online]
Available at: www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-political-participation/facts-
65
and-figures
[Accessed 4 July 2015].
USAFRICOM, 2011. J2Knowledge Development Study on Women in African Militaries,
USA: U.S. Africa Command - USAFRICOM.
US-NAP, 2011. United States National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security,
Washington DC: The White House.
Walby, S., 2002. Feminism in aa global era. Economy and Society, 31(4), p. 533.
Weedom, C., 1999. Feminism, Theory and th politics of Difference. Oxford: Blackwell
publishers Ltd.
Weedon, C., 1987. Feminist Practice & Poststructuralist Theory. 2nd Edition ed. Oxford:
Blackwell Publisher Ltd..
Weedon, C., 1997. Feminist Practice & Poststructuralist Theory. Second edition ed.
Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers Ltd..
Weedon, C., 1999. Feminism, Theory and the Politics of Difference. Oxford: Blackwell
Publisher Ltd.
Wilson, M., 2015. feminist.com. [Online]
Available at: www.feminist.com/resources/artspeech/genwom/marie.html
[Accessed 30 June 2015].
Wodon, Q., 2012. Poverty and the Policy Reposponse to Economic Crisis in Liberia.
Washington D.C: The World Bank.
Yoon, M. Y., 2004. Explaining Women's Legislative Reprresentation in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Legislative Studies Quarterly, August, 29(3), pp. 447-468.
Zangar, M. Z. J., 2003. At Peace Talks, Women Barricade Conference Hall To Protest
Carnage In Monrovia, Atlanta, Georgia: The Perspective.
66
Appendixes
Appendix I
List of Participants in the survey on Women’s Representation in Liberia
Name Position Organization Type of participation
Olubanke King Akerele
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Liberia
Eminent Person Skype interview
Vabah Gayflor Former Minister of Gender and Development of Liberia
Eminent person Skype interview
Etmonia D. Tarpeh Former Minister of Education of Liberia
Eminent person Skype interview
Yvette Chesson-Wureh
Establishment Coordinator
Angie Brooks International Centre for Women’s Empowerment, Leadership Development, International Peace and Security
Skype Interview
Ruth Caesar Focal Point Mano River Women Peace Network – Liberia chapter
Questionnaire Form
Roseline Toweh Chairperson Women NGOs Secretariat of Liberia
Questionnaire form
Julia Duncan Cassell Minister of Gender and Development
Minister of Gender and Development
Questionnaire Form
Kula V. Fofana Executive Director Paramount Young Women Initiative
Questionnaire Form
Cornelia Kruah Special Assistant to the Minister of Education
Ministry of Education
Questionnaire Form
Laura Golakeh Student UPeace Skype Interview
Jani K. Jallah Liberian Youth Paynesville City Corporation
Questionnaire Form
67
Appendix II:
Dr. Ruth Caesar’s Response to Questionnaires formEngendering Gender Representation in Liberia for Sustainable Peace
A research to ascertain the expert opinion from some prominent women leaders on the causes and effects of under representation of women in Liberia as well as appropriate methodology in engendering gender representation.
Brief background:
In Liberia, the visibility of women is high both in the national and international circle for the heroic non-violent role played by women in ending the nearly fifteen years conflict and for the elections of the first woman president on the continent of Africa in 2005 Considering their brave and heroic role in brokering peace, one would rationally expect the institution of measures that will ensure high women’s representation in the post conflict governments of both countries. Unfortunately, after more than a decade since the restoration of peace, which they championed, women’s representation specially in the national legislature remains extremely low – amongst the least on the continent.
I. CAUSES FOR WOMEN UNDER REPRESENTATION:(Please select the most appropriate response/s relative to your country, by marking ‘X’ in the box following each response.
1. Which of the following do you think is/are the foremost reason(s) today for the under representation of women at legislative/parliamentary level in your country?
a. Traditional and cultural stereotype
b. Lack of qualified women candidates
c. Lack of financial and material resources
d. Resistance from men
e. Lack of financial and material resourcesf. Lack of interest from women in political participation
Please provide at least two paragraphs expert opinion to justify your selection.
Liberia women do have the quality and qualification to be in leadership and decision making. The critical issue is the lack of the necessary resources, coupled to late planning (too close near the electioneering time and lack of or inadequate training to run as a candidate. The women are not prepared. Usually enter the race as late comers. No time to sensitize the women who are their lead constituency. On the other hand, the women who are their main voters are now angry because they felt let down because the women candidates didn’t respect them enough to engage them and seek for their support. Lobby for peace and running for political office are 2 different activities. To run for office and get votes you have to have had the track record of interaction with the people to know you form a relationship with you and vote for you. That is not the case with women. They have no or little funds to engage in community work at a scale for prominence. They then are not taken seriously or as serious contenders. Another issue, entrenched cultural practices that present barriers continuously affecting the mind set against women empowerment and leadership. The women themselves belief that they were not make
68
x
x
x
x
made by God to be leaders over men and, that men are ordained by God to be their head(leaders).
Thirdly, Some women who participated in the hard work for women leadership, are no pleased because they have not felt the benefits of those women leadership they worked so hard for.
Fourthly, the issue of corruption which is dealing a blow to the Sirleaf leadership and the cry from the masses that claim that their lives are no better today than yesterday under a female leadership, which promised much hope at the beginning in 2005. They are disillusioned about vote for women again.
2. How was your country able to translate the important role played by women in the restoration of peace to representation at parliament/legislature?
This was translated to 14% in 2005 in the Legislature; decreased in 2011 yet, this government has the highest number of females appointed in government than any previous government, in the public sector at all appointed levels and not necessarily limited at the cabinet minister level, to include deputy, asst. ministers; directors; executive directors
II. EFFECTS OF UNDER REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN
3. How is under representation of women a problem for development, peace and security in your country? Please provide your expert opinion. This means that voting in Legislature in terms issues relating to women will have a difficult time to pass. Women voices are mainly absent on key issues that are national. The parity bill was first introduced for legislative 4yrs ago and is still at the House of Representative; even through it has passed the Senate. With a female head of States, she as female still get to make decision however, that critical mass that is to share in development is not strongly felt. The issue of high level post war violence(Domestic and rape) experience is a crucial issues which will require numbers of women in decision making to influence policies and laws, advocate and carry out interventions to eliminate. Human security is at risk with women being the most vulnerable. Issues of Health, education and other soft social issues are left wanting. For example, during the Ebola Virus Disease outbreak, women death accounted for about 75% of all death according to WHO and the Ministry of Health statistics.
4. How was UNSCR been domesticated in your country and what has been the impact or otherwise- on gender representation -please clarify or explain. The Government produced the Liberia National action Plan –the LNAP for 1325 and 1820. The formulation process of the LNAP had a broad base level of participation including rural women from the 15 counties. The draft was validated and adopted at major stakeholders meeting and consensus build around the critical 4 pillars of Participation/empowerment; promotion; protection; prevention. There is however a short fall it full domestication to the extent of influencing gender representation. The need to establish male partnerships in its implementation is important for domestication and women leadership. The Liberian Women Political Forum has named some males as Champions and are collaborating with them constantly to ensure their hacking in advocacy and lobby. The passing of the parity bill in the Senate was championed by Dr. Peter Coleman former Minister of Health, who is now the chairman of the Senate Committee on Gender. Mr. Momolu Dukuly, the minister of Internal Affairs is a male champion, including H. E. Dr. Amos Sawyer to name a few.
69
III. METHODOLOGY TO ENHANCE GENDER REPRESENTATION
5. What do you think is the most appropriate methodology to enhance women’s representation over the next five years? Women of Liberia are doing all to ensure equal representation through either the 30% parity bill now passed the Senate and before the House and through the constitutional review process. In the situation we find ourselves in, affirmative action is an option, and discussion on the table right now. We are studying other country’s’ experience so as to format our own.
IV. What do you think about the following:Based on unfolding realities of women’s representation over the last ten years, please tick the box you find most appropriate for the following statements.
No. STATEMENT Strongly Agree
Agree Strongly Disagree
Disagree Neither agree or disagree
Not Aware
Prefer not to say
1. Gender representation has improved in the last ten years since the introduction of UNSCR 1325
x
2. Advocacy for gender representation has increased but representation remains low
x
3. UNSCR 1325 has led to more advocacy for women representation
x
4. UNSCR 1325 has resulted to improve women representation
x
5. UNSCR 1325 has no impact on the rise in gender representation
x
6. Equal gender representation leads to development, equal protection and stability
x
7. Quota system is the most efficient means to enhance gender representation in the next five years
x
8. Quota will create grounds for women to solidify gains in representation
x
9. Quota is undemocratic and makes women lazy and should not be practiced
x
10. Quota system is not just applicable in my country
x
Please provide at least a two paragraphs bio highlighting your experience in the field
Thank you for accepting to fill out this survey and for providing your expert opinion on the subject. The information herein provided will be used to support argument proffer in my dissertation for MA Peace Studies at Liverpool Hope University.
70
Appendix II
Verbatim Transcription of Interview with Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs and also Former Minister of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of Liberia; Former Deputy head of UNIFEM, A former UN Diplomat with
extensive experience in Gender Issues
Monday, 6th July, 2015
The interview is part of a research gathering expert opinion on Engendering Gender Representation in Liberia to be use in justifying causes of underrepresentation in Liberia for my MA dissertation in Peace Studies at Liverpool Hope University, Liverpool, United Kingdom
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
Is equal gender representation in Liberia a necessity for addressing issues that affect women and in ensuring sustainable peace?
Response by Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele:
There is a need to push for greater gender representation. Considering the extent to which women were involved in the peace process in Liberia and their role played in the restoration of peace, women have earned the right to seek for and to go for greater gender representation. The translation of that work into reality would require some work of the part women and on the part of the society at large for it to be realized. One should not assume that the appropriate gender representation would take place as there may be impediment towards gender equity participation but nevertheless, one should still go for it because it is important.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
What difference will there be if women were not represented or what would women bring to the ‘table’ with an enhanced representation that men will not bring to the ‘table’?
Response by Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele:
Before answering that question directly, let me refer to a very interesting phenomena that took place in some of the Nordic countries (Sweden, Denmark, Finland, etc). When they found out that they had more women representation in their parliament, they actually found that issues were brought on the ‘table’ and laws and legislations were passed that would never had been taken up had women not been in the parliament. So it is evident that greater gender representation in terms of participation of women may bring to the table laws pertinent to situation concerning women that would never be brought to the table. This is one aspect of the significance of greater gender representation. Secondly, I think that one can actually say that probably would bring a greater sensitivity on analysis of certain laws, etc. that their male would not bring. This is because certain law may be more pertinent and affect women, girls and children more and therefore the women would be more attuned to their necessity than men. For example, the issue of rape, I don’t think the
71
men would be as sensitive and attune in promoting certain laws about punishment against rapist and so.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
Considering these necessities as just mentioned and the significant role played by women in the restoration of peace, why has women’s representation been dismal, dropping from approximately 16% during the first post conflict elections in 2005 to approximate 11% during the recent elections in 2011?
Response by Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele:
In the first instance, I do believe there was a slighting of the momentum for what is required to assure women’s representation between the both elections. That means that one has to, for example one has to start working on the issue of ensuring that there are more women candidates now 2017. Secondly, in this particular instance if you look at the circumstances surround the recent senatorial elections in 2014, you had a situation, in the first place of women not participating in the election because of the fear of Ebola. So that women were not out there voting; they did not get on the line because indeed they were afraid that their participation during this Ebola period could result in their own people catching the Ebola and in turn affecting their families. So in this particularly case now, it is not solely the reason but you must look at circumstances obtaining; example, around the time of these current elections. Having said that, I think the foremost consideration is one needed to have an enhanced effort to get women to associate and prepare themselves; yes, that’s it! We have to prepare women for the greater participation and Angie Brooks is indeed going to be working on that right away now for 2017; we got to start it in advance.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
You are talking about early preparation, for example if you must attain a greater representation in 2017, it means you should start working now; what will be your expert opinion on issues such as traditional cultural stereotypes, women access to finances, resistance from men among other factors that are attributed as the cause of underrepresentation.
Response by Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele:
First of all please don’t let us talk about stuff like women should not be the leader. We have passed that in Liberia so don’t put that on the table. However, the most significant point you made was the lack of finances by women to engage in political activities. That is very, very valid and I think that is the strongest consideration and many women in other countries have pointed out that that deficit is a very, very major problem. So let’s go from that in terms of basically what may be some of the consideration that limit women participation and so on. Yes there are traditional factors, but I believe that we have as in the case of Liberia had women superintendents, women development officers and all of that now have been introduced. So there has been a greater acquaintance or awareness of seeing women in local government and so on much more now. We have women superintendent, women development superintendent. And so basically what am I saying? People, not withstanding validity of what you are saying in terms of the traditional approaches, they have seen in recent years women occupying some very important positions in government structure; ok, they’ve see that. Ok so that is one of the, I will say the major factors that would mitigate or impact adversely, the normally adverse perception in terms of the society of women in leadership, I think I would say has been impacted positively by this example I’ve just said, ok. Having said that, I believe that a critical factor that makes things difficult for women is indeed the finances to do effective
72
political campaigning and therefore what has been happening and what has been said internationally more and more but we have not been able to grab that answer. When I say we, I mean the international community in terms of women. Because as you know, I was seven years deputy head of the UN funds for women, UNIFEM, today’s UNWomen. We have not been able to grapple with how to assist women financially to do that political work that has to be done. We, in a broader sense and so that still remains outstanding. We need to figure out how we can help women with the finances to be able to be more effective potential players. It’s the finance, it’s the finance, it’s the finance.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
What about resistance from men as part of the causes for having women underrepresentation?
Response from Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele
Foremost here then we go to the political parties. If the political parties put forward the women candidates; but the political parties are not putting forward the women candidates and the women them like to focus on the women’s wing but if we prepare women and they become more assertive so that they say no, we got to be part and partial of the mainstream of the political parties so that they then get the political parties hierarchy, the male to realize that they are fermentable candidates to be reckoned with. I think that is the answer in terms of breaking efforts of refusal of men to want to give the women the chance. The women got to fight for it; it is as simple as that. If the women want political office, they got to go and make it happen and they can make it happen but generally, women do not pursue it aggressively but I think that if the political parties’ leadership, the political parties’ leadership must say, no, no, we want you to bring a certain number of candidates for us to look at and say for example, it got to be 50% male, 50% women potential candidates for us to push for our elections. So it starts there, the political parties leadership is key in this; if the political parties leadership just bring in men candidates but if the political parties leadership goes out of the way to make sure that some of the candidates are women, you will begin to see a change and it will be impacted.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
Even though you mentioned that Liberia has transcended the level of traditional cultural practices as an obstacle to ensuring equal gender representation because women have meaningfully contributed in many senior level positions, but that a key factor affecting women’s underrepresentation is women access to finances to run effective campaigns, what would you suggest is the best methodology to attain greater women’s representation? Will a reserve seat or quota system help the process?
Response by Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele
I am supportive of the quota system and I am very much acquainted of the whole history, the evolution of it and indeed it has served to work in kick starting the greater participation of women and I would go for it. Effort at presenting this approach has not been well received in Liberia but I would advise that you speak to the Ministry of Gender more on this they can tell you how it has been received. Even though it may not have been well received in the legislature in Liberia that does not mean it is the end of it all. It can be more aggressively pursued but it will require a greater effort.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
73
What do you think about others who feel that the quota system is not good because it is undemocratic and a lazy kind of system? It was not allow women to fight to political office as you suggested earlier.
Response by Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele
Oh no, when I say they must fight for it, I mean they must argue and go out of their way to get this quota in place. We can give concrete examples of many, many countries where it’s in place and where it has worked and that’s what need to be presented to our people in Liberia for them to see it and understand it and show in fact what has been the net benefit as a result of the quota system. I am for the quota system. In the case of Liberia, one has to really do presentation to the Liberian people to see and understand the quota system; where it is operating, what it has resulted in and why. Unless the Liberian see this kind of thing, they will just emphasize the adverse the negative dimension of it.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
Most of the places the quota system has worked it had been supported by the United Nations; in Rwanda, it was crated and driven by the United Nations there; in Liberia, where has been a heavy presence of the United Nations, do you have any idea why ten years after the cessation of the conflict, that system has not been legislated?
Response by Hon. Olubanke King-Akerele
But you can’t blame the UN for that, you should blame Liberians. Such process is pushed by the people of the country and not the UN to push it. It’s for us as Liberians to push it but talk more with the Ministry of Gender on how far they are with it but I am very acquainted with the one for Rwanda because when I was at UNDP, I was the senior officer at headquarters who backstop the UNDP program for Rwanda. I was the chief for East and Central Africa division so I am very much aware of the Rwandan situation and other places so it is not for the UN to push it on the ground, it is for the people of the country. It’s for us and then we use the support of the UN and the relevant resolutions on it and so the question on it is why is it that Liberian women have not aggressively pursue the matter and not about blaming the UN.
74
Appendix IV
Verbatim Transcription of Interview with Hon. Vabah Gayflor
Former Minister of Gender and Development of the Republic of Liberia
Saturday, 4th July, 2015
Inquiry from Michael Gebeh:
Considering the level of work done by women for the restoration of peace in Liberia, what is your expert opinion on the cause of underrepresentation of women in Liberia especially at the legislature?
Former Minister Vabah Gayflor’s reponse:
One thing I know is that countries that have succeeded, most of them had a legislation that supported women’s participation; leading to increase in the number. Unfortunately for us, we have not had that support, which is the affirmative action issue. Despite being signatory of all of these conventions that mandate us to do it, we still haven’t rectified. Normally, when you have…; you can accede to it; we have acceded to it; we were the first to do the 1325 plan of action in Africa and everything else. But what I observe is that you have to ensure that it is passed into law. Once it is not passed into law, it is very difficult; government will go and talk but the legislature has to pass it into law first. In our case, the first time women representation in 2005 was high because even though we didn’t have a law, but it was a condition that the elections commission put in; a precondition for party to register they had to have about 25 percent of their participants to be women; I mean the candidates to be women. Again even though there was nothing for enforcement but some people took..; like CDC surprisingly was one of the parties that complied. So sometimes if you have rules or laws for enforcing that will enforce all of that, it will help; but that was not the case for Liberia. And I guess the euphoria that people felt with the election of the first female president, just went to everybody. It kind of alerted the men that something unprecedented had happened. That was their space; that was their terrain; they were supposed to be in charge of power but then things turned around and out of astrodome a female came in charge and so their eyes got sharper and they felt so threatened (that’s my own opinion). They feel threatened that they don’t want to give room for that and unfortunately, women haven’t been mobilized and conscientized enough at community levels to see how they can demand from their representative. Because the men do go there, but the women can make up a good number of constituents...; it is about civil society working along with women organizations or women at the grass root level to make this demand on their representatives. Because even if we are not enough in the legislature to be able to rectify such a law that is in our interest, instead, the best thing to do, sometimes you just find a group of NGOs, maybe because they get little support, they can gather few women to come and take up certain positions….; this is something that when it is about total change, it is about perception and things like that, people need to work overtime. It is not about petty, petty groupings, because when people see
75
force, they will respond. So I think that women need to be more conscientized at the community level to see how they can reach out to their representatives because those representatives know that if they don’t respond to the need of these women, it will affect them in future elections because most of the women representatives want to be reelected. Women have to recognize that they have power in their boats. And also, we talk about education. You know most women had always felt sometimes that politics was a man’s terrain. Women shy away from that. Now their eyes are opened and they want to represent their fellow women but I can tell you the truth, running a campaign is very expensive. Most women unfortunately don’t have access to those kinds of funds. In other countries, they were able to give support so if women are going to benefit from this they will have find a way to fund female candidates. And not just female candidates, but female candidates that go through training, leadership training to know that their role, when they get into the legislature it is not just about token representation and sitting there and saying amen…., but you should be able to have the skills to negotiate, lobby and advocate for laws and things that will benefit the country and women in particular. Most times because you think if we had real women they will be able to advocate on rules and things that will help influence budget and all of that, will we be having this problem? When women are well trained, it will not be like that. So it is one thing sometime, people are lobbying for women to go there (legislature) but when the women get there, once they are not articulate with the issues or do articulate the issues well, and they don’t even see their women anymore, because sometime they forget and they don’t do the things that will impact other women out there, it can be another issue. So it is about getting people OKORUM (abreast) with all of these issues and working on them before they get in there. Sometimes, it is about having property; it is about having money to be able to support your campaign and campaigns can be very expensive.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
So are you talking about laws and other things, meaning laws like bringing about quota system or reserved seats for women because of the disadvantages posed to women?
Response by Minister Vabah Gayflor
Yes, because of the disadvantages women face. In most of those areas, especially in the developing countries like ours, where it has been successful, it has always been strengthened by that. And that was my disappointment because I know that the international community had just come from supporting Rwanda when they came to Liberia. So I don’t know why the same strategy they implemented in Rwanda they could not support such in Liberia (because they had triple ballot system; they had all kinds of different, different things including quota). It was my query to the UN at the time and we even had interviews where we talked about it that if you were successful in Rwanda they why not our country (Liberia). Rwanda didn’t just fly over there; they support an electoral system that was so gender sensitive so they could have done the same thing for Liberia but they didn’t pay that much attention to us like they did for Rwanda. Maybe it is because of the level of what happened in their country; even at that, it is just that theirs was swift but ours was over years. So to me when the UN and others are successful in implementing certain strategies in implementing certain strategies in other countries and you had to intervene in other areas, it is good you replicate such practice so that kind of gains can be sustained.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
What do you think about traditional stereotypes?
Response from Hon. Vabah Gayflor:
76
Yes the issue of tradition can be mentioned but I think we are gradually getting over that. The traditional issue would be the male to female preference in terms of education; where male were given the opportunity to go to school and so because of that, women, the traditional aspect is that this has kept women back so you got to work hard and triple hard to be able to get more women educated formally; to get more women empowered; like looking at the various resolutions and all of those that we have been able to accede to; those we are implementing, to see how we can create a momentum that can empower women at all levels. We go to deliver, they die; they are the least educated, they don’t have the same number funds the male have, the male preference and all of these disadvantages. Yes traditionally, this has kept them back and it is going to take a while to overcome it. But even those ones that are educated are often more challenged as well.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
What difference does it make in terms of specific gender in representation? In other words, what do you think equal gender representation will achieve differently?
Response from Hon. Vabah Gayflor:
Women make half of the population and it is their right to have representation. You can’t have 50% or more than 50% then you are not represented; that’s a disservice to that gender. It is unfair, it is unpractical and it just shouldn’t be done. Besides, it can be done. Others have done it and women are supposed to be given their right to be represented and they should be accorded the support; whatever kind of support they need, it should be provided so that they be able to participate in governance. The difference it makes is that women’s perspective is so different; maybe sometimes when you even go to the table, where you sometimes find men focusing on hard issues, you find women focusing on softer issues. Women will tend to focus more on the social aspects such as children going to school; maternal mortality and all other developmental issues that are normally sidelined will appeal more to women because they know what it means. For example, somebody will sit down and say why should we prioritize girls’ education? But a woman knows that if you educate one girl, you are educating an entire family; a generation will get educated because of that. But the men might not be thinking in that line. When you talk about budget, in terms of whether to give more money towards hospital, where you find child mortality being high in your country, maternal mortality issues and things like that, women can quickly identify with that because they are there and they can make the men see it better. Sometimes the people may say let’s go investigate and if they want to cut budget down, those are the areas that are normally affected first; so it takes women to be able to make them to see that side. There are many other things the women will talk about; economic empowerment – the need to support women in the market; supporting women on the farms; and those are the areas where you find all of these women and people need to talk about them. Besides, not society benefit if you have over 50% of their population in a destitute position. No one is saying the men will not do it but if you get women there, they are able to advocate better; they are able to talk to their male counterparts to save things. Because I remember when there are instances, where I never argued with the men in a negative way but I tried to convince them to see the fact. And the thing about it is about getting the data. When you are going to convince those people, you should be able to have the data, which will convince them that yes it can be done and these are the fact. If you go to the issue of militarization, the last thing that women want is war. If there is force, women will always try to bring about peace to see how to settle these issues because at the end of the day women are the casualty of these wars. Their bodies are used as the battleground so women always want to find a peaceful way. Sometime even when you have the men having serious problem, it takes the women to cool them down. All in all, we need to have a
77
just and equitable society. We need to work toward that and it is about equal representation; it is about allowing people to have their say and be able to express themselves and have their stake in governance. Once you have a stake in something, you will protect it but if you don’t have a stake in something you find people going to the other side of those who are dissenting from those who they think are in charge.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
In your opinion, how can we achieve equal representation?
Response from Hon. Vabah Gayflor
Firstly, getting a female president is a good start but it goes beyond that. It is about national commitment from government, with the executive playing lead role. There needs to be consultations, forums, where the issue can be brought up with support from the international community but the lead has to come from the government. In order to be successful to have women’s representation at a certain appreciable level, it has to be by law. Others that were successful were because of their laws. The quota system is still very relevant to the process especially for developing country like ours. It is also about building constituency – having women at the grass-root and at all levels. The executive needs to take the lead, where you can have it in the schools; the youth need to know as they grow up; girls clubs and organizations with girls playing key leadership roles and once they start being exposed to leadership at the very young age, as they grow up, you can grown to become leaders. But in this situation, you know how long that will take. It is about working on the whole issue about gender equality from the whole. More practically, it about respecting each other and working together. When I was in the gender ministry, we were working with 1325 champions, where we went to male leaders in communities, who were helping us to champion the issue of women’s rights and their representation. It is about working at all sectors of the Liberian society; in the police and everywhere that women are given opportunity they should have continuous training because their issue of leadership is somehow new to them. They also need to be supported as well and at the national and international levels, government must be held accountable; not just the executive but all three branches. If we have pledged that we are signatory to the 1325 plan of action; we are signatory to the CEDAW; African protocol and all the different protocol, when it come of national implementation, there has to be something done. So those things should be highlighted and off course NGOs and civil society have to be supported to champion these issues where they can lobby and advocate with everybody on how this is supposed to be done, and also strengthening the gender machinery so that they can give the kind of leadership necessary because they are suppose to facilitate all of these processes by working with the actors at all levels of the society. It is a lot of work. It is changing perception and it is about give and take. Where necessary, women need to go on study tour to countries where representation has succeeded and learn from their experiences. I think there was a momentum at a particular time but that momentum has completely quieted. This is because of in-house fighting among women. There were infiltration and people were paid to lie on others and so on.
Inquiry from Michael Gebeh
You care to mention the impact of UNSCR 1325?
Response from Hon. Vabah Gayflor
UNSCR 1325 was not just about representation; it was about peace, empowerment, and different things like health situation and so on. For representation, we were talking about women at the
78
community level and to be sure of women’s participation at all levels. Participation was key to the issue of 1325. I think we were doing well because most of the time we ensure that when there are five women on district development committee, you find five men. A lot was happening and women were being incorporated but the thing about it is that you need to continuously assessment. You need periodic assessment of the plan of action to see how much implementation is being achieved.
Appendix V
Cllr Yvette Chesson-Wureh Response to Questionnaire Form
Engendering Gender Representation in Liberia for Sustainable Peace
A survey to ascertain the expert opinion from some prominent women leaders on the causes and effects of under representation of women in Liberia and Sierra Leone as well as appropriate methodology in engendering representation in these countries.
Brief background:
Women of the Mano River Union basin are well known for their remarkable role in ending the decade long civil conflict in the region. In both Liberia and Sierra Leone women were instrumental in ensuring the cessation of hostilities and the signing of peace agreements by warring parties that led to end the conflicts. Considering their brave and heroic role, one would rationally expect the institution of measures that will ensure high women’s representation in the post conflict governments of both countries. Unfortunately, after more than a decade since the restoration of peace, which they championed, women’s representation remains extremely low – amongst the least on the continent.
IV. CAUSES FOR WOMEN UNDER REPRESENTATION:(Please select the most appropriate response/s relative to your country, by marking ‘X’ in the box following each response.
6. Which of the following do you think is/are the foremost reason(s) today for the under representation of women at legislative/parliamentary level in your country?
g. Traditional and cultural stereotype
h. Lack of qualified women candidates
i. Lack of financial and material resources
j. Resistance from men
k. Lack of financial and material resources
l. Lack of interest from women in political participation
Please provide at least two paragraphs expert opinion to justify your selection
Women involvement in politics in Liberia has reached a new stage especially with the election of a woman as president. The enthusiasm about equal political participation is high. This is because Liberians like most of the world have come to realize that women and men have competing interest politically. As a result, it is not practical for a single
79
x
x
x
gender to represent everyone. They both approach politics differently. For instance, in most political discussions, while the men are concerned with taking hard and aggressive issues, like war and power struggle, the women are concerned with softer issues and ensure peace and stability. The interests of women are normally about schools, the welfare of children, health, and the marginalized in society among others. Some anti-feminists may find this statement arguable, but this is just the reality of life and we must learn to accept and live with these realities. Nonetheless, issues such as cultural stereotype and finances continue to impede women’s representation in Liberia.
7. How was your country able to translate the important role played by women in the restoration of peace to representation at parliament/legislature?
Women’s role in the restoration of peace in Liberia was adequately translated through the mobilization that led to the election of the first female president, the first on the continent of Africa. Due to the bravery, concern and courage shown by women during the restoration of conflict, many ordinary Liberians began to see equal leadership ability in women. In addition of electing a women president, several women were elected to the national legislature accumulating a total of 14 percent, the highest in recent years.
V. EFFECTS OF UNDER REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN8. How is under representation of women a problem for development, peace and security
in your country? Please provide your expert opinion.
Under representation will create an imbalance in leadership and will affect not only issues of development but also issues relative to peace and security. When women are poorly represented in leadership their voice are missing from developmental issues. Their priorities such as health, education and welfare are given little attention or neglected and thus directly affecting national development. This lead to a large segment of the population (as women make up over 50 percent of the Liberian population) being dissatisfied and creates tension that lead to conflict. Liberians have come to realize that equal representation will strengthen democratic process. With the different political attributes by men and women, there will be no need for conflict if women and men are equally represented in governance. There will be balanced of interest and majority of the population will be satisfied. This will lead to the democratic process working and once the democratic process is working with every sector of the society being represented in the governance, there will be no need for conflict, thus leading to sustainable peace.
9. How was UNSCR been domesticated in your country and what has been the impact or otherwise- on gender representation -please clarify or explain
VI. METHODOLOGY TO ENHANCE GENDER REPRESENTATION
10. What do you think is the most appropriate methodology to enhance women’s representation over the next five years?
- Instituting a legislated gender quota
80
VII. What do you think about the following:
Based on unfolding realities of women’s representation over the last ten years, please tick the box you find most appropriate for the following statements.
No. STATEMENT Strongly Agree
Agree Strongly Disagree
Disagree Neither agree or disagree
Not Aware
Prefer not to say
1. Gender representation has improved in the last ten years since the introduction of UNSCR 1325
x
2. Advocacy for gender representation has increased but representation remains low
x
3. UNSCR 1325 has led to more advocacy for women representation
x
4. UNSCR 1325 has resulted to improve women representation
x
5. UNSCR 1325 has no impact on the rise in gender representation
x
6. Equal gender representation leads to development, equal protection and stability
x
7. Quota system is the most efficient means to enhance gender representation in the next five years
X
8. Quota will create grounds for women to solidify gains in representation
X
9. Quota is undemocratic and makes women lazy and should not be practiced
x
10. Quota system is not just applicable in my country
x
Thank you for accepting to fill out this survey and for providing your expert opinion on the subject. The information herein provided will be used to support argument proffer in my dissertation for MA Peace Studies at Liverpool Hope University.
81
Appendix VI
Transcription of brief Skype interview with Hon. Etmonia David Tarpeh, former Minister of Education of Liberia, on educational factor for low women participation in politics
Friday, 10th February 2015
This interview is part of a research, gathering expert opinion on Engendering Gender Representation to be used in justifying causes of underrepresentation in Liberia for MA dissertation in Peace Studies at Liverpool Hope University, Liverpool, United Kingdom
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
What is your opinion on gender representation in Liberia?
Response by Hon. Etmonia D. Tarpeh:
In Liberia, gender representation is low, far below other developing countries. The facts are there so it is not about my opinion. In elected positions, that is, the legislature, women’s representation is currently less than 12%. Even though we have had a women president for nearly ten years, which is record in itself on the continent, it has had its advantages and disadvantages. Advantage is that it creates more room for women entry into governance through presidential appointment. Rationally, the mere fact that the president is a woman, she will strive to subscribe to international doctrines by including more women into leadership through governance, something we have witnessed for the past years. The disadvantage is the failure of any of those appointed, whether man or woman will send a negative picture and justify to the electorates why a woman should not be elected to key leadership position. So, this is the situation. It is a two way street but the truth is that gender representation in governance is highly significant to ensure that the interests of both genders are well articulated into political governance to enhance national development and ensure stability. This is why the focus of the world today is to ensure gender mainstreaming at all levels. In conclusion, my opinion is that there is a need to improve gender representation in Liberia by instituting various appropriate measures. I would think that currently representation at elected level is low because of complacency of have a woman president. Considering our African traditional background, it is obvious for an ordinary man to think that a woman at the president is sufficient and as such no need to elect more women in the legislature. But let us consider that the presidency is just one position and even though it is significant it cannot suffice to equal representation. Improving women’s representation in the legislature is very significant.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
82
So what will you say is the foremost reason for underrepresentation in Liberia?
Response by Hon. Etmonia D. Tarpeh:
Well, there are lots of reasons for gender underrepresentation in Liberia. Some of these reasons I will not be able to fully justify, so you need to speak to the requisite individuals and organizations. I will advise you to speak to the gender ministry, women groups and NGOs and some eminent women who have played key role in promoting gender representation. Like I stated there are lots of reasons for gender underrepresentation including cultural stereotypes, complacency on the part of some women to contest elected position, financial problem, education issues etc. Everyone will provide their own reason for the low representation of women in elected office. One thing I am abreast with that the lack of education among women population creates inferiority complex and has been a notable factor that keeps women out of politics. Our traditional people had the belief and even today some of them still think that political leadership is a male’s field. As a result little attention was paid to girls’ education, which is affecting the generation today. This is not in the case of Liberia alone. It had been common in most places in Africa and except women can accelerate their education from the villages to the towns and cities they will not be able to challenge men in politics.
Inquiry by Michael Gebeh:
Consider the lack of education of women, how do you think the situation can be tackled?
Response by Hon. Etmonia D. Tarpeh:
Don’t misunderstand me. This is not to say that there are not educated women, but I am looking at the general populace that will create the numerical strength to challenge the domination of men in leadership. So I will say education has been a key barrier but gradually the ongoing efforts to provide education all alike, that challenge might be overcome shortly. To overcome this we must intensify our educational strategy in every sector of the country and in every stage of their lives. Not only to girls of school going age but elderly women also need educational training in order to instill in them that education is their right and it is a gateway to the open society including political activities. We must simultaneously engage the children from the primary level and let the girls know they too can aspire to every form of leadership desired.
83
Appendix VIIMadam Roseline Toweh’s response to questionnaire
Engendering Gender Representation in Liberia for Sustainable Peace
A research to ascertain the expert opinion from some prominent women leaders on the causes and effects of under representation of women in Liberia as well as appropriate methodology in engendering gender representation.
Brief background:
In Liberia, the visibility of women is high both in the national and international circle for the heroic non-violent role played by women in ending the nearly fifteen years conflict and for the elections of the first woman president on the continent of Africa in 2005 Considering their brave and heroic role in brokering peace, one would rationally expect the institution of measures that will ensure high women’s representation in the post conflict governments of both countries. Unfortunately, after more than a decade since the restoration of peace, which they championed, women’s representation specially in the national legislature remains extremely low – amongst the least on the continent.
VIII. CAUSES FOR WOMEN UNDER REPRESENTATION:
11. Which of the following do you think is/are the foremost reason(s) today for the under representation of women at legislative/parliamentary level in your country?
m. Traditional and cultural stereotype
n. Lack of qualified women candidates
o. Lack of financial and material resources
p. Resistance from men
q. Lack of financial and material resources
r. Lack of interest from women in political participation
Please justify your selection.
Traditional and Cultural stereotype contributes immensely to the under representation of women at legislative/parliamentary level in my country (Liberia). Looking back at the history of Liberia, women and girls were seen as house help while their male counter parts were responsible for decisions making and they were also given the opportunity to seek better education. Though the issue of Gender equality has surfaced and it is widely discussed across the country, breaking the cultural and traditional stereotype for women remains a major challenge. Most people still see the representation of women in decision making process as unacceptable on grounds that women should be the ones providing care for the home and not to be involved in making decisions especially at the legislative/parliamentary level. Some women are still holding to this tradition and culture that keep them at the back something which hinders the promotions of women and contributes to their under representation at all levels of decisions making in the country. For example, when women and their male counter parts are in a gathering where a leader is needed or a major decision is to be taken, most times women keep quiet and the men take the decision on their behalf.
12. How was your country able to translate the important role played by women in the restoration of peace to representation at parliament/legislature?
Liberia was able to partially translate the important role played by women in the restoration of peace to representation by electing her first female head of state Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf but the representation of women in parliament/legislature (House of Senate and the house of representatives)
84
xxxxx
remains low and I think more needs to be done in recognition of the role women played in restoring peace to the country.
IX. EFFECTS OF UNDER REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN13. How is under representation of women a problem for development, peace and security in your country?
Please provide your expert opinion.
The under representation of women in parliament is a major factor for the slow implementation of the many international documents which seek to protect the rights of women and also the involvement of women in decision making at all levels. Due to the male dominated parliament, it is almost difficult for the issues of women to be prioritized or highlighted something which poses a serious challenge to the development of women in Liberia.
14. How was UNSCR been domesticated in your country and what has been the impact or otherwise- on gender representation -please clarify or explain
In an effort to make known the UNSCR in Liberia, the Ministry of Gender and Development (MOGD) was mandated by the Government of Liberia to promote gender equality and women’s advancement in Liberia. The MoGD advises the Government on all matters affecting the protection, promotion, participation and advancement of women in Liberia and also coordinates gender mainstreaming efforts to ensure that women are integrated into development programs and all forms of violence against them are prevented. The MoGD has the mandate to monitor and report back to the Government on the impact and progress of gender equality programs. As the Lead Agency, the MoGD was mandated by the Government to oversee the development of the Liberia National Action Plan for the implementation of UN SC Resolution 1325. Due to the introduction of the UNSCR, has been huge awareness on creating safe space for women and girls in the country. The introduction of the UNSCR has also played a major role in helping to protect the rights of women and girls as well as promoting their rights. Though the effective implementation of the UNSCR remains slow, there has been a little improvement the promotion and protection of women and girls’ rights in Liberia.
X. METHODOLOGY TO ENHANCE GENDER REPRESENTATION
15. What do you think is the most appropriate methodology to enhance women’s representation over the next five years?
The most appropriate methodology to improve gender representation is to institute measures that will lead reserve seats for women. Women are still at the disadvantage end in the Liberia society and as such open competition in politics will not be to the advantage of women. The best way forward is to institute some form of gender quota during elections.
XI. What do you think about the following:
Based on unfolding realities of women’s representation over the last ten years, please tick the box you find most appropriate for the following statements.
85
No.
STATEMENT Strongly Agree
Agree Strongly Disagree
Disagree Neither agree or disagree
Not Aware
Prefer not to say
1. Gender representation has improved in the last ten years since the introduction of UNSCR 1325
X
2. Advocacy for gender representation has increased but representation remains low
X
3. UNSCR 1325 has led to more advocacy for women representation
X
4. UNSCR 1325 has resulted to improve women representation
x
5. UNSCR 1325 has no impact on the rise in gender representation
x
6. Equal gender representation leads to development, equal protection and stability
X
7. Quota system is the most efficient means to enhance gender representation in the next five years
X
8. Quota will create grounds for women to solidify gains in representation
X
9. Quota is undemocratic and makes women lazy and should not be practiced
x
10. Quota system is not just applicable in my country
x
Thank you for accepting to fill out this survey and for providing your expert opinion on the subject. The information herein provided will be used to support argument proffer in my dissertation for MA Peace Studies at Liverpool Hope University.
86
Children and young people are out of school
o 42% of primary school age children are not in school
Students are not learningo More than 20% of young people
aged 15-24 are illiterateo More than half of high school
students who sat the WAEC in 2014 failed
Young people are not prepared for employment
MINISTRY OF EDUCATIONRepublic of Liberia
Appendix VIII
THE EDUCATION SYSTEM IN LIBERIA IS A MESS The Liberian education system has been described as a ‘mess’, in need of a complete overhaul. The current system does not provide all children with the opportunity to learn and become active citizens. In some parts of the country, the system has collapsed.i
There are not enough safe and quality schoolsSchool structures are essential for delivering education. They can keep students safe and also inspire learning. Liberia has 5,181 schools for over 1.1 million studentsii. Many schools face overcrowding, with average class sizes in Grand Kru reaching 53 students. Only 39% of primary classrooms in Liberia are a solid structure. Heavy rains make some buildings un-usable during the rainy season, and children are often forced to sit on dirty floors putting their health at risk. Half of primary schools have no or a very limited access to water (using a river or waiting for repairs). Over a third of teachers are not qualifiediii
34% of teachers are un-trained, with large variations between counties. 70% of primary school teachers in Sinoe are un-trained. In total, nearly 13,000 teachers in Liberia have no teaching certificate. The majority of those that have been trained have only received pre-service training
with no further refreshers or professional development. Half of the small number of teachers that do hold a qualification have only received a C Certificate, and are in particular need of on-going in-service training and on-the-job support. Students are leaving primary school without core literacy and numeracy skillsBasic Literacy and Numeracy is essential. Without these skills students are unable to benefit from future learning. One study found that only 17% of grade 3 children tested could read an adequate number of words per minute.iv The result is that students are finishing their education illiterate and unable to move into the workplace. More than 20% of young people aged between 15 and 24 in Liberia are illiterate.v
Young children are not prepared for school because of the poor quality of early childhood education (ECE)
87
Getting to BestThe Ministry of Education’s Priorities 2015-2017
EGRA National Roll-out:Focus on Improving Literacy
Measure the impact of our policies
Qualified Teachers with the Skills to Improve Learning Outcomes:Post 1,158 qualified teachers in jobs
Identify and train un-qualified teachers on the payrollInvest in continuous professional development for teachers
Improve training provided by TTIs
Supported and Motivated Teachers that can Improve Learning Outcomes:Clean payroll and bring under control of the MOE
Biometric cards to secure paymentsInvest in alternative payment systems such as mobile banking
School Infrastructure Meets the Needs of Children, Improving Enrolment and Retention:Construct new classrooms to ensure all children can access a local school
Renovate schools to meet the needs of children, including a focus on WASH facilities and boundaries
Schools and Teachers have the Resources to Improve Learning:Meet the shortfall in school furniture (chairs and desks), learning aids, textbooks (grades 1-4) and reading books
The MOE and schools are Accountable for Children’s LearningInvest in the monitoring capacity of local education officers (operational funds)
Staff and open 3 Centres of Excellence in the central MOE to accredit private schools and teachers
Girls’ Learning Outcomes Improve: Public information campaign to increase girls' enrolment and retention
IMPROVED LEARNING OUTCOMES FOR CHILDREN
A large proportion of children access some form of Early Childhood Education (ECE) services, however most are overage. 82% of students enrolled in ECE programmes are either in the wrong ECE year or are older than 5. Most ECE centres are not appropriate for young children, with limited adult supervision and nearly half of the country’s ECE teachers are un-trained. Poor ECE means that children are not prepared for school when they start. The current system is only serving to hold children back further and leads to the vast majority of children starting school over-age. Girls are less likely than boys to enroll in school, stay in school and complete schoolThere is a persistent gender disparity in every grade throughout the Liberian Education System. In public primary schools, 54% of students are boys and 46% are girls. As girls get older they are more likely than boys to drop-out and the gap between male and female students grows. Secondary-level education is under-resourcedThe majority of schools are primary or basic. Less than 10% of schools have a senior high level of education. Five counties have less than 10 senior high schools. In River Cess, only one secondary school offers high school classes. Even when schools exist, very few teachers have the necessary education and training to teacher higher grades, and maths and sciences are particularly under-represented.Young people cannot access market-driven and relevant TVET to help them find jobsA successful program of TVET services could support the large population of older youths who have missed out on school during the war. Vocational Education, however, is of varying quality, does not fulfil the needs of the market and does not
lead to employment for out-of-school youths. According to the World Bank, a third of young people in Liberia are not in education, employment or training.vi
The centralised system is unaccountable to schools and studentsThe current payroll system is failing to support teachers. The MoE continues to pay the salaries of ghost teachers and working teachers report delays in payment. Many teachers and private schools are not currently accredited by the MoE and the services they provide are therefore not monitored. Too many children are out of school, those in school are not learning, and a generation is unprepared for the job-market.OUR STRATEGY TO GET TO BESTChange is necessary and must be immediate. Our goals are that: By 2017, the foundations are in
place for a Liberian education system that improves all children and young people’s learning.
By 2020, we see a significant improvement in children’s learning outcomes and national literacy rates.
To meet these targets, Liberia’s Ministry of Education (MOE) has identified nine priority projects to implement over the next two years.These projects are taken from the MOE’s existing Operational Plan and are informed by the 2015 Joint Education Sector Review. They build on much of the work that has been undertaken by the Government of Liberia and development partners over the last decade.
88
Lay the Foundations for Children’s Education with ECE:ECE public communications campaign
Roll-out skills based training (in-service for existing teachers)Roll-out ECE certification for teachers through universities
Locally-made materials for learning
The MOE and schools are Accountable for Children’s LearningInvest in the monitoring capacity of local education officers (operational funds)
Staff and open 3 Centres of Excellence in the central MOE to accredit private schools and teachers Young People have the Necessary Skills to Secure Jobs through TVET:
Develop TVET curriculum based on market analysis; and design a training program for TVET teachers Rehabilitate and equip BWI and 4 multilateral high schools
THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION’S PRIORITY PROJECTS 1. We See an Improvement in
Children’s Literacy and Numeracy in Schools
The Government of Liberia is committed to improving children’s literacy and numeracy if they are going to have the necessary skills to benefit from education and become active members of society. To ensure investments in education result in improvements in children’s core learning outcomes, a national assessment is required to measure changes over time. This will enable students, parents, teachers, education officers and the Ministry of Education to evaluate the success of programs, identify changes that need to be made, and plot individual and national success towards a literacy target.The MOE has piloted Early Grade Reading and Maths (EGRAM) with support from USAID. The MOE will scale up EGRAM to the national education system over the next two years, and include the use of an Early Grade Reading Assessment (EGRA) to measure results. The national curriculum is due to be updated in 2016, as per guidelines in the 2011 Education Reform Act. The updated curriculum will take EGRAM into consideration.2. Qualified Teachers with the
Skills to Improve Children’s Learning Outcomes
Teachers are key to improving children’s learning. The quality of an education system can never be higher than the quality of teachers. Measures of teachers’ training and the time they spend teaching have
been found to be the strongest correlates of student achievement. The MOE’s priority is to ensure teachers have the skills and support they need to improve children’s learning. This will include placing 1,158 qualified teachers that are not currently working in schools that need them. The MOE will also invest in increasing the number of maths and science teachers in high schools, subjects which are particularly under-provided. Of the 37,620 teachers covered under the 2014 school census, over 13,000 are un-qualified. The MOE plans to train 5,000 competent and existing teachers to ensure they acquire a teaching qualification. An investment in teachers must however go beyond past practices of basic training and being sent out to teach. Instead the MOE will provide constant support and supervision through in-service training. This Continuous Professional Development will be managed by 3 regional Teacher Training Institutes (TTIs) which require additional investment to ensure quality training. It is estimated that this will cost $22.5 million.3. Supported and Motivated
Teachers that will Improve Learning Outcomes
Building on objective 2, Liberia’s children need qualified and motivated teachers if they are to see an improvement in their learning outcomes. A review of the payroll is currently underway, and members of Liberia’s Teacher Training Program (LTTP, funded by USAID) have started collecting data which will be used to issue all teachers with biometric cards. This will ensure that teachers are paid efficiently and on-time, and that only teachers who work all the hours they are
89
committed to will receive a government salary. An improved payment system will save money for the MOE, improve salary payments for teachers, and ultimately improve the quality of education provided to children in the classroom. The MOE and its partners will continue to identify alternative mechanisms, such as mobile banking, to further improve the system. 4. School Infrastructure Meets
the Needs of Children, Improving Enrolment and Retention
Along with teachers, well-designed schools with adequate facilities are essential to improving the quality of education which children can access. Of the 4,038 schools included in the 2014 School Census, less than 40% of primary classrooms are solid structures. An investment in water and sanitation facilities in schools is important given the lessons learnt during the Ebola outbreak. Girls are particularly negatively impacted by the lack of latrines, especially when they reach puberty. The MOE is committed to ensuring every public school in the country meets its building requirements. Focusing on renovating existing structures, the MOE plans to be build 34 Basic Education Schools and a further 49 primary schools in the most populated school districts. It is estimated that this will cost $30.7 million.5. Schools and Teachers have
the Resources to Improve Learning Outcomes
Desks, textbooks and learning aids are essential for supporting student’s learning. With the funding from the Global Partnership for Education, the MOE is distributing a million textbooks for grades 5-9. Textbooks for high school will be provided during summer 2015. The MOE is seeking $6.5 million to meet the shortfall in textbooks for grades 1-4.
$8.75 million will provide 250,000 students with chairs, and an additional $1.9 million is necessary to put teacher’s desks in 15,000 classrooms. Learning aids, such as posters and educational games, are also required for ECE classes and secondary schools.6. Lay the Foundations for
Children’s Learning with Early Childhood Education (ECE)
Delivering ECE services for children is known to have the greatest impact on student’s future learning. The return on investment for children under six is much greater than if the Government waits to invest at a later stage in their lives. Enrolment rates into ECE classes are high in Liberia, demonstrating a demand on behalf of parents. However, no formal training program for ECE teachers and caregivers exists. Over the next two years, the MOE will deliver in-service skills based training for current ECE teachers, and roll-out a degree-level certificate in ECE. A public information campaign will increase uptake of services and additional learning materials will improve the quality of teaching. It is estimated that this will cost $4.65 million.7. Girls’ Learning Outcomes
ImproveWith more girls than boys out of school, targeting interventions to enrolling girls in school will be an efficient solution to ensuring all children access basic education. In Liberia today, girls are less likely to enroll in school, more likely to drop out and less likely to graduate. Activities to support girls’ participation in education will be included in all the priority projects, such as building latrines in schools and hiring female teachers. In addition, investing in simply changing attitudes to girls’ education and encouraging enrolment through messaging can also have a big
90
impact. A national communications campaign for girls’ education targeting parents, schools and education officials can change social norms which currently hold girls back. It is estimated this will cost $260,000.8. Young People have the
Necessary Skills to Secure Jobs through TVET
The large number of young people out of training or work is one consequence of the country’s civil war which disrupted the education of a generation of students. The MOE is committed to providing young people with technical and vocational training to help them secure safe and productive employment. Over the next two years, the MOE will develop a national TVET curriculum based on a rigorous market analysis; develop the training package for TVET trainers and conduct a pilot training of the first batch of trainers. BWI is the leading technical college in Liberia. The MOE will rehabilitate existing facilities and equip 4 other multilateral high schools across the country. It is estimated that these activities will cost $2.9 million.9. The MOE and Schools are
Accountable for Children’s Learning
The MOE is committed to continuing a process of decentralization which will transfer management and monitoring power to county and district education officers. Providing these officials with an operational fund will enable them to increase their ability to monitor and support all of the schools under their region. It is estimated that $2 million is required over the next two years. In addition, the MOE is planning to establish 3 centers of excellence as planned under the 2011 Education Reform Act. This includes a center for Accreditation which is vital to accrediting teachers and schools, particularly private schools which are
growing in number. It is estimated that each center will cost $1.5 million.Next PrioritiesIn addition to the projects presented above, the MOE is also working on additional special projects with partners. These include piloting and rolling out a School Feeding Program across public schools to increase enrolment of students from disadvantaged backgrounds; re-starting the TOKTEN program to encourage 100 Liberian nationals working abroad to return to the country to take up teaching or school supervision positions; supporting science and maths programs for high schools, particularly in rural areas; designing a a set of activities to particularly target out of school children through alternative education models; developing a program of incentives to encourage teaching in rural areas, including relocation packages and targeting recent graduates; and establishing three regional model high schools with boarding facilities to meet an urgent gap in the provision of quality secondary education.
91
MESS - 2015
No National Assessments in place 35% of primary teachers and 63% of secondary teachers are un-trained
39% of primary classrooms are solid structures and 49% of primary schools have a functioning latrine
ECE and TVET not included in central MOE budget
Girls’ participation at all levels of education is lower than boys
BETTER – 2017 TARGETSNational Reading Assessment established and used
Core subject textbooks for all students
Clean and complete teacher payroll with more teachers trained
Professional and efficient ECE and TVET programs developed and rolled-out
Girls’ enrolment, retention and graduation increases
Three Centers of Excellence are operational
BEST – 2020 TARGETSEGRA scores increase
All teachers on the payroll are qualified and receiving regular in-service training
All children are learning in safe schools with furniture, facilities and learning aids.
Gender parity in enrolment, retention and graduation
Young people are in education, training or work
Children aged 6 are completing quality pre-school; enrolling in gr. 1
OUR TARGETS TO GET TO BEST
Specific Targets still to be developed – Current statistics taken from the National Statistical Booklet 2014
These Projects will lay the foundation for quality learning for all children in Liberia. Join us in moving Liberia’s Education System from Mess to Best.
This is a draft document prepared by the Ministry of Education to start discussion on how we move from ‘Mess to Best’. Please share any feedback by emailing [email protected] List of Priorities, July 2015
Project Individual Project COST (USD)Project 1: We see an improvement in Children's Literacy and Numeracy in Primary School
1 Learning Outcomes
Based on the recent pilot conducted, invest further in Early Grade Reading and Maths, including teacher training, learning materials and national assessments to measure improvements
tbc
Project 2: Qualified Teachers with the Skills to Improve Children's Learning Outcomes
2 Teacher Training
Increase the number of trained teachers: identify un-qualified teachers on the payroll and provide competent teachers with professional training; and place 1,158 teaching graduates on the payroll, including a package of incentives to encourage teaching in rural areas
Train un-trained teachers: 7.5 million
Employ teaching graduates: 3.3 million
Roll-out quality Continuous Professional Development for teachers, including assessing teacher's performance, and provision of credits for licensing
7.2 million
Improve training provided by 3 Teacher Training Institutes 3 millionProject 3: Supported and Motivated Teachers that will Improve Children's Learning Outcomes
1
3 Teacher Support
Clean payroll and adapt management structure to ensure accountability, and issue biometric cards to secure teacher payments 7 millionInvest in alternative payment systems, such as mobile banking tbc
Project 4: School Infrastructure meets the Needs of Children, Improving Enrolment and Retention
4 Infrastructure
Construct new classrooms to ensure all children can access a local school and renovate schools to meet the needs of children, with a focus on WASH facilities and boundary walls
30.7 million
Project 5: Schools and Teachers have the Resources to Improve Children's Learning Outcomes
5 Learning Outcomes
Meet the shortfall in school furniture (250,000 pupils' chairs and teachers' desks for 15,000 classrooms), learning aids for ECE and secondary schools, and textbooks for grades 1-4.
Pupils’ Chairs: 8.75 million;
Teacher's desks: 1.9 million;
Learning aids: 3.5 million;Textbooks: 6.5 million;
Project 6: Lay the Foundations for Children's Learning with Early Childhood Education
6 ECE
ECE Public Communications Campaign 600,000Roll-out skills-based training (in-service training) for existing teachers 1.7 millionRoll-out ECE certification for teachers through universities 350,000Meet the shortfall in furniture, games, and learning aids for ECE centres 2 million
Project 7: Girls' Learning Outcomes Improve
7 Girls' Education
Public information campaign to increase girls' enrolment, prevent dropout and ensure protection, including roll-out of girl's education policy
260,000
Project 8: Young People have the Necessary Skills to Secure Jobs through Technical Vocational Education and Training
8 TVET
Develop TVET curriculum alongside a rigorous market analysis 200,000Develop a training package and program for TVET teachers and trainers. Pilot the training of a first batch of TVET teachers. 175,000
Rehabilitate and equip BWI and 4 Multilateral High Schools 2.5 millionProject 9: The Ministry of Education and Schools are Accountable for Children's Learning
9 Accountability
Education Officers are supported to monitor schools through increased operational funds, training and policies 2 millionStaff 3 centres of Excellence - particularly Accreditation to monitor private schools and teaching qualifications 4.5 million
Next Priorities10 Secondary 404 science and maths teachers for 101 high schools and materials and labs
for 17 schools over 3 years 10.5 million
11 School Feeding National home-grown school feeding program in public schools 20 million
12 Teacher Train. TOKTEN / International teachers for training or supervision (500 people) 26.3 million
13 Alternative Ed. Targeted Support for Out of School Children 12 million
14 Teacher Support Incentivise teaching in rural areas: relocation grant and housing 6.7 million
15 Infrastructure 3 regional model high schools 11.7 million
2
3
i Unless stated otherwise, all statistics are taken from the ‘Education Statistics for the Republic of Liberia, Government of the Republic of Liberia Ministry of Education, National Statistical Booklet 2014’.ii There is no agreed definition of what constitutes a school and figures vary. This is the MOE estimate.iii Education Statistics for the Republic of Liberia, Government of the Republic of Liberia Ministry of Education, National Statistical Booklet 2014iv USAID, Proposing Benchmarking for Early Grade Reading Skills in Liberia, 2014v ILO Labor Force Survey, 2010vi World Bank data 2012