ffiProceedings of the

Arabic and Islamic sectionsof the 35th International Congress

of Asian and 'North African Studies(ICANAS)

- p6lt Qng

-Linguistica Literature, History

EDITED BY

r. pÉvÉtvyl - T. IvÁNyI

THE ARABISTBUDAPEST STUDIES IN ARABIC 19-20

THE ARABISTBUDAPEST STUDIES IN ARABIC 19-20

EDITOR

ALEXANDER FODOR

AsSOCiATi] EDITORS

KINGA nÉvÉxyIrauÁs tvÁtvyI

*PUBLISFIED WTTH TFIE FIELP OF

TFIE HUNGARIAN SCIENTIFIC RESEARC.H FU\D(OTKA T 023596)

*

Copyright Ed. Csoma de K rcjs >c^L. 1998

uúzEutvt BL,D.4/B BtjDA_pFsT 1088 HUNGARy

I

l

ofof)

Proceedings of theArabic and Islamic Sections

of the 35th International Congressof Asian and North African Studies

(ICANAS)_ Part Qng _

BUDAPEST, ,l,-7 IULY 1997

EDITED BY

K. pEvnNyI * T. ryÁxyl

PÓIVÓS rOnÁruO UNIVERSITY CHAIR FOR ARABIC STUDIES

CSoMA pg rőnós SoCIETy .arro* oF ISLAMrc sTuDIES

BUDAPEST, 1998

TFIE ARABISTBUDAPEST STUDIES IN ARABIC L9-2a

ISsN 0239-1,6,1,9

*

KESZÜLToRszÁGoS TUDoMÁNyos rurerÁsl ALAp rÁuocarÁsÁval

(OTKA T 023596)

CoNTENTS

Preface v1l

I. LINGUISTICS

M. G. Carter (Oslo): The Term mudári' in tbe Kitáb of Slbaanybi . . .

Ali al-Hamad (Irbid): Mustalabá al-asl waJ-usu| fí kutub an-nabu . . . . . 1

Solomon I. Sara (Georgetown): The Pbonetics of al-Azbarí . 27

Ahmed Mokhtar Omer (Cairo): Tlle Establishm.ent of Arabic in Egypt 37

Alia Hanafi (Cairo): Tuo Priaate Letters 51

Avihai Shiwiel (Cambridge): Arabisms in Hebreza 57

Ludmila Ivanova Torlakova (Bergen): Some Cultural and Ethnic Elements inModern Standard Arabic Idioms 63

Ab. Rahi* Hi. Ismail (Bangi): Arabic Language Program.me: Social Needs 73

Ali al-Mekhlafy (Sanaa) : al:Arabqrya al-fusbá a;a-t-ta'l ím fi Öaml'at San'á' 91

Gabriel M. Rosenbaum (|erusalem): Address Forms in Egyptian Literature 99

II. LITERATURE IO9

Dagmar Anne Riedel (B1oomington): Mediellal Arabic Literature betarcen Historyand Psycbology: Gustarle aon Grunebaum's Approach to Literary Criticism I1,1,

Hu ang A'lam (Li ge): Tbe Arabic Translation of Dioscorides'De Materia Medicaby Mibrán b. Mansur in Comparison uitb the Older Translation by Stepbanosand Hunayn b. Is|áq L23

F{assan Jamsheer (Lodz): Great Arab Modernist Tllinkers of the 20tb Century. TbeCase of Taha llusayn L3I

Krystyna Skar2yíska-Bocheáska ( arsaw) : Errance et patrie dans la poésiedÁdonis 1,39

I

3

5

;AVAL

Yl CoNTENTS

Ewa Machut-Mendecka (tU[arsaw): The |Vaning Sbeherezade: Tradition and Folklorein the Iraqi Drarna 147

Baian Rayhanova (Sofia): Tlle Image of tbe Countryside in tbe Modem SyrianNooel L53

Barbara Michalak-Pikulska (Cracow) z Painting in tbe Lituary Output of lurayláal-Baqsarnl ... t65

m. HISTORY I69

Mahayudin Hj. Yahaya (Bang): Tbe People of al-Ayyám and Tlleir Roles Duringthe Early Arab Conquest of Irq L7L

István Hajnal (Budapest): Tbe Pseudo-Milí Intrrrla,zo of tbe Qarárnita lnL87BaI2rayn

Mahmoud Said Omran (Alexandria): Htutd I, King of England and tbeLand (|erllsalem)

Balázs Major (Budapest): Crusader Touqs of t}* Terrc d" Urf, and its Winity 2It

Kamaruzaman Yusoff (Bangi): Egypt and Nuba in t]te 13th &ntrry: A PrelirninaryNote 229

Zoltán Szombathy (Budapest)z al-Qazut,nt. on the Cbarrctas of Etlmic Groupsbis Agar al-bilád

AMol Rauh Yaccob (Bangi): Ottoman-Arab Relations and t]x Formation of tbeModeTTL State of Yaman 245

Eliezer Tauber (Ramat-Gan): Tbe Political Llfe of Raíld Rida 267

Holy. 203

The presenat the ArabicNorth Africarorganized by t

Loránd tIniveThe Congr

whose interestsubjects and d

This part í:

literature andIn the pre

according to tIn the secti

S. I. Sara) arethree papers (

Arabic langua1

I- Torlakova, ,

deal with difftIn the next

devoted to m2yáska-Bocherconcerned wit

The last se

Omran, B. Mzfollowed by

^one to 20th ct

The seconc

Arabist - willArabic studies

Budapest, 1 D

ln235

cy. In: Libra_=

.. Giles, 2 yc'-:

lr. by John -

M, C. C. Ne.

Tr. by C. :

CRUSADER TOl (/ERS OF THE TEKKE DE CALIFE AND ITS VICINITY

Ba|ázs Major

Eotarjs Loránd Uniaersity, Budapest

"My wellbeloved hath a vineyardin a very fruitful hill:And he fenced it, and gathered out the stones thereof,and planted it with the choicest vine,

and built a tower in the midst of it ..."(Isaiah 5.1-2)

On the rcrritory once called by the Crusaders the Terre de Calife and in the close

proximity to it lie the remains of a special kind of Crusader settlement in the formof relatively small towers with subsidiary buildings adjoining them in some cases.

The aim of this short study is to draft some general observations of these remains;

their history, their structure and of the functions they once fulfilled, and so toattempt to shed some light on the area in the days of the Crusades.

This paper concentrates on seven torÁ/ers: 1. Qal'at Yat,mur (the Crusader ChastelRouge) - 2. Bur Mi'ár - 3. Tuhla - 4. Qal'at Umm H" - 5. Bur 'Arab - 6.

Bur Zárá - 7.Bur{ Maqsur. These towers belong to one specific group of Crusaderstructures. The remains of the seven towers concerned in this study I have visited inthe summer of 1995, with the exception of the tower of Tuhla which has documenta-tion fairly enough to be incorporated.

Location and general historical backgroundThe Terre de Calife lies in the southern littoral of present day Syria. The strategic

importance of the area can ha::dly be overestimated. The Crusader states during themost part of their existence were concentrated mainly on the"sábil", the littoral area

of the Levant. This territory has important natural defences: a long mountain range

separates it from the interior of Syria as part of the western boundary of theEast-African Rift System stretching from the Taurus Mountains of Southern Turkeyto the Gulf of 'Aqaba. One of the few easy v/ays oí approach from the interior ofSyria to the shores of the Mediterranean Sea is thróugh the Homs - Tripoli gap; a

plain some 10 km wide known by the name Buqay'a in the Arab sources dividing theAnsáriyya mountains from the Mountains of Lebanon (Van Berchem 1,91,4:42), thusproviding a good road to the hearth of the smallest Crusader state; the County of,

Tripoli. Immediately to the north of the western side of the entrance of this gap lies

the fertile area dotted with hills, which the Crusaders called the Terre de Caltfe deriv-

ing its name from the Nahr al-Halifa that flows through the territory (Dussaud

2I2 BALÁZS MAJOR

L927z 9a). In the 12th and 13th centuries this area formed part of the County ofTripoli (Richard 1945z L).

The location of the territory had heavy effects on its history in two ways. Abovea[l, after the Crusaders acquired it around the year 1110 (Deschamps L973:307), itwas exposed to the aftacks of the Muslim powers of Syria.

It would be an impossible task to reconstruct the precise history of each towerindividually owing to the lack of sources. Of the seven towers concerned, only two:

Qal'at Yalrmur and Bur Mi'ár are mentioned in the medieval sources, and only inthe case of Qal'at Yat,mur do we know the Crusader name, which was ChasteiRougel. The other towers - equally evidently Crusader constructions - seem to be

totally missing from the contemporary documentation. However the Arab sourcemake a fe*.ef..ences to "towerrJ o. to obviously less important "other castles" occll-pied together with the main castles of the area during Muslim military operations.As the towers usually had a series of buildings around them, often connected witha curtain wall to form one defensive unit, it is not surprising that they are no longerreferred to as mere towers, but as castles. The indication of their reduced importanceis in the fact that they are not named individually. fhile the muslim victory ac-

counts of the age rarely miss to enumerate every castle of considerable size or import-ance taken from the enemy, they seldom mention lesser forts and towers, and the

seven towers concerned fall to this latter category. The main castles nearest to these

tov/ers were the famous Crac des Chevaliers (today: tliqn al-Akrád), Chastel Blanc(today: Sáfitá), Arima (today: Qal"at "Aríma) and Tortosa (today: Tartus). ' í'hen achronicle tells us that these were occupied with a number of other castles, one mightrightly suspect the forts of the Terre de Calife to be amongst them. Yet informationis still too scarce to permit the drawing of at least general statistics on how manrtimes these towers were affected by muslim military operations2.

According to the contemporary sources ,s/e must count with more than a dozenof Muslim "it".k. directed

"g"i.rst this part of the County of Tripoli during the

nearly two centuries of its existence. The line was opened in 11,37 by the DamasceneamIr Baswá (Ibn al-Qalánísi, Damascus Cbronicle 24I).In 1138 'Imád ad-DinZankí, (Ibn al-Agír, at-Tárífu al-babir Sl) in 1148 (Ibn al-Qalánisi, DamascusCbronicle 288; Ibn al-Al,ir, at-Tárífoal-báhir 90), 1152 (Ibn al-Qalánísí, DarnAsctls

1 In the contemporary latin sources Yahmrjr is referred to as Castrum Rubrum, and it was LGuillaume Rey who "invented" the Frankish name analogously to the preserved frankish place-name o:

the nearby templar fortress of Chastel Blanc (Deschamps 1973:317).

2 As th" individual names are not mentioned, one cannot be entirely sure which towers were attackod

and which remained safe during a raid. Furthermore to,v/,ers could sometimes repel the siege and were no:necessarily occupied. In addition to these, the sources are not consequent: sometimes they just mentioc"other forts', at other timés they give the number of the occupied towers, or in the case of Chastel Rougp

and Mi'ár even mention the name.

CRUsADE

Cbronicle 312; Ibnand 1171 (Ibn al-Aarmies against thead-Din raided thein 1188 his army(Abu á*", Raud,Ayyubids, one inthe other ín t2I8ler domination in t

Mamluk sultan Ba

Alryubids II, 45), 1

(Ibn al-Furát, AlryII, 143-1aa). Thescope of this pape]

joríty of the attaclr

paigns. Their mair

the permanent oc(main strongholds ,

was not infrequenAhmar amongst c

ad-Din having ca1

(ibid.3I2).In thethe northern parthis troops devasta,

who in 1171 whilt(Chastel Blanc) ar

as well" (Ibn al-Aad-Diíl "... orderragainst Sáfitá,'Atook tlil, Yahmrtory till the end o,

on the fall of less

when the army onorthern part of tbars who began tl

together with the

year t27t, when i

3;."r, Richard al

1945: 65, n.2).

the Countl, -:

/o ways. Abc..>s 1973:307 , "

, of each to:i-::rned, only t*-::es, and onil- -

ch was Cha--ts - seem tc :fre Arab sour;:,,:

er castles" oc*---

ary oPeratic:_,connected rr,,:-,y are no lon.=-ced importa:_::;lim victory, .:: síze or imp-::-[owers, and :- .neareSt tO th=,^:

t, Chastel Bi.- _

lartus).'íhe::stles, one m]:*,íet inform a:^ _:

; on how IT:::_

re than a dc:.:poli durifls i-_:

the Damasc-- _

'Imád ad-t " _

nísi, Dami::,Lnisi , Dams::, ",.

rum, and it rr-., -

nkish place-na::,: :

]'S/erS 'Were a[:: : 1. :, :

e siege and .x-e:. : _

s they just rn=:-,. . -

se of Chastel P.: - l,

CRUSADER TO\ÍERS OF THE 7ERR E DE CALIFE AND ITS VICINITY 213

Cbronicle 312; Ibn al-Agir, at-Tárífo al-bábir 110), 1167 (Ibn al-Agi r, Kámil X, 5)

and 1171 (Ibn al-Al,ir, at-Tárífoal-báhir 154-155) his son Nur ad-Din conducted hisarmies against the Crusader territories behind the Buqay'a. The famous sultan Saláhad-Din raided the coastal plain in 1180, (William of Tyre, History II, 447-449) thenin 1188 his army marched through here during its victorious northern campaign(Abu á-", Raudatayn I|, 126). Two devastating raids were conducted by the iatterAyyubids, one in1207 by al-Malik al-'Adil (Ibn íásil, Mufarri al-kurubIII, L73),

the other in L21,8 by al-Malik al-A r af (ibid. III, 265) . The last decade of the Crusad-er domination in the region was interrupted by the restless military activity of theMamluk sultan Baybars. His attacks took place in the years 1260-61, (Ibn al-Furát,Ayubids II, 45), 1266 (Ibn'Abdazzáhír, Raail 252; Abtt á..r", D-.yl 23g-24O), 1,268

(Ibn al-Furát, Ayyubids II, 113-1t8),1,270 (ibid.II,I39-I40) and finally tn I271 (ibid.II, í43-1,4a). The detailed examination of these military movements is beyond thescope of this paper. Though it is sometimes hard to make clear distinctions, the ma-jority of the attacks should be regarded as raiding expeditions, rather than major cam-paigns. Their main aim was the destruction of the resources of the enemy and notthe permanent occupation of the territory. They rarely wasted time on besieging themain strongholds of the area, but the occupation of towers and less important castleswas not infrequent. In 1I37 the Damascenes "... captured the castle of Wádi Ibn al-

Ahmar amongst others." (Ibn al-Qalánisi, Damascus Cbronicle 24I)3.In 1152 Nurad-Din having captured Tortosa, "... took possession of a number of other castles..."(ibid.3I2).In the year 1166 Nur ad-Din took a number of the important castles inthe northern part of the County of Tripoli, including Chastel Blanc and Arima andhis troops devastated the surrounding area (Ibn al-Atír, KámilIX,5). It was also himwho in 1171 while besieging'Arqa "... sent apart of the 'askar to the castles of Saftta(Chastel Blanc) and'Arima, and took them by force, and similarly he took othersas well" (Ibn al-Agír, at-Tárífoal-báhir 1,54-1,55). During his campaign in 1188 Saláhad-Din "... ordered raids to be started against the castle (the Crac des Chevaliers),against Sáfitá, "Arima and the like, and brought out what was stored in them. Hetook Hiq" Yahmur and the raids did not cease as long as they camped in this terri-tory till the end of the month" (Abu á-", RaailataynIl,126). The next Arab reporton the fall of less important forts (here expressly towers) comes from the year t266,when the army of Baybars took three castles and no less than sixteen towers in thenorthern part of the County oí Tripoli (Abu árr,", Dayl239-240). It was sultan B^y-

bars who began the systematic reconquest of the region. The larger part of the area,

toBether with the Terre de Caltfe reverted to Muslim hands in the beginning of the

year I27I, when its major castles; Chastel Blanc and the Crac des Chevaliers fell. As

3 ;""., Richard attempted to identify the castle of Vádi Ibn al-Ahmar with Chastel Rouge (Richard

1945: 65, n.2).

214 BALÁZS MAJOR

Ibn al-Furát reported: "FIe then took over Saíitha and its territory together with cforts and towers in the neighbourhood of Hisn al-Altrád, such as Tell Khalifa andothers. God knows befter" (Ibn al-Furát, Ayubids II, 144). In all probability onl_T

one tower-fort escaped this fate in L271. This was Chastel Rouge. It fell only in 1289.the year in which Tripoli was taken from the Crusaders by sultan Qaláwun (Miiller-fliener t984 64).

The Gap of Homs was not only the clashing point of the forces of East and íe*-but it was also a point of collision between the African and Arabian Plates whichmanifested itself in the form of serious earthquakes, the most devastating ones b.*tin the years 1157 (Ibn al-Agír, at-Tárífu al-báhir 110; Talás 1990: L98_L99), 1t7C( (rilliam of Tyre, History II, 370-371) and I2O2 (Abu áma, Payl 29).

The structure of the towersThe Crusaders adopted several local practices during their long stay in the Levanl

but they also brought the traditions of their homelands. This clearly manifests itselfin their tower fortresses discussed here. Their prototypes are in all probability thosecastles of Northern-France which combined a tower-keep and a fortified enclosure-(Pringle 1986: 15).

Though the towers in the region of the Terre de Calife are uniform in general design, they show quite a diversity in their details; both in their architectural arrangement and in the masonry employed. The restricted length of this paper makes onlya general description possible.

The towers are in most cases entirely stone structures with quite similar xternaldimensions. Deschamps gave the basic area of three towers; that of the tower of Tub,la is 14 m x 12.8 m, the tos/er of Bur 'Arab is 14 m x 1,3.4 m, .and the tower ofChastel Rouge is 15 m x 14 m (Deschamps 1973:328). These proportionsa show a

marked preference for the square or almost square plans, over elongated oness.As nearly all the Crusader towers of the Holy Land, the towers of the Tene de

Calife and its vicinity consist of two vaulted 1evels6. The ground floor is alwalsbarrel vaulted, with the only exception of Chastel Rouge which has groin vault. Thefirst floors are vaulted with groin vault, except in the case of Bur Maqsur, havinga simple barrel vault on both its ground and first floors. In Tuhla and in Chastel

a Th.r. is no data on the basic area of the otheí toq/ers of which Bur Zárá ís the only wetri

preserved one. It clearly belongs to the Broup of towers with a square or almost square base. In the caseof the remaining three towers, all of which lack at least one of their facades, only excavations couliproduce the lacking data.

5 It s,rppo.ts the argument of Denys Pringle, who was the first to verify this tendency on theCrusader towers of Palestine (Pringle 1994:339).

6 At Bur Mi'ár all that remains is the vaulted undercroft of the tower, but given the survivingr,emains, its very improbable to lrave consisted of three vaulted levels.

CRUSADI

Rouge there wereholes in the wallslarge internal spacnine floor on botlhad it only on itsfound outside Syrthe concerned oncarved into the r<

floor spring from1ation.

The positionintowers is quite vaIn Chastel Rougeopposite sides of l

and first floors, w

the thickness of tlseen in Bur 'Arathe definite answe

tel Rouge and Bur

south wall was th,

another entrancetower oí Bur{ Zá

first floor could b

different levels ol

ladders and staircThe masonry

tice: the thickqla]enclosing a rubbpopular in the 12r

to the quoins of ttics of the 12th c

stone tyPes empl<

1945: 2)l0, rhey ,

7 Ftr.the, examil(Pringle 1986: 17).

8 I could not eíinformation on how

9 For explanati<

10 S." the geolo

gether with tm'ell Khaliía

^n-robability on_,

:l1 only in 12 ';

áwun (Itítill*-

East and 'es_

rn Plates wtu;.ting ones be;"198-199), 11-:)).

y in the Leva::manifests ito-:obability til:-*ified enclo r:::,

n in generai "::-

:ctural arrar:-ler makes c:--T

similar exte::;"3 tower of T;:*d the to\l,e: : ilrtions4 shc, ;

gated ones-'.

of the Tet-: :cfloor is alo-a":

;roin vault. ]::Maqsur, ha,"--:,i

and in Ch_.l-

,á is the ol:_-.- , .",re base. I:: :.:= :_l-,-,,

, excavatic::! :: * .;

is tender.;-", :: --:.:

given the i-:-. i,:T.rr1

CRUSADER To\ íERS oF THE TrRR E DE CALIFE AND ITS VICINITY 2L5

Rouge there ,were also wooden floors - as can be clearly detected from the putlogholes in the walls and from the positioning of some of the openings - dividing thelarge internal space and creating an additional floor. Tuhla had this wooden mezza-nine floor on both levels (R.y t87t:101, fig. 29), while the tower of Chastel Rouge

had it only on its first floor. This seems to be a local device as no examples of it are

found outside Syria (Pringle L994:339). These two towers are exceptional amongst

the concerned ones in other respects as well. Below Tuhla one can find a cisterncarved into the rock, and in Chastel Rouge the four bays of groin-vaults on each

floor spring from great central piers. Probably every tower had some kind of crenel-

1ation.

The positioning of the doors and the connection between the two levels of the

towers is quite lr"iio,r, on those, that have sufficient remains or records to inspect.

In Chastel Rouge the two levels were reached by individual doors, opening on twoopposite sides of the tower. There /as no internal connection between the ground

and first floors, while the roof could be reached by an internal staircase, running inthe thickness of the north wa117. A very similar arrangement of the entrances can be

seen in Bur 'Arab8. Though its only a hypothesis, and an excavation will providethe definite answer, Qal'at lJmm Hu might have had the same arrangement as Chas-

tel Rouge and Bur 'Arab. In my opinion the large opening of the first-floor on the

south wall was the entrance of the towers main living are^, and there must have been

another entrance to the basement, opening on the northern side of the tower9. The

tower of Bur Zárá had only one entrance, and that was on the ground floor. The

first floor could be reached by an internal staircase. The communication between the

different levels of the tower of Tuhla was rendered by a combination of wooden

ladders and staircases running in the thickness of the walls (R.y 1.87I: L02).

The masonry construction of the seven towers follows the usual Crusader prac-

tice: the thick q/alls of the to,wers were built with two facings of limemortared ashlar

enclosing a rubble core bonded with plentiful mortar. The rusticated ashlars so

popular in the 12th century Crusader architecture are totally missing or are restricted

io th. quoins of the towers, which latter fact is one of the distinguishing characteris-

tics of the 12th century Crusader rural structures (Ellenb\um 1992: 17t-t72). The

stone types employed, generally follow the geological conditions of the area (Richard

L945:2)1o, they are either limestone (Chastel Rouge, Bur Mi'ár and Tuhla) or

/ Frrrthe, examination is needed to resolve the questions which the positioning of this stairway Poses

(Pringle 1986 L7).

S I could not enter yet the first floor of the tower still used for domestic purposes and I have no

information on how the roof could be reached.

9 Fo. explanation see the paragraph on the residential and administrative functions of the towers.

10 S"" the geological map of the County of Tripoli: Deschamps 1973.

2L6 BALÁZS MAJOR

basalt stone (B"r Zárá and Bur Maqsur), and in the walls of Qal'at t)mm Hu and

Bur 'Arab the two types are mixed. The quality of the masonry shows significantdifferences giving some indication on the financial capacities of the owners. \íhile thekeep of Chastel Rouge and Bur Mi'ár is built of very finely cut ashlars, the saínccan't be told about Bur 'Arab built in a much poorer qualityll.

The masonry of the towers of Qal'at tJmm tl.r , Bur Zárá and Bur M"qg,r"shows differing parts indicating more than one construction phase, or perhaps rebuildings aíter the earthquakes or the demolitions of the enemy raids and campaipsso frequent in this area. In the walls of Bur 'Arab and Bur Zárá some byzantinespolia can be detected in the form of huge ashlars, well cut stone frames and the

cover of a sarcophagus (Deschamps t973z 327).

The settlementThe presence of the towers of the Terre de Calife and its vicinity with their dig

tinctively Crusader features described above is clearly indicating some form of Cnrsader presence in the countryside. The building of these towers might have been

evoked by two factors.To the contrary of the European practice, the overwhelming majority of the Cru

sader society was living in the well fortified towns) most of which was to be foundin the coastal area (Pra:wer 1972:66-67). Yet in the formative period of the Crusaderstate ; that means the first decades of the 12th century, the Europeans tried to intreduce a system familiar to that of their homeland (ibid.65). The seigneurs of indivi-dual territories enfeoffed certain proportions of land to their followers especially infertile areas like the Terre de Calife'2. Chastel Rouge in our territory was in thehands of the Montolieu family, provengal vassals of the count of Tripoli when theHospitallers received it in the year lL77 @eschamps L973:3I7; du Cange 1869:557l.The knightly families built small defensive structures in the centfes of their estate -

just like the remains described above.There was a parallel move to this. As it is documented in some areas of the Kiog-

dom of Jerusalem (Prawer 1980: I20-t42) authorities made serious attempts to semtre

certain areas with European population. The European rural settlements were Íoni,fied some way (Prasrer 1972: 83)13. Amongst the simplest methods was the construc-tion of a tov/er serving as a place of refuge in times of danger (Pringle 1997:398)"

These attempts however ended in failure (Prawer 1980: 142). The majority c,:

these lesser vassals became bankrupted in the "land of perpetual war". By the seconi

11 It ,rrrrrt be kept in mind of course, that volcanic stones are much harder to ,,*,ork, than n*limestone.

12 S"" the case of the Plain of Sharon (Pringle 1986).

13 al-Bira can be taken as the typical case for a Frankish 'new town' (Pringle t985: l47-I48),

CRUSADI

half oí the 12th cewhich possessed tJ

the victories of slpopulation to livethe ones considerdoned, they remaiscape'a.

The establishnpart of the Countship of the OrderChevaliersls andalmost sure that tra| part of the HcaIl the forts and c

FunctionsThough these

nearby fortificaticfunctions.1. Defensive func

Naturally the r

it played in provirers were not imprless raiding expeddidn't waste theirsurprise nature ol

appear meanwhil,

1a Ap".t from tlthe dating of at least c

'Arab, the parallel of12th century (Descha

15_ t ,

ror tne acquls

1887:259-260.16 Th. templars

(Riley-Smith 1969:2

" S". the map t

of the properties of tl

tJmm Hli ;:cows signii: -,,rT,

ners. \\'h:_: -lrhlars, the .-r:u

J Bur \l;:;ror perha:,= *:.

and can::,.- I;.

ome bl-z;::*:cframes á.- ] --jl:

with th._: :r:-

,e form :: * *r-"

ight ha..-; :*_*r

rity of t:. _ *r-,

rasto be::_":'"rf the C:*,.ir:*s tried t: - ,-* : -

neursol --,,)rs espec:: , ,[

OrY \\-aS _-',-j:::

:ipoli \\,i-- ,-,,J;

rnge 15:: ::*of thei:;!l,! :.

CRUSADER TO\ ÍERS OF THE TER.R E DE CALIFE AND ITS VICINITY 2I7

half of the 12th century their castles were usually taken over by the Military Orders,which possessed the resources to cope in an increasingly hostile environment. Afterthe victories of Saláh ad-Din it became very risky for any part of the Europeanpopulation to live in the countryside, away from the centres of the coast. Towers likethe ones considered "went out of fashion" and though not all of them was aban-doned, they remained a reminiscence oí a I}th century project in the Levantine land-scape'a.

The establishment of the military orders took place quite early in the northernpart of the County of Tripoli which became - with some exaggeration - the lord-ship of the Orders; the Hospitallers', centred on their mighty castle of the Crac des

Chevaliers1s and the Templars'16 with their headquarters based in Tortosa. It is

almost sure that the 1,2th century towers of the Terre de Calife also formed an integ-

ral part of the Hospitaller and Templar possessions, as this was the case with nearlyall the forts and casals of the area, of which Crusader documentation survived17.

FunctionsThough these tower fortresses seem to be extremely small compared with the

nearby fortification complexes of the Military Orders, they fulfilled several importantfunctions.1. Defensive function:

Naturally the most important function any fortress fulfilled was the defensive roleit played in providing refugee to the inhabitants oí a certain region. These small tow-

ers were not impregnable at all, but they offered useful protection against the count-

Iess raiding expeditions their territories ,were exposed to. Mounted warriors usuallydidn't waste their time besieging towers which took precious time so diminishing the

surprise nature of the raids. There was also the danger that a relieving force might

^ppear meanwhile. But if the attacking force decided to begin a siege the defenders

tO \\-ül:i, .'

" Ap"rt from the typology, the way of execution and the historical context, another fact supports

the dating of at least one to,wer to the 12th century; the engraving of a cross on one of the blocks of Bur.Arab, the parallel of which can be found on the wall of the Frankish church of Amioun, dated to the

12th century (Deschamps 1973: 327).

15_ tror tne acquisition of the castle and the lordship around it in 11,42 see Richard 1945: 62; Rohricht

1887:259-260.16 Th" templars acquired the city of Tortosa which became the nucleus of their properries in t152

(Ril ey-Smi th Lg 69 : 27 8 -287).

" S"" the map entitled "Carte des environs du Crac des Chevaliers" which shows the distribution

of the properties of the Military Orders in the area extending from Valenie to Tripoli (Deschamps I973)-1985: i:--_-i

218 BALAZS MAJOR CRUSAD

only for a short p

L27).In some cas

these towers as t398), but in our tmainly on the ar

However, it r

that could fulfil r

or left no trace al

L994:340). Theseare just enough tr

mulated crops, bt

first-floor roomsto,s/ers and the rthe puzzling facttowers of the colfloor and one on

rance can be foupractical to movit on a longer wa

the basement. Hcould the adminterweight the re<

Though indir,the repository fuletter of the papaagainst the Counthe local mill in a

a tower in whiclthe Muslim raidema, Raw.lQatayn I

in the Buqay'a ar

(Ibn VásiI, MufaIn contrast to

suited for everyC

2l*t t ,

l ne weaKen1]

two entrances on theRouge and Bur 'Ar

22+t.-- I hls assumPt

aíter a longer visit tr

couldn't hope to resist too longl8. The best example for the vulnerability of thetowers can be quoted from Abu áma, whose report tells that in the year L266 theraiding forces of Baybars took no'less than 16 Frankish towers in the area of the Gapof Homs (Abu á-", Dlyl 239-240).

Though the architects tried to employ much of the possible defensive devices the.vcould on this small scale, the nature of defence these towers possessed remainedpassive. The defenders relying on their supplies accumulated in the tower waited untilthe marauders left. As the main strength of the towers lay in the thickness of theirwalls, broken by only a few openings (not to weaken the wall too seriously) thercould not put up a much harder resistance even if they wanted to19.

An additional element of defence was the employment of the machiculis abovethe main openings of the towers. The defence of the entrance of Tuhla was strent-thened this way, and the corbels still hanging over the ground-floor entrance ofChastel Rouge and over the first-floor opening on the south wall of Qal'at UmmHu indicate the existence of box-machicolations in these cases as well. At the first-floor entrance of Chastel Rouge and at the entrance of Bur Zárá one can find a slot-machicolation above the entrances in the thickness of the wall.

At certain sites the towers don't stand alone. The best preserved example of a

curtain wall surrounding the tower can be seen at Chastel Rouge. The careful interre.lation of the tower and enclosure is proven by the positioning of the arrow slits as

well. They are highly concentrated on the southern side of the tower, facing the onlrgate of the enclosure. In the first half of our century Deschamps noted the traces oftrenches around Bur Maqsur (Deschamps 1973:327) andits very probable, that thesubsidiary buildings around Qal'at LJmm Hu were connected into a defensive lineby means of a curtain wa1120.

2. Residential and administrative functions:In all probability this category of towers - with regard to the function - were

also built to fulfil the residential and administrative needs of a lesser vassal in thecentre of his estates. The towers were built by vassals of a seigneur as was outlinedabove, but it seems very probable that most of these knights and their families lived

18 -r'" l he tower of Buria in Palestine fell to the ground in the space of four hours, after the Muslirnl"put up mighty efforts to undermine it" in the year 1182 Villiam of Tyre, HistoryII,47O).

19 On the ground floor the number of surviving openings is divided between few real arrow-slits an:windows for admitting light and air. In the case of the surviving first floor rooms the tendency seeme:to have no more than one arrow-slit on one surface of each floor, like at Tulla, Qal'at Umm Hu , Bu{'Arab. At Bur Záráwe find a pair of symmetrically arranged arrow-slits in each wall of the first-floo:,First-floor arrow-slits are quite concentrated at Chastel Rouge, on the south wall, which faces the gattof the enceinte. See the plans and cross sections of Chastel Rouge: Pringle 1986: 16.

20 K..rrr"dy registers that Tuhla is surrounded by outbuildings (I(ennedy 1994:77).

Lerability of ti:le year 1266 r::area of, the G-

live devices t}:e

sessed remair^.:

wer waited ur.:*

ricltness of tL._:

,seriously) t:.-

rachiculis ab_- .

uhla was stre-:oor entranc. _

of Qal'at U::rell. At the í::.e can find a s":

:d example :_ _

e careful inte::.he arrow sli:, -, facing the : - "

ted the trac.j ,

,obable, tha:,-,,,adefensivc_-,

unctlon -: --,

ser vassal l:_ :,,

aS WaS OU:__:.:

eir families _, ,, _

,s, after the ],1- .* :

l II, 47a).

, real arro*,-j. -- _,

,he tendenc-", ,::-,1,'at(JmmF-_:--all of the t::, .- ''

which íac=; _-, ;*

:77).

CRUSADER TO\íERS oF THE ZERR E DE CÁLIFE AND ITS VICINITY 2|9

only f,or a short period here or never moved to the countryside at all (Marsh aII 1992:I27).In some cases we have data from the Kingdom of Jerusalem of stewards usingthese towers as the administrative centre of the surrounding district (Pringle t997:398), but in our territory this type of documentation is missing, and one has to relymainly on the architectural analysis.

FIowever, it was not only the adjoining vaulted halls in the centre of an estatethat could fulfil repository function. In many cases these outbuildings never existedor left no trace at a11. The basements of the towers could also serve as stores (Pringle1994:340). These ground-floor halls arevery badly lit. Their few, small slit windowsare just enough to provide a minimal light and some ventilation needed for the accu-mulated crops, but not enough to serve as living-quarters in contrast to the better-litfirst-floor rooms. Accepting the repository function of the ground-floors of thetowers and the residential of the first-floors, we might find a possible solution forthe plzzling fact that in spite of all defensive deliberations, at the relatively smalltowers of the considered region either there are two entrances; one on the ground-floor and one on the first-floor2| or there is only one entrance, but that only ent-rance can be found exclusively on the ground*floor, and not higher. It was morepractical to move the goods directly into their final destination, than to lift and carryit on a longer wá}l through the living quarter of the owner or his steward down tothe basement. FIaving an entrance on the ground-floor would solve this problem.Could the administrative, repository function of a tower be so important as to coun-terweight the requirements of defence to this extent?22.

Though indirectly, both one Latin and some Arab sources confirm to some extentthe repository function of the towers of the Terre de Calife and its wider vicinity. Aletter of the papal legate, Simon reports that during the raiding expedition of Baybarsagainst the County of Tripoli in the year 1,266, the marauders destroyed houses andthe local mill in a village belonging to Simon, but they did not attempt to break intoa tower in which his goods were stored (Ibn al-Furát, Ayubids 2í1,, n.3). In 1188

the Muslim raiders "...brought out what was stored in..." the forts occupied (nb Sa-

ma, Raa.,datayn II, t26). In I2a7 the soldiers of al-'Adil got into the towe r of A'názin the Buqay'a and "took five hundred men plus great quantity of goods and arms"(Ibn VásiI, Mufarri al-kurub III, I73).

In contrast to the simple execution of the ground floors, the first-floors are moresuited for everyday living. The cross-vaulted chambers are more spacious and have

2|-t t ,'^ theweakentngstaticeffectofthiswasreducedbythearchitectinthesimplestway; heplacedtheav/o entrances on the opposite sides of the towers, as can be seen on the two surviving examples of ChastelRouge and Bur 'Arab.

22-t." This assumption and the new questions which it evokes need to be answered in a detailed study

after a longer visit to all the sites of the region, and a more thorough study in the written sources.

BALÁZS MAJOR

more openings to admit light. The size of the first-floor living areas of the towersmay give some indication on their possible uses, and professor Pringle performed thecomparison of the Palestinian crusader towers (Pringle 1994:34L-347). Though onlyChastel Rouge, Tuhla and Bur 'Arab are measured, and in the latter case only exter-nally, it is worth to consider the data. The internal area of the first-floor of ChastelRouge is about L29.5 m2, Tuhla's is around 56 m2 and as the external dimensions ofBur 'Arab are almost identical to that of Tuhla, we might suppose that the internalones can't be very different either.. Using the breaking-point of. 6t-70 m2 establishedby Pringle between the so called hall-keeps and the much smaller solar keeps its clearthat Chastel Rouge was a hall-keep. fle must remember however, that both ChastelRouge and Tuhla had a mezzanine floor which doubled the basic are\ making it pos-sible to record Tuhla among the hall-keeps. íhether Bur 'Arab had such a device.only an internal inspection can answer23.

The numbers are just indicators, and the possibility that certain solar-keeps wereused as the residences of vassals of poorer status can't be excluded. Chastel Rougehowever illustrates how well the theory accords with the historical reality. The own-ers of the enormous hall-keep; the Montolieu family produced members of rank forthe aristocracy of the county (du Cange 1,869:557).

3. Policing function:The sources concerning the Crusader period are witnesses to a quite peaceful co

existence of qhe different races of the Crusader states during most of their existence.FIowever it is a proven fact that an unbridgeable gap existed between the rulingFrankish society and the conquered Muslim population, which often manifested itseltin times of stress. The danger of uprisings existed (Prawer 1985: 59-1,1,5). The towenof the Terre de Calife spreading between the major castles of the area could also haveserved to keep the Crusader control tighter and help the process of taxation. As smal]control-posts some of them might have kept a check on the trade passing betweenthe sábil and the interior of Syria. According to the map of Dussaud which attemptto reconstruct the medieval routes, Chastel Rouge lied directly on the road that ledfrom Flama to the coast town of Tortosa (Dussaud I927z map XIV).

4. Centres of colonization?Attempts of colonizing the desolated countryside with settlers from Europe is re-

latively well documented in some areas of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (Prawer 198C:

1O2-I42), but this activity is still doubtful in the Terre de Calife owing to the lack ofsources. The rural settlements of the Europeans ,s/ere always fortified in some wav"

23 It ,""..r, from the positioning of the first-floor door that the internal height of the room is quitelarge, and the existence of a mezzanine floor can't be excluded altogether.

CRUSADI

Either they had sr

tower can be interthe existence of latthe master of the lthe existence of su,

in the document al

name: Castrum NThe tower fort

ling the area withfortresses of Qáqiour territory Bur1

The fort of Burrcdat'a, was listecsultan Qaláwun al

Tripoli (Abdazzábeen a frontier pc

away was still hel

5. Parts of a signa

It has been prosaders does not rpower in these sta

Terre de Calife weto,wers wherever t

for observation a:

rated in the handlarea in 360 degre,

study of the areathe question; to l

Though my viinteresting resultsAs was stated molobservation pointof Chastel Blanc,

24+l tl ne tower na

of the to*--lerformed ::eThough ::_-rse only e :=-,or of Chas:limensior:, _

rt the inte:.,ar.

n2 establi.j-:.:keeps its :.:;;: both CLx:making i: :,:.-such a de,"-,::

rr-keeps -*,.**

]hastel F.: i.lity. The : -:":rs of ra::,"- :

"*

LLl,[,

n Eurc:: ,, *,:,

(Pras-t: _: ] -

; to the _._.

l in sot_. ' *

CRUSADER TO\ÜrERS OF THE TEfiR E DE CÁLIFE AND ITS VICINITY 22t

Either they had some kind of curtain wall, or had a fortified tower, yet not every

tower can be interpreted as the remainder of a latin village. A far better indicator is

the existence of latin churches. According to the testimony of the agreement between

the master of the Templars Everard de Barres and Bishop íiliam of Tortosa in LI52,

the existence of such churches cannot be denied in the region. The names enumerated

in the document are identified with places other than the seven towers, but one place-

name: Castrum Novum is still unidentified (Riley-Smith 1969:285).

The tower forts once conquered by the enemy could also serve as bases of his sett-

ling the area with the appropriate population (IVIarsha|I 1992:206).In Palestine the

fori..rr., of Qáqun, the Red Tower and Calansue fulfilled this function (ibid.). Onour territory Bur Mi'ár might have had a similar task after it Íell to the Muslims.

The fort of Bur Mi"ár of which only a vaulted undercroft of a tower can be seen

rcdat'a, was listed among the muslim possessions in 3 texts of the treaties between

,,rltá Qaláwun and the leadership of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the CountY oÍ

Tripoli (ebd"rráhir, Tasrtf 2t;38; 210; Gabrielli, Arab Historians 324). It could have

been a frontier post of considerable importance as Chastel Rouge a few kilometres

away was $i11 held by the Crusaders at that time.

5. Parts of a signalling system?

It has been prorr.d ".rd

is generally accepted, that the defensive sYstem of the Cru-

saders does not reflect a homogenous conception, above all because there was no

power in these states to carry through such (Smaíl L956:204-208). The towers of the

Trn, d,e Callfe were also built by individuals acting to their own will, building their

towers wherever they wanted to. But once they were built they could have been used

for observation and signalling as well, especially when they were PossiblY concent-

rated in the hands of th. Military Orders. Most of them command the surrounding

area in 360 degrees. It would be an important project to make a carefullY detailed

study of the aiea both on the field and both from the surviving sources) to answer

the question; to what extent were these towers used as Parts of a signalling system?

thorrgh my visit to the area was short and more work on the sources maY Yieldinteresting results in the future, ome preliminary observations might be ventured.

As was stated most of the to\^/ers are in a good position of observation, but the best

observation point in the region is the dungeon of the once enormous temPlar castle

of Chastel BLnc, which is situated 38O metres high on the emergence of a long sPur.

I the rc,; -2u Th" to.w.er had at least a first-floor room, which collapsed around the Year 1914. (Hanná: 63).

222 BALÁZS MAJOR

As one can experience, Chastel Blanc can be seen from all the seven towers, with theexception of Chastel Rouge2s.

From Chastel Blanc one can éven see the peaks of the Lebanon in good weatherconditions. Flowever this is not entirely characteristic of the region receiving veryhigh humidity from the neighbouring sea. Even in the middle of summer it is notsurprising to meet haze or fog. Another factor makes indispensable to have moreobservation points than a few castles scattered in a vast territory. The majority of theraiding parties departed in the evening to reach its target at dawn, travelling at nightmaking use of the covering of darkness and the low night temperatures (Marshallt992: L97).In this case the commanding position of Chastel Blanc alone was of littleuse, but it was harder to bypass the environs of the densely placed towers withoutbeing noticed. Noticing the approaching enemy in time was not of minorimportance. Time was needed to accumulate the goods of a given region into thesafety of a tower26. If the area of the towers was attacked directly the populationtaking shelter in a tower could ask for a relievirtg force to be sent from the numerousgarrison of Chastel Blanc2z.

The signalling could be done either by fire or by the way of pigeons. Several ex-

amples demonstrate, that the Crusaders used both (Deschamps 1973:155). One reportof the Crusader pigeon post in action comes just from the territory of Chastel Blanc(ibiór8.

As in the case of several points in the military architecture and military sciencesthe parallels of the signalling system in the form of watchtowers can be found on themuslim side as well. One noteworthy example was established to the east of the Bu-qay'ajust opposite to the Terre de Calife.Ibn 7ási1 notes in his necrology of al-Malikal-Mu áhid, the ruler of Homs that the amír who had much trouble on account otthe raids of the Hospitallers of the Crac des Chevaliers, ordered towers to be built

25 In this respect Chastel Blanc gains much more importance than the famous Crac des Chevalierfrom which one can see Chastel Blanc but cannot see the majority of towers concerned, because of a

neighbouring ridge that closes down the view. See the map attached to the study which contains th:visibility list of Deschamps (excluding the visual connections of the castle of 'Akkár), and my persoí]Lobservations, concentratingon the visibility between the towers. The map naturally is far from complete.and more visibility lines can be drawn, including more places after longer journey to the area.

26 Li.rg"ri.rg could result in the serious weakening of a regions economic potential; examples quote:by Molin (L997:380).

27 Ibn al-Furát's account indicates, that the garrison of Chastel Blanc,was numerous enough:;conduct sallies against the raiding detachments of Baybars' in the year of 1266 (Ibn al-Furát, Ayyubds í--86).

28 lts interesting to note that while Baybars had to build several watchtowers with pigeon posts o:the highway between Damascus and Homs, his improvement of the pigeon post system in the northe=territories of the county of Tripoli is recorded only in'Akkár (Ibn Saddád, TárI!al-Malih az-Zábir 35-

cRUsAD

between them anof Homs unnotic

I hope that inde Calife and its vmore elaborate rr

A. Primary sour(

Abu am a, Raulab. Ibráhim al-

Dár al-Ör1, 1

Abu áma, DayI ,

him al-Muqaruf bi-d-D_ayl

Gabrielli, Arab í1Angeles 1978.

Ibn "Abdazzáhir,al-malih, a4-Z

Ibn 'Abdazzáhír,yr fl sírat alNa r, I96L.

Ibn al-Agír, Kánb. Muhammat-tárlfo. 10 vc

Ibn al-Agir, at-',Mulrammad L

at-Tárt.bal-bidad: Maktaba

Ibn al-Furát, A7bids, Mamlub,Ed. Sc tr. by

Ibn al-Qalánisi,ma qi al-'AnH. A. R. Gib

,!

wers, wttf,::d

good ,ea-_:tr

receiving .-::,nmer it is -:l_to have =:::najoritv ::::clelling a[ : ;-lL:

ures Sía:. -,r li

le was c,j "

::,*

)wers \\-::-:]ílot of

=-_-,-r-egion in:: -,,]"c

,he popu_.i.--:. ]

the nu::.:: -r

rns. Ser-e:i -J:

;5). On; ::: *: Chaste- ! lr_.

ilitan- i:_::i-..,e founj, -- ,_,]L*

east of ::_: ] r."

)gy ot i-]"*,lr-iu

on ac; - _:.-

ers tC :. : -r-r"

CRUSADER TOr rERS OF THE TERR E DE CALIFE AND ITS VICINITY 223

between them and the Muslims, to prevent the Franks from reaching the territoryof Homs unnoticed (Ibn ' 7ásil, Mufarri al-hurub V,254).

I hope that in this short paper I could provide some general sketches on the Terrede Calife and its vicinity and could direct the attention to a territory which deservesmore elaborate research programs and study.

REFERENCES

A. Primary sources

Abu ama, Raa,,datayn : Sirral ad-Din Abu Muhammad'Abdarrahmán b. Isma"ilb. Ibráhim al-Muqaddast a - afi'í, ar-Raul/,oioyrf, afobár ad-d,aw,latayn. Beirut:Dár al-Ö1|, L974.

Abu áma, Dajl: ihab ad-Din Abu Muhammad'Abdarrahmán b. Isma'il b. Ibrá-him al-Muqaddasí a - áfri, Tará im ri al al-qarnayn as-sád.is ua-s-sábi' al-ma'-ruf bi-/-Payl'alá r-Rauldatayn. Beirut: Dár al-ÖíI, 1974.

Gabrielli, Arab Historiani : Gabrielli, Francesco, Arab Historians of the Crusades.LosAngeles 1978.

Ibn'Abdazzáhír, Raail: Mulryi d-Din Ibn "Abdazzáhir, ar-Raud az-zábirfí síratal-malik az-Zábir. Riyadh í976.

Ibn 'Abdazzáhir, Talríf : Muhyí d-Din lbn 'Abdazzáhir, Tasríf al_alryám ua-l:u-

1ur ft. st,rat al-malik al-Mansur. Caíroz a - arika al-"Arabiyya lí-t-Tibá'a wa-n-

Na r, L96L.Ibn al-Agír, Kárnll : Abu l-Hasan'Alí b. Abi l-Karam Al,ir ad-Din Muhammad

b. tvt,rhammad b. 'Abdalkarím"Izzad-Dín Ibn al-Agir a - aybán t, al-kamlt frt-tárífo. 10 vols. Beirut: Dár al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1995.

Ibn al-Agír, at-Táríbal-báhir : Abu l-Hasan "Ali b. Abi l-Karam Agir ad-DinMuhammad b. Mulrammad b. 'Abdalkarím'Izzad-Dín Ibn al-Agir a - aybáni,at-Táríhal-báhirft. d-daulla al-atábik|rya. Caíro: Dár al-Kutub al-Hadiga, Bagh-dad: Maktabat al-Muganná, 1963.

Ibn al-Furát, Alryubids : Muhammad b.'Abdarrahim b.'Ali Ibn al-Furát, Awu-bids, Mamlukes and Crusaders. Selections from the Tárt,fo ad-Duulal u:a-l-Muluk,.Ed. & tr. by U. Lyons & M. C. Lyons. 2 vols. Cambridge t97I.

Ibn al-Qalánisi , Damascus Cbronicle : Hamza b. Asad b. 'Ali at-Tamimi ad-Di-ma qi al-'Amid Ibn al-Qalánisi , The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades. Tr. byH. A. R. Gibb. London L932.

l; era=__.:

224 BALÁZS MAJOR

Ibn addád, Tártfoal-malib az-Zábir : "Izzad-Din Muhammad b. .Ali b. IbráhirIbn add ad,, farlfu al-mal'ik'a.z-Zábir. Beirut: Modern Printing Center, 1983.

Ibn Vásil, Mufani at-hurub : éamál ad-Din Mubammad b. Sálirn Ibn \ fásil , trbfoniÉ al-kurub ft, afubár Bant. Ayyub. 5 vols. Cairo L953-t975.

William of Tyre, History : \ filliam of Tyre, Á History of Deeds Done Beyond tbe b.Tr. by E. A. Babcock 6. A. C. Krey. 2 vols. (: Records of Civilization, Solltuand Studies, 25.) New York. L976.

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van Berchem, Max 6. E. Fatio. t9L4. Voyage en Syrie.Mémoires de l'Institut Frangeid'Archéologie Orientale du Caire. Cairo.

Deschamps, Paul. L973. La défense du cornté de Tripoli et de la principauté dÁnti&.(: Les Chateaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte III. Bibliotbéque arcbéologtque abistorique, 90.) París

Dussaud, René. tg27. Topograpbie bistorique de la Syrie antique et méd,ieuale. (: B&liotbéque arcbéologique et bistorique, 4.) Paris.

Ellenblum, Ronny. 1992. "Construction Methods in Frankish Rural Settlements'. 7úrHorns of Hattin 168-189. Ed. by B. Z. Kedar. Jerusalem, London.

du Fresne du Cange, C. 1869. Les Familles d'Outre-Mer. Ed. by E. G. R.y. Paris.al-Öailád, Muhammad ilalid & Mustafá Talás. LggO. Qal'at oÍ-brrr. Hisn al-Ak?aá

Damascus: Talásdár.Hanná, Zakariyya. n. d. al-Qilá' ua-l-mauáqi' al-alariyya fl muháfazat lartas

Damascus: Matábr Alif Bá' li-l-Adib.Kennedy, Hugh. t994. Crusader Castles. Cambridge.Marshall, Christopher. 1992. |Varfare in the Latin East, 1192-129L Cambridge.Molin, Kristian. 1997. "The non-military functions of crusader fortifications, 1187-

circa 1380". Journal of Medieaal History 23/4.389-408.Miiller- íiener, 7olfgang. L984. al-Qilá' alryám al-burub as-sallb|rya. Tr. by Mrr

bammad Valid al-Öallád. Damascus: Dár al-Fikr.Prawer, Joshua. L972. TIle Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. London.

"Colonization Activities in the Latin Kingdom". Crusader Institutiots_102-t42. Oxford.

1985. "Social Classes in the Crusader States: the 'MiForities"'. A History dthe Crusades Y: The Impact of the Crusades on tbe Near P,ast. 5g-t 1,5. Ed. by K. ilLSetton. Madison. ,*'/'

Pringle, Denys. 1985. *Magna Mahumernta- #fíhe Archaeology of a FrankishNew Town in Palestine". Crusade and Settlemen. Ed. by P. Edbury. t47-16t.Cardiff.

CRUsAD

-.

L986. nthe Time of thof Archaeolo1

L997. "1

of Jerusalem:389_408.

R"y, Guillaume.en Syie et danire de France.

1883. l,Richard, Jean. 19

Librairie oritRiley-Smith, Jon

unknown docReaieu;84.27l

Rohricht, ReinhcSyriens". Zeit,

Smail, Raymond1973. T

b. Ib,rü:m;er. i 9'!,]

, "a*q* _rur"

i!9na;,ar- .:lozl- _$:n:q:g

tut F:xl=url

' d'-4*,;l:aru.

éo,oir-w ,

.aie" = jrr;lrr

? #me:- _ m

4a -' p1 1,lu- _ & ",&^

__fr-

ll,,]-_, _l ,]íh_Lu+

/ J]_--,&-, r'l],J,,,

-i _li-ln*, utl

.j" :r- r 1|,t!

^ t,.- a]it_}:!dL

,:-"- _l-*_ nd

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226 BALÁZS MAJOR CRUSAD]

THETERRE DE OALIFE AND /rs wclNlTY

chastelBlanc

crac des chevalierc

O 10 20km

E matncltleg+ malncagtleg! íoyers concerned in the study

- the lines indicate the mutual visibility

Based on the map of P. Deschamps (entitled: Carte de environs. du Crac des Chevaliers)in. la défense du comté dc Tiipoli et de la principauté d'Antioch.

graphtcs by Viemann Zsolt

.==-i|roarcsa- - --^l

]hevaliers

CRUSADER TO\flERS OF THE TERR E DE CALIFE AND ITS VICINITY

Bur Zárá

n Zsolt

Qal'at Umm HuS

228 BALAZS MAJOR

Bur 'Arab

EG

Introductioncontact betwe,

century A. H. wheín 2L/64L_2 (Ibn ,,

Nuba under the leEgypt. A treaty wJ

up between the Mso-called baqt (tritNubian christians

Boqt differed frother gifts to theArabs for slaves an

ing slaves, especialto send wheat anc

Thereafter, theMuslim rulers in Iod, however, they29).Except for a ft

succeeding Islamicand the Fátirnís Qresult of a recognitregular gifts and s

' flhen the lastNubians began toof the Alryubls an,

568/1172 (Ibn a|-A

capital of the king,yubís left Nuba ulAswán.

'F.om then onwt69-70, 174; Budge I91Bur M i'ár