book of abstracts - université de genève

Geneva, July 8-10, 2015

Conference of the International Society for Research on Emotion

Book of abstracts

3

Welcome to ISRE 2015 in Geneva! Dear colleagues, dear friends,

We are extremely pleased to welcome the communi-ty of affective scientists to Geneva for the conference of the International Society for Research on Emotion (ISRE). Emotion research has never been so flourishing, with original in-terdisciplinary integrations, new theoretical developments, and innovative methods. This is reflected not only in the impressive in-crease of research groups and centers that focus on emotion, but also in journals that publish high level emotion research and in the growing impact our findings are having on society in general.Our goal in putting together ISRE 2015 is to provide the most vibrant environment to present your work, to offer a thorough overview of ongoing developments in the study of emotion, and to showcase the latest discoveries in all disciplines with an interest in emotions broadly understood. During these 3 days, around 500 participants from over 33 countries will meet at the University of Geneva: ISRE 2015 offers more than 380 scientific communications, distribu-ted over 3 plenary lectures, 150 symposium presentations, 81 indi-vidual talks and 146 posters. We are proud that the presentations cover so many relevant disciplines including psychology, neuros-cience, philosophy, sociology, linguistics, affective computing, his-tory, anthropology, the humanities and the social sciences at large.We believe that ISRE 2015 is a unique opportunity to pre-sent research activities, to learn about advances in other fields, and to debate emotions from the uniquely inter-disciplinary angle that characterizes our association. We dedicate ISRE 2015 to the memory of our colleague and friend Nico Frijda. A founding member of ISRE, Nico Frijda was always close to the heart of the association, and he will be sorely missed.

ISRE 2015 Program and Organizing Committees

4

Program and organizing committees

Prof Andrew Beatty, Brunel University London, program committeeProf Fabrice Clement, University of Neuchâtel, program committeeProf Giorgio Coricelli, University of Southern California, program committeeProf Julien Deonna, University of Geneva, program & organizing committeeProf Ronnie de Sousa, University of Toronto, program committeeProf Didier Grandjean, University of Geneva, program & organizing committeeMrs Marion Gumy, University of Geneva, organizing committeeProf David Konstan, New York University, program committeeProf Patrizia Lombardo, University of Geneva, program & organizing committeeProf Tony Manstead, Cardiff University, program committeeDr Marcello Mortillaro, University of Geneva, program & organizing committeeProf Thierry Pun, University of Geneva, program committeeMrs Frédérique Rapaccioli, University of Geneva, organizing committeeProf David Sander, University of Geneva, chair, program & organizing committeeMrs Daniela Sauge, University of Geneva, organizing committeeProf Marianne Schmid Mast, University of Lausanne, program committeeDr Cristina Soriano, University of Geneva, program & organizing committeeProf Jan Stets, University of California, Riverside, program committeeProf Carien van Reekum, University of Reading, program committeeMrs Carole Varone, University of Geneva, organizing committeeProf Patrik Vuilleumier, University of Geneva, program & organizing committee

5

The program committee gratefully acknowledges the contribution of the following additional reviewers:

Dr Ursula Beermann Dr Tobias Brosch Dr Elena Canadas Prof Agnès Celle Dr Leonardo Ceravolo Dr Guillaume Chanel Dr Géraldine Coppin Dr Florian Cova Dr Sylvain Delplanque Dr Richard Dub Prof Malgorzata Fabiszak Prof Johnny Fontaine Dr Sascha Fruehholz Prof Edouard Gentaz Dr Kornelia Gentsch Dr Olga Klimecki Dr Federico Lauria Dr Viridiana Mazzola Dr Alessia Pannese Dr Marco Pedrotti Dr Julie Peron Dr Andrea Samson Dr Lingdan Wu

7

Contents

Wednesday, July 8Plenary lecture 15Presidential symposium 17Symposium session 1 18Poster session 1 50Symposium session 2 105Oral session 1 134

Thursday, July 9Plenary lecture 165Symposium session 3 167Poster session 2 199Symposium session 4 247Oral session 2 280

Friday, July 10Plenary lecture 305Symposium in honor of Nico Frijda 307Symposium session 5 308Poster session 3 342Symposium session 6 390Oral session 3 424

9

Program overview

Tuesday 7 July Wednesday 8 July Thursday 9 July Friday 10 July

08:00 Registration Uni Bastions

09:00 Jennifer Lerner Plenary lecture Uni Dufour

Tania Singer Plenary lecture Uni Dufour

Justin d’Arms Plenary lecture Uni Dufour

10:00 Presidential symposium Uni Dufour

ISRE Meeting Uni Dufour

Symposium in honor of Nico Frijda Uni Dufour

11:00 Coffee break Uni Bastions

Coffee break Uni Bastions


11:20 Symposium session 1 Uni Bastions

Symposium session 3 Uni Bastions


13:00 Lunch break Lunch break Lunch break

14:00 Poster session 1 Uni Bastions

Poster session 2 Uni Bastions

Poster session 3 Uni Bastions

15:00 Symposium session 2 Uni Bastions

Symposium session 4Uni Bastions


16:40 Coffee break Uni Bastions



17:00 Oral session 1 Uni Bastions

Oral session 2 Uni Bastions

Oral session 3 Uni Bastions

17:30 Registration Uni Bastions

18:20 End of Oral session 2

18:30 Welcome drink Restaurant du Parc des Bastions

18:40 End of Oral session 1

End of Oral session 3

19:00 Conference dinner Hotel Kempinsky

Closing drink Restaurant du Parc des Bastions

20:30 End of registration

10

Wednesday 8 July

Wed

nesd

ay 8

July

09:0

0Je

nnife

r Ler

ner -

Ple

nary

lect

ure,

Uni

Duf

our

10:0

0Pr

esid

entia

l sym

posi

um, U

ni D

ufou

r11

:00

Coffe

e br

eak,

Uni

Bas

tions

11:2

0S1

.1 - R

oom

B10

6 Th

e us

e, ap

plic

a-tio

n an

d m

easu

re-

men

t of e

mot

ion

kn

owle

dge:

in

terd

isci

plin

ary

pers

pect

ives

A. Fi

sche

r, D. S

aute

r

S1.2

- Ro

om B

101

The

Self,

Iden

tity,

and

Posi

tive

and

Neg

ativ

e Em

otio

nsJ.

Stet

s

S1.3

- Roo

m B

111

Reco

gniz

ing

Emo-

tions

from

Voi

ces

A. P

inhe

iro

S1.4

- Ro

om B

112

Love

and

Rea

son

H. N

aar

S1.5

- Ro

om B

109

Iram

non

nov

it iu

s? (L

aw d

oes

not k

now

ang

er?)

Em

otio

ns a

nd

lega

l jud

gmen

t ac

ross

dis

cipl

ines

G. M

. Vid

or

S1.6

- Ro

om B

302

Stud

ies o

n th

e in

ter-i

ndiv

idua

l ef

fect

s of t

ears

A. G

raca

nin

13:0

0Lu

nch

brea

k14

:00

Post

er se

ssio

n 1,

Uni

Bas

tions

15:0

0S2

.1 - R

oom

B10

6An

inte

rdis

cipl

i-na

ry in

vest

igat

ion

into

the

effe

cts o

f ni

ne m

onth

s of

men

tal t

rain

ing

P. Ka

nske

S2.2

- Ro

om B

101

Beyo

nd m

ean

leve

ls o

f one

em

otio

n ca

tego

ry:

New

insi

ghts

from

an

em

otio

nal p

at-

tern

s app

roac

hJ.

De

Leer

snyd

er,

M. B

oige

r

S2.3

- Roo

m B

111

Rece

nt R

esea

rch

on E

mot

ion

in

Org

aniz

atio

nsN

. M. A

shka

nasy

S2.4

- Ro

om B

112

How

em

otio

ns

mak

e us

tick

: A

mul

ti-m

etho

d ap

proa

ch to

un

ders

tand

ing

the

rela

tion

betw

een

emot

ions

and

su

bjec

tive

time

T. Pe

nney

, A.

Sch

irmer

S2.5

- Ro

om B

109

Met

a-em

otio

ns,

self-

awar

enes

s, an

d se

lf-re

gula

tion

C. J

äger

S2.6

- Ro

om B

302

Soci

al N

orm

s and

Em

otio

nsC.

von

Sche

ve,

F. M

inne

r

16:4

0Co

ffee

brea

k, U

ni B

astio

ns17

:00

O1.1

- Ro

om B

106

O1.2

- Ro

om B

101

O1.3

- Ro

om B

111O

1.4 -

Room

B112

O1.5

- Ro

om B

109

O1.6

- Ro

om B

302

18:4

0En

d of

the

oral

sess

ions

11

Thursday 9 July

Thur

sday

9 Ju

ly09

:00

Tani

a Si

nger

- Pl

enar

y le

ctur

e, U

ni D

ufou

r10

:00

ISRE

Mee

ting,

Uni

Duf

our

11:0

0Co

ffee

brea

k, U

ni B

astio

ns11

:20

S3.1

- Roo

m B

106

The

Psyc

holo

gy o

f Fa

cial

Exp

ress

ions

: Ev

iden

ce fr

om

Wes

tern

, Eas

tern

, an

d In

dige

nous

So

ciet

ies

J. Ru

ssel

l, C. C

rivel

li

S3.2

- Ro

om B

101

It’s N

ot (J

ust)

Cont

agio

n: D

if-fe

rent

App

roac

hes

to E

mot

iona

l Sp

read

in In

terp

er-

sona

l, Gro

up a

nd

Cultu

ral C

onte

xts

B. M

esqu

ita

S3.3

- Roo

m B

111

Inte

r-ind

ivid

ual

diffe

renc

es in

em

otio

n re

gula

-tio

n ab

ilitie

sP.

Hot

S3.4

- Ro

om B

112

Dyn

amic

Sys

tem

s Ap

proa

ches

to

Emot

ion

B. M

eule

man

, W

. Cun

ning

ham

S3.5

- Ro

om B

109

His

tory

of e

mo-

tions

and

em

o-tio

ns in

his

tory

: H

ow th

is e

mer

-gi

ng fi

eld

can

feed

th

e ps

ycho

logy

of

emot

ions

?R.

Spi

jker

man

, O.

Lum

inet

S3.6

- Ro

om B

302

Colle

ctiv

e Em

o-tio

ns a

nd S

ocia

l Id

entit

ies

M. S

alm

ela,

C.

von

Sche

ve

13:0

0Lu

nch

brea

k14

:00

Post

er se

ssio

n 2,

Uni

Bas

tions

15:0

0S4

.1 - R

oom

B10

6In

tegr

ativ

e th

eo-

ries o

f em

otio

n:

The

wav

e of

the

futu

re?

A. M

oors

S4.2

- Ro

om B

101

The

Role

of E

mo-

tions

in N

egot

ia-

tion

and

Conf

lict

Reso

lutio

nO.

Klim

ecki

S4.3

- Roo

m B

111

Asse

ssin

g Em

otio

-na

l Int

ellig

ence

/Co

mpe

tenc

e:

Tow

ards

a n

ew

futu

reJ.

Font

aine

S4.4

- Ro

om B

112

Wha

t em

otio

ns

can

tell

us a

bout

so

cial

life

U. H

ess,

S. H

arel

i

S4.5

- Ro

om B

109

New

conc

eptu

a-lis

atio

ns o

f an

old

emot

ion:

The

fe

elin

g of

bei

ng

mov

edB.

Sei

bt

S4.6

- Ro

om B

302

Emot

ions

, Dan

gers

an

d Cr

ises

in th

e M

etro

polis

A. B

rook

s

16:4

0Co

ffee

brea

k, U

ni B

astio

ns17

:00

O2.

1 - R

oom

B10

6O

2.2

- Roo

m B

101

O2.

3 - R

oom

B111

O2.

4 - R

oom

B112

O2.

5 - R

oom

B10

9O

2.6

- Roo

m B

302

18:2

0En

d of

the

oral

sess

ions

19:0

0Co

nfer

ence

din

ner, G

rand

Hôt

el K

empi

nski

12

Friday 10 July

Frid

ay 10

July

09:0

0Ju

stin

d’A

rms -

Ple

nary

lect

ure,

Uni

Duf

our

10:0

0Sy

mpo

sium

in h

onor

of N

ico

Frijd

a, U

ni D

ufou

r11

:00

Coffe

e br

eak,

Uni

Bas

tions

11:2

0S5

.1 - R

oom

B10

6 Ex

ecut

ive

Func

-tio

ns a

nd E

mo-

tions

M. P

e, P.

Kupp

ens

S5.2

- Ro

om B

101

Conn

ectin

g

Iden

tity

and

Emo-

tion

as A

ffect

ive

Expe

rienc

esA.

Sch

neid

er,

T. Sc

hröd

er

S5.3

- Roo

m B

111

Expl

orin

g th

e m

o-tiv

atio

nal d

iver

sity

of

env

y: D

estr

uc-

tive

and

cons

truc

-tiv

e em

otio

nal

reac

tions

tow

ard

the

bett

er-o

ffJ.

Lang

e, J.

Crus

ius

S5.4

- Ro

om B

112

Dyn

amic

Sys

tem

s Em

otio

ns, v

alue

s an

d en

ergy

tech

-no

logy

acc

epta

nce:

Br

ingi

ng to

geth

er

psyc

holo

gica

l an

d ph

iloso

phic

al

pers

pect

ives

N. H

uijts

S5.5

- Ro

om B

109

The

Epis

tem

ic

Valu

e of

Em

otio

nsF.

Tero

ni

S5.6

- Ro

om B

302

Sem

antic

ana

lysi

s of

em

otio

n w

ords

us

ing

the

GRI

D p

a-ra

digm

: Val

idat

ion

and

appl

icat

ion

of

a br

ief v

ersi

on o

f th

e in

stru

men

tK.

Sch

erer

13:0

0Lu

nch

brea

k14

:00

Post

er se

ssio

n 3,

Uni

Bas

tions

15:0

0S6

.1 - R

oom

B10

6Th

e ra

pid

proc

es-

sing

of m

otiv

a-tio

nally

rele

vant

in

form

atio

n:

Psyc

holo

gica

l, ne

urop

hysi

olog

ical

an

d en

docr

inol

ogi-

cal m

echa

nism

sJ. L

obm

aier

, T. B

rosc

h

S6.2

- Ro

om B

101

Emot

ions

acr

oss

Adul

thoo

d: T

he

Role

of C

ogni

tion,

M

otiv

atio

n, a

nd

Cultu

reA.

M. F

reun

d,

I. Gro

ssm

ann

S6.3

- Roo

m B

111

Emot

ion

Reac

tivity

an

d Re

gula

tion

in

Indi

vidu

als w

ith

Autis

m S

pect

rum

D

isor

der

A. H

arda

n

S6.4

- Ro

om B

112

Wha

t do

lang

uage

pa

tter

ns re

veal

ab

out e

mot

ion

conc

epts

?A.

Oga

rkov

a

S6.5

- Ro

om B

109

In D

efen

se o

f W

illia

m Ja

mes

J. Ro

bins

on

S6.6

- Ro

om B

302

Gen

der B

eyon

d D

iffer

ence

: Gen

-de

r Con

stru

cts

Emot

ion,

Em

otio

n Co

nstr

ucts

Gen

der

S. Sh

ield

s,

H. M

acAr

thur

16:4

0Co

ffee

brea

k, U

ni B

astio

ns17

:00

O3.1

- Ro

om B

106

O3.2

- Ro

om B

101

O3.3

- Ro

om B

111O

3.4

- Roo

m B

112O

3.5 -

Room

B10

9O

3.6 -

Room

B30

218

:40

End

of t

he o

ral s

essi

ons

19:0

0Cl

osin

g dr

ink,

Rest

aura

nt d

u Pa

rc d

es B

astio

ns

15

Plenary lecture - 8.7.2015

Emotion and Decision Making

Jennifer LernerHarvard Kennedy School of Government, Cambridge USA

A revolution in the science of emotion has emerged in recent decades, with the potential to create a paradigm shift in decision theories. The research reveals that emotions constitute potent, pervasive, predictable, sometimes harmful and so-metimes beneficial drivers of decision making. Across different domains, impor-tant regularities appear in the mechanisms through which emotions influence judgments and choices. In this talk, I will organize and analyze what has been learned from the past 35 years of work on emotion and decision making, drawing closely from our review (Lerner, Li, Valdesolo, & Kassam, 2015) in the Annual Review of Psychology. In so doing, I will highlight key empirical findings, and propose the emotion-imbued choice (EIC) model, a model that accounts for inputs from tradi-tional rational-choice theory as well as from newer emotion research, synthesi-zing models in decision theory.

17

Wither the golden age of emotion research?

Prof. Ross Buck, University of ConnecticutProf. Jon Gratch, University of Southern CaliforniaProf. Agnes Moors, University of LeuvenProf. Andrea Scarantino, Georgia State University Organised by: Prof Arvid Kappas, Jacobs University Bremen

In his ISRE Matters column, in the recent Musical Emotions issue of the Emotion Researcher, President Arvid Kappas pondered whether the golden age of emotion research might be over. On the one hand, it ap-pears that emotion research has arrived: affective phenomena now per-meate research from neuroscience to human factors, while applied fields, such as computer engineering, create complex emotion savvy systems. On the other hand, Kappas wondered whether any truly meaningful theore-tical advances have occurred in recent emotion research, and whether the public understanding of emotions is not based on theories roughly from the time ISRE was founded.To encourage a discussion between the members of the society, the Presidential Symposium involves Ross Buck, Jon Gratch, Agnes Moors, and Andrea Scarantino, who will each briefly answer a question on their own approach to emotions, and then discuss, jointly with Arvid Kappas, the prospects of emotion research writ large. The goal of the session is to provoke but to be constructive, zoom out from individual studies and focus on the bigger picture, and ultimately explore what mission statement might be ade-quate for the next 30 years of ISRE. Do we need more rigorous empirical studies? More interdisciplinarity? More integration? What are the suggestions for teaching and communicating about progress in emotion research to the public at large?

Presidential symposium - 8.7.2015

18

Symposium S1.1The use, application and measurement of emotion knowledge:

interdisciplinary perspectives

ConvenersAgneta Fischer, Disa Sauter

University of Amsterdam

Emotion knowledge can be conceptualized, measured and applied in many different ways, which makes it an excellent topic for an interdisciplinary approach. Classic ap-proaches to emotion knowledge have shown that knowledge of specific emotions can be organized in emotion scripts (e.g., Shaver, Schwartz, Kirson, & O’Connor, 1987), containing representations of the prototypical events eliciting that emotion, typical appraisals, expressions and behaviors, but also social norms and regulation strate-gies. In addition, research on emotion vocabularies (e.g., Russell, 1991) has provided insight that the concept of emotion should be defined as prototypes, implying that some emotion words fit better into the emotion concept than others, but also that emotion words can be organized in emotion clusters, on the basis of their similarities and differences. Other approaches have emphasized the use of emotion knowledge, for example as reflected in emotional awareness (Lane, 2000), or various aspects of emotional intelligence, such as clarity (Salovey & Mayor, 1990; Salovey et al., 1995). This line of research has shown that individuals differ in how much attention they pay to their emotions, how much they use their emotions in making decisions, and how much attention they pay to their emotions. The focus of this symposium is on one other aspect of emotion knowledge namely the extent to which individuals differ in the amount of details with which their emotion knowledge is represented, also referred to as emotion differentiation or emotion gra-nularity (Barrett, Gross, Christensen, & Benvenuto, 2001). Thus, here the representation of specific emotion knowledge is the topic of investigation, although the reflection and use of emotion knowledge will also feature in some of the talks. The assump-tion is that individuals who have more fine-grained emotion knowledge are better able to regulate their emotions, and are therefore less susceptible to various forms of psychopathology that are characterized by emotion regulation problems. In addition, individuals with high emotion differentiation would also be better in the recognition of their own and others’ emotions. In this symposium we will examine the role of emotion knowledge across a range of domains, including completely novel areas, such as product design. Russell will exa-mine the ontology of emotion knowledge, describing two lines of research on children’s associations between emotional expressions and emotion words. Erbas will describe a study testing the hypothesis that finer grained emotion knowledge is associated with increased accuracy in perceiving emotions in others, referred to as empathic accuracy. Luminet will discuss research into the three different facets of alexithymia, a patho-logical lack of emotion knowledge. Finally, Fokkinga will present work on the applied use of emotion knowledge in product design, and a test of the plasticity of emotion knowledge in the form of a training study. One of the red threads of the symposium will be the definition and measurement of emotion knowledge. This is one of the key challenges of this field. Distinctions between different facets of emotion knowledge, such as categorisation and verbal labelling, will be examined. Furthermore, most re-search to date has studied declarative emotion knowledge, such as explicit knowledge and beliefs about specific emotions. However, emotion knowledge can also refer to procedural knowledge, that is, how to use emotion knowledge in different situations. Both explicit and implicit measures will be discussed. As the presenters are from dif-ferent disciplines and use different operationalizations and applications of emotion knowledge, we believe that this symposium is a truly interdisciplinary contribution able to bring new insights to the study of emotion knowledge.

Symposium session 1 - 8.7.2015

19


Feeling me, feeling you: The relation between emotion differentiation and empathic accuracy

Yasemin Erbas, Laura Sels, Eva Ceulemans, Peter KuppensKatholieke Universiteit Leuven

Does knowing your own emotions relate to knowing those of others? We argue that our ability to experience and label our own emotions in a differentiated and specific manner, something which has been referred to as emotion differentiation or emotional granularity (Barrett, Gross, Christensen, & Benvenuto, 2001), is rela-ted to the ability to accurately perceive emotions in others. A high level of emotion differentiation implies that a person’s introspective emotional knowledge is very differentiated and specific, enabling the individual to more adaptively respond to events and cope with the resulting emotions. Here we argue that individuals who are high in emotion differentiation may also be able to apply their enhanced emotional knowledge to the feeling states of other individuals, enabling them to make more accurate inferences about others’ emotions. In an experience sam-pling study among 50 romantic couples, we tested the hypothesis that individuals with higher levels of emotion differentiation are characterized by higher levels of empathic accuracy (i.e., perceive others’ emotions more accurately [Ickes, 1993]). In line with expectations, results showed that individuals who differentiate highly between their negative emotions are more able to accurately predict how plea-sant or unpleasant their partners are feeling across daily life, regardless of their gender, age, the duration of their relationship, and of whether they are together with their partner or not. This finding establishes a link between perceptions of our own and others’ emotions, and provides evidence for the notion that the skills we use to unravel our own emotions may also be relevant for understanding how others feel.

20


Emotion knowledge in design

Steven Fokkinga, Pieter de SmetTechnical University Delft

The last few decades, researchers and practitioners in the field of product design have increasingly used concepts from emotion theory to understand how eve-ryday products like mobile phones, furniture, and websites can be designed in a way to evoke the most pleasant or fitting emotional experience in their users (e.g., see Desmet, 2008). Emotional granularity is an especially relevant topic for design, because design practitioners often attempt to fine-tune the emotional impact of their products. For example, it is relevant for a designer to understand whether a current website evokes frustration, annoyance, or resentment in users, rather than just knowing that it makes users generally angry, because each emotion may lead to a different strategy to improve the website. In practice, however, most desi-gners work with a limited set of emotions, sometimes only distinguishing valence. We developed and tested a number of tools that aimed to help increase the level of emotion differentiation in the design process. First, we developed a set of 25 positive emotions developed through a componen-tial analysis of 150 positive emotion words. A questionnaire study resulted in a collection of 729 example design cases (Desmet, 2012). For this set of emotions, a collection of inspiration cards was developed that informs and inspires designers to specify the positive experience they intend for their designs (Yoon, Desmet, & Pohlmeyer, 2013). Second, a set of 36 negative emotions was developed from an analysis of 333 negative emotion words. For these emotions, movie clips and comic strips were developed and validated, to facilitate the analytical and intuitive un-derstanding of these emotions beyond verbal means (Fokkinga et al., manuscript in preparation). Finally, we discuss the results of a design course in which twenty graduate design students developed new products and services for an airline crew center on the basis of ten distinct positive emotions (selected from the set of 25). We conclude that a high level of emotion differentiation is highly beneficial in providing direc-tion and inspiration to the design process.

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Emotion Knowledge in Children

James RussellBoston College

Early in ontogenesis, the person has no emotion knowledge; later, the person has considerable emotion knowledge. The developmentalist seeks to understand how this change comes about. Exploring one corner of this process, our lab uncovered a paradox. On the one hand, children acquire knowledge about specific emotions gradually and slowly. For example, not until 9 years of age do the majority of children in our studies freely label the “disgust face” as disgust rather than as an-ger. On the other hand, children associate a new emotion label with a novel facial expression after 2 trials. For example, the majority of 4-year-olds freely label a “puffed cheeks” expression as pax after 2 trials in which they are asked to find the person who feels pax. We interpret these findings as fitting a framework in which the child is constructing a script for each emotion, with the script specifying an-tecedents, appraisals, feelings, and behavioral consequences.

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Deficits in categorizing, labeling, and thinking about emotional situations

Olivier LuminetUniversite Catholique de Louvain-la-Neuve

The construct of alexithymia centers upon three deficits in emotion knowledge: categorization, labeling, and abstract thinking. I will show how complementary approaches can be used to assess these deficits. For the categorization deficit, we used ERPs techniques to show that people identified as high alexithymia scorers (HA) are slower in the categorical perception of emotional face expressions of an-ger and disgust (Vermeulen & al., 2008). The delays in recognizing anger and dis-gust are detrimental for adaptation, because highly salient events involving anger and disgust require quick self-regulation in order to cope with future threats. Regarding labeling, there is evidence that a shift occurs between the knowledge of emotional semantics, which is preserved, and the labeling of emotional states that could not be recollected when talking about an emotional situation (Luminet et al., 2004). This deficit may actually originate from a lack of auto noetic aware-ness when encoding the information (Luminet et al., 2006). HA do not consider emotion words as more conceptually salient than neutral words and therefore may experience events more neutrally. A deficit in the ability to consciously access emotional and meaningful recollections may render the regulation of intense em-otional states more difficult for HA, since the ability to represent emotions symbo-lically, especially through emotion language, and to associate them meaningfully with past emotional experiences, facilitates the modulation of such states (e.g., Bucci, 1997a, 1997b; Taylor, 2000). The impaired ability of HA to recognize, reflect on, and regulate their emotional states is thought to contribute to the strong associations that have been found between alexithymia and a variety of medical and psychiatric disorders (Taylor et al., 1997). 3) Regarding the ability for abstract thinking, we will report data on alexithymia and rumination. Earlier studies found that the propensity for externally-oriented thinking inhibited the processing of the meaning attributed to emotional events and also protected against intrusive ruminations (Luminet et al., 2004). More recently, we showed that high external-ly-oriented thinking was associated with the inability to adopt an experiential mode of thinking (Di Schiena et al., 2011). In other words, the more people focus their thinking outward, the less they recognize their own experiences in emotio-nal situations. I will discuss the possible interrelations between these three key factors for the study of emotion knowledge and how these factors can impact on emotion regulation.

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Symposium S1.2The Self, Identity, and Positive and Negative Emotions

ConvenersJan Stets

University of California, Riverside

This session by sociologists focuses on individual processes that help us understand emotions in situations. Across the papers in this session, a range of specific emotions are examined including happiness, anger, fear, sadness, and depression. The first three papers bring together scholars in sociological social psychology who use identity theo-ry to understand individuals’ experiences of positive and negative emotions such as happiness and sadness/depression. The fourth paper discusses the classic concern in justice theory about the emotions associated with an over-reward and examines the feeling of fear. The last paper continues an analysis of depression by bringing together sociologists who are studying the mediating effects of epigenetics on neighborhood disorder and depression. In Paper 1, Stets and Trettevik examine the impact of moral identity verification/non-verification on happiness when individuals are asked to carry out a task alone or in a group setting. As anticipated, identity verification is associated with happiness ir-respective of the context (alone or in a group), but immoral behavior (here, having the opportunity to cheat) reduces happiness only when people are alone. Apparently, when individuals are in a group, they become emotionally unaffected by their immoral behavior. In Paper 2, Burke and Cerven study the outcomes of identity verification not only for happiness but also for sadness. Additionally, they investigate the emotional effects of identity accumulation. Their results show that identity accumulation increases hap-piness and decreases sadness, but only if those identities are highly verified. Additio-nally, identity accumulation decreases happiness and increases sadness and anger if those identities are not verified. In Paper 3, Clay-Warner and her collaborators examine the emotional outcomes asso-ciated with an over-reward. Consistent with justice theory, they predict that those who receive an over-reward in public (vs. private) and who expect future interaction with an under-rewarded partner will be more likely to report feelings of fear because both of these situations introduce the possibility that others will retaliate given the over-reward. Their findings support these predictions. Thus, their research calls attention to the important role that fear may have in linking justice and emotions.Finally, in Paper 4, Simons and his colleagues tackle the classic issue of why neighbo-rhood disorder is related to depression. While this finding is robust, there is variation in depression among individuals living in the same neighborhood. Simons and his colleagues study epigenetic changes that might mediate the relationship between neighborhood disorder and depression. Specifically, they examine whether environ-mental adversity (such as neighborhood disorder) increases methylation of the sero-tonin transporter gene, which thereby stimulates the release of cortisol and depres-sion. Additionally, they investigate the role of a short allele (vs. a long allele) in the highly polymorphic region of the promoter region of the serotonin transporter gene. They anticipate that those with a short allele will show greater emotional responses to neighborhood disorder in the form of depression compared to those with the long allele. Their results show evidence that neighborhood disorder does impact gene methylation, and the response of depression is more common among those with a short allele in the serotonin transporter gene.

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Morality, Identity Verification, and Happiness

Jan Stets, Ryan TrettevikUniversity of California, Riverside

In identity theory, when individuals think that others see them in the same way they see themselves, their identity is verified, and they will feel positive emotions such as happiness (Burke and Stets 2009). When their identity is not verified, they will feel bad or unhappy. Most research testing the relationship between the iden-tity verification process and one’s emotional reactions has examined it for indivi-duals. We know less about people’s emotional reactions to identify verification (or the lack thereof) when they are members of a group. While we would not expect this theoretical process to be different when one is acting alone compared to inte-racting in a group, empirical evidence is needed to verify this. We do that in this study. An experiment is conducted in which individuals complete a task over a computer by themselves (alone condition) or with two other individuals (group condition). In each condition, the person has the opportunity to cheat in order to obtain higher outcomes for themselves (alone condition) or for their team (group condition). Prior to the task, we measure people’s emotions and their moral identity. During the task, we measure people’s moral behavior, that is, the frequency of cheating on the task. Following the task, we measure people’s experience of moral identity verification/non-verification. We also measure their current state of happiness. As expected, people report reduced happiness if their moral identity is not verified irrespective of whether they are acting along or as part of a group. Interestingly, people report reduced happiness for cheating in the alone condition, but not the group condition. This suggests that in a group, people may not take responsibi-lity for bad behavior because they think that others will not be able to trace this behavior back to them. If they may think that they are unlikely to be identified as the carrier of bad behavior, this may be what makes them emotionally unaffected by their behavior. Alternatively, they may believe that the means (cheating) justi-fies the ends (helping one’s group obtain a better outcome). More generally, while the findings support the idea that identity verification is associated with positive feelings irrespective of the context (alone or in a group), more research is needed regarding other factors that influence how individuals feel following engaging in a task that is morally challenging.

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Happiness, Sadness, and Anger from Identity Verification and Accumulation

Peter Burke, Chrissy CervenUniversity of California - Riverside, University of Chicago

Within identity theory, there are two theoretical approaches that can be used to link identity processes to outcomes of psychological well-being including in-creased happiness and decreased sadness and anger. The first approach, structu-ral symbolic interaction theory (Stryker 1980), ties people to others through the roles they play. Using this approach, Thoits (1983, 1986, 2003) explains how people derive self-meanings (i.e. identities) from the social positions they hold. These self-meanings, she suggests, provide an ontological anchoring and increased well-being for individuals, with more identities increasing the happiness and well-being of those individuals. This is the “identity accumulation” hypothesis. The se-cond approach, the “identity verification” hypothesis (Burke and Stets 2009), links positive emotions and distress to identity verification and non-verification. This approach suggests that it is not necessarily the number of identities that one has that influences emotions and well-being, but whether those identities are verified in the sense that others affirm the self-meanings that the individual holds. Grea-ter identity verification should result in greater positive emotion (Stets and Burke 2014). The present paper, for the first time, brings data together to simultaneously examine the merits of both approaches. Results show that identity accumulation increases happiness and decreases sadness, but only if those identities are highly verified. Identity accumulation decreases happiness and increases sadness and anger if those identities are not verified. The implications of these results for iden-tity theory in general are discussed.

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Why Does One Feel Bad for Receiving Too Much? Guilt and Fear in Response to Over-reward

Jody Clay-Warner1, Dawn Robinson1, Lynn Smith-Lovin2

University of Georgia1, Duke University2

Though emotion plays a key role in justice theories, many of the assumptions regarding the relationship between justice and emotion remain untested. For example, the prediction that over-reward leads to negative emotion is based on the assumption that benefiting from the violation of the fairness norm threatens one’s self-image, which produces guilt, and also introduces the potential for reta-liation, which leads to fear (Homans 1974). Empirical research is mixed, however, regarding the relationship between over-reward and guilt, and very little research examines fear (e.g., Stets 2005; Weiss, Suckow, and Cropanzano 1999). As a result, it is unclear what underlying mechanisms link over-reward and emotion. To ad-dress this issue, we present the results of two laboratory experiments. In both ex-periments, participants are either over- or under-rewarded for their performance on a task relative to an interaction partner. In the first experiment we vary the public nature of the reward (public vs. private). In the second experiment we vary the expectation for future interaction (future interaction vs. no future interaction). Following the manipulations, participants completed a series of emotion ques-tions. In keeping with the core assumptions of justice theory, we predict that over-reward will be more likely to lead to fear when the outcome distribution is public, as well as when an over-rewarded individual expects to interact in the future with an under-rewarded partner, because both of these situations introduce the pos-sibility of retaliation. Because guilt and shame are self-focused emotions, we do not expect their levels to differ depending upon whether the outcomes are public or whether future interaction is expected. We find support for our hypotheses in both experiments, with significantly higher levels of fear among those in the pu-blic condition and in the future interaction condition. As predicted, levels of guilt did not vary across either the public/private or the future interaction dimension. Levels of guilt were generally low among all over-rewarded participants, however. This suggests that potential retaliation may be a primary mechanism linking jus-tice and emotions and indicates that justice researchers should give more atten-tion to the motivational power of fear in justice theorizing.

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Biosocial Mechanisms Linking Neighborhood Disorder and Depressed Mood: Genetic Moderation and Epigenetic Mediation

Ronald Simons, Leslie Simons, Man LeiUniversity of Georgia

Although past research has shown that neighborhood social disorder increases feelings of emotional distress, little is known about the biosocial mechanisms involved in this association. The present study examined the extent to which epigenetic changes mediate this relationship. Epigenetic studies focus on the bio-chemical mechanisms whereby gene expression is influenced by environmental context. The most widely studied epigenetic process is DNA methylation which results in down regulation (decreased expression) of a gene. The neurotransmitter serotonin has been shown to influence mood and there is evidence that environ-mental adversity can increase methylation of the serotonin transporter gene (5-HTT) which, in turn, stimulates release of cortisol and depressed mood. Building upon this literature, the first hypothesis tested in the present study is that methy-lation of the serotonin transporter gene mediates the effect of neighborhood disorder on emotional distress.Although the association between neighborhood disorder and depressed mood is robust, there is much heterogeneity in mood among individuals living in the same neighborhood. Recent studies indicate that some individuals are genetically predisposed to be more sensitive to the social environment than others. There is evidence that a common polymorphism in the promoter region of the serotonin transporter gene is important in this regard as it influences sensitivity to punish-ment and displeasure. Our second hypothesis was that individuals with the less efficient short allele of this gene will show greater emotional response to neigh-borhood disorder than those with the long allele. Linking this prediction to our first hypothesis, we also posited that this moderating effect would be explained (mediated) by expression (methylation) of the serotonin transporter gene. Summarizing, we predicted that neighborhood disorder leads to depressed mood in large measure because it enhances methylation of the serotonin transporter gene (5-HTT). Further, we expected that this pattern would be more pronounced for individuals with the short allele in the highly polymorphic region of the pro-moter region of the serotonin transporter gene (5-HTTLPR). We tested these hypotheses using interview, census, genotype, and methylation data obtained over two waves from a sample of 100 African American women. Mplus statistical software was used to run OLS and Poisson hierarchical models that included a number of statistical controls. The results provided strong support for the hypotheses. They indicated that the effect of neighborhood disorder on depressed mood is moderated by genetic variation and is mediated by its impact on gene methylation.

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Symposium S1.3Recognizing Emotions from Voices

ConvenerAna Pinheiro

University of Minho

Emotional states affect not only a person’s overt movements as seen in facial expres-sions or body posture, they also affect the functioning of the vocal apparatus and thus the way a person speaks. Acoustic studies identified physical speech differences invol-ving, among other things, pitch, intensity and temporal parameters that discriminate between emotions. Whether and how interaction partners exploit these differences has been subject to much scientific scrutiny with a major emphasis on examining healthy, young and college educated individuals. While this approach advanced our understanding of vocal emotional communication, investigating so-called “special” populations (e.g., older adults, experts, individuals with neuropathological conditions) adds crucial insights for current theoretical models regarding the neurocognitive or-ganization of vocal affect. The presenters in this symposium pursued «special» popu-lations and will share some unique findings.Specifically, Lima and colleagues studied musicians, non-musicians and individuals with congenital amusia, a condition characterized by deficits in the perception of mu-sic, or pitch more specifically. In line with research pointing to processing similarities between speech and music, they found that musicians excelled in vocal emotion iden-tification relative to non-musicians. Moreover, amusics performed more poorly than healthy individuals.Work by Sen and colleagues tackled vocal emotional processing by comparing young and old listeners. In an emotion categorization task, participants heard neutral sen-tences spoken in a happy, neutral, sad or angry voice by both young and old speakers. Categorization results indicated an age related deficit that was buffered when liste-ning to age-matched peers.Studies by Grandjean and colleagues explored epileptic patients undergoing pre-sur-gical intracranial recordings. These patients offered the possibility to record oscilla-tory activity in amygdala and orbitofrontal cortex and to examine how this activity is modulated by the presentation of angry and neutral exclamations. Compared with neutral vocalizations, angry vocalizations increased frequency coupling between both regions suggesting that they jointly support emotion recognition.Pell and colleagues examined patients suffering from Parkinson’s disease, a condition that is characterized by the loss of dopaminergic neurons in the basal ganglia. Across multiple studies they found vocal emotion recognition impaired and could contrast this with a relative preservation of emotion recognition from alternative or multimo-dal cues. Pell’s work thus implicates the basal ganglia and dopaminergic signaling in the cognitive aspects of vocal emotion processing.Last, studies by Pinheiro and colleagues compared the behavioral and neural res-ponses of healthy individuals with individuals suffering from schizophrenia, a psychia-tric disorder with abnormal dopaminergic activity in fronto-striatal networks. Compa-red to healthy controls, patients had greater difficulty recognizing vocal emotions and showed increased amplitudes for the P200 - an event-related potential component previously linked to vocal emotional processing. This data implies an over-activity of associated neural sources.Taken together, the presentations detailed here take advantage of investigating dif-ferent groups to shed new light on the mechanisms by which listeners exploit speech acoustics and infer speaker emotions. They point to similarities with musical proces-sing, demonstrate their dynamism across the human lifespan, and highlight impor-tant brain structures and neurotransmitter systems.


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Vocal emotional recognition and musicianship: Explorations in musicians and congenital amusics

César Lima12, Olivia Brancatisano3, Amy Fancourt3, Lauren Stewart3

University of Porto1, University College London2 Goldsmiths University of London3

Central to our understanding of vocal communication is the question of how we process vocally expressed emotional states in social interactions. The neurocogni-tive architecture of vocal emotional recognition has been explored, but relatively little is known about inter-individual differences in these abilities, and about how they may reveal sensory and cognitive commonalities to other communicative channels. Some strands of prior work have highlighted similarities between the processing of voice and language and the processing of music, a channel specia-lized for emotional expression. A basic prediction of this idea is that vocal emotion recognition may vary among individuals as a function of their ability to process music. In this talk we will address the links between vocal emotions and musi-cianship, discussing insights from studies with highly trained musicians and with individuals with congenital amusia, a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized by impaired music perception abilities. We report evidence that musicians (n = 40) have enhanced performance than untrained controls (n = 40) in the recognition of emotional speech prosody (tone of voice), using sentences conveying emotio-nal information by prosodic cues alone, i.e., with neutral semantic content. This expertise effect is observed for different age groups, remains significant after accounting for domain-general factors such as executive functioning, and gene-ralizes across emotion categories (anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and sur-prise). By contrast, research with congenital amusics (n = 12; matched controls, n = 12) reveals an association between impaired processing of music and impaired recognition of emotional speech prosody for happiness, tenderness, irritation, and sadness. These complementary findings demonstrate an intimate link between speech prosody and music capacities, which we take as evidence for shared me-chanisms across modalities. A further investigation with amusics (n = 13; matched controls, n = 11) examines whether music-voice associations generalize across dif-ferent types of vocal cues, to purely nonverbal vocalizations (e.g., laughter; crying), and extend to processes beyond emotion category recognition, specifically to the evaluation of emotional authenticity. Associations and dissociations between low-level pitch discrimination and emotion processing abilities are explored. The findings of these studies will be discussed in the context of related neuropsycho-logical and neuroimaging evidence, and wider implications for models of vocal affect will be considered.


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Age-related changes in the expression and recognition of vocal emotions: Effects of sex and peer culture

Annettt Schirmer1, Antarika Sen1, Heng Wai Yuen2, Steven Lee2, Derek Isaacowitz3

National University of Singapore1, Changi General Hospital2, Northeastern University3

There is much research documenting that, with age, emotion recognition abilities decline. We sought to replicate this phenomenon, to explore a possible extension to emotion expression and to elucidate the roles of sex and peer culture. In a first phase, we asked young and older adults of both sexes to read neutral sentences with happy, neutral, sad and angry intonation. In a second phase, we presented their readings in an emotion categorization task to a naive group of listeners equally comprised of young and old, male and female individuals. We found that the expressions of young and female speakers were more accurately categorized than the expressions of old and male speakers. Additionally, young and female listeners were more accurate in their categorizations than old and male listeners. Notably, however, the listener age effect differed as a function of speaker age and emotion. It was significant only for expressions from young but not old indivi-duals for happy expression and irrespective of speaker age for neutral expres-sions. A listener age effect was absent for sad and angry expressions. Together, these results imply important contributions of sex and peer culture to modulating emotion expression and recognition abilities across the lifespan. Moreover, they suggest that interactions with age-matched peers buffer against previously esta-blished age-related deficits.


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Cortical and subcortical neuronal synchronization in emotional voice processing

Didier GrandjeanUniversity of Geneva

Using local field potentials (LFPs) recordings in humans, we investigated whether anatomical connections between amygdala (AMY) and orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) underlie the functional integration of attended and unattended processing of em-otional voices. In two studies, we presented emotional voices bilaterally or dichoti-cally to five epileptic patients in a gender decision task. The first study allowed us to investigate how neuronal activity was modulated by emotion within the AMY and the OFC regions. Furthermore, we were able to test the increase of neuronal coupling between these two regions in response to emotional voices compared to neutral voices. The second study allowed us to investigate how unattended and attended emotional voices modulate selectively the neuronal coupling between the AMY and the OFC regions. Our results showed that the processing of unat-tended emotional prosody compared to attended emotional prosody and trigge-red an onset-locked enhanced functional coupling between AMG and medial OFC mainly in the beta frequencies band. In contrast, our data revealed a significant early increase in phase-locking synchronization between these two regions in the alpha and theta frequency range for attended angry prosody compared to both unattended angry and neutral prosodies. These results highlight the functional selectivity of different frequency bands within the AMG-medial OFC network in response to attended or unattended emotional stimuli. An oscillatory model will be discussed in emotional processing of human voices.

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Vocal communication in Parkinson’s disease

Marc D. PellMcGill University

Idiopathic Parkinson’s disease (PD) is often associated with marked difficulties in the processing of vocal cues that convey a speaker’s emotions, mental state, and interpersonal stance toward the listener (e.g., how confident or polite the speaker means to be). Adults with PD are also constrained in the ability to vocally express their emotions in an appropriate manner, with important negative repercussions for how these individuals are understood and socially perceived by others. This presentation will review studies that shed light on the underlying source(s) of dif-ficulty in how vocal cues are processed by Parkinsonian adults, when presented unimodal or multimodal social stimuli. Specifically, I will show that PD patients are poor at recognizing emotions from isolated vocal cues in forced-choice reco-gnition tasks, although they can often access these meanings successfully from isolated facial or lexical cues, from enriched multimodal stimuli, or contextual information that does not overload available executive resources. These data point to a critical role of the basal ganglia in cognitive sequencing operations that facilitate emotion perception, while highlighting ways that emotion perception is dependent on executive control in PD. This talk will then provide evidence of the social barriers that exist when the ability to vocally convey emotions is impaired in PD, based on the perspective of naïve listeners. Perceptual studies show that when naïve listeners hear emotional utterances produced by adults with or without PD, they are selectively hampered in the ability to detect certain vocal meanings conveyed by PD patients. Moreover, when asked to rate their social impressions of speakers with and without PD based solely on their speaking voice, patients are judged to be less friendly, happy, interested, and involved when compared to heal-thy age-matched peers. These negative social impressions of PD patients based on their speaking voice affect the psychosocial well-being of PD patients and limit further opportunities for socialization.


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How do patients with schizophrenia perceive the melody of speech? Insights from event-related potentials

Ana Pinheiro, Margaret NiznikiewiczUniversity of Minho, Harvard Medical School

Being able to successfully decode emotion from speech vocal cues – emotional prosody – is one of the cornerstones of effective functioning in social environ-ments. However, alterations in emotional prosody perception and recognition have been observed in schizophrenia and were related to poor social outcomes. While it is fairly well established that emotional prosody processing (EPP) abnor-malities are present in schizophrenia, it is still unclear which stages of processing prosody are abnormal. Moreover, the relative contributions of prosodic cues, se-mantic cues and stimulus complexity are still poorly understood. We probed these questions using the Event-Related Potential (ERP) methodology. In our first experi-ment, sentences with neutral semantic content (semantic content condition-SCC) were generated by a female speaker (with happy, angry, and neutral intonation). The same sentences were synthesized and presented in the ‘pure prosody’ (PPC) condition where semantic content was unintelligible. In our second experiment, we followed the same procedure with word stimuli. In both experiments, a group of chronic schizophrenia patients and a group of healthy controls were asked to make an overt decision whether the sentence/word was spoken with a neutral, happy, or angry tone of voice.Our first experiment demonstrated group differences in N100 and P200 ampli-tude. Compared to controls, patients exhibited a more negative N100 for SCC sentences, as well as more positive P200 for angry and happy SCC sentences and happy PPC sentences. In our second experiment, reduced N100 amplitude for both neutral and emotional SCC words and for neutral PPC stimuli was observed in schizophrenia patients relative to healthy controls, as well as increased P200 for happy prosody in the SCC only. Behaviorally, patients were less accurate than controls in the recognition of emotional prosody in both experiments (Experiment 1 – angry SCC sentences; Experiment 2 – angry SCC and happy PPC words). Together, these findings demonstrate the interactions between abnormal sensory processes and higher-order processes in bringing about emotional prosody pro-cessing dysfunction in schizophrenia. They further suggest that impaired emotio-nal prosody processing is dependent on stimulus complexity.


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Symposium S1.4 Love and Reason

ConvenerHichem Naar

University of Montreal

What is love, and is it the kind of thing that can be justified? In this symposium, researchers from both philosophy and neuroscience will talk about the various ways love can be justified and what in the nature of love can ground this justi-fication. One way to approach this issue is by studying the biological underpin-nings of love and their relationship with the biological underpinnings of similar mental states, such as lust. As Stephanie Cacioppo argues, knowing the role love plays at the neurobiological level can increase our understanding of the role it plays in our lives. Another, complementary, approach to the question of the value and rationality of love is psychological in that it claims that love is an affective state that essentially involves an appraisal about its object (usually a person). On such a view, love is an evaluative attitude that is justified just in case its object is valuable in some way. The question then is whether a plausible understanding of the features of the loved object can be cited as adequate reasons for one’s love. As the contributions of Chris Grau and Arina Pismenny reveal, this question is harder to answer than it might seem at first sight. According to Grau, rationalism about love – the view that we have reasons to love some people and not others – is in tension with the thought that the people we love are in some sense irrepla-ceable: we do not take ourselves to be justified in stopping to love them and love someone else with similar, or even better, features instead. Given that, according to rationalism, it may seem that reasons to love someone should be reasons for everyone to love that person (reasons, as Grau says, tend to generalize), it should be rationally required to love anyone relevantly similar to the people we love. However, the intuition goes, it is not. This intuition, Grau suggests, casts doubt on rationalism. In her contribution, Pismenny further argues that rationalism is inadequate because it fails to have an adequate account of lovability. On her view, lovability should be conceived as a property that depends not only on the pro-perties of the loved object but also on the properties of the lover: lovability, she argues, is a response-dependent property. This property, Pismenny suggests, is not the sort of thing to justify one’s love. In his contribution, Hichem Naar proposes to reconceive the rationalist view, not as claiming that love’s reasons must be gene-ral, subject-neutral, but as claiming that love’s reasons – like reasons for certain actions – can be indexed to the particular context of the lovers. After motivating an analogy between love and actions of a certain kind, Naar suggests that his version of rationalism can both claim that a person’s properties can justify one’s love and deny that the relevant reasons generalize (thereby accommodating our intuitions of irreplaceability).


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Demystifying the Neuroscience of Love

Stephanie CacioppoUniversity of Chicago

Scholars from different disciplines have investigated the nature of love for cen-turies. In 250 BCE, for instance, physician Erasistratos accurately diagnosed An-tiochus’ ailment as lovesickness, marking the beginning of the first neurological case report of love. It is only 2 millennia later that social psychologists have begun to systematically investigate the complexity of love in comparison with other emotions (Hatfield & Rapson, 2009). In the last decade, neuroscientists have also contributed to a better understanding of the complexity of love by demonstrating that: 1) each subtype of love has specific neural correlates (Ortigue et al., 2010), and 2) passionate love has different neural correlates than lust (S. Cacioppo et al., 2012, Cacioppo & Cacioppo, 2013). Because the low statistical power characteristic of contemporary neuroimaging studies not only reduces the chance of detecting true effect but reduces the likelihood that a statistically significant result reflects a true effect (S. Cacioppo et al., 2013), we recently performed quantitative meta-analyses (S. Caciopppo et al., 2012; Ortigue et al., 2010) to obtain a better indication of the brain regions activated by love than those provided in any single empirical investigation. I will present these findings in this symposium. The better is our understanding of love the greater is our respect for its significant role in mental and physical health.

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Love, Reason & Irreplaceability

Christopher GrauClemson University

It is not uncommon to find philosophers claiming that their own preferred ac-count of the nature of love recognizes the irreplaceability of the beloved. Upon closer inspection, however, it is sometimes the case that the actual notion of irre-placeability that is defended is surprisingly weak: the claim ends up being, in the end, that the beloved is irreplaceable simply because there currently happens to be nobody else around quite like them. (Call this “‘matter of fact’ irreplaceability”) The reasons for only recognizing such a weak notion are usually left opaque, but it appears that there are worries that any more robust notion would be in tension with a conception of love by which there can be normative ( justificatory) reasons for why one loves the particular individual one does. (Reasons, after all, tend to generalize, and it would appear that any such reasons for loving one person could, at least in principle, extend to another.) In this paper I want to focus on several re-cent examples of philosophers (Badhwar 2005, Matthes 2013, Bagley 2015) shying away from what I’ll call «strong” irreplaceability, and I will argue that this evasion is misguided. At the same time, I will acknowledge that such irreplaceability poses a deep challenge for excessively rationalistic accounts of love and attachment. To help make my case I’ll be drawing on recent empirical work (Grau & Pury, 2014) which indicates that many of us view both persons and objects as irreplaceable in a manner which cannot be adequately captured by the weaker “matter of fact” notion, and I’ll argue that this aspect of our thought is tied to deeper essentialist tendencies. I’ll conclude by suggesting that while these more general essentialist tendencies have recently been the focus of illuminating work by psychologists (e.g. Paul Bloom and Susan Gelman), there is a need for more interdisciplinary work by both philosophers and psychologists on both the nature of our judgments regar-ding fungibility as well as their possible justification.


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The Arationality of Romantic Love

Arina PismennyCUNY Graduate Center

What could count as a reason for love? When philosophers ask themselves this question, they are usually asking whether or not there are justificatory reasons for love, that is, normative pro tanto reasons that would warrant love. The absence of such reasons would show love to be unjustifiable. Ordinary language seems to support this assumption, for people tend to provide answers for why they love and criticize those whose loves they think deficient in some way. But what way? Although love can be evaluated from moral and practical perspectives, are these sorts of concerns the right ones for justifying love for particular individuals? What is love tracking? Does it have a formal object like some other mental phenomena? Can love be apt or inapt? To answer these questions it is necessary to understand what makes someone lovable. Various accounts have been given of the lovabi-lity of the beloved. Some appeal to the intrinsic properties of persons like beauty and virtue (cf. Abramson & Leite, 2011.) Others argue that relational properties of beloveds such as shared history justify one’s love (Kolodny, 2003.) I will argue that none of these accounts can adequately account for lovability; for the intrinsic-property view implies the universalizability of reasons for love, and the relational account seems circular in that it essentially attempts to justify love by pointing to its presence. I will argue that lovability is a response-dependent property that is lover-specific. Essentially it is that property which elicits love. But it is not a pro-perty that always elicits love for the lover with respect to all her beloveds, and certainly not a property that elicits love in all lovers. The objectivity of such a pro-perty can be shown by appealing to its causal role of eliciting love. However, this response-dependent property is not the kind of property that can justify love. For this reason, there are no reasons for love that could account for its aptness. Love is arational.

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Towards A Sensible Rationalism about Love

Hichem NaarUniversity of Manchester

Rationalism about love is the view that love is an attitude for which reasons can be provided. On this view, there are features of certain persons and/or of our rela-tionship with them that justifies our loving them. There are various versions of rationalism one might put forward depending on one’s answer to each of these questions (distinguished in Helm, 2010):(1) What, if anything, justifies my loving rather than not loving this particular per-son?(2) What, if anything, justifies my coming to love this particular person rather than someone else?(3) What, if anything, justifies my continuing to love this particular person given the changes – both in him and me and in the overall circumstances – that have occurred since I began loving him? Is rationalist any position that attempts to answer at least one these questions (and is ‘anti-rationalist’ any position that denies that there is an answer to each of these questions). A rationalist, for instance, might say that although we can jus-tify loving a particular person rather than not loving her by appeal to properties of hers (e.g., her capacity for reason), we cannot justify loving that person instead of someone else and we cannot justify continuing to love that person rather than stopping loving her or coming to love someone else instead (Velleman, 1999). Call ‘weak rationalism’ any view – such as the one just sketched – that provides an answer to at least one of the questions but not to all of them and ‘strong rationa-lism’ any view that provides an answer to all the questions. In this presentation, my aim is to defend a version of strong rationalism. After discussing two extant versions of strong rationalism – one that takes the relevant reasons to be intrinsic properties and one that takes them to be relational properties of the beloved – I will reject them on the basis that they face two significant problems. Such views, I will ultimately argue, are inadequate, not because they fail to point to adequate justifying reasons for love, but because they presuppose a mistaken conception of such reasons. I will suggest that, even if we think that love has correctness condi-tions, we should conceive of love’s reasons, not as analogous to those of evalua-tive judgments, but as analogous to certain sorts of action. Once we realize this, the prospects of providing a positive answer to the above three questions do not seem so bleak.


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Symposium S1.5Iram non novit ius? (Law does not know anger?) Emotions and legal judgment across disciplines

ConvenersGian Marco Vidor

Max Planck Institute for Human Development

The proposed symposium is devoted to the role of emotions in legal judging, incorporating recent perspectives from three different disciplines - law, sociology and history, and dealing with legal cultures of five different countries: Germany, Italy, Russia, Sweden and the USA. In the Western juridical tradition – encompassing both the continental and the common law traditions – legal institutions and legal professionals have perceived themselves and promoted an image of their role and activity as essentially ‘rational’. Emotions have often been seen as a catch-all category for what law is supposed to counteract or even to avoid: that which is subjective, partial, prejudicial and intangible. Emotions are ancillaries, circumstances, contingencies which do not reach the essence of law itself. On the other hand, emotions are taken (explicitly or implicitly) into consideration as facts in legal debates, in law-making, in the codified norms, especially in relation to paramount categories such as free will, indivi-dual responsibility and culpability, or the aggravating and mitigating circumstances of a crime. But it is especially the emotions of the legal professionals that have been traditionally seen as so-mething problematic or even dangerous. Judges, in particular, have strongly embodied the view of the law as fundamentally based on objectivity and rationality. Legal norms, legal rhetoric, legal rituals have played an important role in maintaining this general – even if never monolithic – persistent cultural script of the emotionally detached and objective judge.It must be underlined that legal scholars in the past did not totally shun the complex relationship between law and emotions. Yet in the last two decades there has been an increasing and lively scho-larly interest in unravelling the role played by emotional phenomena in law in general and in judicial decision-making in particular. These specialists come from different disciplines: legal theory, law and criminology (Susan Bandes; Jeremy Blumenthal; Terry Maroney; Alexandre Flueckiger; Robert Roth; Vin-cente Fortier, Susanne Karstedt); psychology (Kees van den Bos; Mary R. Rose; Gerd Gigerenzer); philoso-phy (Alain Papaux), anthropology (Carolina Kobelinsky); and sociology (Mathieu Deflem). The legal scholar participating in the panel will investigate the cognitive and affective dimensions of empathy: its role, its limits, and the necessity and possibilities of regulating the selective use of empathy and improving the capacity for empathy in a contemporary legal system. Like other legal pro-fessionals, judges have received specific academic education and professional training. How was the question of emotions approached in these formative stages? Secondly, the sociologist on the panel will explore what role emotions play in the normative ideas of objectivity and professionalism transmitted in legal education. How and to what extent are contemporary law students trained to deal with their own and others’ emotions? When should emotions be used and how? What is the role of legal rhetoric and narrative in dealing with the professional’s emotions? Only recently have historians begun to analyze in depth the relationship between law and emotions more systematically – but the field still remains largely unexplored. In the proposed panel, the three historians – inspired by the debate within the social sciences - will discuss the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century’s debates concerning the relationship between emotional phenomena and judi-cial practices. Which emotions or sets of emotions were considered useful, and at what degree of intensity? In which circumstances and for which purposes? Which on the contrary were considered dangerous? How do emotions relate with concepts of rationality? To what level were these emotions considered innate, acquirable and trainable? How were these emotions theorized and what was the influence of other disciplines like psychology, anthropology and medicine? And how did this relate to broader concepts of modernity, nation-building, bourgeois culture, and political revolution?The symposium thus aspires to highlight and demonstrate the diverse roles that emotions play in judi-cial judgment. It further enhances the law-and-emotion literature by considering a wide array of legal traditions. Additionally, the symposium brings the contemporary discussions on judging in the social sciences and legal studies together with the emerging historical scholarship on law and emotions.

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The Debate Over Empathy in Judging

Susan BandesDePaul University College of Law, Chicago

In the last decade, the role of empathy in judging has become a topic of conten-tious debate in the United States. As this debate reveals, widely shared concep-tions about empathy and rationality help shape expectations about the judicial role. This paper focuses on what role empathy plays—and ought to play-- in jud-ging. It will draw on empathy literature from the cognitive and affective sciences, from the accounts of judges, and from existing legal literature on judging, ratio-nality and emotion. C. Daniel Batson identified eight related but distinct phenomena called “empa-thy.” I will illustrate how these definitional ambiguities have bedeviled the debate about empathy in judging. My point is not that there is one correct definition, but that the ambiguity helps identify some difficult issues, both philosophical and political, about rational deliberation in judging and the role of common law courts. Much of the legal literature addressing the current debate, including my own previous work on the topic, has emphasized the distinction between empa-thy and sympathy (or compassion), arguing that empathy is a cognitive capacity that can be exercised on behalf of all litigants without favor. Yet this account is incomplete. The affective as well as the cognitive dimensions of empathy are nee-ded for engaged judging. The questions I will address include: what components of empathy enable deli-beration that is evenhanded but also engaged and open-minded? Assuming empathy is usually partial, and flows most easily toward those with similar back-grounds, how can legal institutions correct for this partiality? Specifically, to what extent can legal institutions be reformed to help bridge empathic divides based on race, class, gender, and other characteristics?


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Feeling the Law? German debates over “Rechtsgefühl” in the late 19th and early 20th century

Sandra SchnädelbachHumboldt Universität

Writing in 1914, the German jurist Gustav Radbruch continued the long-spun cultural narrative of western tradition that connects law with reason and puts emotions in a juridical danger zone: When thinking about law, what first comes to mind is ‘ponderous reasoning, sharp will, but certainly not warm feeling’. Until today this narrative is dominant in the legal field, although legal theory has star-ted to take emotions into account some time ago. (Maroney 2011, Bandes 1999) It is thus all the more notable and interesting for the history of law and emotions that during the late 19th and early 20th century a variety of juristic texts were published in Germany that focus on the role of “Rechtsgefühl” in law and legal practice. In my talk I first would like to inquire into the meanings of this term, asking whether it denotes an innate sense of justice, a common feeling for the law, or a trained juristic intuition. This opens up the question of how the relation between law and emotions was conceived. As I would like to show, the debate about “Rechtsgefühl” mirrors the influence of changing interpretive patterns for the definition of law as well as that of emotion, which were adapted from the newly developing natural sciences. Changing definitions also shaped what func-tion was attributed to “Rechtsgefühl” in juridical practice. Further, I will argue that bourgeois culture strongly defined the way the jurist was required to treat his “Rechtsgefühl” and his emotions in general. Departing from the thoughts of the sociologist Arlie Hochschild, I would like to show that the correct treatment of emotions for the judge meant to be a “manager of emotions”.

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The (un)emotional law student

Lisa FlowerLund University

Objectivity is central to many professions, ensuring legitimacy via impartiality and the detachment of emotional involvement (Weber, 1978). This presentation is interested in analysing the emotion talk about objectivity in order to reveal how emotions are discussed in a profession viewed to be particularly objective, namely the legal profession (Bladini, 2013). The focus here will be on law students and how objectivity and emotions are discussed on a law degree program. What is revealed is an on-going reconstruction of an emotional regime of objectivity using discursive emotion management strategies in order to create distance from emotions (cf. Jacobsson, 2008; Wettergren, 2010). The emotion socialisation of law students encourages emotions to remain balanced and controlled in order to maintain objectivity however emotions may also be used instrumentally as tool in order to create a professional relationship. A division is thus drawn between the subjective, seen here as the personal, and the objective considered to be the professional. When this boundary is crossed, paralinguistic markers may be used to highlight this deviance with this study finding a new paralinguistic marker named the emotional sniff (cf. Bloch, 1996). Emotions and emotion work are thus seen by law students as central to legal work and consequently emotions consti-tute an integral component of objectivity, a quality deemed to be central to the work of judges.


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Revolutionary Law and Revolutionary Feeling: Emotions and the Administration of Justice in the Early Soviet Period

Pavel VasilyevMax Planck Institute for Human Development

The role of emotions in the administration of justice is a major issue in the law and emotions literature – and yet relatively unexplored from a historical point of view. A very particular feature of the early Soviet period that is relevant for the history of law and emotions is the idea of ‘revolutionary justice’ that was confirmed by high-profile Soviet politicians and the decrees of the Council of People’s Commissars – the idea that the judges should be guided by their revolutionary feeling of justice, and not be confined by the formal ‘bourgeois law’. The first decree ‘On Courts’ that was issued in November 1917 proclaimed that local courts can consider the laws of the ‘overthrown governments’ only insofar as they do not contradict ‘revolutio-nary conscience’ (sovest’) and ‘revolutionary legal consciousness’ (pravosoznanie). Later legal scholars also stressed the importance of ‘revolutionary consciousness’ (soznanie) and ‘revolutionary feeling’ (chuvstvo) for the administration of law in the immediate aftermath of the Revolution of 1917. While these ‘emotion words’ do not necessarily mean ‘emotion’ in the contemporary psychological or neuros-cientific understanding, they clearly appealed to the emotional sphere of the judge and took departure from the traditional view that praised the superiority of rationality in judicial decisions. I seek to pinpoint and classify these appeals by examining various advice literature (instruction to the judges, circular letters) and job descriptions, as well as ego-documents such as judges’ memoirs which can point to the internalization of a new legal model.While the paper’s focus is on the formative years of the early Soviet legal system (1917-1922), it is also concerned with the legal transformations and the dynamics of emotions in the courtroom in the wake of the gradual codification of Soviet law in 1922-23, since the transition to a different legal model was clearly not achieved overnight.


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Debating the role of emotions in the administration of justice in the post-unification Italy (1861-1930)

Gian Marco VidorMax Planck Institute for Human Development

In the decades following the unification of Italy (1861), the political and social role of judges, the organization of their careers, the methods for their designation were widely debated. Grounded on a rigorous knowledge of the law and a solid general culture, judging was traditionally seen as a rational evaluation of facts in which the role of emotions was at best marginal. Toward the end of the nine-teenth century, however, positivist thinkers questioned the figure of the judge and what was seen as his traditional resistance to acquire the “scientific progresses” of his profession. The vision of the judge as an erudite inflexible bureaucrat was seen as inadequate by some professionals. In their view, the “modern judge” should have a deep knowledge of the heart of men and the different forms of moral and emotional “degeneration.” This knowledge was seen as acquirable mainly outside the court, visiting the prisons and the lunatic asylums, and having familiarity with the local culture in which he practises his profession. The “modern judge” should use the new forms of scientific knowledge—in particular psychology—and the most recent techniques to better understand and evaluate not only the “heart of others” but also his own personality. Furthermore, “to be complete” the modern judge should not only know himself but also cultivate a certain “sense of huma-nity” and “charity”: only in this way he could avoid the danger of being a sterile “bureaucratic mechanism.”


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Symposium S1.6 Studies on the inter-individual effects of tears

ConvenersAsmir GracaninTilburg University

Tearful crying is a universal emotional expression that is evoked by plethora of positive and nega-tive events, usually accompanied by feelings of helplessness in the expressing individual. Crying is proposed to serve two major functions: intra-individual, focusing on the effects on the expres-sing individual him/herself, and inter-individual, with the emphasis on the effects on observers. The tearing effect describes the relevance of tears as an important visual cue adding meaning to human facial expression. Tears convey information about the crying individual to the observer and may influence his/her behavior towards the crying person. For example, they may decrease aggressive behavior. These reactions to tears are proposed to be dependent on various percep-tual and cognitive processes, contextual clues, as well as the observers’ states and traits. For their understanding one can thus focus on the analysis of automatic responses to tears as well as to more elaborate processes and behaviors. In this symposium the emphasis will be on the effects of exposure to tears on basic processing of visual cues as well as on the resulting attribution of states and traits to a crying person and behavior of the observers. In a previous series of experiments, the authors of the first contribution found that tears facili-tate the recognition of sadness and the amount of perceived need of support, at a pre-attentive level. In the current study, they investigated these effects among in and outgroup members. Sad and happy faces were presented for 50 milliseconds, with digitally added tears in half of the cases. Participants reported the perceived need for support, amount of sympathy and the likeli-hood of becoming friends with the depicted person. A tearing effect was found only in sad loo-king outgroup members regarding perceived need for support. This positive moderating effect of tears on empathic behavior, that transcends group membership, also supports the view of emotional tears as important visual cues at an early pre-attentive level.The second contribution addressed the question whether tears may affect the perception of gender and age in a way that is congruent with emotional stereotypes. In three experiments, tears were added to artificially created faces. In study 1, participants viewed tearful vs. tearless faces that were morphed from female to male. Tears were found to increase perceived sadness and similarity to oneself. Study 2, in which facial age was morphed, suggested that tears make female faces to appear younger. In the third experiment tears showed main and interactive ef-fects with disgust-eliciting manipulations on self-reports of disgust, sadness, and moral concern. Overall, results suggest that the addition of tears to artificially created faces may help unders-tanding emotional stereotypes and provide insight into the capacity of tears to increase pro-social responses, including situations where empathy may initially have to overcome a disgust response.The third contribution examined the reactions to and evaluations of Dutch (individualistic) and Turkish (collectivistic) respondents to the crying of athletes after a defeat or after a victory. Turkish and Dutch participants were exposed to the same four pictures of crying athletes. The reason of the tears (a defeat or a victory in the final of an international tournament) and the ethnicity of the depicted athletes (Turkish or Dutch) were systematically manipulated. Dutch and Turkish respondents answered questions addressing the induced empathy as well as posi-tive (e.g., I am proud of this person) and negative (e.g., I feel ashamed for this person) reactions to the crying athletes. Findings strongly suggest that culture seems to have a major impact on the reactions to crying athletes. As expected, a collectivistic culture seems to enhance positive and empathy feelings towards crying winners. On the other hand, in the case of a negative result, negative feelings are less strongly experienced and expressed in a collectivistic culture.The authors of the fourth contribution investigated how the presence of tears on the face of a transgressor affects the attributed agreeableness and reliability of the transgressor, his/her remorse, and the proposed sentencing. Participants read four crime vignettes, followed by a picture of the transgressor, with or without visible tears. They were asked to decide about the sentence and to rate agreeableness, reliability, and remorse of each depicted individual. Tears positively and strongly influenced all attributions in all four conditions. The presence of tears and the sex of the suspect additionally significantly influenced the severity of punishment only in one vignette. It is concluded that tears strongly influence how we perceive individuals who made various types of transgressions, but this does not necessarily imply that sentencing deci-sions are likewise affected.

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Pro-social effects of ingroup and outgroup tears

Martijn J. H. BalstersTilburg University

The tearing effect describes the relevance of tears as an important visual cue ad-ding meaning to human facial expression. So far, little is known about how people process these visual cues and about their mediating role in terms of emotion per-ception and person judgment. In a previous series of behavioral experiments, we investigated the effects of tears as salient visual cues at an early perceptual stage. Results showed that tears faci-litated the recognition of sadness and the amount of perceived need of support. In the current study, we compared the effects of crying between in and outgroup members, again at a pre-attentive level. Sad and happy faces (belonging to in or outgroup members) were presented for 50 milliseconds, with digitally added tears to both emotion categories in half of the cases. After this, participants had to indi-cate the perceived need for support, amount of sympathy and the likelihood of be-coming friends with the person presented. Results showed that faces of ingroup members scored significantly higher on attributed need for support, sympathy and friendship. Nevertheless, a tearing effect was found in sad looking outgroup members regarding perceived need for support.Despite reported behavior of in-group favoritism, our results indicate a positive moderating effect of tears on empathic behavior, transcending group member-ship. In addition to our previous findings, this study once again supports the view that emotional tears serve as important visual cues at an early pre-attentive level.


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Tears in the study of emotional stereotypes and empathy: How tears change our perception of gender, age, and disgust

Dennis KüsterJacobs University Bremen

While the presence of tears has been shown to amplify perceived sadness, e.g., when presented in conjunction with sad facial expressions, some of the most intriguing functions that have been attributed to tears relate to their social rami-fications. For example, previous research on emotional stereotypes has suggested that facial appearance markers for gender may be confounded with markers for emotional expressions, raising the question if tears might be used to disambi-guate both factors. Likewise, emotional stereotypes might explain age-related changes in the potential of tears to convey sadness. Across three experiments, tears were added to artificially created faces showing neutral facial expressions. In study 1 (N = 59), participants viewed tearful vs. tearless faces that were morphed from female to male, and evaluated perceived sadness and gender using visual-analogue scales. Study 2 (N = 82) used the same type of manipulation for facial age instead of gender. Finally, in experiment 3 (N = 60), facial electromyography and skin conductance were recorded to investigate the potential of tears to mo-dify bodily responses towards faces that were manipulated to elicit disgust via an addition of wounds and reduction of human-likeness. Study 1 found significant effects suggesting that male faces were perceived as linearly more sad, that tears increased perceived sadness by similar amounts across the morph continuum, and that tears may increase perceived similarity to oneself. Study 2 partially re-plicated these findings, and additionally suggested that tears may make female faces appear to be significantly younger (study 2) – in particular when perceived by male participants. Initial results of the self-report data from study 3 further suggest the presence of substantial effects of tears on disgust, sadness, and mo-ral concern that interacted significantly with the disgust-eliciting manipulations. These results will be discussed in the context of the results of the physiological and facial response data, as well as in comparison to control stimuli. Overall, re-sults suggest that the addition of tears to artificially created faces with neutral expressions may help to shed further light on emotional stereotypes as well as on the social capacity of tears to tie into our social bonds with others who are in need of support or protection, including situations where empathy may initially have to overcome a disgust response.


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Reactions to the tears of athletes: A comparison of Dutch and Turkish respondents

Ad J. J. M. Vingerhoets, Büsra AyTilburg University

This study examined the reactions to and evaluations of Dutch (individualistic) and Turkish (collectivistic) respondents to the crying of athletes after a defeat or after a victory. Using an experimental design, 132 participants (77 Turkish, 55 Dutch) were exposed to the same four pictures of crying athletes. The ethnicity of the depicted sports people was manipulated in an accompanying vignette and by the addition of the Dutch or Turkish flag on the picture. The vignette also explained the background of the tears: a defeat or a victory in the final of an international tournament. Respondents answered questions addressing the induced empathy (e.g., I sym-pathize with this person), as well as positive (e.g., I am proud of this person) and negative (e.g., I feel ashamed for this person) reactions to the crying athletes. The results indicated that the Turkish respondents expressed more empathy to the tearful athletes than the Dutch respondents (M=53.55, SD=18.38 versus M=46.09, SD=14.88; F(1,130) = 6.22 ; p < 0,05). Further, Turkish respondents reac-ted more positively after a victory (M=30. 67, SD=9.98 versus M=20.73, SD=6.91; F(1,130) = 41.012; p < 0.001) and less negatively after a defeat (M=12.20, SD=5,177 versus M=14.14, SD= 5.140; F(1,130) = 4.581 ; p < 0.05 ) to the tears of an athlete than the Dutch respondents do. The current findings strongly suggest that culture seems to have a major impact on the reactions to crying athletes. As expected, a collectivistic culture seems to enhance positive and empathy feelings, probably related to a stronger feeling of social connectedness. However, in the case of a negative result, negative feelings are also more strongly experienced and expressed.


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The effects of visible tears on transgressor evaluation and sentencing decisions

Asmir Gracanin, Andrea Boeren, Ad J. J. M. VingerhoetsTilburg University

We investigated how the presence of tears on the face of a transgressor affects the attributed personality traits and the proposed sentencing. We expected that the tears shown by a transgressor would positively influence the attribution of remorse, agreeableness and reliability and that they would result in less harsh sentencing. In addition, the influence of participants’ empathy levels and attach-ment style on both the attribution and the sentencing was examined. Parti-cipants (N=359, 166 male, 193 female, mean age 38 years) each read four crime vignettes (drunk driving car accident, murder, hard drug trafficking, and a crime passionelle), followed by a photograph of the transgressor. The pictures included male and female transgressors, with or without visible tears. Participants were asked to decide about the sentence and to rate kindness, reliability, and remorse of each depicted individual. Hierarchical regression analyses demonstrated that tears positively and strongly influenced kindness, reliability, and remorse ratings in all four conditions. Only in the drunk driving vignette, the presence of tears and the sex of the suspect additionally significantly influenced the severity of pu-nishment. Observers’ empathy and attachment style failed to affect transgressor judgments and the sentencing. It is concluded that tears strongly influence how we perceive individuals who made various types of transgressions, but this does not necessarily imply that sentencing decisions are likewise affected. We discuss possible explanations for our findings and propose the use of behavioral mea-sures of punishment in future studies.


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P1.1 Testing evaluative asymmetry through text responses in online communities

Adiya Abisheva, David Garcia, Frank SchweitzerETH Zurich

Evaluative processes in human beings are organized around a cardinal principle of evaluative bivalence with separable positive and negative substrates [3]. This allows individuals to distinguish and respond appropriately to the stimuli that are rewarding and healthy, or positive, and to the stimuli that are aversive and detri-mental, or negative. Furthermore, the positive and negative disposition is asym-metrical [2] and is characterized by the presence of the positivity offset and the negativity bias [1]. In the context of social interaction, the coexistence of these two modes of emotion dynamics lead to the hypothesis that emotional expression has a positivity baseline, but negative stimuli elicit faster and stronger responses. We test the evaluative asymmetry of user emotional expression on the large-scale Internet data of text replies (16-24 Million) of three popular online communities YouTube, Reddit and 4chan. We quantify the emotions expressed in all these mes-sages through a state-of-the-art sentiment analysis technique, and measure res-ponse times as the time intervals between the creation of a message and the pos-ting of a reply. Our results reveal a subtle positive mean of the emotions expressed in all the messages, but that messages that elicit replies are more emotionally charged and exhibit stronger negative emotions. However, the distributions of the time to respond to negative messages does not statistically differ from the response time to positive messages. These results support the hypothesis of a presence of a positivity offset and a ne-gativity bias in online interaction, and that the Internet medium – the component constituting the online communication – changes the timescale of emotional interaction in a way such that very fast emotional responses are not observable. Our analysis shows that what makes us react online is more salient than when we react, highlighting the difference of emotional interaction in offline face-to-face interaction [3] and online computer mediated communication.

Poster session 1 - 8.7.2015

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P1.2 How effective is emotion manipulation? a meta-analysis

Alexandra Antonesei, Kou Murayama, Ciara McCabeUniversity of Reading

Emotional states are thought to be derived from synchronized cognitive, affective, motivational and somatic responses to the appraisal of both external and/or in-ternal events. Further it has also been proposed that emotional states are derived from well-operationalized events, such as instrumental reinforcers. The study of emotion utilizes various methods to manipulate emotional states, however speci-fic studies vary by task and by type(s) of emotion studied and are limited in both statistical power and sensitivity. By examining findings across different perspectives on emotion, we conducted a meta-analysis on the effectiveness of emotional state manipulation in healthy adults. Alongside the traditional affective induction procedures (e.g., emotional scenes, words, clips, music, faces, imagery, hypnosis, drugs), we included studies manipulating primary (e.g., food, juice, erotic pictures, electric shock, social pres-sure) and secondary (money ) value-based reinforcers. We also included studies examining approach/avoidance methodology, as well as emotional decision-ma-king tasks from (neuro)economics. Manipulations on emotional states were selected as long as they provided a valid measure of at least one affective component: subjective reports, physiological measures, behavioural measures, the startle response magnitude, electroence-phalography, neuroimaging data, choice/preference. Cohen d size effects were derived for pleasure, elation/happiness, apprehension/fear, sadness, stress/frus-tration, anger, pride, shame, guilt, disgust, relief, preference (like/dislike) based on the difference between the affective states at baseline/resting state or the neu-tral condition/control group and after the experimental induction for within-sub-ject and between-subject designs, respectively. Mixed-effects models are run to account for the impact of moderator variables, such as manipulation methods, categories of emotional states, age, gender, on affective outcomes. This review provides a critical comparison of valence and arousal –based emotion elicitation on one hand and reinforcement and preference/decision-based emo-tional consequences on the other hand. Such a conceptualization of emotional states as part of adaptive circuits is a step ahead in improving the methodology of emotion-cognition interaction tasks. This interdisciplinary approach might em-phasize their functionalistic role in interpreting and successfully adjusting to the environment.


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P1.3 The display (or masking) of emotions during computer- mediated interaction: A relationship with reappraisal

Sunny AVRY1,2, Gaelle Molinari1,2, Guillaume Chanel2, Mireille Betrancourt2, Thierry Pun2

Distance Learning University Switzerland1, University of Geneva2

The literature has shown that emotions felt during collaboration can be different from those displayed to the partners. Emotions can be expressed to influence others, or masked for self-protective, pro-social or task management purposes (Cahour, 2013). In this study, we compared emotions expressed during a compu-ter-mediated collaborative task versus emotions reported while participants wat-ched the video of the collaboration. We also investigated whether the display of emotion was related to emotion regulation strategies; in particular, we studied individuals’ tendency to either inhibit the expression of emotions (suppression), or reinterpret the situation so as to modify the resulting emotional impact (reap-praisal; Gross & John, 2003). Participants of this study collaborated remotely in dyads, and built together a violence prevention slogan. They were asked to (orally) debate and organize their ideas using voice-conferencing and argumentation graph tools. Half of the dyads were provided with an emotion awareness tool (EAT), which gave members the possibility to 1) communicate their emotions to their partner using a predefined list of 10 positive and 10 negative emotions and 2) visualize their partner’s emotions throughout the interaction. After collaboration, they completed the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (Gross & John, 2003). They were then provided with a video of their group work, and were asked to anno-tate moments when they felt an emotion (debriefing). Results showed that the percentage of negative emotions expressed via the EAT (14% against 86% for posi-tive emotions) was lower than the percentage of negative emotions reported du-ring the debriefing (28.7% against 71.3% for positive emotions) (p < .001). Moreover, the difference in percentage between expressed and reported negative emotions was positively related to the participants’ tendency to use the reappraisal strategy (r = +0.5, p < .05), and not related to their tendency to use the suppression strategy (r = -0.01, p > .05). Thus, the small number of negative emotions communicated during collaboration would not be due to a strategy of masking their emotional expression. It would be rather explained by the participants’ tendency to modify their interpretation of the situation so as to prevent the potential negative impact of some emotional events on group work.


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P1.4 Words are not enough: physiological responses to emotional text paired with human and artificial entity stimuli

Christina A. Basedow, Arvid KappasJacobs University Bremen

We interact increasingly via information and communication technology (ICT). As technology advances, the ‘other’ might not even be human. In fact, we pro-gressively interact with autonomous agents in virtual or physical form, and treat such technology as though it were an ‘equal’ in common interaction (Krämer et al., 2012). The Media Equation (Reeves & Nass, 1996) argues that we apply social rules and expectations to our communication with artificial entities and that we assign agency unconsciously (Nass & Moon, 2000) leading to the adoption of social inte-raction rules to these technologies (Sundar & Nass, 2000). In addition, affective and possibly ‘empathic’ responses towards artificial entities, more specifically toy robots, have been shown in experimental studies where robots were ‘hurt’ (Rosen-thal von der Pütten et al., 2013). Recent research indicates that individuals respond surprisingly similar to emotional images of humans and artificial entities, when paired with a context, presented as text [Author]. If we treat artificial entities as ‘people’ then it is perhaps not surprising that we react emotionally to artificial agents as we would to humans, however it is not clear to what degree complex states of mind would be attributed to robots. What if people are confronted with neutral still images of artificial entities, only paired with emotional text, such as in a Goodenough-Tinker paradigm. Would the context suffice to transform the per-ception of the entities’ affective state? In the present study 64 participants were presented with neutral human faces from the Radboud Faces Database (Langner et al., 2010) and artificial entity faces of the NAO robot paired with emotional vignettes depicting anger, sadness, happiness and pride used in a previous expe-riment [Author]. Psychophysiological responses to stimuli were measured using facial EMG (Corrugator supercilii, Zygomaticus major) and skin conductance. In addition, participants completed the PANAS mood scale (Watson & Clark, 1988) at three experimental intervals and the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (Davis, 1983), post experiment. Results of facial EMG indicate significant increases of Corruga-tor supercilli activity in response to the onset of the images, with no systematic difference in response to the addition of textual content. Few significant results for Zygomaticus major and none for skin conductance emerged. The results are characterized by complex interactions between target (human-robot), emotion and epoch and suggest that emotional context was not sufficient to clearly elicit expressive and physiological responses when paired with neutral stimuli.

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P1.5 Specification for a productive practice app to assess and improve psychological treatments for romantic grief and other

tertiary emotions

Luc BeaudoinSimon Fraser University

This paper specifies the functionality of an iOS® app (“RFB”) being designed to help researchers develop and experimentally contrast emotion regulation treatments (e.g., acceptance and commitment, Hayes, 2011) for romantic grief and other forms of perturbance (Beaudoin, 1994) by using productive practice (Beaudoin, 2014b)While RFB will be used to test multiple theories of emotion and study various em-otions, we will describe our plan to test, extend refine and apply to romantic grief the H-CogAff affective information-processing architecture (Beaudoin 2014b; Slo-man, 2003). H-CogAff architecturally distinguishes between primary, secondary and tertiary emotions (perturbance). In perturbance, internal motivators tend to disrupt executive processes (Beaudoin, 1994). Perturbance is characteristic of romantic grief, wherein rejected lovers tend to experience intrusive rumination (Wrape, 2014).Harvey et al (2014) and Beaudoin (2014b) called for evidence-based psychologi-cal treatments leveraging cognitive principles and technology. Beaudoin (2014b, 2014c) developed the concept of productive practice: software-driven test-en-hanced learning and deliberate practice. Our goal with RFB is to do for roman-tic grief what we are doing for several university research groups with H-CogAff-based mySleepButton™ in insomnia (Beaudoin, 2014a): accelerate research and development of emotion theory and regulation strategies.


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P1.6 Emotion and emotion regulation in forgiveness

Luisa Bonfiglioli, Elisa Forlani, Pio Enrico Ricci BittiDepartment of Psychology, University of Bologna

BackgroundForgiveness process involves a change in emotion, cognition, motivation and behavior. Authors distinguish between emotional and decisional forgiveness (Worthington et al., 2007) and consider forgiveness an emotion-focused coping strategy (Worthington & Scherer, 2004). Studies analysed the role of emotion in forgiveness process in terms of emotional intelligence abilities (Rey & Extremera, 2014), considering the role of emotion regulation strategies in conflict resolution (Halperin, 2014) or in psychophisiology (Witvliet et al. 2014).Main aimThe main aim of the study is to analyse the role of emotional regulation strategies of negative emotions in forgiveness following a past interpersonal offense.Method143 adults (mean age = 21,3 +/- 3.77) filled in a questionnaire that inquired about an autobiographic interpersonal offense and investigated emotions involved in forgiveness process. Participants completed also the italian version of the Emo-tion Regulation Questionnaire (ERQ, Balzarotti, John & Gross, 2010) and the Trait Forgiveness Scale (TFS, Berry, et al., 2005). ResultsAnger, sadness and rancour are most common emotions experienced after of-fense and emotion intensity rating decreases after forgiveness. Data shows signi-ficant correlation between ERQ scores and forgiveness phenomenology (duration time and emotion involved) and between TFS scores and rancour (presence and duration time)

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P1.7 Individual differences in the instructed regulation of positive affect

Jo Bower, Anastasia Christakou, Craig SteelUniversity of Reading

Regulation of positive affect is under-researched, despite evidence linking dysre-gulation to several mental health conditions(1). Evidence from healthy populations suggests longer-term benefits of positive emotions e.g. building resilience(2). Ex-perimental research into regulation of positive affect is often uses clinical popula-tions, with limited data from healthy volunteers. This project addressed this short-fall by studying instructed regulation of positive affect in healthy participants. 76 undergraduates were allocated to 1 of 3 conditions. After completing trait mood and emotion regulation measures, participants watched a short mood induction video. They were instructed to: (a) up-regulate their emotional responses (enhance condition), (b) down-regulate their emotional responses (minimise condition), or (c) simply watch the video (watch condition). Analysis assessed individual diffe-rences in how instructions to regulate positive affect impacted emotion regula-tion strategies adopted and the magnitude of mood change reported.The increase in positive mood following the video was significantly smaller in the minimise condition than in enhance and watch conditions. Additionally, partici-pants in the minimise condition employed different emotion regulation strate-gies. Several significant relationships with trait measures emerged, for example higher self-reported depression significantly increased suppression use in both watch and minimise conditions. Higher levels of hypomania were also significant-ly associated with increased use of suppression in the watch condition.Two online replications (student and community samples) assessed the feasibility of internet data collection in emotion regulation research. The inter-relationships between trait measures (e.g. significant association between depression score and dampening of positive affect) were broadly replicated in online samples. The mood induction successfully increased positive affect and instructions influenced emotion regulation strategies adopted during the online mood induction. Howe-ver, mood change was not significantly different across conditions in either online study. Relationships between trait measures and emotion regulation strategies adopted were partially preserved in online replications.This project provides insight into regulation of positive affect in healthy volunteers, complementing existing research with clinical populations. Our replications hi-ghlight challenges of online data collection in detecting changes in emotional responding. Such challenges were overcome when detecting emotion regulation strategy use or studying relationships between self-report trait measures.


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P1.8 Neural bases of emotional and motivational appraisals on processing of emotional visual scenes depending on spatial

frequencies

Aurélie CAMPAGNE, Benoit FRADCOURT, Monica BACIU, Cédric PICHAT, Carole PEYRIN

Université de Grenoble, CNRS

Visual processing of emotional stimuli critically depends on the cognitive apprai-sals type such as identifying the self-emotional experience or emotional state of others. Moreover, each particular affective appraisal may be driven by a specific spatial frequency content in emotional stimuli. The present fMRI study aimed to investigate the brain regions involved in the visual processing of emotional scenes during two distinct affective appraisal tasks, one emotional based on the self-em-otional experience and one motivational based on the tendency to action. The re-lative role of spatial frequency content of visual stimuli during each of these two appraisal tasks was also explored by using scenes filtered in low spatial frequen-cies (LSF) and high spatial frequencies (HSF). Results showed a greater activation of the visual regions and amygdala in the motivational task compared to the em-otional task. Motivational task also induced specific activations of motor areas (premotor cortex and supplementary motor area) and parietal regions (precu-neus, superior and inferior parietal lobules and angular gyrus) although required motor response was similar in the two tasks. Parietal activations were particularly obtained in appraisal of a tendency to approach a pleasant scene. These results suggest that the identification of a tendency to action specifically involves motor and navigation processes. Furthermore, cerebral activations in the motivational task were mostly greater for HSF scenes compared to LSF scenes suggesting that the tendency to action is mainly driven by the detailed information in scenes. In the emotional task, only the visual regions showed a role of the spatial frequen-cies with greater activity for HSF scenes (compared to LSF scenes) to evaluate the unpleasant experience and for LSF scenes (compared to HSF scenes) to evaluate the pleasant experience. Our study stresses distinct processing for identifying the tendency to action and the self-emotional experience on emotional visual scenes, and illustrates the flexible use of spatial frequency content in scenes depending on the task demands.

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P1.9 A map of the affective semantic space related to various different types of wine

Cristina Carbognin, Riccardo Sartori, Roberto Ferrarini, Anna Maria Meneghini

University of Verona

Even if there are incidental factors that can modify emotions and attitudes to-wards foods and beverages (e.g. purchase environment, packaging, mood), some products are more associated with emotional experiences than others. Wine, for example, is an “emotional” product, at least in some cultures including Italy.Previous studies have shown that the lexicon used to describe the affective space of life experiences is not the same as that which is used to describe individual reactions to foods and odours (Delplanque et al., 2012). This also applies to wine (Author, 2010), where the semantic space suffers from “hedonic asymmetry”. This study aimed to select a list of adjectives in Italian to describe different inten-sities of emotions elicited during the tasting of various wines.88 wine consumers assessed the intensities of their feelings in a testing situation using a list of 31 adjectives. 23 of these adjectives were selected from past studies on imagined emotions (Author, 2010) associated with wine and 8 were selected from research on the emotions elicited by odours and foods (Chrea et al., 2009; King, Meiselman, 2010). A Visual Analogue Scale was used. The types of wines used as stimuli varied in terms of colour and enological characteristics in order to represent the wide range of products available.While some terms proved to be more useful to describe the tasting experience, others appeared to be especially useful to discriminate between the various dif-ferent types of wine.This is the first time that there has been evidence that a specific set of terms is needed to report the feelings elicited by wine tasting efficiently. It also supports the hypothesis that specific emotional profiles can be attributed to different types of wine. Emotions elicited by products are becoming more and more important in terms of product differentiation. In the field of wine, emotional profiles, associa-ted with the traditional sensory profiles, can offer useful additional and attractive information.


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P1.10 Audiomotor integration of angry and happy prosodies

Sélim Coll, Didier GrandjeanUniversity of Geneva

The primate brain codes the features of perceptual events in a distributed fashion. Thus, color, form and location of an object for example are represented in different brain regions in the cortex. This phenomenon is related to the binding problem: how does the brain integrate the information belonging to the same event wit-hout mixing them up with features form other, concurrently processed events. Hommel (1998) suggested the “event file” concept: an episodic memory trace binding together perceptual features and actions related to an event. This idea emerged after an experiment where Hommel showed that reaction time benefits associated to the repetition of the relevant feature and the location of a stimulus depended on response repetition. Using a similar paradigm we designed one pilot and four studies to investigate if emotion, like other perceptual represented fea-tures, can be bound with motor responses when it is relevant versus irrelevant for the task. By using angry and fearful faces expressed by avatars and real humans, we showed the co-existence of three degrees of visuomotor bindings: a strong level implicating the relevant feature for the task, a significant smaller one im-plicating the location, and an even smaller one implicating irrelevant features, in which emotion can play a role. With four new studies using the same paradigm we sought for replicating our results with angry and happy prosodies. The same three degrees of bindings were observed. Moreover, the emotion always integrated a binding with the motor res-ponse when task-relevant (study 1 and 2). In a loudness task, emotion also bound even when irrelevant for the task (study 4), it was not the case in a location task (study 3). Knowing more precisely the behavioral impact of the emotion in the visuo and audio-motor binding we plan to study now the neural underpinnings of these phenomena by using brain imaging techniques.


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P1.11 Oxytocin increases empathy for an ostracised other: A Cyberball study

Katie Daughters, Antony Manstead, Kelly Hubble, Aled Rees, Anita Thapar, Stephanie van Goozen

Cardiff University

It is known that the neuropeptide oxytocin (OXT) can increase an individual’s awa-reness of social cues, and that the social effects of OXT depend upon the social context of a situation. It has also been suggested that OXT affects empathy, but to date little research has investigated whether social context can influence OXT affects on empathy. In a double-blind, randomized, placebo controlled, within-subjects trial, 40 male participants played the virtual ball-tossing game Cyberball. Here they witnessed either an ingroup or outgroup member being excluded by other players. Participants then rated their own emotions and the presumed emo-tions of the excluded player. We anticipated that participants in the OXT condition would report greater empathy for the excluded player, compared to the placebo condition. We also anticipated that this effect might be moderated by whether the excluded player was ostensibly an ingroup or outgroup member, which was mani-pulated by giving the excluded other an ingroup or outgroup name. Participants in the OXT condition reported that the excluded player felt less positive, compa-red to their own emotional state, demonstrating cognitive empathy. A marginally significant interaction reflected the fact that this difference was more evident for the excluded ingroup member than for the excluded outgroup member. Correla-tional analysis also suggested that the effects of OXT on empathy were modera-ted by group membership. This study provides initial evidence that the effects of OXT on empathy are moderated by social context. More research is required to investigate the effect of ingroup/outgroup contexts on OXT-related behaviours.


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P1.12 Military and civilians: Detection of aggression by emotional facial expressions

Hugues Delmas1, Sophie Valentin2, Maxime Bonet3, Samuel Demarchi2, Charles Tijus2, Isabel Urdapilleta2

Paris 8 University, ADN Research1, Paris 8 University2, Paris 8 University, Military3

Assume a boxer’s stance, invade personal space, clench hands and make threats are perceived as behavioral indicators of imminent acts of violence (Johson & Aaron, 2013). Derivatives of anger, two facial expressions precursors of ag-gression, perceived as warning signs of imminent violence, have been identi-fied by Matsumoto and Hwang (2014). These expressions are better identified by persons frequently confronted with situations of assault like policemen.During their in the field peacekeeping missions, military agents are faced with situations of danger and assault. However, are they better than civilians in iden-tifying emotional facial expressions precursors of assault? To our knowledge, no-one has investigated the ability of soldiers to detect facial expressions pre-cursors of aggression (A Signal Detection Theory task, Green & Swets, 1966), and whether they process these specific emotions better and faster than civilians.Standardized pictures of 6 posed emotional facial expressions were used as sti-muli (premeditated assault [PA], loss of control assault [LCA], anger-joy [AJ], anger-contempt [AC], anger-disgust [AD] and neutral expressions [NE]). Conformity of emotional expressions have been evaluated by two Facial Action Coding System coders. Faces were presented sequentially to 47 participants - military and civilians. Their task was to determine as fast as possible if the emotional facial expression re-presents a person who will attack them. Responses and reaction time were recorded.Concerning SDT indexes, military agents were more conservative (more misses and correct rejections, p < .001) and less efficient in detecting assault expressions (p < .001). Our results are consistent with facial expressions of assault identified by Matsumoto and Hwang (2014). Detection rates for PA and LCA were more asso-ciated with aggression than other expressions. We also observed higher detec-tion rates of aggression for LCA than for PA. AD were identified as more dange-rous than other ones. AC, AJ, and NE have very low rates of assault, which means that they were clearly identified as displaying non-dangerous facial expressions.Concerning reaction time, there was no difference between military and civilians. However, overall participants reacted to expressions precursors of assault (PA & LCA) slower than both chimera (AJ, AC & AD) and NE (ps < .001). Expressions precursors of assault seem to have a longer cognitive processing whatever the response given. On the field, this latency isn’t optimal behavior in a dangerous situation. There is leeway to improve ability of detecting emotional facial expressions precursors of assault.

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P1.13 The appraisal structure of types of interest as measured in self-determined ecological events

Daniel Dukes1,2, Marcello Mortillaro2, Catherine Audrin2, Fabrice Clement1,2

Neuchâtel University1, University of Geneva2

In 2005, Silvia postulated that two appraisals, novelty/complexity and coping po-tential, were predictive of episodes of the emotion of interest. However, in 2013, Fon-taine, Scherer and Soriano (eds.) provided evidence to suggest that other appraisals were involved. Neither of these studies took into account people’s spontaneous real-life experiences of episodes of interest. The goal of this study was to esta-blish which appraisals best predict ecologically self-determined events of interest.

Forty French-speaking participants (29 women) aged on average 31 years old, were asked every day to note two or three episodes of interest that they had experienced, for seven days. Using a Likert scale (1-7) participants were asked to rate each event using several appraisal-based questions concerning novelty, intrinsic pleasantness, goal attainment, coping poten-tial and norm compatibility (Leventhal and Scherer, 1987). These results were compared and contrasted with scores for reported ‘event interest’(1-7).

Multilevel analyses were performed on the ‘event interest’ variable. The appraisals were entered into the model as the fixed effects, while the subjects’ intercepts were the random effects. In order to relate our results to Silvia’s proposed model, we compared a two-appraisal model (comprised of novelty and coping potential) with a full five-appraisal model. Results suggest that the larger model impro-ved the prediction of interest, as this model fitted the data significantly better, (χ2(3)=394.85, p<.001), while the three added appraisals were statistically significant.

Post-hoc analysis of emergent categories of the events led to the postu-lation of 5 different types of interest: esthetic, cognitive, voyeuristic, ins-trumental and social. Of these 5 types, none were predicted by the same combination of appraisals as ‘event interest’ and there were also diffe-rences between the combinations of appraisals that predicted each type.

These results seem to show that the emotion of interest cannot be reduced to one type of phenomenon, and, as such, interest requires more subtle explana-tions that a two-appraisal model, as Silvia himself suggested (2005). Thus, fur-ther research is more than ever necessary to investigate the nature of interest(s).


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P1.14 The adverse effect of social sharing of negative emotional events on a social networking service

Hiroko Endo, Kei FujiUniversity of Tsukuba

With the growth of social networking service (SNS) penetration, many people are starting to share personal emotional events, including those that inspire nega-tive emotions, with others anytime and anywhere—even immediately after the events. Although such behavior is considered a form of the social sharing of emo-tion (Rime, 1989), there are insufficient empirical studies of social sharing on SNS. Contrary to what people generally believe, social sharing behavior is irrelevant to emotional recovery (e.g. Finkeneuer & Rime, 1998; Zech & Rime, 2005); most people, in the immediate aftermath of an emotional event, find it difficult to accomplish the associated cognitive processing involving recreation of meaning, reframing, or reappraisal of the experience even though such processing assumes a crucial role in emotional recovery (Rime, 2007, 2009). Based on this concept, we predicted that social sharing of negative emotional events on SNS also has little contribution to emotional recovery because of the instantaneousness involved, which would result in a deficiency of cognitive processing compared to face-to-face sharing. We conducted a survey with Japanese undergraduates, obtaining 413 responses (230 men, 177 women, and 6 non-respondent; mean age = 19.67). At the beginning of the survey, respondents were instructed to recall and describe the most negative emotional events they had experienced in the past month. They were then asked to respond to a questionnaire measuring negative emotional state not only immediately after the event but also at the time of answering (now), the experience of social sharing behavior on SNS as well as face to face, and the frequency of rumination about the event. The results of the covariance structural analysis indicated that, as predicted, social sharing on SNS has no signi-ficant effect on emotional recovery, similar to face-to-face sharing. The results also showed that, whether on SNS or not, sharing behavior focused on the emotional aspects of the event increases the frequency of rumination, resulting in main-taining negative emotional states, especially sadness. This study supported the earlier findings about social sharing of negative emotional events and provided new insight for understanding the relationship between the immediacy of SNS in sharing negative emotional experience with others and the ineffectiveness of new emotional regulation strategy.

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P1.15 The effect of laughter expression modulation on emotional experience in 4 to 10 years old children

Nawelle Famelart, Michèle GuidettiUniversity of Toulouse

Facial expressions play a fundamental role in communication and one regulates them permanently in order to control what to communicate to others. But the control of facial expressions is also an emotion regulation strategy which has an interest for the organism (Darwin, 2001; Gross, 1999). The aim of the current study is to understand the impact of facial expression control on subjective experience of situation. More precisely, we want to know how laughter expression modula-tion may lead children to change their emotional experience. According to the literature, in adulthood, the facial expression control generates unconsciously a congruent change of emotional experience (facial feedback). Although only few studies have been made on this phenomenon with children, it could be probable that the strength of the link between facial expressions and emotional experiences diminishes with age, and consequently, the facial feedback effect could decrease with age (Ceschi & Scherer, 2001; Izard, 1990). In order to test this hypothesis, we used an emotional induction paradigm (funny video-clip) with an expressive change paradigm (free expression vs. laugh restriction vs. laugh exaggeration). We have used a new method to assess a posteriori the emotional experience of 4 to 10 aged children based on analyses of narrative speech about funny video-clip. The results indicate that this phenomenon in children is moderate and similar to the one that has been observed in studies with adults. More precisely, children has benefited from a facial feedback effect on their emotional experiences without an age effect. Indeed, the children’s narrative speech has been longer (i.e. time speech and number of video-clip’s events related) in the condition of laugh exaggeration, showing indirectly there is a modification of the experience about an emotional situation. This study show that laughing had an important role on organism and cognitive functioning from childhood so far and fully contribute to emotional regulation everyday. But the lack of age effect observed also suggests that facial feedback could be rather dependent of personal expressivity characteristics than developmental characteristics.


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P1.16 An examination of regulation needs after negative emotional experiences

Kei Fuji, Hiroko EndoUniversity of Tsukuba

Previous studies have shown that, in general, negative emotional experiences have a harmful and multifaceted impact. Simultaneously, various needs for regu-lating and overcoming this impact are aroused (e.g., Rime, 2007). These needs are referred to as ‘regulation needs’ and categorized under three classes: socioaffec-tive, cognitive, and action needs. Among them, socioaffective needs are conside-red as the needs for social integration, support, and comfort by others, and the factor that contributes to sharing negative emotional experiences with others, referred to as ‘social sharing’. However, researchers are yet to develop psychologi-cal scales to measure regulation needs. Therefore, the relationship between regu-lation needs and social sharing behaviour has not yet been examined empirically. Thus, we conducted a web survey with Japanese high school students, undergra-duates, and office workers, obtaining 443 responses (163 men and 280 women; mean age = 25.28 years). At the beginning of the survey, respondents were ins-tructed to recall and describe the most negative emotional events they had expe-rienced in the past month. They were then asked to respond to a questionnaire on their negative emotional state immediately after the event, the three classes of regulation needs, and the experience of sharing the events with others. An exploratory factor analysis of the items on regulation needs revealed six factors, namely, needs for ‘acceptance and understanding’, ‘response from others’‘, ‘refra-ming the experience from a new perspective’, ‘confronting and reflection’, ‘taking action’, and ‘distraction and refreshing’. In addition, a confirmatory factor analysis suggested a good model fit and showed that these factors were organized into three higher order factors, similar to the three classes discussed in Rime (2007). Furthermore, a covariance structural analysis indicated that, as predicted, socioaf-fective needs elicited by negative emotion after the events promoted social sha-ring behaviour of the negative emotional experience. In addition, findings indica-ted that although action needs facilitated sharing of the factual aspects of the experience, cognitive needs had an inhibitory effect on social sharing behaviour. This study empirically supported the earlier discussion about regulation needs, revealed their detailed structure, and their relationship to social sharing. These findings are a progress on the clarification of the process of emotion regulation and the cultural differences involved.


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P.17 Evaluating emotional expression in music context: the role of visual dynamic and form information

Donald Glowinski1, Sascha Fruehholz1, Marc-André Rappaz2, Didier Grandjean1

University of Geneva1, Geneva University of Music2

This study has been conducted to investigate expressive coordination processes in music ensemble. A main focus has been on the musician’s capacity to antici-pate others’ emotional expression (EE) in an extremely short delay (< 1s). Wöllner showed that this capacity is key for ensuring robust coordination and time ali-gnment in a music ensemble (Wollner et al. 2010). Aglioti revealed that expert skills in anticipating others’ intention and successful outcomes are based on the detection of a minimal set of movement features and postural details (Aglioti et al. 2008). Our study investigated EE in a music context with the specific aim to understand which movement and form features of the musician performance may impact upon the perception by expert and naïve observers. Seventeen par-ticipants (F=53%, mean age 28±12 years, musicians=52%), were assigned to watch point-light display movies based on the collected motion capture of a violinist in a string quartet indicating forte and piano entries to the other performers. In a random half of the trials only the preparation part of the musician’s gesture was shown, in the other half the full sequence was shown. A control condition was inserted consisting in a non-anthropomorphic display of the performance where the dynamic of each body marker was maintained but where relative distance between body limbs was scrambled. After each trial, participants had to report whether they thought the performance was forte or piano. Linear mixed mode-ling revealed that expert observers tended to perceive with higher accuracy and higher responsiveness the levels of EE than naïve observers in both full and short sequences, and that control condition using non-anthropomorphic is decremen-tal for their performances. These results show that evaluation of EE in music may depend upon the expertise and that movement cues can be further informative when a human form is identified.


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P1.18 Rhythm in vocal emotional expressions: the normalized pairwise variability index differentiates emotions across languages

Martijn Goudbeek, Mirjam BroersmaTilburg University, Radboud University Nijmegen

The voice is an important channel for emotional expression. Emotions are often characterized by differences in pitch, loudness, the duration of segments, and spectral characteristics (Scherer, 2003). The rhythmic aspect of emotional speech has been largely neglected, most studies limit themselves to segment duration and speech rate. Since languages are often characterized by their rhythmic class (as either “stress timed” or “syllable timed”), we wanted to know whether the rhythmic structure plays a role in vocal emotional expressions. To characterize the rhythmic structure, we used the normalized pairwise variability index. The nor-malized pairwise variability index (nPVI) characterizes the rhythm of a language in a more continuous way (Grabe & Low, 2002). Quinto, Thompson, and Keating (2013) found that the nPVI differentiated emotional expressions from non-emo-tional ones. However, their study was limited to English (a stress timed language) and their nonsensical carrier sentence contained real words, possibly influencing the role of speech rhythm. This contribution investigates whether the nPVI can be used to characterize the possible rhythmic differences between emotions in a stress timed and a syllable timed language (Dutch and Korean). We do so by using an existing corpus (Goudbeek & Broersma, 2010) of eight posed emotional expressions (balanced for valance and arousal) by speakers of Dutch and Korean. The findings show, as expected, that Dutch and Korean differ in their nPVI, but, importantly, that the different emotions in the corpus also differ in their nPVI. Fur-ther analysis shows that emotional valence is an important contributor to these differences. Finally, the effects are different for Dutch and Korean, indicating the importance of studying different languages when investigating vocal emotional expression.


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P1.19 I feel Compassion when I think

William Hagman, Daniel VastfjallLinkopoing University

Goal:Which Impact does the reflection- and expectation of donations have on com-passion and do compassion lead to donations? These questions was investigated with a web-survey (n = 600 that expands previous research on escaping affect (Cameron & Payne 2011).Method:A 2x2x2 Participants was either giving explicit instruction just to experience their feelings toward a child (or eight children) in Darfur or experience their feelings and later in the experiment rate how much money they would be willing to do-nate. The order of the questions in the measure of compassion was given in two variations, since one of the items was explicitly related to donations. In addition to this manipulations an explicit questions regarding expectations to be asked to donate and reflections about donation was added. After all the rating participants was asked a hypothetical donation question “Imagine you had $25 dollars in your wallet right now. Would you be willing to donate money to donate money to the child (children)?”.Results:In contrast with the previous result of Cameron and Payne a significant main effects of help request and number of victims was found, but no significant inte-raction between help request and number of victims. The order of the items in the compassion-measure had significant interaction effect with help request. The results indicates that when the reflection was perceived as self-generated by the participant it increases the compassion towards the victim(s). However, compassion decreases when participants believe that they are expected to donate. Participants that scored higher on the compassion-measure did choose to donate more often than participants with a lower compassion score. Moreo-ver, participants that did donated did significantly increase their positive feelings after the donation compared to the participants that did not chose to donate.These findings suggest that reflection upon donation have different effects on compassion if the reflection is self-generated or generated by the expectations of others.


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P1.20 Exploring In-group, Stereotyping and Memory Effects of Basic and Self-conscious Emotions in Children

Elizabeth Hilvert1, Denise Davidson1, Sandra Vanegas2, Ieva Misiunaite1

Loyola University Chicago1, University of Illinois at Chicago2

Several compelling investigations have found that adults more readily identify emotion in others who are similar to themselves, such as those of the same race, than in those of a different race (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2003, for a review). Several hypotheses have been given to explain this effect. One is that subtle, but real, physical differences may exist in the expression of emotion across cultures, which are more readily visible to in-group than out-group members. In-group effects may also stem from an increased motivation to understand emotions in in-group versus out-group members. Individuals may also be more motivated to decode the expressions of members they identify with and spend the most time with, and thus be more accurate in doing so. Few studies, however, have assessed these effects in children, although Tuminello and Davidson (2011) showed that in-group effects begin early and are affected by minority/majority group membership, as 5- to 7-year-old European-American children were better at recognizing emotions in other European-American faces, whereas African-American children were equally good at recognizing emotion in European- and African-American faces. In this research, we examined in-group, stereotyping and memory effects of emo-tion in 38 African-American and 40 European-American children (Mage = 4.6, age range 3.1-6.7 years). Line drawings and brief vignettes of basic and self-conscious emotions were shown to children, who were asked to identify the emotions in the protagonist with free and cued response formats. Line drawings eliminated individual differences that might be present in photographs so that only racial or sex differences were altered. European-American children showed an in-group advantage, recognizing emo-tions more accurately on drawings of European-Americans (92% correct) than on drawings of African-Americans (81%). African-American children recognized emotions equally well in African-American (79% correct) and European-American faces (81%). These results are consistent with Tuminello and Davidson (2011) with photographed faces. Neutral female drawings were more likely labeled “sad” by boys than girls, and African-American children were more likely to label neutral African-American drawings as “guilty,” although no such effect was found in Eu-ropean-American children. Recognition rates were significantly better for basic than self-conscious emotions, the latter of which children had significant difficul-ty with identifying. All children remembered the drawings equally well, regardless of the race or sex of the protagonist. These results, and their implications, will be discussed in terms of in-group, stereotyping and memory effects of emotion and how those effects manifest and develop in young children.


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P1.21 Transcript Analysis as an alternative tool for emotional intelligence measurement

Aleksandra JasielskaInstitute of Psychology, Adam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The presentation describes the method for measuring one branch of emotio-nal intelligence - skills in perception, appraisal and expression of emotion. The method uses the emotional-cognitive task. The performance of the task was interpreted by the transcript analysis (Krystal, 1988) – the quality method origi-nally designed for assessing speech of alexithymic patients. The coders assessed subjects’ notes for the affective content in two groups – with high and low levels of emotional intelligence measured by The Polish adaptation of the Schutte Self-Report Inventory (Schutte, Malouff, Hall, Haggerty, Cooper, Gloden, Dornheim, 1998)- INTE Questionnaire (Ciechanowicz, Jaworowska, Matczak, 2001). Over 500 volunteers between 20 and 93 years of age took part in this study. The research results supported difference in style of speaking about emotional topic between people with high and low level of emotional intelligence and indicated higher tendency to desymbolization of emotional experience by emotionally intelligent people. The task performance can serve as a good indicator of differences in pro-cessing emotional information in everyday situations depending on the level of emotional intelligence.


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P1.22 Self-Modification and Empathy in Romantic Passion

Berenice Jiménez Rodríguez, Pérez Pérez Alejandra Elizabeth, Sánchez Aragón Rozzana

National Autonomous University of Mexico

Romantic passion is an emotion characterized by the desire of complete union with another (Hatfield, 1996). Sánchez Aragón (2007) pointed out that passionate love has four phases: the first phase “Attraction” refers to the beginning to the period in which individual wants to be close and to know another person who is attractive; next phase “Infatuation” includes an special link with the other person full of fantasy, sexual attraction and the experience of complete realization; third phase “Obsessive Love” because an important cognitive process is being used to think, be worried and imagine being with a person the most of the time although the person is not there; and the last phase “Desperate Love” is defined by ap-prehensive and anxious behavior toward the person in order to obtain closeness and reciprocity. Passion implies, in whose experience it, some stress that makes necessary to choose between modify their environment or do themselves. In this regard, Díaz Guerrero (1994) showed that Mexicans prefer to cope with the tension thru self-modification (SM), it is mean; change their attitude/conduct instead of other’s attitudes/conduct in order to avoid relationship difficulties. In this context, thru interaction between the dyad empathy develops and depending of that, the SM will take place. Empathy is a personal trait with cognitive and emotional cha-racteristics that permeates the interaction, dynamic of the romantic relationship (Sánchez Aragón & Martinez Pérez, 2012). For this, the objectives of this study are: 1) to find the relationship between SM, Empathy and Passionate Love, 2) to explore if these relationships are different between men and women. In order to do so, we worked with 400 participants (192 men, 208 women) whose responded voluntary to three scales: 1. Self-Modification in Romantic Relationship (Jiménez Rodríguez & Sánchez Aragón, 2012) with two dimensions SM to Agree and SM by Respect; 2. Empathy in Romantic Relationship (Sánchez Aragón & Martinez Pérez, 2012) with four dimensions: Cognitive Empathy of Emotions, Compassionate care, Self-dis-turbance and Taking perspective, and 3. Passionate Love Multiphasic Scale (Sán-chez Aragón, 2007) with four dimensions: Attraction, Infatuation, Obsessive Love and Desperate Love. Findings confirm the important role self-modification plays in passionate love phases in Mexico. The relationships among empathy and phases of passionate love show interesting effects depending of their phases. Regarding gender differences, results show that men and women respond similarly. Findings will be discussed in terms of their implications, social psychology theories and cross cultural approaches.


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P1.23 Context-emotion match shapes social judgments of emotion expression and suppression

Elise Kalokerinos, Katharine GreenawayKU Leuven, The University of Queensland

Positive emotion expression is often associated with positive social outcomes (e.g. Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005), and emotion suppression comes with social costs (e.g. Butler et al., 2003). However, we argue that these common findings are moderated by social context. More specifically, we argue that when an emotion is expressed that is incongruous with the context, it is likely to appear socially inap-propriate and would be better suppressed. We tested these ideas across 4 expe-riments, and hypothesized that when there was an emotion-context mismatch, targets who suppressed their emotion would be rated as more appropriate, and those who expressed their emotion would be rated as more inappropriate. In Ex-periment 1, we filmed stimuli for use in the subsequent experiments of targets suppressing or expressing their emotion after watching a positive or negative film clip. In Experiment 2, new participants were randomly assigned to view either expressing or suppressing positive or negative targets, and rate these targets on appropriateness. In an additional context manipulation, prior to rating the targets participants were randomly assigned to view a positive or negative film clip, and were told that the targets had watched that same film. This manipulation created either a context-expression match (e.g., expressing positive emotion after wat-ching a positive film) or a context-expression mismatch (e.g., expressing positive emotion after watching a negative film). Our results supported the hypotheses – reflecting an emotion-context match, targets who expressed positive emotion after supposedly watching a positive film were perceived as more appropriate than targets who suppressed positive emotion. Reflecting an emotion-context mismatch, targets who expressed negative emotion after supposedly watching a positive film were perceived as less appropriate than targets who suppressed negative emotion. The inverse results were observed in the negative context condition: Reflecting an emotion-context mismatch, targets who expressed posi-tive emotion after supposedly watching a negative film were perceived as less ap-propriate than those who suppressed positive emotion. Experiment 3 replicated these results with a refined stimuli set and an extended set of appropriateness dependent variables. Finally, Experiment 4 demonstrated that the results were due to context-match, rather than any affective changes brought on by the films used to establish the context. These results highlight the importance of consi-dering context as a moderator of the social effects of emotion regulation: Even though suppression is usually associated with negative social outcomes, when there is an emotion-context mismatch, it is a beneficial social strategy.


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P1.24 The body language: The spontaneous influence of congruent bodily arousal on the awareness of emotional words

Anne Kever, Delphine Grynberg, Nicolas VermeulenUniversité catholique de Louvain (UCL)

Nowadays, the idea of a reciprocal influence of physiological and psychological processes seems to be widely accepted. For instance, current theories of embodied emotion suggest that knowledge about an emotion concept is not reducible to an abstract description but involves simulations of bodily experienced emotio-nal states relevant to the concept. In line with this framework, the present study investigated whether actual levels of physiological arousal interact with the pro-cessing of emotional words. Participants performed 2 blocks of an attentional blink task, once after a cycling session (increased physiological arousal) and once after a relaxation session (re-duced physiological arousal). Concretely, participants were asked to detect and report two target words (T1 and T2) presented for 67 ms each among a series of nonword distractors. The SOA between target words was set to 268 ms. T1 were always neutral (e.g., chair) whereas T2 were either neutral, high arousal (e.g., or-gasm, herpes) or low arousal (e.g., friend, tear) words. Results revealed that in-creased physiological arousal led to improved reports of high arousal T2 words, while reduced physiological arousal led to improved reports of low arousal T2 words. Neutral T2 remained unaffected by the arousing conditions. These findings emphasize that actual levels of physiological arousal modulate the cognitive ac-cess to arousal (in-) congruent emotional concepts, and suggest a direct groun-ding of emotion knowledge in our bodily systems of arousal.Of interest too, results showed that heart rate variability measures (i.e., RMSSD and HF index) significantly predict the magnitude of the observed interaction between the physiological arousal condition (cycling vs. relaxation) and the type of words reported (high arousal vs. low arousal vs. neutral). Heart rate variability provides information about autonomic flexibility and thereby represents a phy-siological index of emotion regulation ability. Consequently, it can be assumed that better capacities for adaptive and regulated emotional responding allow for a better detection of emotionally arousing stimuli that are congruent with ones level of physiological arousal.


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P1.25 Positive Emoticons and the Words of Love

Zuzana KomrskováFaculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague

The poster deals with the structures called emoticons (or smileys) that are spe-cific to computer-mediated communication. There are many types and forms of emoticons which are based on the cultural background (e. g. Western and Eastern emoticons) but the set of expressed meanings should be the same. The primary meaning of emoticons is said to be expression of emotion (e. g. Wolf, 2000), al-though other additional functions could be included, e. g. to highlight the most important word in the message, to express irony or humour, to substitute punc-tuation. (Dresner – Herring, 2010; Yus, unpub.)The main goal of the poster is to show how are Western emoticons joined to ex-pression positive emotions in tweets. The data material is focused on Czech ex-pression of love (miluju/miluji [I love], mám rád/ráda [I like]). All data were annota-ted in relation to gender, form of emoticon, position of emoticon to the expression of love and to other emoticons. The results summarizes this variables and also contribute to the diskussion about gender differencies in the use of emoticons (e. g. Walther – D’Addario, 2001; Baron, 2004; Tossell et al., 2012).


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P1.26 Moral emotions and social cohesion: a moral identity as a condition in /of social functions of moral emotions

Maria Kozlova, Olga SimonovaNational Research University - Higher School of Economics, Moscow

The rapid development of the sociology of emotions gave a new impetus for the revival of the sociology of morality [Hitlin, Vaisey]. The focus of modern sociology of morality is directed to the moral mechanisms of social cohesion and wellbeing of social groups. We are based on the results of the analytical review of the current approaches to the study of morality and emotions and make an attempt to inte-grate sociological, psychological, anthropological and neurophysiological conside-rations to explore the role of moral emotions in the formation of social cohesion. In contrast to the theory of moral grounds of J. Haidt, the latest data in ethology and anthropology shows that the moral grounds focused on maintaining the in-tegrity of the group are not hardwired. According to the results of neurobiological research the phase of self-examination is an intermediate link between social em-otions and moral action [Damasio, Meyer]. Hence we can suppose that the neu-robiological mechanisms of self-identification and emotions are genetically fixed.We assume that in a collectivist culture individuals have group-oriented identity that becomes a «starting point» in arousing of moral emotions. In individualis-tic cultures, «self-identity» is based on individualizing moral grounds of care and justice and becomes the basis of moral emotions and individual moral behaviour. Moral order functions through the internal moral control or self-control, where the moral emotions play the essential role. Individuals in become the agents of moral action, forming moral identity and putting this identity in the first place in the structure of their self-identity. From the perspective of sociology, in modern societies moral emotions should be studied from the point of view of the concept of moral identity [Turner, Burke, Stets, Stryker]. Emotions are driving force of moral action moral and signalling mechanisms about violations of moral norms. The ne-gative moral emotions – primarily, shame, guilt, envy, jealousy and resentment – are of particular interest in this regard. From a sociological point of view, emotions and feelings that are considered negative, also contribute to the different types of social cohesion at the micro and macro level, as well as positive moral emotions. It is important to understand that moral self-identity and moral emotions play a major role in the formation of social cohesion.


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P1.27 What doesn’t kill you makes you exhausted. Or mobilized. Exertion characteristics of selected emotion regulation strategies

Karol Lewczuk, Dorota KobylinskaUniversity of Warsaw, Warsaw

Our ability to regulate emotions can have enormous impact on our functioning in many areas of life. However, as the strenght model of self-control suggests, this ability is limited after initial exertions (this effect is called “ego depletion”), because all forms of conscious self-regulation rely upon a common and limited in-ner resource (Muraven, Baumeister, 2000). Research on this phenomenon is subs-tantially based on “two task” paradigm – participants engage in a depleting task requiering self-control, for example suppressing emotions (for the experimental group) or engage in a task that is less self-control demanding (control group). Subsequently, all participants involve in the second self-control task, addressing another domain of self-control, for example thought suppression. Performance of experimental group in the second task is very often impaired relative to that of control group participants (Baumeister, Vohs, Tice, 2007). But does ego depletion also occurs when both task address the same domain of self control, but charac-teristic of tasks is different - specifically for consequtive emotion regulation epi-sodes, when self-regulation involves different strategies and addresses different emotions? Present study, based on a modified “two task” paradigm, addressed this issue. In the first task, participants were regulating their emotions using suppres-sion or perspective taking strategies (2 experimental groups) or expressed emo-tions naturally (control group) while watching short clip invoking amusement. In the second task, all participants were asked to regulate their emotions using reap-praisal (Webb, Miles, Scheeran, 2012; Gross, 2013 ) while watching film invoking anger. Opposite to ego depletion, present study shows the effect of mobilization for both experimental groups – during the second task both experimental groups regulated their emotions more effectively than the control group. Our study is consistent with recent research indicating that not limited resource, but dissimi-larity of self-regulatory conflicts between tasks is responsible for the depletion effect (Dewitte, Bruyneel, Geyskens, 2009). In addition to that, our findings indi-cate some interesting differences in the effectivenes of suppression and perspec-tive taking. Although suppression and perspective taking strategies were similarly effective in controlling positive emotions during the first task, using perspective taking also had a “calming” effect and reduced negative emotions. Our study is the first to show the role of similarity of response conflicts for exertion charac-teristc of emtion self-regulation and provide an important insight into depletion mechanism.

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P1.28 Biases in emotion perception: Emotion congruency and emotion complementarity effects

Dmitry LyusinHigher School of Economics, Moscow

The present study aims to reveal the correspondence between perceivers’ emo-tional traits and their sensitivity to particular types of emotions in other people. Sensitivity is defined here as a tendency to overestimate or underestimate parti-cular types of emotions. Literature on emotional information processing shows the existence of the emotion congruency effect. It consists in the facilitation of processing of positive stimuli while in positive mood and the facilitation of pro-cessing of negative stimuli while in negative mood (Rusting,1998; Niedenthal et al., 2000; Schmid, Schmid Mast, 2010). This effect occurs both for state emotions and trait emotions. I suggested that two different principles could underlie the relationships between the perceivers’ emotional traits and their sensitivity to va-rious emotion types. According to the congruency principle individuals are more sensitive to those types of emotions that are consistent with their own emotional traits. On the contrary, complementarity principle suggests that certain pairs of emotions are in the complementary relations in the sense that the individual’s sensitivity to one type of emotion corresponds to his or her own emotional traits of another type. For example, higher sensitivity to anger might correlate with higher trait anxiety of the perceiver.It was hypothesized that this correspondence would be either congruent or com-plementary depending on emotion types. More specifically, Hypothesis 1 predicted that the congruency principle would hold for the pair happiness – sadness, whe-reas Hypothesis 2 predicted that the complementarity principle would hold for the pair fear – anger.These hypotheses were tested in two studies. Sensitivity of 140 participants from a community sample to particular emotion types was measured with specially developed video tests that consisted of sets of short videos. Trait emotions were measured with self-report questionnaires.The congruency hypothesis for the emotion pair happiness – sadness and the com-plementarity hypothesis for the pair fear – anger were confirmed. Trait happiness and trait sadness facilitated the recognition of congruent emotions and hampe-red the recognition of incongruent emotions. On the contrary, trait fear and trait anger facilitated the recognition of complementary emotions, but did not hamper the recognition of congruent emotions. Therefore, the congruency principle is not sufficient for understanding the relationship between perceivers’ emotional traits and their emotion perception. Probably, this relationship can be explained by the relevance principle (Scherer et al., 2001). The results can be also explained by the idea that the valence dimension underlies the congruency effect, whereas the approach-avoidance dimension underlies the complementarity effect.


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P1.29 Assessing Emotional Intelligence as criteria: theoretical and research implications

Jose M. Mestre1, Rocio Guil1, Jose Rodriguez-Cordon1, Juan C. Prez-Gonzalez2, Javier Cejudo3

Universidad de Cadiz1, UNED, Madrid2, Universidad de Castilla- La Mancha, Ciudad Real3

Emotional Intelligence (EI) is a set of abilities (perceiving, using, understanding, and managing) for the emotional information processing. This point of view belongs to the four-branches ability model (Mayer & Salovey, 1997); others ap-proaches describe EI as a set of personality traits rather than abilities (v.g. Petrides & Furnham, 2000). The main discussion between both approaches was to deter-mine whether EI is an intelligence or not without a «winner» approach (Stough, Saklofske, & Parker, 2009). This investigation is focused in the ability EI approach; also, it tests if EI (measured with the MSCEIT –Mayer, Salovey, Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test, 2002) finds some new explanations about this construct. For first time, MSCEIT scores are considered as criteria, and not as predictive variables, in order to check whether EI is (or not) an intelligence construct. In a sample of 1064 Spanish undergraduates (73.9% females; age: M= 24.06; SD= 6.74; ranged from 18 to 54 y. o.) filled MSCEIT and other measures. Personality (BFQ, Big Five Questionnaire (Spanish), Caprara, Barbaranelli, & Borgogni, 1993); General Intelli-gence (verbal and non-verbal intelligence) (IGF, Inteligencia General Factorial-5-R, Yuste, 2002); Attention (d2, Brickenkamp, 2002); Emotion Regulation (ERQ, John & Gross, 2003), and Affective Style (ASQ, affective style questionnaire, Hoffman & Kashdam, 2010). Using AMOS program the main findings show that EI should be encompassed from a broader intelligence perspective rather than a traditional psychometrical intelligence. MSCEIT finds an accuracy construct validity and relia-bility. Age and gender are related to the scores of the MSCEIT. Verbal intelligence is moderate related to MSCEIT (especially Understanding Emotions); nonverbal intelligence and attention presented a low significance relationship with MSCEIT scores. Emotion regulation strategies and affective styles present low but signifi-cance relationship with MSCEIT scores. Among personality traits, especially open-ness, show that EI (even measured with a performance test) depends on perso-nality (at least moderately). Findings push to the ability model of EI to consider how personality traits are involved in the development of EI. Also EI needs a mul-timethod-multitrait evaluation approach to assess how the kind of measurement (performance vs. self-report) is involved in the results.

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P1.30 The mixed blessings of agreeableness in moderating neuroticism-related response tendencies: greater speed but more

mental noise

Marcel Meyer1, Natalia Lawrence2, Chris Chambers3, Andrew Lawrence3

Ruhr-Universität Bochum1, University of Exeter2, Cardiff University3

Agreeableness has been linked to improved effortful control (Jensen-Campbell et al., 2002). Agreeableness has also been shown to buffer the impact of neuroti-cism on response tendencies (Ode, Robinson, & Wilkowski, 2008; Ode & Robinson, 2009). Neuroticism, in turn, is positively associated with variability in response la-tencies or mental noise (Robinson & Tamir, 2005). Building on this work, we exami-ned the regulatory function of agreeableness on neuroticism in a speeded choice task (affective Word-Face Stroop paradigm). Results showed that individuals high in agreeableness exhibited faster performance, but also more response variability. These findings constitute an important extension to the mental noise hypothesis, in showing that neuroticism is not only directly related to performance variability, but that agreeableness moderates this association. Furthermore, our data lend support to accounts postulating a facilitatory role of agreeableness in effortful control.


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P1.31 The role of facial expression of emotion while eating-toge-ther: Preliminary analysis of Japanese female college students

Makoto Nakamura, Nobuyuki SakaiUtsunomiya University, Tohoku University

Only a limited number of studies investigated the role of facial expression of emo-tion while eating-together (e.g., Nakamura & Sakai, 2013). This study examined the relationships among the frequency of smiles, the number of participants, em-otions of participants, impressions of the experience and those of an interviewer, and food and eating-related factors.Sixteen individuals and eight pairs of Japanese female college students participa-ted in lunch interviews. Before starting the interview, participants were asked to report the extent of hungriness and health condition. Before, after, and 2-week after the interview, participants were asked to rate their emotional states along eleven 7-point scales and impression of the interviewer (present first author) along three 7-point scales such as familiar, cheerful, and warm. During the inter-view, the interviewer who ate together with the participant(s) asked them several questions on food and eating habits. After the interview, participants were again asked to rate the impression of the experience, that is the lunch interview, along five 7-point scales such as cheerful, warm, enjoyable, good, and relaxed.Preliminary analysis of correlations among the variables revealed that hungriness were negatively correlated to overall frequency of smiles (OFS) for those who par-ticipated in the interview as pairs (r = -.553*), while the correlation for the indivi-dual participants was positive (r = .356, ns). The rating of warmness of interviewer before the lunch tended to be positively related to OFS (r = .306). OFS was also positively related to the satisfaction and favorable impressions of the experience (r = .347 ~ .700). The correlations among OFS and emotions rated after the inter-view were relatively complicated but positive correlations were found between OFS and pleasantness and between OFS and excitement. The correlation between OFS and the rating of warmness of interviewer after the interview tended to be positive (r = .343). Interestingly, the positive correlation between OFS and warm-ness of interviewer was not observed 2-week after the interview.These results suggest that the smiles during eating-together indicated not only the physiological and emotional states of the participants but also the impres-sions of the experience and the interviewer. Further analyses of positive facial expressions are needed to investigate their function to construct positive rela-tionships among participants while eating-together.Nakamura, M. & Sakai, N. (2013). The impact of eating-together on facial expres-sion of emotion. Poster presented at 2013 ISRE conference at UC Berkeley.

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P1.32 Zygomaticus major muscle activity: a measure of positive emotions?

Nishi Pegwal, Ratna SharmaDepartment of Physiology, All India Institute of Medical Sciences, New Delhi

Zygomaticus major muscle has been suggested to be involved in producing the facial expression of smiling (Tassinary et al., 1989). The use of zygomaticus major to study affect originated with pioneering research by Schwartz (1976). Since then there has been mixed reports (e.g., Lang et. al., 1993) questioning the sensitivity of zygomaticus major muscle as a marker of affect.The purpose of the current study was to study the effect of different emotional states over facial EMG measured from zygomaticus major. High arousing negative and positive and low arousing neutral IAPS (Lange et al., 2008) pictures were used for inducing emotion in nor-mal healthy subjects (n=22). Each subject was exposed to three blocks of emotio-nal pictures (one block each of negative, positive and neutral pictures). The picture presentation in each block was continuous, with a set of 20 pictures in each block, each picture being projected for 5 sec. Facial EMG was measured from zygomati-cus major at baseline eyes open (100 sec) condition and picture viewing (100 sec) condition. For quantitative comparison of muscular activity between baseline and affective picture viewing condition, 100 epochs of 1 sec duration in each condi-tion of artifact free EMG were selected and area under curve was calculated. No statistically significant difference was found in the extent of muscle contraction when EMG was recorded during positive, negative or neutral emotional activation, compared with baseline. These results suggest that there was no distinct effect of different emotional activation on zygomaticus major muscle and thus this muscle can not be used as a reliable marker of emotional activation.


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P1.33 Perceived Self-Society Moral Discrepancies Predict Depression, but Not Anxiety

Mujde Peker, Nurdan Gundogdu, Rob BoothIsik University, Istanbul

Discrepancies between one’s own beliefs, standards and practices and the stan-dards expected by others are associated with increased vulnerability to depres-sion and anxiety (see e.g. Higgins, 1987; Tangney, Niedenthal, Covert, & Hill Barlow, 1998). Analogously, second-generation immigrants show increased vulnerability to depression because of discrepancies between their beliefs, and those of their parents and/or the society (Céspedes & Huey, 2008; Salant & Lauderdale, 2003). Perhaps the most important personal standard is morality, one’s standard of ac-ceptable behaviour. We therefore reasoned that perceived discrepancies between one’s own moral standards and those of society would predict anxious and de-pressed mood. We tested this hypothesis for the first time, in a sample of 99 fe-male Turkish students. Moral discrepancies were assessed using an adapted mo-ral foundations scale (Graham & Haidt, 2011): participants were asked how much payment they would require to perform a series of potentially immoral acts, and how much payment they thought the average person in society would require. Participants also completed questionnaire measures of depression and anxiety. Perceived self-society moral discrepancies were significantly related to depres-sion scores, but not to anxiety scores. Furthermore, only discrepancies related to the moral dimensions of respect for ingroups and avoiding harm were related to depression. We argue that perceiving a discrepancy between one’s own standards of behaviour and those of society can increase vulnerability to depression, much as other kinds of self-other discrepancies can; however, the specific moral stan-dards which predict depression may vary with culture and the characteristics of the sample.

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P1.34 Gender differences in emotional response to female perfume commercials through automatic facial expression analysis

Irene PetratouPhD candidate

Women and men can emotionally respond differently in emotionally stimulating commercials. Research has shown that women have more extreme emotional res-ponses to advertising with emotional content than men (Allen and Dorothy, 1976). In addition, consistent support has been found, also, with regards to gender diffe-rences in emotional expression. Specifically, women are more willing to express, both verbally and implicitly, their inner positive & negative emotions & feelings than men (Fischer & Dubé, 2005). Female perfume commercials are emotionally stimulating for men & women. As a matter of fact, perfume itself is a product that requires special visual cues in order to be promoted effectively through the visual communication of adverti-sing. Thus, the current study focuses on gender differences in emotional response to a variety of female perfume commercials through automatic facial expression analysis. The method used for this study is Noldus FaceReader6 tool a facial recognition software that measures and analyzes automatically the 6 basic facial expressions: happiness, anger, fear, sadness, surprise, disgust, as well as, neutral and contempt. Faces of women and men have been analyzed during exposure to a sample of female perfume commercials. The overall emotional response to each commercial has been investigated as well as the emotion arousal to specific film scenes and the meanings they elicit to the viewers. In addition, gender differences in specific emotions, such as “anger”, have been identified with regards to film scenes that communicate sexuality and sensuality. A combination of the FaceReader results and the data obtained from self- report questionnaires shows gender differences in the emotion expression and the overall emotion arousal towards each different female perfume commercial. In addition, this study reveals areas for investigation since it sheds light to the para-meters & factors that can influence women’s and men’s affective responses to perfume advertising.

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P1.35 Awe: A positive emotion, but tinged with sadness

Claire Prade, Vassilis SaroglouUniversité de Louvain

Awe is defined as the positive emotion elicited by vast stimuli such as natural landscapes, sunsets, or impressive pieces of art. However, awe is theorized to be a complex emotion, possibly combining positive with less positive components (Otto, 1970; see also Keltner, 2003). What these components are? To analyze the af-fective components of awe, we gathered data of five studies in which participants were asked to evaluate their affective states on the same each time 10-item scale. Data of 1168 participants (age: M = 23.76, SD = 8.84; 916 women; 96% Europeans) initially distributed in five studies (n1 = 269, n2 = 127, n3 = 170, n4 = 392, n5 = 210) were gathered. Participants across studies were randomly assigned to one of seve-ral conditions, i.e. awe (n = 326), joy (n = 229), amusement (n = 263), or neutral (n = 350). In each condition, participants were asked to either recall a past experience or to watch a short video, designed to elicit the target emotion (i.e. awe, joy, or amusement) or no specific emotion (neutral). Afterwards they were asked to indi-cate how strongly they felt 10 affective states (awe, fascination, curiosity, sadness, amusement, joy, excitement, enthusiasm, pride, determination). Results showed that in the awe condition, participants experienced more awe, but also more fas-cination, curiosity, and interestingly more sadness, compared to joy, amusement, or neutral conditions, and this among both men and women. However, in the awe condition, the intensity with which participants felt each of these affective states depended on gender. Whereas after awe induction women reported to have felt awe and fascination more intensively than men, the latter reported more curio-sity and determination than women. These results provide considerable insight into the possible complexity of the emotion of awe and its affective components, which also include a key negative component: sadness. Finally, though both men and women similarly experience awe as a specific emotion, i.e. different from other positive ones, they seem differently affected by its specific components.

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P1.36 Correspondence between emotional states and levels of visual information processing

Tatiana Pryakhina

Emotion influence on the focus of attention is well documented in the literature on affective modulation of cognitive processes. According to Fredrickson, positive emotions broaden the scope of attention, cognition, and action (Fredrickson & Branigan 2005). However, the role of negative emotions, which can narrow the focus of attention, is controversial. Gable and Harmon-Jones suggest that motiva-tional intensity, not valence, influences the focus of attention (Gable & Harmon-Jones, 2010). In our study, we tested predictions of these two theories. Participants (n=50) were given questionnaires that measured motivational intensity and va-lence of their emotional states, than they performed cognitive task on levels of visual information processing (Kimchi & Palmer, 1982). No significant correlations were found between motivational intensity and a local level of visual information processing, as well as between positive emotions and a global level of visual infor-mation processing. These results show that variability of everyday moods is not sufficient for finding emotion influence on the scope of attention. Larger effects of emotions on cognitive processes can be obtained with the use of mood induc-tion procedures.


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P1.37 Does gaze direction serve an emotion regulatory goal in older adults?

Alejandra Rodriguez, Sandrine VieillardLaboratoire de Psychologie, University of Franche-Comté, Besançon

Important changes in emotional information processing [1, 2] have been descri-bed to take place in advancing age. For instance, it has been reported that older adults display attentional preferences in favor of positive over negative informa-tion [3, 4, 5]. An important question nowadays is whether these positivity effects in attention could constitute a strategy for emotion regulation in older adults [6] since in contrast with more cognitive costly strategies such as reappraisal, loo-king away from sources of negative emotion could be a successful way to dimi-nish their emotional impact. The present study aimed to examine age-related changes in gaze direction as an emotion regulation tool by extending Isaacowitz’s [7] findings with a new procedure that controlled more accurately the emotional congruence link between the visual targets (happy vs. scared vs. neutral faces) and the emotional congruence/non-congruence context (happy music vs. scary music vs. silence) as well as the personal relevance of the visual stimuli (young faces vs. older faces). Forty-eight young adults and 45 older adults were instructed to look at triads of facial expressions while listening to music and their eye movements were tracked. Participants’ emotional ratings (intensity of emotional feeling) and physiological arousal (SCL) in response to the musical excerpts were also collec-ted. Results indicated that older adults reported experiencing more happiness than their younger counterparts when listening to happy musical excerpts. As expected, both younger and older adults showed higher physiological response in music condition than in silence condition that was similar regardless of the musi-cal emotion (happy/scary). Eye-tracking analyses revealed that, as expected, older adults displayed positivity effects during the silence condition. While listening to happy excerpts, both age groups displayed a congruence effect that translated into a preference for the same expression of emotion category. During scary mu-sic, the same pattern was observed, but only for young adults. In older adults, gaze patterns did not serve an active strategy of emotion regulation by diminishing the impact of the scary music while preferentially looking at happy faces. These findings are in line with recent findings [8] and challenge Socioemotional Selecti-vity Theory’s postulate of direct causal link between positivity effect and emotion regulation in older adults.

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P1.38 ‘Lovecircles’ - Emotions Based Professional Development Programme for Educators

HIily RosenblumAnglia Ruskin University, U.K.

This study critiques ‘Lovecircles’, an original emotions-based professional deve-lopment programme for educators. The education programme is grounded in holistic-humanistic theories (Buber, 1965; Vygotsky, 1991; Maslow, 1998) aiming to achieve educators’ personal-emotional empowerment for their professional deve-lopment. This approach views integration of emotions in teacher education as an integral part of their overall growth, essential for creating an atmosphere of trust with pupils as well as conducting an empathetic and respectful teacher-pupil dia-logue (Korthagen, 2010; Hargreaves, 2011; Oplatka, 2011; Day, 2012) .The research is an evaluative phenomenological research study focusing on the experiences and perceptions of the educators from their own perspectives. The research evaluates the impact of the ‘Lovecircles’ programme on eleven educators participating in a one-year programme. The main research tools are in-depth in-terviews, reflective diaries of the participants and the researcher as well as obser-vations by video and stills photographs.The key research findings indicate that participants overcame emotional bar-riers during the programme, developed attention to themselves and to others and developed self-expression of emotions by integrating arts into learning. This empowered them on the personal level and as educators. The main factors faci-litating the participants’ personal and professional development seem to be the programme tutors’ attention to personal and professional dimensions of partici-pants, the use of varied and creative teaching methods of integrating modalities from Expressive Art Therapy - plastic art, movement and drama.This study contributes to debate on the place of emotions within professional development programmes and therefore has a universal contribution, as it suits other cultures in other countries. Therefore, looking ahead, further research needs to encourage research of teachers’ emotions in Israel, both for in-service and pre-service teachers, and create theoretical-empirical knowledge based on teachers’ emotions.Significant dilemmas regarding teachers’ emotions have been addressed in this study. Yet, in order to further develop teachers’ emotional awareness, further re-search is suggested concerning the relationship between emotions and learning such as the means to promote emotional communication in the classroom. In this light the factors facilitating and inhibiting displays of emotion among teachers and how the lack of regard for emotional development and management of this can be addressed in the era of accountability.

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P1.39 The social influence of competitive and cooperative emotions in interpersonal and nested social dilemmas

Magdalena Rychlowska, Job van der Schalk, Antony MansteadCardiff University

The present research investigates whether and how emotions may promote fair-ness and cooperation in both interpersonal and nested social dilemmas. In a first set of studies, participants were exposed to an exemplar who made a fair or unfair division in a resource allocation game and expressed pride or regret about this decision. Participants then made their own resource allocation decisions. Parti-cipants’ own allocations were significantly affected by these emotional expres-sions, such that the exemplar’s competitive emotions (regret about fair decisions, pride about unfair decisions) decreased the likelihood of participants making fair decisions. Conversely, the exemplar’s cooperative emotions (regret about unfair decisions, pride about fair decisions) increased participants’ fairness. The effects of emotional expressions on subsequent resource allocations were mediated by observers’ anticipated emotions of pride and regret. This suggests that exem-plars’ emotions influence observers’ fairness by affecting how observers think they will feel if they behave fairly or unfairly. The second set of studies builds on these findings by investigating the effects of cooperative and competitive emo-tions in intergroup nested social dilemmas, where individual interests are at odds with the interests of a group or of a larger collective. We examine how emotions interact with self-categorization in two different scenarios (adapted from Wit & Kerr, 2002): one referring to the Ebola epidemic, and the other to a neighbourhood improvement scheme. Participants were led to categorize themselves as indivi-duals, members of subgroups, or members of a larger collective, and then exposed to out-group exemplars who displayed cooperative or competitive emotions in relation to allocation decisions that did not benefit the superordinate collective. Together, the studies reveal that other people’s emotions shape observers’ greed or fairness.


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P1.40 Worry, rumination, and temporal focus: investigating psychiatric questions using large-scale online data

Simon Schweighofer, David Garcia, Adiya Abisheva, Frank SchweitzerETH Zurich

Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) and major depression (MD) are both charac-terized by the presence of repetitive thought. It has been hypothesized that repe-titive thought is rather future-oriented in GAD (‘worry’) and past oriented in MD (‘rumination’; [1,2]). We explored the connection between sadness, anxiety, and temporal orientation by analyzing a large-scale sample of natural language ex-pression, namely 9 million Twitter public messages (tweets), posted between 2010 and 2012. We processed each tweet through the LIWC psycholinguistics method, to detect tweets that signal states of anxiety and sadness, as well as references to the future and to the past. We found that sad and anxious tweets both have a higher focus on the past, a lower focus on the present, and a similar focus on the future compared to tweets in general. This is in keeping with studies showing that negative events can cause a shift of attention towards the past, which in turn impedes coping with those events [3,4]. Sad and anxious tweets however can barely be differentiated regarding their temporal orientation. Either sub-clini-cal anxiousness and sadness have different temporal-focus signatures than GAD and MD, or the hypothesis of different temporal foci in worry and rumination can simply not be upheld, in line with previous findings [5,6]. Besides presenting our results, we would like to discuss the design of an algorithm to detect rumination and worry in text.

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P1.41 Subtle facial expressions convey information about cognitive appraisals of emotion-eliciting situations

Ilaria Sergi1, Chiara Fiorentini1, Susanna Schmidt3, Ben Meuleman1, Klaus Scherer1

University of Geneva1, University of Turin3

Facial expressions represent important cues for social interaction, allowing us to adapt our behavior to widely varying situational demands. A long-standing debate concerns the kind of information that we can gather from others’ facial expressions. So far, research on this topic has largely relied on forced-choice para-digms, applying broad categorical emotion labels (e.g., happy), but this approach assumes that we read others’ expressions in a holistic fashion from the whole face. However, by adopting a basic emotions approach, other important cues car-ried by facial actions might be neglected. Componential emotion theories argue that individual elements facial actions are determined by appraisal results and their effects on motor behavior. Specifically, it is assumed that individual facial actions convey information about the expresser’s cognitive appraisal of an emo-tional-eliciting situation and that these internal appraisals can thus be inferred by observers. The Component Process Model (CPM; Scherer, 1984, 2009) provides a theoretical framework about the nature of facial expression of emotions and their underlying mechanisms, linking specific appraisal criteria to specific facial actions. In the present study, we conducted empirical tests of this hypothesis, validating the CPM predictions. We identified 42 combinations of facial actions (Action Units, AUs), and created dynamic facial expressions with the FACSGen software (Roesch et al., 2011). Fifteen judges rated each of the resulting 126 facial expression video-clips in terms of eight appraisal dimensions on continuous scales. Results showed that observers were capable of inferring some appraisal dimensions reliably from facial expression but generally resorted to more undifferentiated positive-ne-gative distinctions. Correlational and cluster analysis showed that the appraisal ratings were strongly dominated by the valence dimension. When controlling for this valence effect, ANOVAs and stepwise regression models supported configura-tional hypotheses (differences in ratings between groups of combinations) as well as one-to-one links between specific AUs and specific appraisal criteria. However, in this study individual appraisal categories cannot be fully discriminated, even if most CPM’s predictions are confirmed, because of the lack of specificity of apprai-sals inferred from AU combinations. Therefore, we decided to design a new study to avoid some limitations of the earlier study by presenting participants with a forced-choice between appraisal categories, controlling for differences in valence. We expect that subjects’ ratings will gravitate toward the most salient alternative in a multiple choice list, regardless of subtle valence differences they might per-ceive, allowing to determine whether subjects can actually differentiate between the major appraisal dimensions of interest.

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P1.42 Is sadness only one emotion?

Mariko Shirai, Naoto SuzukiDoshisha University, Japan Society for the Promotion of Science

Sadness occurs when one losses a valued person or when one isn’t able to achieve a goal. Are these really same? In Shirai and Suzuki (2014), the same emotional category of sadness had different characteristics based on subjective ratings. In addition, many studies have tried to reveal the specific autonomic responses among emotions, while sadness is still an uncertainty and results are inconsistent (Cacioppo, Bernston, Larsen, Poehlmann, & Ito, 2000). One possibility is that the different sadness shown at subjective level reflects a difference in physiological responses. We examined whether sadness elicited by two different situations has different physiological response or not. In present study, seventy-two subjects performed an imaginary task. Each subject was asked to imagine one situation of three; “loss”, “unable to achieve a goal” and “daily” situations for about four minutes. Subjective emotional ratings and phy-siological measures were assessed. Heart rate (HR), systolic and diastolic arterial pressure (SBP & DBP), skin conductance level (SCL) and Heart rate variability were measured during the imaginary task. The results of subjective ratings indicated that sadness and anxiety were mixed in “loss” condition, while sadness, anger and disgust were mixed in “unable to achieve a goal” condition. As for the results of physiological measures, SCL in “loss” condition was higher than in “daily” condi-tion. Also, DBP increased only in “loss” condition during the task. The other ratings didn’t show any changes among the three conditions. Findings suggest that sadness elicited by two different situations has the slight different response in subjective ratings and physiological measures (SCL & DBP). However a clear difference was not found in physiological measures among these sadness situations. To clarify the difference within sadness as the same emotional categories, we need to further explore by using another physiological measures.

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P1.43 The subjective representation of happiness and unhappiness

Igor SotgiuUniversity of Bergamo

While most happiness scholars are devoting their efforts to develop empirical indicators of how citizens from various countries feel satisfied with their lives, in the past decade several researchers have started to investigate the folk psycho-logy of happiness, namely how common people represent the concept of happi-ness and its semantic space (e.g., Lu & Gilmour, 2004; Pflug, 2009). The present study extends previous research in this field by jointly investigating the naive conceptions of both happiness and unhappiness in a sample of Italian under-graduates. One hundred and seventy-eight psychology students (29 males, 149 females) participated in a questionnaire study. The questionnaire had two sec-tions, which were administered in a counterbalanced order across respondents. More specifically, in one section, participants were asked to write down at least five things that made them feel happy (“happiness components”); by contrast, in the other section, they were asked to write down at least five things that made them feel unhappy (“unhappiness components”). Importantly, in both sections, participants were asked to evaluate to what extent each component of happi-ness/unhappiness was present in their life at the time of the investigation. Two single items measuring the participants’ levels of overall happiness/unhappiness were also administered. The qualitative analysis of free responses given by partici-pants yielded to the identification of 26 categories of happiness components and 25 categories of unhappiness components. When looking at the semantic content of these categories, it emerges that the participants’ representation of happiness and unhappiness was organized around similar themes (e.g., family, love, health). However, the perceived salience of some of these themes − assessed in terms of frequency of citation and average ranking of happiness and unhappiness compo-nents − significantly varied between the two investigated concepts. With regard to the measurement of participants’ levels of happiness and unhappiness, on ave-rage, respondents considered themselves as moderately happy and only scarcely unhappy. Notably, participants assessed their life as less unhappy when providing a global evaluation about it as opposed to when they rated a list of specific self-reported unhappiness components. Theoretical and empirical implications of the study are discussed.

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P1.44 Expressions of pride and personal triumph: An investigation of natural expressions when achieving and

celebrating long-term goal

Gavin SullivanCoventry University

Prototypical expressions of pride are reliably identified in images as a combination of several components: a small smile, direct gaze, head raised at a 15 degree angle, chest out and arms akimbo or raised in the air (Tracy & Robins, 2004). Research on expressions of personal triumph highlights the importance of making a fist and what appears to be anger as central features of this expressive form (Matsumoto & Hwang, 2012). Accordingly, while the positive emotions that occur in contexts of personal achievement can broadly be described as pride rather than joy, happiness or relief, there are complex combinations of natural expressions which suggest the importance of dynamic combinations of components (sometimes including those associated with components of shame) over time in non-prototypical mixed forms. The outcomes and implications of three studies are described: The first stu-dy investigated naturalistic expressions of emotion at the end of a marathon. The second study examined the bodily and facial expressions of Olympic gold medal winners at three key points: the moment of victory, the presentation of the medal and during the playing of the winning athlete’s national anthem. A third study which explores the identification of selected instances of emotions in these two situations is outlined. The interpretation of the results of these studies is pres-ented in terms of the implications for theories of emotion expression in which dynamic displays convey complex information about the person, the strength of their motivation, and the importance of the goal. The emotional impact on the ob-server is also discussed and some recommendations are made for future research in which qualitative and discursive single case designs are also used to generate new social and relational theories.

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P1.45 Remembering and forgetting emotional faces

Peter KC Tay, Hwajin YangSingapore Management University

Review and goalsIntentional forgetting—which refers to the ability to forget information that is designated as unimportant—has been studied empirically using the directed for-getting (DF) paradigm. In this, participants are presented with a series of items that are cued to either remember or forget during the study phase, and their memory for all is tested subsequently. Research using this paradigm has typi-cally demonstrated forgetting costs, which refer to the impaired memory for the to-be-forgotten items relative to the to-be-remembered items (for a review, see MacLeod, 1998). The literature on DF suggests that negatively charged emotional material (e.g., pictorial or verbal stimuli) are resistant to forgetting (i.e., attenua-ted forgetting costs) as they are perceptually more salient and easier to capture attention, all of which will lead to better memory retention. Given that the litera-ture has almost exclusively focused on either emotional words or pictures, howe-ver, the question arises as to whether such resistance to forgetting can similarly observed for other types of material such as emotional faces (e.g., happy, angry) which are complex and unique, requiring different cognitive processes compared to words and pictures. Methods146 participants (73 females) were presented with 48 emotional faces with equal number of happy and angry, and male and female faces. Following the typical DF paradigm, half the faces were followed by a cue to remember and the remaining half a cue to forget. After that, all participants were given a surprise recognition memory test for 96 neutral faces and asked to indicate if they had seen the face (“OLD”) or not (“NEW”), including those cued to forget. ResultsWe found that forgetting costs were moderated by the facial emotion (happy, angry), F(1, 144)=6.19, p=.01, and sex of the participant, F(1, 144)=3.79, p=.05. Specifi-cally, these indicate that (a) angry faces were resistant to forgetting, while happy faces were not and (b) forgetting costs were evident among female participants only. Overall, angry male faces were recognized more frequently than happy male faces, while happy female faces were recognized more frequently angry female faces.DiscussionTogether, our findings suggest that forgetting emotional faces may implicate different mechanisms from those underlying remembering. Our study also un-derscores the importance of sex differences when processing emotional faces in directed forgetting.

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P1.46 Employee-Customer Emotion Fit: Implications for Service Interactions

Veronique TranESCP Europe, Business School, Paris

Extant research has largely situated service employees as the primary regulator and transmitter of emotion (see Bono & Vey, 2005 for a review). Yet, customers may play a more central role in the emotional exchange during service encounters. Given the dynamic, reciprocal nature of most interpersonal exchanges, employees and customers both perform emotional regulation to adjust and respond to the situation and to the interaction partner. This may result in emotional convergence or divergence, a process that can not only shape subsequent interactions but also yield positive or negative outcomes, such as employee satisfaction or stress, cus-tomer satisfaction/loyalty or stress.Building on emotion regulation research (Grandey, 2000; 2003; Gross & Thomp-son, 2007), and social interaction models of emotion regulation (Côté, 2005), this paper discusses the concept of emotion fit.We propose the term emotion fit to refer to the ability of one individual to in-fluence the emotional state of another, depending on the valence of emotions, on the authenticity of the display, and on each individual’s preference for - or tole-rance of – the other person’s particular emotional “style”. Emotion fit reflects the ability of an individual to anticipate and respond to the emotional preferences of their interaction partner. Our claims have significant implications for the emotion regulation literature, as they suggest the management of feeling will be most effective when matched to meet, or fit with, the characteristics of one’s interaction partner. In this concep-tual work, we will focus on further defining the emotion fit construct as well as on delineating different types of fit.

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P1.47 The impact of interpersonal emotion dysregulation in people experiencing homelessness

Zoe Walter, Genevieve Dingle, Jolanda JettenUniversity of Queensland

The ability to regulate emotions appropriately in response to situational demands may be particularly important for the mental wellbeing of people experiencing homelessness. Homelessness is a time of stress and uncertainty, and people expe-riencing homelessness have an increased risk of developing mental health pro-blems and social isolation (Busch-Geertsema, Edgar, O’Sullivan, & Pleace, 2010). However, the role of emotion regulation for people’s health and wellbeing during homelessness is an unexplored area. The current study focuses on clients of ho-meless accommodation services (N = 119) while they are residing at the service, after leaving the service (or three months after initial time-point) and a year after initial time-point. In the current study we aimed to examine the relationships between emotion regulation, social support, and wellbeing outcomes. In particu-lar, we examined how emotion regulation could affect social support outcomes, and the relationship between social support and wellbeing. Additionally, we also examined how social support can influence emotion regulation. This concep-tualisation of interpersonal emotion regulation processes incorporates the view that our emotions and subsequent behaviours occur in a social context: others can influence our emotions and emotion regulation, and in turn these factors can influence others. There are various models of assessing emotion dysregu-lation; in this study we used the well-established six factor model assessed by the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale (DERS; Gratz & Roemer, 2004). Results showed that emotion dysregulation was higher in the current sample compared to published norms, and emotion regulation difficulties were associated with less perceived social support and life satisfaction, and higher rates of social isolation, negative mood, and alcohol abuse across time. Using linear multilevel models for longitudinal data, we found evidence that emotion regulation plays both a direct and indirect role in wellbeing, with social support as a mediator. Interestingly, we also found support for the reverse mediation – higher social support predicts lower levels of emotion dysregulation at the subsequent time point, and this is an indirect pathway through which social support can influence wellbeing. We conclude that emotion dysregulation may provide a target for prevention and in-tervention programs for people who are experiencing homelessness and extends social psychological theorising in homelessness by demonstrating an interplay between emotion regulation and social factors in this disadvantaged population.

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P1.48 Evidence and a Potential Explanation of Collective Emotions in Sport Teams

Svenja Anna Wolf1, Jens Kleinert2

University of British Columbia1, German Sport University Cologne, German Re-search Centre of Elite Sport (momentum)2

Collective emotions can be desirable or undesirable, depending on their specific type and context. For example, in sport a whole team of athletes exhibiting pre-competitive anxiety would be undesirable because such a state is likely to inhibit performance. To avoid such a situation we need to know how it initially develops. As one of the avenues suggested by von Scheve and Ismer (2013), in the present study, we explored if common environmental factors accounted for teammates’ convergence in precompetitive feeling states. In this context, 386 intercollegiate athletes from 27 integrated sport teams completed a measure of precompetitive anxiety symptom intensity and interpretation of these symptoms as facilitative or debilitative to performance (Jones & Swain, 1992; Martens, Burton, Vealey, Bump, & Smith, 1990). As environmental factors, we recorded game location (home vs. away), previous team performance (team-ranking), and opponent-strength (op-ponent-ranking). Unconditional intraclass correlation coefficients (ICCs) indicated similarities in teammates’ symptom intensity (somatic r = .086, SE = 0.01, p = .040; cognitive r = .083, SE = 0.03, p = .043) but not symptom interpretation (somatic and cognitive r = 0.00, SE = 0.00). Multilevel regression analyses showed oppo-nent-strength was the main factor that accounted for these similarities (condi-tional ICCs somatic r = .049, SE = 0.01, p = .219; cognitive r = .020, SE = 0.01, p = .480). Results therefore support common environmental factors, such as facing the same opponent in a team-competition, as potential contributors to the in-tensity of collective emotions in sport. However, results also suggest that not all components of athletes’ precompetitive feeling states are subject to convergence effects. Consequently, when trying to optimize teams’ emotional states we should focus on both collective strategies that address the environment (e.g., through simulation) as well as individual strategies that address more personal concerns and resources.

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P1.49 Does social exclusion lead to eating unhealthy food?

Giorgia Zamariola, Olivier Luminet, Olivier CorneilleUniversité Catholique de Louvain

IntroductionIn psychosomatic theory, emotional eating is described as the tendency to ove-reat, in particular unhealthy food (Macht, 2008), in response to negative emotions (Bruch, 1973; Kaplan and Kaplan, 1975). This behavior could be due to a difficulty in distinguishing hunger from other internal states or using food to reduce emo-tional distress. Other authors suggested that it could be a consequence of the inability to regulate negative emotions (Evers et al., 2010).Aim of the studyThe main goal of the study was to see if social exclusion, and the negative emo-tions experienced after such context, are more likely to lead the participants to choose unhealthy (comfort) food instead of healthy (non-comfort) food. Moreo-ver, we hypothesized that socially excluded participants, compared to the social included ones, would focus more attention on unhealthy food in an implicit visual task. We also tested whether emotional eating can act as moderator in the rela-tion between social exclusion and food choice. Methods50 healthy participants took part in the study. In order to induce social exclusion, the Cyberball software was used. Participants were assigned, in counterbalanced order, to the exclusion or inclusion conditions. After the Cyberball, participants were invited to choose a gift from two bowls, one with chocolate bars and one with apple bars. In the second part of the experiment, a manipulation check ques-tionnaire was administered and then participants performed an implicit visual task with pictures of objects, animals, healthy and unhealthy food. Participants had 1 second to look at the pictures and 25 seconds to write down as many images as they could remember. Lastly, the French version of the Eating Behavior Ques-tionnaire to assess emotional eating (Bailly et al., 2012) and the Nutrition Involve-ment Scale (Chandon and Wansink, 2007) were administered. ResultsWe expect to find that people in the exclusion condition, compared to the sub-jects in the inclusion one, will choose in higher percentage the chocolate (com-fort) bar and they will report more names of unhealthy, instead of healthy, food in the visual task. People who will score higher in the Eating Behavior Questionnaire will be more likely to show this emotional eating behavior.DiscussionThese findings could increase our knowledge on eating behavior and emotional eating and help us understand which kind of negative emotions can lead to ove-reat unhealthy food.

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P1.50 Age-related changes in brain activity during implicit and explicit processing of fearful facial expressions

Isabella Zsoldos1, Emilie Cousin2, Yanica Klein-Koerkamp2, Cédric Pichat2, Pascal Hot1

Université de Savoie1, Université Pierre Mendès2

By taking into account the distinction between explicit and implicit brain proces-sing of emotional information, growing evidence suggests that healthy old adults [HOA] have difficulties recognizing some emotional facial expressions such as fear, anger and sadness (Calder et al., 2003; Isaacowitz et al., 2007), while their ability to unconsciously process emotions seems preserved (Garcia Rodriguez et al., 2009; LaBar et al., 2005). Changes with aging have been reported in the brain substrates of conscious recognition of emotional expressions (Gunning-Dixon et al., 2003; Fusar-Poli et al., 2009), but it remains largely unknown whether auto-matic processing relies on a similar functional network in older and young adults.By comparing cerebral activity during explicit and implicit processing of emotio-nal facial expressions in young and older adults, we expected to show a similar cerebral network activated between the two groups during implicit processing, and we expected less structures activated in HOA than in young adults during explicit processing, accounting for a worse recognition of fear in HOA.14 young (mean age= 23.9) and 13 older (mean age= 70) adults took part in the experiment. During fMRI acquisition, the participants were presented with fearful and neutral faces and performed two tasks using a GO/NOGO paradigm. During the ‘implicit’ task, participants were instructed to judge the gender of the faces. In the ‘explicit’ task, they had to judge the emotion displayed by the faces.The behavioral results suggest that HOA make more mistakes than young adults while recognizing fear explicitly. Analysis of functional data showed that a large frontal, temporal and parietal network was activated in young adults for the two tasks combined, compared to HOA. No specific activation was observed for HOA when compared to the young adults. Interaction showed that frontal regions (inferior frontal gyrus and left insula) were more activated in the explicit than in the implicit task in young adults com-pared to HOA, who activated these regions more in the implicit condition. In parallel, temporal structures (left and right hippocampus and left amygdala) were more activated in the implicit than in the explicit condition in young adults compared to HOA, who activated these regions more in the explicit task.Our results suggest a reversed pattern for cerebral functionality between young and older adults, when comparing conscious and automatic processing of fear. This functional modification is accompanied by a worse recognition of fear in HOA compared with young adults.

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Symposium S2.1An interdisciplinary investigation into the effects

of nine months of mental training

ConvenersPhilipp Kanske

Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences

The ReSource Project is a large-scale longitudinal study on the effects of medi-tation and mental training on brain, physiology, subjective experience, decision making and prosocial behavior. Over nine months, 180 participants went through intensive training in various contemplative practices, including multiple retreats, weekly instructions, and daily exercises resulting in over 10 000 hours of practice. This panel will be a comprehensive and interdisciplinary presentation of the trai-ning-related changes.Participants underwent a structured curriculum in three different 3-months trai-ning modules. All participants were first trained in breath and body focused medi-tations that emphasize interoceptive awareness and attentional skills (Presence Module). Subsequently, half of the participants were trained in mental techniques that cultivate affective and motivational dispositions such as loving-kindness and compassion (Affective Module). This training was followed by a third module tar-geting metacognitive dispositions such as awareness of thoughts and cognitive perspective taking on self and others (Perspective Module). The other half of the participants completed the Affective and Perspective Modules in the reversed or-der. Importantly, the Affective and Perspective Modules included structured dya-dic exercises in addition to classic meditation techniques.Results show differential training effects of the different modules. First we report findings of daily practice related subjective experience in affect, warmth, thought contents, meta-cognitive abilities, present-focus, and body awareness. Second, we identified different forces underlying human social behavior, such as prosocial motivation, norm compliance and strategizing. The different training modules induced differential effects on these sub-components of human prosociality: the Affect Module was particularly effective in enhancing prosocial motivation whe-reas the Perspective Module led to strongest decreases in norm-driven punish-ment behavior. Third, mental training reduced stress assessed on the subjective, sympathetic, and endocrine (i.e. cortisol) level, with the Affective Module yielding the strongest stress-buffering effect. Finally, using a newly developed video task, the EmpaToM, we found evidence for module-specific behavioral and neural plas-ticity in affective and cognitive capacities of social cognition (empathy, compas-sion, Theory of Mind).Together, the presented data comprehensively characterize mental training-rela-ted changes on the level of subjective experience, brain, hormones and behavior elicited through a nine months long training. The modular structure of the Re-Source curriculum allows studying the specific effects of different types of men-tal training practices. Whereas some practices are more efficient in influencing Theory of Mind abilities and norm-driven behavior, others are most efficient in increasing positive affect, warmth and prosocial behavior while at the same time decreasing stress. These findings have not only important implications for the ba-sic understanding of mechanisms underlying the plasticity of the social brain as well as human physiology, prosociality, and subjective well-being, but also for the construction of intervention programs aiming at fostering mental and physical health in education, clinical settings, and society in general.

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Differential Psychological Fingerprints of Reported Subjective Experiences During and After Four Types of Mental Practices

Bethany Kok, Tania SingerMax Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences

An important frontier in the scientific study of meditation is to go beyond stu-dying the global training effects of single practices to explore whether different meditative practices have specific, differentiated effects. Here we compare the day-to-day reports of 180 participants (mean age 41, age range 20 to 55, 61% female) in a 9-month long mental training study, the ReSource Project. Participants were asked to meditate 5 times a week, using guided recor-dings provided online. Before and after each meditation session, questions as-sessed affect, warmth, thought contents, meta-cognitive abilities, present-focus, and body awareness. Using multilevel modeling to analyze a total of almost 29,000 daily reports re-presenting over 10,000 hours of meditation, we found that the four core medi-tations were characterized by specific patterns of experience. All four practices were characterized by increased positive affect and energy, a greater experience of presence and body awareness, and an improved ability to detach from thoughts. Practicing body scan led to the greatest increase in body awareness and the grea-test decrease in thought content. Loving-kindness practice increased feelings of warmth and positive thoughts. Observing thoughts increased meta-cognitive awareness of mental activities. These findings suggest that although different types of meditation may share joint experiences, each practice also comes with distinct psychological fingerprint. The observed differences among the practices carry significant implications for the use of meditation as an applied intervention. For example, the body scan seems best suited to cultivate body awareness and may be useful for treatment of body dysmorphic disorders. Loving kindness is better able to improve positive affect and thoughts, and thus may be an appropriate therapy for depression or an-xiety. Observing thoughts, in contrast, may be preferred if the focus is to increase awareness of the contents of mind without changing that content, as in some forms of cognitive-based therapy.

102

The Structure of Human Prosociality and its Plasticity: Module-Specific Changes in Subcomponents of Social Behavior

Anne Böckler1, Anita Tusche2, Tania Singer1

Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences1, California Institute of Technology2

Prosocial behavior is at the heart of functioning societies. In order to investigate the structure of human prosociality, approaches from different research tradi-tions were integrated, ranging from self-reports to economic games and compu-ter-based psychological experiments. Using exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses in 187 participants (mean age 41, age range 20 to 55, 61% female) we identified four reliable and independent factors of human social behavior: proso-cial motivation, norm driven behavior, strategizing and self-reported prosociality. After having identified these four subcomponents, we investigated how these changed as a function of subjects practicing different types of mental training techniques throughout three different 3-month long training modules focusing on a) attention and interoceptive awareness (Presence), b) loving kindness and prosocial motivation (Affective), and c) metacognitive skills as well as perspective taking on self and others (Perspective). Results revealed that prosocial motivation was enhanced by all three modules, but most efficiently after the affect-based training. Norm-driven behavior in contrast was reduced by all practices, but most-ly so by the metacognition and perspective taking based training. Interestingly, changes in self-reported prosociality did not correlate with changes in actually observed prosocial or norm-driven behavior. Thus, the present results provide evidence that the tendency to consider oneself as prosocial does not necessarily relate to one’s actual prosocial behavior neither before nor after training. Moreo-ver, we show that prosocial preferences and behavior are not stable, but can be differentially altered by engaging some months in specific mental training prac-tices. This has theoretical and practical implications for economical and psycholo-gical research as well as for large-scale trainings that aim for societal changes and caring economics.


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Different Types of Mental Training are More or Less Efficient in Reducing Stress on the Subjective and Hormonal Level

Veronika Engert, Bethany Kok, Tania SingerMax Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences

Stress has become a major health threat in today’s fast-paced society. Emerging research indicates that meditation and mental training may have beneficial ef-fects across a spectrum of stress-related health conditions. When investigating the effects of meditation training, most studies have however limited their focus to the effect of mindfulness practice on the basal regulation of stress-reactive systems. In the scope of the ReSource Project, a large-scale longitudinal study with 187 participants (mean age 41, age range 20 to 55, 61% female), we investigated how endocrine (cortisol), sympathetic (alpha-amylase) and subjective-psycholo-gical responses to acute psychosocial stress change due to specific contemplative practices that emphasize a) attention and interoceptive awareness (Presence), b) loving kindness and prosocial motivation (Affective), and c) metacognitive skills as well as perspective taking on self and others (Perspective). Results revealed that while a 3-month inaugural training of interoceptive body awareness and atten-tion failed to have an effect on acute stress reactivity, the Affective and Perspec-tive Modules significantly reduced cortisol, alpha-amylase and subjective-psycho-logical stress responses. Overall, participants showed the lowest stress-induced rise in cortisol, subjective arousal, anxiety and depressed mood after a 3-month training of loving kindness and prosocial motivation. The present results provide evidence that stress reactivity is differentially affected by different types of men-tal training practice, whereby techniques focusing on improving loving kindness and compassion seem to be most promising in buffering stress.

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Training Compassion and Theory of Mind Separately: Differential Effects on Socio-Affective & Socio-Cognitive Abilities

Philipp Kanske, Fynn-Mathis Trautwein, Anne Böckler, Tania SingerMax Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences

Social neuroscience has identified different neural networks, a more affective (empathy and compassion) and a more cognitive route (Theory of Mind (ToM)) to the understanding of others. While the anterior insula (AI) is critically involved when empathizing with the pain of another person, experiencing compassion for another’s suffering activates a different network including the ventral striatum. ToM tasks, in contrast, engage the temporoparietal junction (TPJ), temporal poles (TP) and medial prefrontal cortex (MPFC). To study the separability and interre-lations of these neural networks as well as their plasticity, we developed a novel paradigm, the EmpaToM.In the EmpaToM task, participants were presented with naturalistic video stimuli in which people recount autobiographical episodes that are either emotional or neutral. Each video is followed by empathy and compassion ratings and questions about the content of the video that probe ToM. Participants were tested before and after each training module in a 3T Scanner.At baseline, emotional vs. neutral videos increased activity in bilateral AI, which parametrically modulated with subjective empathy ratings. Compassion ratings, in contrast, covaried with activity in the ventral striatum. ToM activated bilate-ral TPJ, TP and MPFC. Inter-individual differences in the activity of these networks were uncorrelated, suggesting independence of these socio-affective and -cogni-tive abilities. Training in the Perspective, but not the Presence or Affective Module, enhanced performance in ToM questions. The compassion ratings, in contrast, in-creased more after the Affective and Perspective module, not so however after the Presence module. Similarly, differential change was also observed with regards to the neural networks underlying compassion and ToM.The present results confirm that the neural networks underlying empathy, com-passion and ToM can be reliably identified within a single task and also demons-trate their independence on an inter-individual level – strong empathizers are not (necessarily) good mentalizers. Most critically, the training-related changes indicate that Theory of Mind can be trained by specific practices implemented in the Perspective Module. Surprisingly, there was an increase in experienced com-passion after both, the Affective and the Perspective Modules. As no effect was observed after the Presence Module, which focused on attention and interocep-tive awareness, the readiness to experience compassion seems to only increase after modules involving intersubjective exercises focusing on prosocial affect and motivation (Affective) or cognitive perspective taking of self and others (Perspec-tive). In conclusion, these results provide first evidence that we can induce plasti-city in socio-affective and socio-cognitive capacities through specifically designed mental training programs.


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Symposium S2.2Beyond mean levels of one emotion category:

New insights from an emotional patterns approach

ConvenersJozefien De Leersnyder, Michael Boiger

University of Leuven

Within one emotion episode, people may experience a wide array of emotions. This means that although two people may experience the same primary and, therefore, most intense emotion, they may still differ in their patterns of co-occurring emotions. For instance, expe-riencing anger as a primary emotion in a conflict situation may reflect a different meaning of the situation depending on whether you additionally describe your experience in terms of shame, disappointment, pride or respect. To date, most research has focused on mean levels of people’s primary emotional experience, thereby ignoring a vast source of potentially meaningful variation. Indeed, whether anger co-occurs with shame or pride may be associated with meaningful individual or cultural differences in how people make sense of a specific situation at hand or how they structure their emotional universe in general. Investigating the patterns of co-occurring emotions may thus reveal more individual or cultural variation in emotional experiences than has been ac-knowledged until now.In the current symposium, we aim to bring together several studies that have taken the pat-terns of emotion as their focus of analysis. Each study did so in its specific way. First, Alexander Kirchner will present a study in which he and his colleagues focused on the co-occurrences of anger and shame in the United States and Japan. Whereas vignettes made sure that the primary emotion (either anger or shame) was similar across both cultural contexts, the secon-dary emotion (i.e., the other emotion) pointed to cultural differences that could be under-stood from the emotion’s functionality to the culture’s respective relationship goals. Next, Yukiko Uchida will shed light on cultural variation in patterns of wellbeing and happiness, focusing on the collectively shared concept of wellbeing across cultures. She will illustrate the considerable variation in how people construe wellbeing and happiness and show how focusing on the relative importance of positive and negative affect reveals cultural differences in how well-being and happiness are culturally construed. Building upon these ideas, Jozefien De Leersnyder will present the results of a Multi-Block Simultaneous Component Analysis on 4100 emotional patterns that were collected from 1595 individuals across different majority and minority cultural groups. This analysis revealed that the emotional patterns of different majority cultural groups are best captured by different underlying factors structures, implying that the patterning of emotional experiences was different between these cultures. Yet, the factor structures capturing minorities’ emotional patterns could be clustered together with those of either their new or their heritage culture depending on the generational status of the minority sample, suggesting that the overall patterning of emotions is subject to accul-turation.Finally, Maria Gendron and Lisa Feldman Barrett will extend the emotional patterns approach from group-level patterns of emotion based on retrospective data, to individual-level variety in everyday patterns of emotion measured with electronic momentary assess-ment. Their data point to certain retrospective emotional patterns that can characterize a large majority of emotional instances sampled as well as to individual differences in how well group-level retrospective patterns capture the patterning of individual emotional events.Together, the talks in the current symposium highlight how relevant information about emo-tional experience is not only located ‘within’ the primary emotion, but is also ‘in-between’ emotions, that is, in the pattern of emotional experience. Although analyses of the patter-ning of emotions may be somewhat more complex and less straightforward than analyses of mean levels of primary emotions, we do believe that the current approach comes closer to how people actually experience and describe their emotional episodes; only rarely will one emotion capture all meaning associated with an emotional episode. The current symposium hopes to inspire future research on the patterning of emotions as well as the development of new methodologies that can better account for the complexities that are inherent to people’s daily emotional experience.

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Mixed feelings: Patterns of anger and shame in the United States and Japan

Alexander Kirchner1, Michael Boiger1, Yukiko Uchida2, Vinai Norasakkunkit3, Batja Mesquita1

University of Leuven1, Kyoto University2, Gonzaga University3,

While some emotions are condoned and esteemed in one culture, they are condemned and avoided in another culture. For example, anger—an emotion that communicates personal desires and self-assertion—is a condoned and com-mon experience in cultures that highlight individual autonomy (the U.S.), while being condemned and less common in cultures that highlight interpersonal re-latedness (Japan). In contrast, shame—an emotion that emphasizes concern for others and for social rules—is a more common experience in the Japanese than the U.S. context (Boiger, Mesquita, Uchida, & Barrett, 2013). The goal of the present study was to explore if these cultural differences in condoned and condemned emotions extend beyond people’s primary emotions to their secondary emo-tional experiences. More specifically, we expected that Americans would show significantly higher amounts of anger in shame situations than Japanese, while Japanese would show higher amounts of shame in anger situations than Ameri-cans. Additionally, we expected that shame would predict anger in shame situa-tions for Americans, but not Japanese, while anger would predict shame in anger situations for Japanese, but not Americans.474 Participants from the US and Japan read 15 vignettes describing either anger- or shame-eliciting situations and indicated to what extent they would feel both emotions if they had experienced the situation themselves. Multilevel modeling was used to compare mean emotion ratings across cultures as well as to predict condoned emotions from condemned counterparts within cultures. In line with our predictions, U.S. compared to Japanese participants reported relatively more anger in shame situations, and their experience of anger became more intense with increasing levels of shame. However, contrary to our expectations, U.S. par-ticipants also reported more shame in anger situations and their experience of shame was positively related to experienced anger intensity. Japanese partici-pants did not show significant relationships between the emotions in neither anger nor shame situations.Our findings only partially support the idea that condoned emotions are also powerful secondary emotional experiences. Whereas anger readily co-occurred with shame in the U.S. (possibly because the condemned emotion shame was re-appraised into the condoned emotion anger), we could not find support for the expected, analogous process in Japan: For Japanese participants, shame does not more readily co-occur with anger. In contrast, the experience of anger and shame appeared to be generally more interconnected in the U.S. context, such that shame also co-occurred with anger in anger situations. Future directions as well as possible explanations for the unexpected Japanese findings are discussed.


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What constitutes a good life? Cultural variation in the emotional patterns of happiness and well-being

Yukiko Uchida, Yuji Ogihara, Shintaro FukushimaKyoto University

Recent cross-cultural evidence suggests that what people consider a good and valuable life varies substantially across cultures. This talk will review cultural psy-chological research to illustrate the considerable variation in how people construe wellbeing and happiness at both the micro and macro levels. We will show how taking an emotional patterns approach and focusing on the relative importance that people pay to positive versus negative emotional states can reveal cultural variation in how well-being and happiness are construed. In European-American cultural contexts, happiness is defined as a positive emotional state that is typi-cally construed as a state contingent on both personal achievement and maxi-mized positivity of personal attributes. Negative features of the self, including negative emotional states, are perceived to be a hindrance to happiness. Further-more, a sense of happiness and subjective wellbeing is based on the incremental model; positive situations are thought to invite more positive outcomes. Indivi-duals within these cultures are motivated to maximize the experience of positive affect. Therefore, individuals are highly motivated to find and affirm the positive aspects of themselves or their life circumstances. In contrast, in the Japanese context, wellbeing and happiness are construed as balance of positive and nega-tive emotional states and is achieved collectively. The dominant view on life, and consequently on what constitutes a good life, is a dialectical world order where everything is assumed to be connected with everything else—good feelings with bad feelings as well as individual well-being with collective well-being. In support of these ideas, we will argue that multi-level analyses have shown the importance of capturing collectively achieved patterns of wellbeing and happiness.

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Cultural differences in the underlying structure of emotional patterns

Jozefien De Leersnyder1, Kim De Roover1, Eva Ceulemans1, Heejung Kim2, Batja Mesquita1

University of Leuven1, University of California - Santa Barbara2

Patterns of emotional experience not only provide insight into the meaning of the situation at hand, but may also enhance our insight in the meaning of emotion concepts themselves. This is so, because the systematic co-occurrence of particu-lar emotion terms provides information about the meaning of the emotions itself. For example, whether ‘feeling resigned’ systematically co-occurs with ‘frustration’ and ‘ill feelings’ or with ‘feeling relieved’ and ‘strong’ provides information about the meaning people attribute to ‘feeling resigned’. To capture cultural similarities and differences in these rather implicit meanings of emotions, we investigated cultural differences in the underlying structure of emotion concepts, because these should reflect the systematic co-occurrences of emotions. In the current study, we analyzed the emotional patterns 1595 participants from Flemish, Turkish, European American and Korean majority groups, or Turkish and Korean minority groups in Belgium and the US, respectively. In total, participants reported on 4100 emotional situations, each time making use of the Emotional Patterns Questionnaire to describe their experience (EPQ, De Leersnyder, Mes-quita, & Kim, 2011). In the EPQ, participants first describe a recently encountered situation that matches a specific prompt and then they rate their experience on 30 emotion terms. We analyzed these data with Multi-Block Simultaneous Component Analysis (MB-SCA; De Roover, Ceulemans, Timmerman, Vansteelandt, Stouten, & Onghena, 2012) – a technique that identifies clusters of samples with different underlying structures of emotion (i.e., different emotional meanings) in a bottom-up way. The results pointed at three different clusters, corresponding to a Belgian, Turkish, and European American plus Korean cluster. Whereas Korean minorities in the US clustered together with their majority groups, Turkish minority samples clustered differently depending on their generational status: First generation Turkish Bel-gians had a structure similar to Turks and second generation Turkish Belgians had a structure similar to Belgians, suggesting that the overall patterning of emotions is subject to acculturation.When scrutinizing differences in the culturally defined component structures, we found that the emotion terms of ‘feeling resigned’, ‘feeling like relying on another’, and ‘feeling indebted’ loaded on different components in culturally meaningful ways. Differences in the systematic co-occurrences of emotions, as captured by people’s emotional patterns, may thus translate into different component struc-tures that in turn reveal cultural differences in the connotations of emotions.


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Completing the Pattern: What emotional patterns are manifested in momentary experience?

Maria Gendron, Lisa Feldman BarrettNortheastern University

Emotions often occur in complex patterns that reflect the distinct affordances of situations. This is consistent with a situated view of emotion conceptualization (Wilson-Mendenhall et al., 2011), where concepts can highlight distinct meanings or aspects of emotion (e.g., depending on the goal of the person experiencing the emotion). Prior research has demonstrated that patterns of emotion appear to have some consistency across individuals (within given cultural contexts), but that individuals vary in how well their individual experiences map on to cultural patterns (De Leersnyder et al., 2011). In this talk, we will describe work that at-tempts to characterize group-level patterns of emotion based on retrospective data and compare these patterns to those that occur in everyday experiences of emotion measured with electronic momentary assessment. Participants were 54 undergraduate university students located in Boston, USA and completed an online version of the Emotional Patterns Questionnaire (De Leersnyder et al., 2011) and 7 days of electronic momentary assessment, with 10 sampling instances per day. In both measures, participants endorse emotion adjectives and patterns of endorsement within an instance are examined. Our data indicates that certain retrospective emotional patterns characterized a large majority of emotional instances sampled. For example, a pattern of emotion that was associated with positive affect occurring when an individual was alone and avoidant appeared to capture much of the patterning in everyday experiences (an average of 36.48% of emotional instances). In addition, we found evidence of individual differences in how well group-level retrospective patterns capture patterning of individual emo-tional events, consistent with prior research. Overall, these findings indicate that patterns of emotions can capture meaningful variation in everyday experiences of emotion, but that individual differences are also present and warrant further exploration.

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Symposium S2.3 Recent Research on Emotion in Organizations

ConvenersNeal M. Ashkanasy

University of Queensland

The study of emotions in organizational settings is today a vibrant and exciting field of research. A Web of Science search for “(emotion or emotions or emotional or affect) and organization* for the 20 years prior to 2014 finds 1257 hits, with 859 of these in the past 10 years. This is also reflected in the active role played by organizational scholars in ISRE and the activities of the Emonet group (see http://www.emotionsnet.org), which sponsors a successful biannual conference series and an annual book series, Research on Emotion in Organizations.” In this symposium, five high-profile international scholars of emotion in organizations will present their work.The symposium will open with a paper by Prof. Anat Rafaeli, who will outlie a program of research she and her colleagues have conducted looking at the deleterious effects of negative emotions, particular in the context of customer service. In particular, when anger and other hostile expressions are perceived, observers’ mental capacities become restric-ted, leading to negative effects on productivity and well-being. She will also report on the complicated situation regarding rewards for hostile emotions, wherein people report that they personally do not reward anger and other hostile expressions yet maintain percep-tions that other people do reward the same expressions.In the next presentation, Prof. Tina Kiefer will describe a daily-diary study of the effects of organizational change on emotional expression. Data collected from 485 UK public sec-tor employees revealed a preponderance of negative expressions on a daily basis, but also showed that the number of positive change events rather than negative ones predicted engagement in the job three months later.Prof. Neal Ashkanasy will follow by outlining an experience sampling study involving 59 of-fice employees, who reported their emotional reactions to working on an open-plan office setting. In the study, employees completed twice-daily event sampling measures detailing their emotional reactions to working with others in this setting. Results were consistent with territoriality theory, where employees seem to mark and defend their territory, and react negatively to violations of their space.Prof. Hillary Anger Elfenbein will next present a theoretical model introducing the idea of “emotional division-of-labor.” In this theory, which is based in the concepts underlying emotional intelligence, team members are seen to delegate and craft their roles to divide emotion-related activities as a means to maximize team effectiveness. Within this model, employees prefer to perform roles where they believe they have strengths and look for co-workers to offset their weaknesses.Personality and emotional intelligence are individual differences that figure strongly in the field of organizational behavior. In the final presentation, Prof. Ross Buck will outline a radi-cal new approach to understanding these concepts, suggesting that the Big Five personally model can be construed as a measure of social effectiveness analogous to the notion of emotional intelligence. He and his co-author advance the idea further that perception and communication of emotional expressivity may be a key to understanding personal interac-tions in organizational settings.In summary, the five presentations in the proposed symposium represent a variety of dif-ferent perspectives on the role played by emotions at different levels organization. Moreo-ver, the theories and data which will be presented bridge macro (organizational change; physical environment of work) and micro (personality, emotional expressiveness) levels of analysis. As such, they represent further validation of the overarching characterization of emotion in organizations as a set of ubiquitous multi-level phenomena, reaching into every facet of organizational life.


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Hostile emotions in the workplace: Their effects and consequences

Anat RafaeliTechnion, Israel Institute of Technology

In a series of studies I have examined the effects of hostile emotions expressed by one person on other people. A highly relevant context is customer service, where employees are repeatedly subjected to hostile emotions, notably anger and ru-deness, expressed by customers. The reported data and findings are relevant to various organizational interactions, notably between employees and managers, or between co-workers. Findings show slower and less accurate immediate work performance and weaker performance on various subsequent tasks, in addition to expected effects on negative emotion and stress. Encounters with hostility, even when it is expressed in a relatively inane fashion, seem to evoke a kind of automatic and most likely unconscious emotion regulation process that limits the mental resources available for other tasks. Anger expressions of people relatively important to the target individuals are particularly costly and damaging, even if the reward for complying with (the hostile) request is potentially greater. The question of whether expressions of hostile emotions are rewarded is particularly complicated: Data finds that people report that they personally do not reward anger and other hostile expressions, yet people universally maintain perceptions that other people do reward the same expressions.In only a minimal set of circumstances people’s anger seems to have a motiva-ting effect: People seem to perform better in creative tasks (as compared to relati-vely routine, well-rehearsed tasks) after they have encountered a hostile (angry or rude) person. And encounters with one hostile person in the context of generally calm others, seems to enhance task performance. Thus, the presentation will re-veal a fascinating picture of the damage that displays of anger rudeness can have in the workplace, and suggest that -- although people are not always conscious of their own responses – it is critical for researchers to develop a deep understanding of the effects of anger and other hostile expressions on performance of organiza-tional employees.

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Feeling bad and good. The daily emotional experience of organizational change

Tina Kiefer, Neil ConwayUniversity of Warwick, University of London

Negative emotional experiences in change have been related to a number of dys-functional individual and organizational outcomes (e.g. Kiefer, 2005). The unders-tanding of emotions in those studies is, however, often limited, as the majority of those studies focus of on retrospective and generalized accounts of emotional reactions to a change. Furthermore, the role of positive emotions has largely been neglected. The aim of this paper is to shift focus to how organizational change trickles down to daily emotional experiences. Drawing on self-regulation theory (Vancouver & Day, 2005), we theoretically and empirically investigate the differen-tial effects of daily positive and negative emotional experiences of change events and explore their interplay over time. Data was collected from 485 UK public-sector employees, using an event-based, daily diary approach. Participants completed a diary for 10 working days, capturing experienced change events and event-related emotions. Employee behavioural outcomes (i.e. engagement in job, loyalty and counterproductive work behaviours) were also measured daily. A follow-up survey was employeed three months later.Results showed that negative change experiences were more frequent than posi-tive ones (2:1). Within-person analysis revealed that (a) positive and negative daily change events predicted end of day outcomes differentially; (b) not the experience of a positive or negative change event per se predicted end of day behavioural out-comes, but the intensity of emotions reported; and (c) negative emotional reac-tions to a change event were a stronger predictor of end of day outcomes than positive ones. Over time, however, it was the accumulation of positive emotional change events, but not negative ones that predicated engagement in the job. Results suggest that within-person and on a daily bases, negative emotional ex-perience of change events predict daily fluctuations in behaviours more strongly (Baumeister et al., 2001), while between-people and over time, positive change experiences may be a stronger predictor of some outcomes, which supports Fre-drickson’s (1998) notion of broaden-and-build.


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Territoriality and emotion in the open-plan office: An experience sampling study

Neal M. Ashkanasy1, Oluremi B. Ayoko1, Karen A. Jehn2

University of Queensland1, University of Malbourne2

Modern organizations are increasingly moving to more open-plan office set-tings, which are supposed to offer both economic and productivity advantages. Research into the benefits of such work arrangements, however, has been mixed (Elsbach & Pratt, 2009). While benefits in terms of improved communication and collaboration are often touted, employees report dissatisfaction with distractions and privacy. In this research, we approach this topic from the perspective of a need for personal territory, or territoriality (Brown, Lawrence, & Robinson, 2005). Thus, individuals seek first to mark their territory and, once marked, to defend their territory. As a consequence, the physical environment of work can be seen to be full of paradoxes and tensions, which we argue become drivers of “affec-tive events” in the workplace that in determine, in part, employees’ behaviors and attitudes. In particular, we propose that circumstances in the environment (e.g. spatial density, office configurations, lack of privacy) lead directly to affective reactions resulting in anger and frustration (Weiss & Cropanzano, 1996). In turn, these affective reactions are likely to lead to affect driven behaviors such as with-drawal, territoriality and conflict and judgment driven behaviors such as turnover and low performance. To test this model, we conducted an experience-sampling method (ESM: Larson & Csikszentmihalyi, 1983) study, were 59 employees, wor-king in open-plan offices, reported their reactions to affective events resulting from their workspace, including their emotions and productivity. Consistant with territoriality theory, results supported the idea that distractions in open office set-tings result in anger and frustration that in turn determine work behaviors and attitudes.

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Towards the validity of Emotional Intelligence: Testing the positive manifold with emotion recognition

Smaranda Boros, Noah Eisenkraft, Petri Laukka, Nutankumar S. Thingujam, Hillary Anger Elfenbein

Vlerick Business School, University of North Carolina - Chapel Hill, Stockholm University, Sikkim University, Washington University in St. Louis

Emotional Intelligence (EI) captures attention from scholars, practitioners, edu-cators, and the public, and much evidence is still needed to establish its scien-tific validity. Central to the debate is whether EI is a coherent new construct vs. a repackaging of diverse existing social psychological factors such as emotion recognition, expression, awareness, and management. A recent research stream tests the extent to which EI has a positive manifold, namely that these various branches of EI converge with each other, as components of an “intelligence” should. Four recent studies focus on emotion recognition (ER), a core component of EI that involves the ability to detect emotional states from nonverbal behavior. For decades, the association between emotion recognition and expression accu-racy was a much-discussed mystery. A recent meta-analysis found positive as-sociations when expression was measured with deliberate performance instead of unobtrusive observation (Elfenbein & Eisenkraft, 2010). Follow-up work using updated measures revealed strong convergence (Elfenbein et al., 2010). A new test of emotional understanding, i.e., recognizing relationships and transitions among emotions, also converges strongly with ER (Thingujam, Laukka, & Elfenbein, 2012). Finally, work-in-progress on an Emotions Stroop task that assesses self-regulation also appears to converge with ER (Jang, Elfenbein, Sharma, & Sanchez-Burks, 2015). These data suggest promise for EI’s validity.

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Emotional intelligence in interaction: The role of emotional expressivity

Ross Buck, R. Thomas BooneUniversity of Connecticut, University of Massachusetts

Big-Five (B5) characteristics (conscientiousness, agreeableness, neuroticism, open-ness, extraversion: CANOE) emerged from factor analyses of personality traits. Recent psychometric research suggests the B5 can be subsumed by higher order factors. The BIG-Two (B2) comprise Alpha or Stability (subsuming C, A, and N) and Beta or Plasticity (subsuming O and E); and furthermore a BIG One (B1) can sub-sume the B2. B1 is advanced as a general factor of personality termed Social Ef-fectiveness; and it is suggested that the B1 is actually Emotional Intelligence (EI). This development has important implications for emotion research, particularly research in workplace settings that has widely used the EI concept, because it brings emotion to the forefront of personality (Perez-Gonzales & Sanchez-Ruiz, 2014). On the other hand, there are several conceptual and measurement models of EI based primarily upon self-reports, and there are no objectively correct ans-wers to EI questions. An alternative approach views social effectiveness in terms of abilities to deal with emotions in interaction. Boone and Buck (2004) noted the value of emotional expressivity, or emotion sending accuracy, in interactive situations. First, being a good sender is the most effective way to be a good recei-ver in interactive situations, because it encourages expressivity in the interaction partner. Expressivity acts like emotional sonar, in that it tends to be reflected back by the partner, so good senders in effect carry around a “bubble of expressivity” wherever they go. This also functions as emotional IFF (Identification of Friend or Foe), because the reflected expression carries information about the cooperative-ness or competitiveness of the interaction partner (Boone & Buck, 2003). Second, sending accuracy maximizes the instructive feedback that the sender receives about emotion (social biofeedback). Communicative feedback fosters emotional education (labeling, understanding, and controlling the expression of one’s fee-lings and desires) and consequent emotional competence (knowing what to do when feelings and desires occur).

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Symposium S2.4 How emotions make us tick: A multi-method approach to unders-

tanding the relation between emotions and subjective time

ConvenersTrevor Penney, Annett Schirmer

National University of Singapore

Our time judgments are not perfectly accurate, but instead are influenced by contextual and situational factors such as emotion. Indeed, most of us can probably recall emotionally provoking events that seemed longer or shorter than they actually were. The contributors to this symposium share a common interest in studying the impact of emotion on timing, but take different methodological approaches. They use different timing tasks (e.g., explicit vs. implicit), stimulus durations (tens of milliseconds to seconds), stimulus modalities (au-ditory, visual, tactile), and dependent measures (behavioral, skin conductance, EEG, fMRI), but together present complementary views that reveal the different aspects of the rela-tionship between emotions and time.In research by Tipples and colleagues, spider-fearing individuals compared the duration of spider and bird pictures to a short and long anchor duration in a bisection task. Spider pictures were judged longer than equivalent duration bird pictures and this temporal ove-restimation was accompanied by reaction time differences. Drift-diffusion modeling of the data supports the notion that arousing emotions like fear speed up temporal accumula-tion.Along similar lines, Droit-Volet and colleagues used a duration bisection procedure in which they presented timing stimuli with and without electric shock. Participants judged timing stimuli with electric shock longer than timing stimuli without electric shock and this diffe-rence increased with the duration of the timing stimulus. Thus, like fear of spiders, fear of pain seems to speed up temporal accumulation.Work by Lake and colleagues again complements this work. Using electric shocks in a fear conditioning procedure, they varied whether participants expected a shock immediately or after a temporal gap following a conditioned stimulus that served as the first or second duration in an ordinal comparison task. They found that arousal and attentional demands associated with the conditioned stimulus independently contributed to ensuing temporal judgments making time seem both longer and shorter, respectively.Adding neural evidence to the picture, Schirmer and colleagues applied the duration bisec-tion procedure in an event-related potential study with neutral and disgusted exclama-tions as timing stimuli. Participants judged stimuli in the former condition as longer than those in the latter condition. Moreover, this behavioral effect was accompanied by an early positivity in the ERP that together with an acoustic analysis implied a role for auditory markers of information rate in auditory timing.Finally, an fMRI study by Trost and colleagues explored the effect of musical emotions on temporal processing. Specifically, they showed that musical rhythms entrain temporal ex-pectations and that pleasant music is more effective than unpleasant music in this regard. Additionally, they identified contributions of the basal ganglia and fronto-parietal attentio-nal networks in these effects. Taken together, the research outlined here reveals a complex interplay of emotional and temporal processing. In addition to showing an arousal effect on the speed of temporal accumulation, the results imply that emotions modulate how individuals attend to time and the rate at which they gather timing relevant information. Moreover, these mecha-nisms are differentially employed as a function of stimulus modality, the goal relevance of the stimuli, and the nature of the experienced emotion. As such this symposium presents important novel discoveries showing how emotions make our perception of time variable and indicating why this variability may be adaptive.

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Rapid temporal accumulation in spider fear: Evidence from Hierarchical Drift Diffusion Modelling

Jason TipplesUniversity of Hull

Fear can distort our sense of time – making time seem slow or even stand still. Here, I used Hierarchical Drift Diffusion Modelling (HDDM; Vandekerckhove, Tuer-linckx, & Lee, 2011; Wiecki, Sofer, & Frank, 2013) to test the idea that temporal accu-mulation speeds up during fear. In drift diffusion models of two-alternative forced choice data (e.g., Ratcliff, 1978) the rate of accumulation of information is called the drift rate. The drift rate is calculated from both reaction times and choice proportion data. The central hypothesis was that fear would increase temporal accumulation leading to higher drift rates for feared stimuli. To test this idea 18 high fearful and 23 low fearful participants judged the duration of both feared sti-muli (spiders) and non-feared stimuli (birds) in a modified version of the temporal bisection task. High but not low fearful individuals overestimated the duration of spiders compared to bird stimuli - they produced a higher proportion of “long” res-ponses to spiders. The drift diffusion modelling offers direct support for the tem-poral accumulation speeding account. In high but not low fearful individuals, the overall drift rates were higher for spiders compared to birds. The results highlight the value of using both RTs and choice proportion data in the context of diffusion modelling to study the effects of emotion on time perception. Further results were interpreted in the context of a recent two-stage model of time perception (Balci & Simen, 2014). The results highlight the usefulness of diffusion modelling to test process-based explanations of disordered cognition in emotional disorders.

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Fear and time: Fear speeds up the internal clock

Sylvie Droit-Volet12, Sandrine Gil3, Sophie Fayolle12

Clermont Université1, Université Blaise Pascal2, University of Poitiers3

The last decade has seen a huge growth in research into the effect of emotions on the perception of time in human adults, but the question of mechanisms under-lying this effect is always a subject of debate. In order to settle the debate, this study tested humans’ time judgment in bisection with a wide range of stimu-lus durations from hundreds of milliseconds to several seconds (0.2/0.8, 0.4/1.6, 1.2/4.8, 2.0/8.0-s) by using an electric shock procedure to induce fearful state in participants. In addition, self-report questionnaire responses and skin conduc-tance responses were assessed to measure emotional reactivity. Results clearly demonstrated an emotion-related time distortion such that the elapsed stimulus duration was judged longer on the trials with than without electric shock. In addi-tion, there was a significant linear relation between the length of durations tested and the magnitude of differences in time judgment between the trials with and without electric shock. These findings validated the arousal-based hypothesis on the speeding up of an internal clock system. The rapid change of the internal clock rate in emotional contexts is discussed as a highly adaptive mechanism.


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Contributions of Arousal and Attention to Threat-Driven Distortions in Time Perception

Jessica Lake, Kevin LaBar, Warren MeckDuke University, Durham, North Carolina

The anticipation of an aversive outcome is known to elicit distortions in the per-ception of time. While studies of emotional distortions in time perception have suggested arousal and attention as potential mechanisms of such distortions, previous investigations have not allowed for the possibility that both mechanisms might contribute simultaneously to resulting distortions in perceived time. In a series of experiments, we examined the influence of threat anticipation on time perception using aversive conditioned stimuli intermittently associated with elec-trical stimulation within the context of a temporal ordinal-comparison task. By relying on the well-established difference in the ability of delay and trace condi-tioned stimuli to modulate attention, we demonstrated that attentional demands during threat anticipation modulated the perception of time. In addition, we re-corded skin conductance responses as a measure of arousal to demonstrate that changes in arousal act simultaneously to modulate the perception of time. Across a series of experiments, we found that the influences of arousal and attention on time perception are temporally dependent, consistent with theories of emotional processing that suggest emotion-driven changes in arousal and attention over time. Our findings support independent, but not mutually exclusive, influences of arousal and attention in driving temporal distortions during threat anticipation. Given the importance of temporal relationships in learning and conditioning, we propose that threat-driven temporal distortions may have important implications for our understanding of deficits in fear conditioning, particularly in individuals with fear and anxiety disorders.

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Mistaking fast for short: Emotional sound characteristics produce temporal underestimations

Annett Schirmer, Di Mo, Trevor PenneyNational University of Singapore

Observers typically give shorter duration estimates for disgusting as compared to neutral images. We used a duration bisection task in conjunction with event rela-ted potentials (ERPs) to examine whether this phenomenon extends to sounds and to explore its underlying mechanisms.Disgust and neutral vocalizations were obtained from the Montreal Affective Voices stimulus set and a stimulus set created in our laboratory. These vocaliza-tions were manipulated using the “Lengthen (PSOLA)” function in Praat to create stimuli of 378, 476, 600, 756, and 952 milliseconds in duration. Participants learned that the 378 ms and 952 ms stimuli were the long and short anchors, respectively, in an initial training phase. In the subsequent test phase, they classified each of the probe stimuli (378ms, 476ms, 600ms, 756ms, 952ms) as closer in duration to the short or long anchor. The results of the bisection taks revealed that disgust vocalizations were judged short more frequently than neutral vocalizations. Additionally, the ERP analysis revelaed that disgust vocalizations elicited a greater P200 than neutral vocali-zations. Notably, P200 amplitude also varied as a function of stimulus duration with shorter durations eliciting larger amplitudes than longer durations implying a sensitivity to rate of change. Moreover, acoustic analysis of the stimuli revealed that accoustic change was faster for disgust relative to neutral vocalizations.That disgust sounds reduce duration estimates suggests that the influence of emotion on time perception (i.e., compression or expansion of time) compares across the sensory channels. The mechanisms underpinning this influence, howe-ver, may differ. In the case of sounds, they may relate to the early integration of acoustic information that changes faster for emotional as compared to neutral stimuli. Thus, when sounds are emotional, listeners mistake fast for short.

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The impact of musical emotions on rhythmic entrainment

Wiebke TrostUniversity of Geneva

Music represents a powerful emotional stimulus and it is known that emotions influence timing mechanisms. Furthermore, perceiving the musical structure requires fine perceptual timing skills, such as an entrainment of attentional resources. The goal of the presented research was to investigate how emotions induced by music influence the temporal processing of the musical temporal structure. Moreover, the neural substrates of attentional entrainment processes to the meter of the music remain sparsely understood. Therefore, we designed a study using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to test whether the metric structure of music entrains attention and how the pleasantness of the music influences these processes. Piano music was presented while participants were performing a speeded response detection task in which targets appeared time-locked to either a strong or a weak beat of the musical meter. Each musi-cal piece was presented both in a consonant/pleasant and dissonant/unpleasant version. Reaction time results show that consonant music facilitated target detec-tion and targets presented time-locked to strong beats were detected faster. FMRI results showed that targets on strong beats increase the activation of bilateral caudate nucleus, whereas targets presented in consonant music enhanced acti-vity in attentional networks. Beat position and consonance interacted in the cau-date nucleus, with a greater influence of meter during dissonant than consonant music. These results reveal that even in an implicit emotion induction paradigm the involvement of the caudate nucleus of the basal ganglia, known to be implica-ted in timing, rhythm and emotion processing, can be modulated by the metrical structure and the emotional tone of the music.

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Symposium S2.5Meta-emotions, self-awareness, and self-regulation

ConvenersChristoph Jäger

University of Innsbruck

One can be afraid of one’s fears, ashamed of losing one’s temper, or enjoy mo-ments of bittersweet melancholy. Call such higher-order affective states and epi-sodes “meta-emotions”. This notion was prominently introduced by developmen-tal psychologists such as John Gottman and collaborators to describe feedback effects between parental and child emotions. In this context a “meta-emotion structure” is defined as “an organized and structured set of emotions and cogni-tions about ... both one’s own emotions and the emotions of others” (Gottman, Katz, and Hooven 1997, p. 7). However, in recent years philosophers and psycholo-gists have begun to explore the notion in a more specific sense, applying it mainly to intrapersonal phenomena and restricting it to affective higher-order states and episodes (Jäger & Bartsch 2006; Mitmansgruber et al. 2009; Mendonça 2013; Jäger & Bänninger-Huber 2014; Norman & Furnes 2014). Meta-emotions are emo-tions people have about their own emotions, and they constitute an important mechanism of self-appraisal and intrapsychic affect-regulation. The symposium explores various aspects and applications of the notion of meta-emotion from philosophical and psychological perspectives; one paper also analyses religious emotions from a philosophical and partly theological viewpoint. The symposium focuses on the following topics.(1) Anne Bartsch investigates to what extent, and in what way, the occurrence of meta-emotions can be explained by psychological appraisal theories, especially regarding the principal appraisal criterion of “goal conduciveness”. Her paper in-vestigates the hypothesis that striving toward eudaimonic goals such as meaning or personal growth explains why first-order emotions can be goal conducive, and she presents data from qualitative interviews, surveys, and experimental research that support this thesis. (2) Michael Lacewing explores the role of meta-emotions in processes of psychological defence and self-discovery. A prominent explanation of defence mechanisms is that people’s desire to avoid psychic dissonance and pain motivates them to distort their psychological experience and sense of self. We tend to avoid being aware of negative meta-emotions (such as anxiety, fear, shame), but tolerating them leads to self-knowledge. (3) Christoph Jäger explains (away) the apparent irrationality of central aspects of survivor’s guilt, arguing that those who experience it often feel guilty not for some culpable action but for having positive emotions (such as gratitude or joy) about being more fortunate than the other victims. The experience of guilt can in such cases be interpreted as a higher-order psychic mechanism regulating first-order emotions which the sub-ject perceives as normatively inappropriate. (4) Dina Mendonça contrasts meta-emotions occurring in aesthetic contexts with those occurring in non-aesthetic, “everyday” contexts. She describes linguistic mechanisms by which meta-emo-tions are identified, and argues that aesthetic contexts provide a privileged space for becoming aware of meta-emotional processes. (5) Finally, Amber Griffioen in-vestigates the meta-emotional self-reflectivity of certain religious emotions, e. g., feelings of “creatureliness”, sinfulness, and Sehnsucht (or longing).

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Meta-emotions and appraisals of goal conduciveness

Anne BartschLMU Munich

Meta-emotions and appraisals of goal conduciveness. Are emotions good for any-thing beyond solving the emotion eliciting situation?Within the theoretical framework of appraisal theories, meta-emotions can be described as the outcome of appraisal processes that evaluate the person’s own emotions (Jäger & Bartsch, 2006). This raises the question whether the same ap-praisal criteria that give rise to emotions when applied to environmental situa-tions are also applicable when the objects of appraisal are one’s own emotions. Can emotions per se be novel, pleasant, goal conducive, controllable, or normati-vely adequate? In the case of secondary appraisal criteria such as controllability and normative adequacy the answer is relatively clear, given that losing control or being ashamed of one’s own emotions are commonplace human experiences. But what about goal relevance – the primary appraisal criterion that Lazarus (1991) identified as both necessary and sufficient condition for emotion elicitation? A seemingly straightforward answer is that emotions can be helpful or harmful in terms of solving the emotion eliciting situation. This argument is rather circular, however, because it does not distinguish the goals and concerns that give rise to the meta-emotion from the goals and concerns that give rise to the primary emotion – which leads to the somewhat tautological conclusion that emotions are goal conducive to the extent that they render themselves unnecessary. Hence, the informative value of the meta-emotion concept critically depends on the rele-vance of emotions with regard to goals that go beyond the concerns that gave rise to the emotion in the first place. Eudaimonic goals such as individuals’ seeking of meaning, insight, cognitive chal-lenge, and personal growth (Waterman, 1993) might explain why emotions can be goal conducive beyond hedonic affect regulation and instrumental goals associa-ted with the primary emotion. Data from qualitative interviews, surveys and expe-rimental research are presented to substantiate the assumption that emotions be conducive to subjectively meaningful and thought-provoking experiences, and that such experiences can be gratifying even when the valence of the primary emotion is negative.

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Metaemotions, psychological defence and self-knowledge

Michael LacewingHeythrop College, London, UK

In this paper, I argue that metaemotions play a central role in processes of psycho-logical defence, which involves motivated distortions in the subject’s conscious understanding and experience that are caused unconsciously and unintentio-nally. The motivation for defence can be understood broadly to refer to the desire hold attitudes that are congruent with one’s interests as well as one’s sense of self (Chen & Chaiken 1999). I focus primarily on the latter, and characterise defence as motivated by the wish to avoid psychological pain (Vaillant 2000). Such processes are used universally in childhood and adolescence, as they are entirely necessary in psychological development, while few people succeed in giving up psychologi-cal defences in early adulthood (Vaillant 1993; Cramer 2006). Understanding the structure and operation of such processes is, therefore, important. It is rarely recognised or commented upon that in many cases, and especially in relation to questions of self-esteem, the pain the subject seeks to avoid is that of a metaemotion, i.e. it is an emotional response, such as anxiety, fear, guilt, shame, to the subject’s own emotions (and affectively charged desires). As a result, one of the central distortions that occurs in psychological defence is in one’s knowledge of one’s emotions. If the subject can develop their awareness and understanding of these metaemotions, they are able to gain self-knowledge of the emotional states that are defended against. However, rejecting both Cartesian and third-personal models of self-knowledge (e.g. Wilson 2002), I argue that the necessary development in the metaemotional understanding normally requires a form of interpersonal relationship.


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Meta-emotions and survivor’s guilt

Christoph JägerUniversity of Innsbruck

So-called survivor’s guilt is an experience of guilt in survivors of genocide, terro-rism, natural catastrophes, war, car accidents, etc. It comes in various forms, yet in paradigm cases subjects lack – and know that they lack – responsibility for the tragic events (Matsakis 1999). So why do they feel guilty? At first glance their guilt experience seems wholly irrational. On the other hand, the subjects are typically more or less rational people and understand the concept of guilt, including being aware that one is guilty of something only if one is, at least in part, responsible for it. Several explanations have been suggested.Velleman (2004) proposes explaining survivor’s guilt by suggesting that survivors “rationally feel anxiety about providing grounds for … vicarious or sympathetic resentment” on the part of friends or relatives of the victims. The survivor feels she has to justify that resentment”. Griffieon (2014) suggests that survivor’s guilt is a coping mechanism, helping the subject to maintain a sense of agency via self-attributing some “kind of ‘magical’ causality to herself as a response to the shame that arises from the perceived lack of autonomy”. Both approaches may highlight certain phenomena associated with survivor’s guilt; yet they leave some crucial aspects unexplained. I suggest that the phenomenon can often be understood as essentially consisting of a negative meta-emotion (see Jäger & Bartsch 1996; Jäger & Bänninger-Huber 2014) directed at the positive emotions that survivors experience in response to their perceived privileges. There is evidence that survi-vors experience feelings of relief, gratitude, or joy about having survived or been less adversely affected than others. However, at the same time they feel guilty for having such positive emotions in connection with the catastrophe. The meta-em-otional feeling of guilt often seems to serve as a higher-order process regulating positive feelings which the subject perceives as normatively inappropriate.

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Meta-emotions in aesthetic contexts and ordinary life situations

Dina MendoncaUniversidade Nova de Lisboa

The paper compares meta-emotions in aesthetics with meta-emotions in ordina-ry contexts in order to provide further insight into their role in self-awareness and emotional development. In “The Pleasures of Tragedy,” Susan Feagin states that one of the difficulties with meta-emotions is that it may be hard to clearly distin-guish the first-order from the second-order emotions because we use the same words to describe emotional responses at both levels (Feagin 1995, p. 208). To grasp the difference requires us to identify emotions using not the simple and compact nouns we have for them (pride, shame), but longer descriptions, indicating the structure of the layered emotion (pride about jealousy, shame about fear). The paper explores such descriptions by comparing ordinary with aesthetic contexts. It discusses how time works differently in the two contexts, and how they involve both different connections to action and a different kind of part-whole awareness. The paper argues that these differences enable aesthetic contexts to serve as pri-vileged spaces for the identification of meta-emotions, making aesthetic contexts prone to promote emotional self-awareness and emotional learning.


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Religious meta-emotions

Amber GriffioenUniversity of Konstanz

This paper examines the heretofore overlooked presence of meta-emotions in the religious affective repertoire. I focus primarily on three types of meta-emotional religious attitudes. My claim is that understanding the second-order nature of these feelings may actually play a role in the way we treat them theologically.The first type of meta-feeling is what Rudolf Otto calls the “creature-feeling” (Kreaturgefühl). Such feelings have to do with the ways in which we react affecti-vely to certain conditions and feelings we have in regard to God and our place in creation. Otto notes that the creature-feeling is not the primary religious emotion, but rather represents a reflexive feeling in response to some other affective reli-gious experience. (For Otto this first-order feeling will be that of the mysterium tremendum et fascinans, though we can imagine other attitudes that creature-feelings could take as their object.)A second kind of meta-emotion might be the sense the religious subject has of her own sinfulness. If, with St. Augustine, we understand sin as a kind of misdi-rected love, our emotional apprehension of our sinfulness may take the form of a feeling of shame regarding this love, when we realize that our love is, in fact, mis-directed. Thus, a sense of sinfulness will be both cognitive and affective.A final type of meta-emotional religious attitude is one which occurs in the context of religious Sehnsucht, or longing. Although C.S. Lewis speaks of longing as a kind of desire, it is not clear that this correctly characterizes Sehnsucht. It is perhaps better understood as a kind of “affectively apprehended emptiness”, one Lewis maintains we nevertheless value and even long for in its absence. Yet whe-ther longing itself should be understood as meta-emotional, or whether it instead represents the target of another kind of meta-emotional valuing will be discussed in more detail.

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Symposium S2.6Social Norms and Emotions

ConvenersChristian von Scheve, Frédéric Minner

Freie Universität, University of Geneva

Emotion researchers from different disciplines have identified at least two major links between emotions and norms. First, emotions contribute to the enforcement and maintenance of social norms through negative feelings signifying the pu-nishment of deviant behavior and positive feelings experienced in cases of confor-mity. Punishment is constituted by feelings of contempt, disgust or indignation towards deviant individuals or by shame, guilt, and embarrassment experienced by deviant individuals. Reward is constituted through elevation, admiration or gra-titude towards individuals acting in line with prevailing norms or through pride or contentment felt by those who act in line with norms. Emotions therefore contri-bute to the social control of behavior on individual as well as social interactive levels. The second relationship between emotions and norms is evident in social norms and conventions that circumscribe which emotions and emotion expres-sions are considered appropriate or inappropriate in a given social context. Norms of this type go by various names, for instance “feeling rules” (Hochschild) or “dis-play rules” (Ekman) and proscribe the type of emotion that one ought to feel, who should feel a particular emotion, at what occasion, towards whom, for how long, etc. In this sense, emotion norms define obligations and duties that govern emotional arousal, expression, and behavior. They imply standards of comparison between what an individual is feeling and what he or she ought to feel in a given social context. Emotion norms thus aide in evaluating the social appropriateness or inappropriateness of an emotion. This difference between what is actually felt and what ought to be felt is also captured in the concept of “ideal affect” (Tsai) that reflects individual as well as social standards of comparison.Although the notion of emotion norms is well established in theory and research, various questions and unresolved issues arise: How do institutions, ideologies and cultural influences shape the regulation of emotion? How do emotion norms re-late to the normative order of a society? What are the relations between societal values, social norms and emotions? Why and how do emotion norms emerge in a society? How to articulate the collective and public nature of emotion norms and the individual and private experience of emotions? The symposium therefore aims at bringing together researchers from different disciplines to shed light on the nature of emotion norms, and the ways by which they relate to the normative order of societies and affect human emotional experience as a tool of social regu-lation.


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What kinds of norms are emotion norms?

Christian von ScheveFreie Universität

In many disciplines of emotion research, for instance psychology, sociology and anthropology, there is widespread use of the concept emotion norms. Emotion norms come in various fashions and go by various labels, for example “display rules” (Ekman, 1972), “feeling rules”, or “expression norms” (Hochschild 1979). Emo-tion norms are said to substantially influence affective experience and a broad range of emotion-related behaviors, such as facial expressions, vocalizations, and gestures, primarily through socialization and different efforts at emotion regu-lation. In this way, emotion norms are also thought to be essential components of “culture” or of specific “emotion cultures” and are closely related to emotion values or “ideal affect” (Kim-Prieto & Eid, 2007; Tsai, 2007). In sociology, some have even said that one of the most studied topics is in fact „the effect of emotion norms upon experience and expression” (Gordon, 1990, p. 163). Given this preva-lence of emotion norms in research and everyday life, it is surprising that “emotion norms” often remain conceptually hollow and refer to very different phenomena. At the very least, uses of the concept have not kept pace with theoretical advances regarding social and moral norms and values more generally. In this contribution, I seek to disentangle some of the conceptual confusions surrounding emotion norms (and rules). First, I wish to discuss emotion norms against the backdrop of (a) social norms as situation-specific conventions and coordination equilibria, and (b) moral norms regarding foundational moral principles of action. Second, may aim is to clarify the question whether emotion norms are primarily injunctive norms or whether they can also be understood as descriptive norms. Finally, I wish to further disclose the relationship between emotion values and emotion norms.

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What public emotions do, and what we do with them

Laurence Kaufmann, Philippe GonzalezUniversity of Lausanne

To avoid being sanctioned for misfeeling, the sentient self must satisfy the felicity conditions of the public expression of emotions, that is, the relevance of the emo-tional self-labeling, the adjustment of the emotional expression to the situation, the adequacy between the expression of the emotion and the intended audience, and the authority and credibility of the emotional subject, that is, its « prior ethos » (Amossy, 2001). We will explore further these felicity conditions and emotional fallacies by focusing in particular on indignation, indeed a particularly interesting emotion. For if any emotion can be said « social » in the sense that it is subject to social and moral accountability, indignation seems more social than others: not only indignation responds to felicity conditions that establish which event or behavior counts as a justified object of indignation and which individual has the right to be indignant, but it also supposes and calls for the existence of a public, moral or political, that sustains its enunciation. By focusing on empirical cases drawn from media interactions where a public expression of indignation is uttered by a French public figure (S. Royal, E. Béart, D. Strauss-Kahn), this paper will highlight the kinds of constraints, semiotic, social, and moral, that rule indignation and on the types of publics that it summons. We will focus in particular, thanks to a sociosemiotic analysis, on the media uptake. Such an uptake reveals what the public, starting with the journalists, considers more or less consensually as «worthy of affect» and whom it deems to have the right to be affected. More generally, the analysis of the uptake reveals the «fee-ling rules» that the public expressions of indignation must satisfy (Hochschild, 2003; Goffman, 1983). As we will show, these «feeling rules» or felicity conditions that specify what is acceptable at a given time can be formalised in a gramma-tical form. But the grammar of indignation goes beyond the mere rules of public enunciation: by revealing the system of norms that binds society together, it gives a glimpse of the «grammar of society» (Bicchieri, 2006).


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Norms and values in emotional experience

Ian BurkittUniversity of Bradford

In this paper I will make a distinction between norms and values. Norms are stan-dards or patterns of behaviour that are typical or expected in society or in parti-cular situations, which form a required standard. However, values are the regard in which something is held, the worth or importance it is judged to have. Thus va-lues and norms can differ across a culture, especially cultures composed of diverse groups who may value things differently. In terms of emotion, values are close to our emotions as they determine what we feel to be important, what we highly regard or love. For various subgroups this can differ and they may challenge or oppose what William Reddy has called the ‘emotion regime’ dominant in society at any given time and place. I will also say how this ties in with my view that emo-tions are relational phenomena: they are about the social groups we are related to or identify with or against, and this conditions how we will feel in particular circumstances, whether that is for or against the emotion rules or norms of an emotional regime or just a particular social situation. As relational phenomena, emotions and values place us differentially within the social order and make social life highly personal.

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The temporalities of (studying) feeling and display rules – an anthropological perspective

Thomas StodulkaFreie Universität

Drawing on an extended case study from my long-term research on the coming of age of street-related adolescents in the Javanese city of Yogyakarta, Indonesia, this paper highlights three intertwined temporalities related to the research of the emergence and transformation of feeling and display rules: first, the maturing actors’ alteration of their bodies and related changing social and cultural role as-criptions over their life course; second, the social changes occurring in the actors’ environments, a rather slow but steady transformation of a place’s architectures, cultural values, beliefs, and norms. I argue that feeling and display rules are best studied in a long-term (life course) perspective that centers on how cultural be-liefs and social norms are embodied and negotiated in the interaction between actors of differing social and ‘emotional positions’. The dynamic and interactive disposition of the phenomena studied (feeling and display rules) and the unders-tanding of the epistemology that scientifically attends to these (ethnographic fieldwork and more broadly speaking most qualitative research approaches) as encounters between people within particular social spaces, requires the inclusion of a third temporal dimension: the researcher’s position as it relates to the longi-tudinal study of those he encounters, observes, talks and listens to (Stodulka 2015). So far, anthropologists have defined what I shall describe as ‘emotional positions’ as ‘subjectivity’ (Biehl, Good and Kleinman 2007) or ‘positionality’ (Rosaldo 1989), marginalizing emotions as object of study (Beatty 2013), epistemological category, and relational ethnographic data (Davies and Spencer 2010). The paper adds to (1) trailblazing studies on feeling and display rules (von Scheve 2014), and (2) thriving debates on the socio-cultural construction and affective dimensions of academic knowledge production (Barbalet 2004; Favret-Saada 2012).The research underlying this presentation is based on an ongoing longitudinal ethnographic study (2001–2015) of the coming of age of street-related adoles-cents (now young men). Research methods include collaborative action research and actor-centered ethnography based on life story interviews and the systematic exploration of extended case studies. The study is grounded in four years of par-ticipant observation and part-time co-habitation with two street communities.


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The emergence of norms in Occupy Geneva

Frédéric MinnerUniversity of Geneva

Emotion norms have diverse forms and occur in various social situations. They prescribe the type of emotion that one ought to feel and display (e.g. sadness during funerals or happiness during a marriage) (Hochschild 2003; Mauss 1968-69). But how do emotion norms emerge and how can we explain their forms? The first answer is that they emerge according to the appraisal of concrete situations that exemplify the core relational theme of a type of emotion; the second is that the form of the norms depends on the structure (appraisal, intentionality, action tendencies, etc.) of the related emotion; the third is that they are collectively adop-ted inside the institutions of the society in which they emerge. For example, pu-nishment in criminal law may emerge from indignation (Durkheim 2007 [1893]; Ranulf 1933). Indeed, third-parties indignant at an injustice are inclined to punish those responsible for it; and, according to the institutions ( justice, tribunals) and the history of the society in scrutiny, a law against the injustice exemplified by the situation (e.g. murder or rape) may emerge from the collective indignation felt toward it.Following this line of thought, I will show in my study of the political collective Occupy Geneva how specific norms emerged from different emotions. Indeed, after two sexual aggressions and other forms of disrespect that occurred in their camp, the members of the collective initiated, during a general assembly, a debate about unjustified violence. The collective deliberation, led along the institutional principles of deliberative and participatory democracy, was principally shaped by indignation, contempt, compassion and fear. It resulted in the adoption of norms that prohibited disrespect, permitted to punish and expel aggressors, and ensured the protection of potential victims.The ethnography consisted in participatory observation and semi-structured interviews. The data are analyzed according to social interactions and content analysis. This study may lead to further research on the affective foundations of norms, – a topic relatively neglected at the moment.

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Oral session 1 - 8.7.2015

O1.1 Curvilinear relationship between the intensity of emotions and the needed response time: Three experience sampling studies

Charlotte Arndt1, Tanja Lischetzke1, Claudia Crayen2, Michael Eid2

University of Koblenz-Landau1, Free University of Berlin2

Latencies of responses are used in attitude research as an indirect measure of atti-tude strength (Bassili, 1996; Fazio, 1995) or in emotion research as an indirect mea-sure of clarity of feelings (Lischetzke et al., 2005). In the latter one, response times (RT) for emotion items are used: The longer someone needs to respond to such an item, the lower is the clarity about the current affective state. There is empirical evidence for convergent and predictive validity of this indirect measure of clarity of feelings (Lischetzke et al., 2005, 2011): Studies have shown that RT for affect items is lower when the directly measured certainty about the current affect is high (Lischetzke et al., 2005). Moreover, RT for affect items predicted mood regula-tion success (Lischetzke et al., 2011). However, it is still an open question how the intensity of the experienced affective state is related to momentary clarity (as in-dicated by RT for affect items). It can be assumed that it is easier to be clear about a very weak or a very strong emotion which results in a faster rating. In contrast, an emotion with a moderate intensity is more difficult to judge and thus, the rating is slower. Hence, we expected an inverted u-shaped relationship between momentary emotion intensity and RT for these emotion items. We conducted three experience sampling studies with different samples (N1 = 51, N2 = 138, N3 = 84), different number of measurement occasions and different response formats. In two of these studies, the response format ranged from 0 (emotion was ab-sent) to 4 (emotion was very strong). In the third study, we first asked participants to decide whether the emotion was experienced. Only when this question was answered with affirmative, the intensity was rated on a scale from 1 (very weak) to 4 (very strong). The data were analyzed by means of multilevel models with emotions, measurement occasions, and persons as three levels. Positive and nega-tive emotions were analyzed separately. We found the expected curvilinear rela-tionship between the intensity of emotions and the RT for these items for both response formats and for both, negative and positive emotions (t ranged from -2.48 to -4.86). The practical implication of this finding is to include the intensity (linear and quadratic) when using RT as a predictor. Different processes between an absent versus an experienced emotion are discussed.

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O1.1 On the innocence of measurement: The case of self-report of emotions

Omesh JoharUniversity of St. Thomas

It is generally accepted that measurements are not perfect; there is always room for greater validity. In the context of self-reports, the obvious limitation is that people do not necessarily have insights into their true experience. Social desi-rability or demand characteristics also raise concerns about the validity of (self) responses. However, such concerns suggest a restricted view of the power of measurements. A common underlying assumption is that self-reports are merely incapable of assessing the true experience that exists “out there”. Four experi-ments showed that measurements can, indeed, alter the true experience. Parti-cipants in all experiments completed an emotion-induction paradigm followed by the manipulation (presence or absence) of measurement. Finally, after some irrelevant filler tasks, all participants reported the intensity of their emotions. In all experiments, a numbing effect of measurements was observed, i.e., preceding measurements of emotions led to weaker final intensity of emotion. The num-bing effect was observed regardless of the overt induction and measurement in Experiment 1 (sadness, N=170, d=.43) and 2 (guilt, N=180, d=.54), and the covert induction and measurement in Experiment 3 (envy, N=136, d=.58). Experiment 4 showed that the numbing effect occurs in case of negative affect, but not posi-tive affect (standardized betas of -.31 and -.02, respectively). It is suspected that a simple measurement can serve to regulate negative emotion by forcing attention toward the emotion in a non-ruminative fashion.

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O1.1 Individual difference correlates of emotion recognition ability

Petri Laukka12, Tanja Bänziger34, Diana S. Cortes1, Christina Lindahl1, Klaus R. Scherer4, Hakan Fischer1

Stockholm University1, Södertörn University2, Mid Sweden University3 University of Geneva4

Background: The ability to accurately recognize others’ nonverbal emotional si-gnals is important for successful social functioning. Although studies have often noted large individual differences in emotion recognition accuracy (ERA), these differences remain poorly understood. Method: We assessed ERA in a sample of 600 Swedish participants (age range 18-36 years) using a test based on video clips from the GEMEP emotion portrayal database (T. Bänziger, D. Grandjean, & K. R. Scherer, 2009, Emotion, 9, 691-704). Test items included 12 different expressions, covering both basic and more subtle emotions and both positive and negative states, presented in 3 conditions (video only, audio only, and audio-visual). Participants were further administered a large battery of self-report tests measuring emotional competencies, personality, and socio-emotional dysfunction. Results: Results showed that participants varied in ERA, with overall recognition rates (% correct response) ranging from 19.4% to 77.8% (M = 55.8, SD = 0.10). ERAs for the visual, auditory, and audio-visual modalities were substantially correlated (r = .41 to .52). We observed small but significant gender differences in overall ERA, with women achieving higher accuracy than men (d = .23). Correlations between ERA and self-report variables were generally small. For measures of emotional competencies, high levels of overall ERA were associated with high levels of emo-tional understanding and empathy, and with low levels of expressive suppression. Overall ERA was further positively correlated with the personality factor openness, and negatively correlated with symptoms of alexithymia, autism, and psychopa-thic traits. Significance of the findings: Findings provide new data on the individual diffe-rence correlates of ERA, using a large sample of participants and an ERA test which included dynamic stimuli and a wider than usual set of emotions.

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O1.1 Development of a Self-Report Measure of Emotion Functionality

W. Gerrod ParrottGeorgetown University

To assess the functionality of emotions in everyday settings, it would be helpful to have a self-report questionnaire that could be completed by non-researchers, but several difficulties confront any attempt to develop such a questionnaire. For example, most people do not know the mental, social, behavioral, and physical ef-fects of emotions that are postulated by contemporary emotion theory. Further-more, social norms and folk theories may incline respondents to misunderstand how emotions function. This paper reports a series of four studies (N=354) used to develop a self-report questionnaire for describing the functionality of everyday emotions. The questionnaire asks participants to recall and describe a recent experience of emotion. It requests ratings of intensity, regulation, pleasantness, and overall beneficial and harmful effect, and employs several strategies to cir-cumvent difficulties inherent in such an instrument. First, in addition to asking about the overall benefit and harm of the emotional state, the questionnaire lists 28 specific effects that emotions may have; this list was derived from the litera-ture on emotional functions and was adapted for questionnaire usage by selec-ting effects that people can be aware of and by eliminating items that were selec-ted only rarely by participants. The questionnaire allows participants to indicate whether each effect occurred or not, and to rate how functional and dysfunctional each effect was in a particular emotional episode. Second, a strong tendency was observed for participants (a convenience sample of American college students) to judge pleasant emotions as functional and unpleasant emotions as dysfunctio-nal, so the questionnaire includes instructions explaining that pleasant emotions can have dysfunctional effects, that unpleasant emotions can have functional effects, and that a single emotion can have both functional and dysfunctional effects at the same time. The inclusion of this instruction after participants recall the emotion and rate its pleasantness, but before they rate its functionality, mini-mizes demand characteristics while improving the reportage of costs and bene-fits of particular emotional responses in everyday life. These findings suggest that the emotion researchers’ conception of emotions’ functionality is not prevalent among contemporary college students, but that it can be taught relatively quickly. The resulting questionnaire may be useful to other researchers.


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O1.1 Surprise! I’m not actually surprised – the ability to fake an emotion

Mircea Zloteanu, Daniel RichardsonUniversity College London

How do people fake emotions, and how convincing are they? Participants were recorded reacting to a surprising stimulus, a vampire jack-in-the-box, and faking surprise to a neutral stimulus, a countdown timer. Half the participants faked sur-prise before experiencing genuine surprise (improvise condition), and the other half afterwards (rehearse condition). These recordings were shown to other par-ticipants who tried to identify which were genuine. The improvised surprise was easier to classify as fake, compared to rehearsed surprise, which was indistin-guishable from genuine surprise. The improvised and rehearsed expressions were rated as equally intense, and both less so than the genuine surprise. These results show that the experience of surprise helps participants convincingly portray that emotion later. Further experiments will reveal what aspects of rehearsal aid per-formance, whether participants are drawing on their recent internal experience of genuine surprise, or a motor memory of their recent behaviour when genuinely surprised.

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O1.2 Fitting Feelings and Elegant Proofs

Cain ToddLancaster University

This paper explores the role of aesthetic affective states and epistemic feelings in mathematical reasoning. Drawing on the psychological hypothesis that the func-tion of epistemic feelings is to monitor certain sub-personal cognitive processes, I examine the role these play in mathematics. In particular, I argue that particular epistemic feelings – such as the feeling of knowing (Koriat 2000) – are valenced, determinate manifestations of an underlying determinable state which I will call the ‘feeling of fittingness’. This state, I will suggest, is itself an experiential mani-festation of certain sub-personal processes of representing and assessing a) ex-planatory coherence, b) simplicity, and c) salience, which together constitute what will be broadly referred to as ‘cognitive consonance’. I then argue that we should identify this state with the notion of aesthetic experience, and that by doing so we can account for the purported aesthetic judgements of mathematicians concerning the beauty and elegance of theorems and proofs, which are otherwise in certain respects problematic. Drawing on the research of Gopnik (2000) I thus argue for a naturalistic account of mathematical reasoning and for the idea that aesthetic affective experience plays a fundamental role in cognition.

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O1.2 Emotion and Appreciation in Neuroaesthetics

Joerg FingerhutBerlin School of Mind and Brain, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin

Neuroaesthetics engages in the project of identifying the networks and subsys-tems of the brain that are involved in the experience and evaluation of art. In my paper I will review some of the recent literature that purportedly sustains a version of sentimentalism in the appreciation of art. These studies establish that subjects that were asked to judge objects aesthetically show differential activa-tion in core emotional centers as well as reward-related centers (Brown et al. 2011; Cela-Conde et al. 2011).Such research has been used by Jesse Prinz (2011) as one line of evidence in favor of the claim that emotions underlie our evaluative judgments of artworks as ar-tworks. He additionally identifies “wonder” as the key emotion employed in art appreciation. Wonder is not a sui generis emotion for aesthetic features but one that has evolved to track the core relation theme of ‘the extraordinary’. Wonder also is a blended emotion and therefore not easily identifiable, which accounts for the fact that it yet has not been prominently addressed in the literature.I will compare and contrast Prinz’ account with alternative ways to assess the role of emotions in our encounters with works of art. These are (1) accounts that do not highlight one specific emotion that might be underlying all our aesthetic evalua-tions but rather identify a certain mode in which different emotions are employed in aesthetic engagements, and (2) accounts that see the evaluation of an artwork as based in the amount of aesthetic experience it is able to elicit in which emo-tions may or may not play a distinctive role. I will argue that both alternatives fail on the count that they do not directly address the psychological processes under-lying our aesthetic appreciation of art as art.


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O1.2 On Aesthetic Resonance

Angelika KrebsUniversity of Basel

When you resonate aesthetically with the world and “find the magic word,” the world resonates back and “begins to sing” (Eichendorff). Aesthetic resonance is one of the most joyful and meaningful experiences to which human beings can aspire, although it is by no means easy to achieve. Three conditions are necessary for it to occur: The presence of a certain kind of world that does not look the same everywhere, or is barren and regulated, but has an individual face that arrests our attention; a certain kind of subject that is not engrossed in his or her desires, but is free and open to encountering the “other” and sympathizing with it; and a certain kind of culture that is not reduced to use only, but has a sense of the “gymnastics of attention” and the magic word. Global consumerism threatens all three these conditions.In resonating aesthetically – for example, with the sad façade of a derelict house or the serenity of a valley – you respond emotionally to the atmosphere of the world around you. Aesthetic resonance is an emotional experience, a kind of sympathy or compassion; it is intentional and not causal like infection; and it is more than empathy that can be cold (see for example, Max Scheler, Wesen und Formen der Sympathie, 1999; Edith Stein, Zum Problem der Einfühlung, 2012 for the distinc-tions between infection, empathy, and sympathy). Aesthetic resonance involves the cognition, evaluation, and feeling typical of sympathy, but not its motivation. You do not feel the urge to help the derelict house, because you know that the house is not literally sad – believing it to be literally sad would be bad metaphy-sics; you know that the house is sad only in a metaphorical sense, as music might be sad (Roger Scruton, The Aesthetics of Music, 1997).Perfect aesthetic sympathy feels like unity, although strictly speaking it is only an instance of perfect harmony. When open to the beauty of nature, you can feel one with the eternal cycle of life and death; when encountering beautiful architecture, you feel unified with the human community across time. Feeling at home in the world is essential for the good of human life, which means that safeguarding the “face” of our earth and of our cities is a human imperative. A new urbanism is cal-led for to protect the environment in which we live from further suburbanization.

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O1.2 Musical emotions in amusia: dissociation between emotion recognition and intensity judgments

Yohana Leveque, Barbara Tillmann, Anne CaclinLyon Neursoscience Research Center - CNRS - INSERM - Lyon I University

Two survey studies have suggested that musical emotions may be reduced in congenital amusia (MacDonald & Stewart 2008, Omigie et al. 2012), a neurodeve-lopmental disorder characterized by an impairment of music processing. Howe-ver, preliminary studies failed to show differences in emotional responses or emo-tion recognition in amusic individuals compared to controls (posters of Gosselin et al. and Paquette et al. at Neuroscience & Music 2011). In acquired amusia cases, musical anhedonia is sometimes reported along with perceptual impairments. We present here three experiments investigating musical emotions in congenital and acquired amusia, using faces as control stimuli. The same task was used in all experiments: Participants were asked to indicate the emotion that was evoked by real musical recordings ( joy, sadness, fear or serenity) and faces ( joy, sadness, fear or neutral) and to rate the intensity of this emotion on a subjective scale.The first experiment involved 13 congenital amusic and 13 control participants. For the face material, both groups showed similar response patterns for both reco-gnition and intensity ratings. For the musical material, amusics and controls rated the intensity of the emotion in a similar way, but the amusic participants were significantly impaired in emotion recognition in comparison to the controls. These results suggest that amusics’ impairments in pitch and timbre processing and memory, linked to fronto-temporal anomalies, have an impact on emotion reco-gnition but not on subjective emotion quantification. Experiment 2 investigated a single case with a right temporal lesion, who showed an acquired amusia of music perception. The patient showed an opposite result pattern in the musical emotion task (intact processing for faces), notably with a preserved ability to recognize emotions, but significantly reduced intensity ra-tings, revealing a musical anhedonia. In Experiment 3, three cases of patients with Landau-Kleffner Syndrome were investigated in comparison with a matched control group. The patients’ perfor-mance revealed impairments in both perceptual and emotion recognition tasks, correlated to the syndrome severity. Interestingly, music enjoyment was preserved, even in the case with the severest amusia including emotion recognition deficits.These result patterns demonstrate that emotion recognition and emotional in-tensity evaluation can be selectively altered in congenital and acquired amusia. They more generally provide new insights on potential interactions between emo-tional, perceptual and evaluative processes during music listening in the normally functioning and the injured brain.


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O1.2 The social function of emotional expressions in mixed motive, face-to-face, dyadic negotiation

Marc Mehu1, Katja Schlegel2, Jacobien Van Peer3, Benoit Bediou4, Leonie Koban5, Vera Shuman4

Webster Vienna Private University1, Northeastern University2, Radboud University3, University of Geneva4, University of Colorado Boulder5

Bi-dimensional models of sociability postulate that social behavior is organized around two main strategies: dominance (competition) and affiliation (coopera-tion). Past research has shown that emotional expressions play a central role in implementing these two strategies in everyday interactions. For example, the per-ception of dominance and affiliation in faces is heavily influenced by the type of emotional expression displayed (Hess, Blairy, & Kleck, 2000). In social interactions, expressions of positive emotion are related to pro-social intentions and coopera-tive contexts (Brown, Palameta, & Moore, 2002; Mehu, Grammer, & Dunbar, 2007). In the present study, we investigate whether elements of emotional expressions are functional in face-to-face negotiations in which both competitive and coo-perative tendencies are relevant. We hypothesize that facial movements usually associated with anger (e.g. frown) and happiness (e.g. smiles) are displayed at different rates in competitive and cooperative contexts, respectively, and that they are associated with adaptive interpersonal consequences. Sixty-five pairs of same-sex individuals were video recorded while they were engaged in a scripted mixed motive negotiation task (Pinkley, Neale, & Bennett, 1994). Participants also completed self-report scales aimed at measuring affiliative and dominance traits. Facial behavior was coded using the Facial Action Coding System (Ekman, Friesen, & Hager, 2002). Results show that people with higher (self-reported) prosocial orientation tend to smile more in cooperative contexts and that smiling expres-sivity during the first 30 seconds of the negotiation is positively associated with joint gains in the negotiation. We also find that individuals with lower levels of testosterone, i.e. individuals who may be less dominant, tend to smile more at the beginning of the interaction. We conclude that the relationship between smiling and self-reported personality depends on the conversational context (competitive or cooperative), and that the outcome of negotiation can be, to some extent, pre-dicted by emotional expressions displayed during the interaction.

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O1.3 Classifying Emotion-Antecedent Appraisal in Brain Activity using Machine Learning Methods

Kornelia Gentsch1, Eduardo Coutinho2,1, Florian Eyben3, Bjorn Schuller4,5,1, Klaus R. Scherer1

University of Geneva1, Imperial College London2, Technische Universität München3, University of Passau4, Imperial College London5

Electroencephalographic (EEG) data offer extraordinary challenges to data ana-lysis. EEG signals are non-stationary, characterized by trial-to-trial and subject-to-subject variability, low signal-to-noise ratio, and high-dimensionality. Classical EEG analysis uses averaging methods (typically the grand average over trials, sub-jects and sessions) to eliminate variability. But this approach, although valuable, is experimentally time-consuming (e.g., a minimum number of trial repetition is necessary to reduce noise), expensive, and discards possibly relevant dynamic information in the analyzed signals. In this context, machine learning methods provide particularly useful tools due to their high potential to deal with the chal-lenges of EEG signals. In this paper, we explore the use of Support Vector Machines (SVM) to the clas-sification of averaged EEG data: Event-Related Potentials (ERPs). The data set consisted of ERPs related to the processing of Goal Conduciveness, Control, and Power Appraisal in the context of a gambling task. Our goal was to classify the ERP of each subject for each experimental condition (“8-class problem”: win/high control/high power, win/high control/low power, win/low control/high power, win/low control/low power, loss/high control/high power, loss/high control/low power, loss/low control/high power, loss/low control/low power) and to investi-gate the impact on classification performance when using ERPs from single-trials and the averaged ERPs across different numbers of trials (2, 3, 4, 5, 10, 20, and all trials). Using subject-independent cross-validation we show that all classification tests are significantly above chance level (12.5%), that the classification performance of single-trials (13.7%) is significantly worse than the classification of the average of two or more trials (ranging between 17.8% and 24.8%), and that there were no statistically significant differences between the classification performances of the ERP signals averaged across different numbers of trials. In relation to the EEG channels used, we show that using the signals from 4 channels of interest for the gambling task (Fz, FCz, Pz, and POz) we achieve a better performance than using all 64 EEG channels. Taken together these results demonstrate the usefulness of machine learning methods for the classification of ERP signals by showing pre-liminary evidence that with only two trials it is possible to classify EEG patterns with respect to emotion-antecedent appraisal checks. Furthermore, we also de-monstrate the importance of theoretically-driven channel selection for a success-ful classification.


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O1.3 Being hungry makes the arousal system less effective at highlighting emotional or high priority stimuli

Alison Montagrin1, Bruna Martins2, David Sander1, Mara Mather2

University of Geneva1, University of Southern California2

Arousal enhances processing of high priority information at the expense of lower priority information (Mather & Sutherland, 2011). Because food has been a biologi-cally relevant stimulus in primates through evolution, detecting it in the environ-ment and remembering its location is relevant for the needs of individual. Thus food stimuli tend to have high priority. Here in the current study, we examined how emotional arousal would influence processing of food stimuli. Because food stimuli have high priority, we predicted that attention to food would be enhanced under emotional arousal. In addition, we manipulated whether participants were hungry or sated. The release of noradrenaline under arousal is likely to be a key determinant of enhanced priority information. Increasing glucose levels increases circulating noradrenaline, thus the effects of emotional arousal may be more potent when sated than when hungry. To induce a perceptual situation with com-petition between high and low priority stimuli, participants did an adjusted dot-probe task consisting in the detection of a dot placed on the food or household images. We manipulated emotional arousal with the presentation of emotional or neutral sounds before the images. We predicted that attention to high priority stimuli (i.e. food images) would be enhanced by arousing sounds compared with neutral sounds. In addition, to assess the arousal response to the arousing and neutral sounds, we measured both pupil dilation and subjective arousal ratings. Pupil dilation for sated participants showed a larger response to the emotional sounds as compared to neutral sounds but did not show different responses to emotional and neutral sounds among hungry participants. Likewise, sated par-ticipants showed greater differences in their own arousal ratings of emotional versus neutral pictures than hungry participants did. These findings indicate that emotional system of hungry people is less effective at differentiating the intensity of arousal responses to emotional versus neutral stimuli. Secondly, dot probe per-formance showed that, in general, everyone responded faster to dots presented on food images than on household images. However, arousing sounds further en-hanced attention to subsequent food stimuli, especially when participants were sated. Thus, consistent with other studies manipulating priority in other ways (e.g., Sutherland and Mather, 2012; Sakaki, Fryer, & Mather, 2014) arousal enhances processing of high priority information (in this case, food stimuli). In addition, the current findings indicate that arousal is less effective at helping important or emotionally relevant information stand out from mundane information when people are hungry.

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O1.3 Appraisal patterns of five respect-related emotions in Japanese university students

Sera MutoThe University of Tokyo - Japan Society for the Promotion of Science

Respect is considered as one of the “other-praising” emotions (Haidt, 2003; Schin-dler, Zink, Windrich, & Menninghaus, 2013), but there are few empirical studies that show how this emotion is different from other related emotions such as admiration, adoration, or awe. Japanese people experience respect as an emotion frequently because of their interdependent self-construal (Kitayama, Mesquita, & Karasawa, 2006). According to [Author] (2014), in Japanese university students, there were basic five categories of respect-related emotions: (1) respect mingled with mild love (prototypical respect); (2) idolatry (worship and adoration); (3) res-pect mingled with fear (awe); (4) admiration; and (5) respect mingled with sur-prise (wonder). These five emotions may arise from different cognitive appraisal of antecedent events. Thus, this study builds on these findings to examine the appraisal patterns of prototypical respect and other related emotions in Japanese university students. In this study, 828 Japanese university students were randomly selected and re-ceived one of five questionnaires that were categorized by the above emotion conditions. Within each questionnaire, they read a set of two vignettes which were intended to elicit the one of the five corresponding emotions of that cate-gory. Based on impression of the vignettes, the students then rated the intensity of their subjective feelings of eight different emotions (five respect-related emo-tions mentioned above and three negative social emotions potentially related to respect) and 23 appraisal scale items common to every questionnaire (e.g., causal attribution and coping potential). Analysis of variance revealed that each emotion condition made participants feel corresponding respect-related emotion. Furthermore, overall, clear differences existed within the appraisals of the five emotion conditions. For example, in the prototypical respect condition, the target persons in the vignettes were strongly perceived to be a person who shows consistent excellence, close with participants and an attainable role model for them. In contrast, the target persons which elicit idolatry were strongly perceived to be given an innate ability, distant from parti-cipants, overwhelmingly superior to them, and represented unattainable ideals for them. Moreover, for admiration and wonder, the target persons were strongly perceived to be excellent because of temporal behaviors and skills, rather than because of consistent good qualities. These findings suggest that in Japanese university students, five respect-related emotions have shared and unshared appraisal patterns. The empirical finding that prototypical respect in Japanese could be discriminated from other related emotions is remarkable because previous studies sometimes considered respect and admiration as almost same emotion.


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O1.3 The neural underpinnings of habitual and goal-directed food-seeking during satiation

Henk van Steenbergen1, Poppy Watson2, Reinout Wiers2, Bernhard Hommel1, Sanne de Wit2

Leiden Institute for Brain and Cognition - Leiden1, University of Amsterdam2

Why do we often engage in food-seeking and eating behaviors at times when we are already fully sated? In the present fMRI study we investigated the hypothe-sis that food-associated cues in the environment can interfere with goal-directed action by involving striatal habit pathways that elicit food-seeking which is inde-pendent of the current desirability of the outcome. Employing a computerized task recently developed by Watson et al. (2014), participants learned to press keys for chocolate and popcorn rewards. In a subsequent test phase in the scanner we investigated whether satiation on one of these rewards would bias choice towards the other, still desirable, food reward in the presence or absence of food-associa-ted cues. Satiation was seen to reduce responding for the devalued food when no food-associated cues were present. This effect was associated with activation in the medial orbitofrontal cortex. In contrast, satiation failed to reduce cue-elicited food-seeking. In line with our hypothesis, cues that had previously been paired with chocolate and popcorn led to increased responding for the signaled food reward (Pavlovian-to-instrumental transfer, PIT), independently of satiation. These findings point to the underlying neural mechanism that may underlie the power-ful control that cues in our obesogenic environment exert over our behavior.

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O1.3 An Appraisal Theory of Emotions for Others

Joshua D. Wondra, Phoebe C. EllsworthUniversity of Michigan

Emotions for others are a problem because they defy the assumption that emo-tions are about our own personal concerns. Emotion theorists have dealt with the problem by saying little about how we feel emotions for others. Empathy theo-rists, who do study emotions for others, have dealt with the problem by proposing processes that either link emotions for others to past personal emotional expe-riences or that ignore the emotional context so that personal concerns are irrele-vant (Gallese, 2003; Hoffman, 2000; Keysers & Gazzola, 2009; Preston & de Waal, 2002). These empathy theories treat emotions for others as disconnected from the processes that are involved in normal emotional experiences. Additionally, they do a good job explaining how we could feel the same emotion for someone else, such as feeling sad for someone who is sad, but they do a poor job explaining how we could feel a different emotion for someone else, such as feeling angry for someone who is sad or embarrassed for someone who appears to be relati-vely unemotional. This is because empathy theories emphasize that emotions for others are based on what we think they are feeling. In contrast, appraisal theories of emotion emphasize that emotions are based on appraisals of situations (Ell-sworth & Scherer, 2003). We present an appraisal theory of emotions for others and argue that emotions for others are based on appraisals of their situations, just like firsthand emotions are based on appraisals of our own situations. Sub-jects read a story about a poor high school student who applied to college and was rejected from every school. The student feels sad at the end of the story. Half of the subjects learned that the student’s disadvantaged circumstances were res-ponsible for the rejections (situational control condition) and the other half of the subjects learned that, though the student did not know it, his friend intentionally sabotaged his application (other-agency condition). Consistent with an appraisal theory of emotions for others, subjects in the other-agency condition felt angrier than those in the situational control condition. The difference in anger was media-ted by appraisals that the student’s friend was to blame for the rejections. This research unites theories of empathy and theories of emotion and treats emotions for others as a part of normal emotional processes.


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O1.4 What goes around comes around: The implicit intergroup dynamics of schadenfreude expressions

Alexandra Hall, Eric VanmanUniversity of Queensland

From enjoying the loss of a rival sports team to taking pleasure in the gaffe of an opponent political party, deriving pleasure from the misfortunes of other groups is a common occurrence. These experiences often bring us a feeling of schaden-freude—pleasure derived from the suffering or misfortune of others. And some-times we even outwardly communicate this emotion to members of the other group in the form of ‘schadenfreude expressions.’ Team sporting events provide a typical example of this behavior, with players and fans alike often seen to be smi-ling and cheering at the mistakes or misfortunes of the rival team. Not all displays of schadenfreude, however, take place in the comparatively safe and lower-stakes context of a sporting event. For example, outward expressions of schadenfreude have also been reported in the recent escalation of the Gaza-Israel conflict. The potential for this emotion and behavior to fuel intergroup conflict makes it parti-cularly important to understand.Current research investigating intergroup schadenfreude has predominately fo-cused on examining the conditions likely to elicit the emotion. Very little research has directly considered the outward expressions of schadenfreude that occur in intergroup contexts (but see Leach & Spears, 2002; Leach, Spears, & Manstead, 2014, for an examination of the gloating emotion). Thus, the current research aims to examine these outward expressions, and more specifically, examine the effects these expressions have on the target group. That is, how does one respond when one’s group becomes the target of intergroup schadenfreude? To assess this question, we developed a novel paradigm, in which participants viewed misfortunes suffered by ingroup and outgroup members. Additionally, some participants’ ingroup became the target of intergroup schadenfreude—out-group members were consistently seen to be enjoying the misfortunes of the par-ticipants’ fellow ingroup members. Facial electromyography (EMG) was used to examine whether becoming the target of schadenfreude influenced participants’ affective reactions to ingroup and outgroup misfortunes. We found that partici-pants whose group became the target of intergroup schadenfreude demonstra-ted an implicit retaliatory response, whereby they selectively smiled at the mis-fortunes of outgroup members. As control condition participants did not display this retaliatory response, simple mimicry effects or emotion contagion could not explain the findings. Rather, it was the specific occurrence of outgroup members smiling at one’s ingroup that resulted in the greater display of smiling in response to outgroup members’ misfortunes. We utilize a functional framework of inter-group schadenfreude to discuss these findings.

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O1.4 Others’ outcomes and moral norms in third-party anger

Helen LandmannHumboldt-Universität zu Berlin

Researchers disagree on whether anger is elicited by negative outcomes (e.g. Bat-son et al., 2007; Dollard et al., 1939), moral violation (e.g. Averill, 1983; Montada, 2003) or a combination of both (e.g. Scherer, 1999). We tested these different ap-proaches for situations in which moral violations (of bankers or pharmaceutical researchers) do not affect the own person but others (an unfamiliar couple or a certain group of patients). In two studies, we manipulated the degree of moral violation and the degree of others’ outcome independently. Although the parti-cipants cared about the others’ outcome (they reported more compassion when the negative outcome was severe than when it was mild), anger depended on the degree of moral violation only. This supports the central role of moral violation for third-party anger.Anger that is elicited by moral violation, so called moral outrage or indignation, is argued to be a noble feeling that is neither connected to aggression nor retri-bution (Batson et al., 2007). In three studies, we manipulated the degree of moral violation independent from the outcome, before the participants were asked to make hypothetical economic decisions. Moral violation affected altruistic punish-ment of the perpetrator but not cooperation with the victims. This effect was mediated by appraisals or self-reported anger. In situations in which one is not affected personally, the decision for punishment is driven by the appraised or felt moral violation.


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O1.4 Shame and genocide: placing “survivor shame” in a broader emotional context

Alba Montes Sanchez, Dan ZahaviUniversity of Copenhagen

Shame, the so-called “survivor shame,” is one of the central emotions associated with the plight of genocide survivors and victims of abuse. This, to a large extent, is baffling: it seems that nobody ought to reproach themselves for having been victims of abuse. Yet we argue that even if survivor shame is morally unjustified, it is not irrational: it is intelligible and it connects a world of moral value. We argue that in order to understand what the shame of trauma victims means, we need to distinguish different varieties of shame, how they arise and how they are ex-perienced. We also need to distinguish the emotional responses elicited by the abuses as they happen, from the subsequent phenomenon of survivor shame. Analysing carefully the possible range of immediate shame-related responses can help clarify some puzzles about survivor shame. In this sense, we argue that the difference between being shamed and being ashamed is crucial. The relation between both phenomena is not entirely straightforward: being shamed can eli-cit a wide range of emotional responses, and shame is not always one of them. Indeed, in the debates shame often gets confused with the feeling of humiliation. While shame and humiliation share some similarities, there are important dif-ferences between them. Both involve a negative assessment of ourselves, but in humiliation, as opposed to shame, this assessment is perceived as external and undeserved. We discuss whether, and to what extent, the shamed has to reco-gnize and respect the evaluation of the shamer in order for the shame experience to occur. We argue that the self-evaluation in shame is complex, and the shamer’s evaluation is one of its elements, but not the only one. In the light of this, we offer some thoughts on the contrast established by some theorists between survivor shame and survivor guilt, and argue that even if survivor shame might be morally unjustified, it is not irrational and it points to a world of moral value.

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O1.4 Moralised Eating Behaviour and Moral Cleansing

Thea Schei, Simone SchnallUniversity of Cambridge

People tend to adapt their behavior to reach a moral equilibrium (Inbar, Pizarro, Gi-lovich & Ariely, 2012; Nelissen & Zeelenberg, 2009; Sachdeva, Illiev & Medin, 2009; Zhong, Liljenquist & Cain, 2009). For example, after an ‘immoral’ act, they attempt to compensate for their transgression by engaging in a ‘moral’ act in order to re-establish their moral self-image. This compensation – named moral cleansing – of-ten consists of increased helping (e.g., de Hooge, Zeelenberg & Breugelman, 2007) or self-punishing behaviours (e.g., Bastian, Jetten & Fasoli, 2011). Eating behaviour is often cast in a moral light (Steim & Nemeroff, 1995): Overeating frequently leads to increased guilt and shame (Burney & Irvin, 2000), and people view themselves as ‘good’ if they maintain their diet, but ‘bad’ if they indulge themselves. We propose that when eating behaviour is moralised, overeating should have behavioural consequences similar to other perceived ‘immoral’ behaviour. In two separate studies, we tested whether overeating results in ‘moral cleansing’. In Stu-dy 1, we tested whether recall of an overeating episode can motivate painful self-punishment. After completing either an overeating or neutral recall, 49 female participants engaged in the cold-pressor task, which is commonly used to test pain tolerance, and involves submersing one’s arm in ice water. They also reported positive and negative affect. We found that in comparison to recalling a neutral memory, recalling an overea-ting memory made participants feel guiltier, d = .70, and they also engaged in the painful task for longer, d = .64. This suggests that overeating has taken on an immoral connotation, therefore leading to self-punishment. To explore whether overeating recall would also lead to other-directed compensations, we conducted a follow-up study where participants were given a chance to spontaneously en-gage in prosocial behavior. In Study 2, 60 female participants completed either an overeating or neutral recall, and were given the chance to help the experimenter by completing a tedious mathematics questionnaire. After recalling an overeating memory participants helped for significantly longer than those recalling a neutral memory, d = .90.These results indicate that food consumption, in particular overeating, can take on a moral meaning, and that ‘moral cleansing’ governs compensatory behaviors after overeating in the same way as other perceived transgressions (Zhong, et al., 2009). These findings contribute to the current literature by showing that overea-ting not only gives rise to negative emotions, but in fact also can have behavioural consequences, leading to both self-punishment and prosociality.


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O1.4 Moral integrity and emotional vigilance

Lotte van Dillen, Gabry VanderveenLeiden University

Disgust at the crime sceneForensic investigators and other professionals in the criminal justice system often deal with evidence that can arouse strong negative emotions. So called gruesome evidence may influence the assessment of the seriousness of a crime, and accor-dingly, decisions regarding prosecution and punishment. Especially since tech-nological and legal developments now allow for a more detailed and powerful visualization of evidence, the question to what extent emotional reactions to this evidence may play a role in legal decision-making becomes of high importance. In the current research, over 250 respondents judged a criminal case that contai-ned a description and photos of a crime scene that varied systematically in grue-someness. Respondents were law students, students of the police academy, and professionals working as forensic and tactical investigators. All respondents rated their experienced disgust in response to the material, and made assessments of the seriousness of the crime as well as punitive judgments. In addition, individual differences in disgust sensitivity and attentional control were measured. Results showed that, compared to both student groups, professionals experienced less intense disgust in response to the gruesome evidence, and scored higher on at-tentional control. Despite these main effects of professional experience, all groups however showed a positive relation between individual differences in disgust sen-sitivity, experienced disgust, and assessments of seriousness of the crime and the degree of punishment. The findings thus suggest that there exist important indi-vidual differences in the extent to which people are influenced by their (disgust) emotions in response to gruesome evidence that are relatively independent of professional experience or factual knowledge about the crime scene. Both theore-tical and practical implications of this study will be discussed.

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O1.5 Automatic recognition of human stress during stress-inducing interactions

Laurence Devillers, Mariette SouryLIMSI-CNRS

This paper focuses on the automatic recognition of human stress during stress-inducing interactions (public speaking, job interview and serious games), using audio and visual cues. In order to build automatic stress recognition models, we used audio cues computed from subjects’ voice captured via a lapel microphone, and visual cues computed either from subjects’ facial expressions captured via a webcam, or subjects’ posture captured via a Kinect. Part of this work is dedi-cated to the study of information fusion from these various modalities. Stress expression and coping are influenced both by interpersonal differences (persona-lity traits, past experiences, cultural background) and contextual differences (type of stressor, situation’s stakes). We evaluated stress in various populations in data corpora collected during this work: social phobics in anxiety-inducing situations in interaction with a machine and with humans; apathologic subjects in a mock job interview; and apathologic subjects interaction with a computer and with the humanoid robot Nao. Inter-individual and inter-corpora comparisons highlight the variability of stress expression. A possible application of this work could be the elaboration of therapeutic software to learn stress coping strategies, particularly for social phobics. Mariette Soury and Laurence Devillers. Stress detection from audio on multiple window analysis size in a public speaking task. In International Conference on Af-fective Computing and Intelligent Interaction (ACII 2013), pages 529–533, Geneva, Switzerland, 02/09 au 05/09 2013. IEEE Computer Society Mariette Soury and Laurence Devillers. Collecte de données pour la détection du stress dans les interactions sociales. In Workshop Affects, Compagnons Artificiels et Interactions (WACAI 2012), 2012.


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O1.5 The positivity offset and the negativity bias of emotions in online communities

David Garcia1, Adiya Abisheva1, Arvid Kappas2, Frank Schweitzer1

ETH Zurich1, Jacobs University Bremen2

The interplay between subjective emotional experience and social emotional ex-pression has the potential to create aggregated patterns that shape human com-munication. One of them is a general tendency towards positive expression, also known as the Polyanna hypothesis. When formulated as a positive token valence bias, empirical studies provide conflicting results that reject the hypothesis in some cases [1] and support it in others [2, 3]. Furthermore, the theory of a linear re-lation between word valence and frequency poses a very simplified view in which communication is not more than verbal grooming [4], opposed to the empirical findings of the relevance of negative emotions in evaluative processes [5], in the maintenance of social links [6] and in the transmission of information [3]. We contribute to the empirical analysis of word valence-frequency relationships with a multilingual approach based on large datasets of textualexpression. First, we validated the existence of a positive bias in token frequen-cies for 12 languages through diverse valence lexica and verbal expression cor-pora, finding strong support for the Pollyanna hypothesis as a positivity offset resulting from increasing frequencies of positive valence words. Second, to test the relevance of a negativity bias, we integrated more than 250 Billion publicly available messages from 8 online communities, and processed the data from large-scale corpora of books and web pages. We found a consistent nonlinear pat-tern between word valence and frequency in which an increasing trend for posi-tive valence coexists with a second mode in which very negative words are more frequent than mildly negative ones. Our workillustrates how large-scale collective emotional phenomena can be analyzed through observational data, reaching human behavior on the tail of unlikely and strongly emotional events that are difficult to elicit in experimental studies or discover through survey methods.

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O1.5 To tweet or not to tweet: The question of emotion and excitement about sporting events

Jon Gratch1, Gale Lucas1, Nikolaos Malandrakis1, Evan Szablowski2, Eli Fessler3

University of Southern California1, University of Oxford2, Pomona College3

Sporting events can serve as laboratories to explore emotion and computational tools provide new ways to examine emotional processes “in the wild”. Moreo-ver, emotional processes are assumed -but untested- in sports economics. For example, according to the well-studied uncertainty of outcome hypothesis (UOH), “close” games are more exciting and therefore better attended. If one team were certain to win, it would take away a major source of excitement, reducing positive affect, and therefore decreasing attendance. The role of emotion here is assumed but has not been tested; furthermore, the measures used (ticket sales, attendance, TV-viewership) do not allow for such a test because they are devoid of emotional content. To address this problem, we use tweets per minute (specifically, tweets posted during 2014 World Cup with official game hashtags). Sentiment analysis of these tweets can give interesting insights into what emotional processes are involved. Another benefit of tweets is that they are dynamic, and novel results from dynamic analyses (of TV-viewership) suggest that the UOH effect can ac-tually reverse as games unfold (people switch channels away from close games). We therefore also reconsider the UOH, specifically, extending it by both examining sentiment and dynamic changes during the game. To consider such changes, we focus on games that could have been close (high in uncertainty), but ended up being lower in uncertainty. We operationalize such unexpected certainty of out-come as the extent to which games are predicted to be “close” (based on betting odds), but ended up with a bigger difference between the teams’ scores than was expected. Statistical analyses revealed that, contrary to the UOH, games with a bigger difference in score between teams than expected had higher tweets per minute. We also performed sentiment analysis, categorizing each tweet as posi-tive, negative or neutral, and found that games with higher tweets per minute also have a higher percentage of negative tweets. Furthermore, games that have a bigger difference than expected have a higher percentage of negative tweets (compared to games closer to what is expected). This analysis seems to suggest that, contrary to assumptions in sports economics, excitement relates to expres-sions of negative emotion (and not positive emotion). The results are discussed in terms of innovations in methodology and understanding the role of emotion for “tuning in” to real world events. Further research could explore the specific mechanisms that link negative sentiment to excitement, such as worry or out-group derogation.


157


O1.5 The role of context in the understanding of emotions

Ursula HessHumboldt-Universität zu Berlin

There exist two extreme views on the understanding of emotion expressions. The neocultural theory proposed by Ekman and colleagues points to the universality and prototypicality of emotion expressions. The basic logic of computer sensing is based on this idea which allows the establishment of a ground truth of emotional meaning and which limits the source of information to the specific communica-tion channel of interest. By contrast psychological constructionist models point to the role of language and cultural context as ingredients in constructing the mea-ning of expressions. According to these views no ground truth can be established, because the perception outcome is not independent of the perceiver. In my talk I will consider the influence of social context on emotion communication with view to understanding the process from both a universal and a culture specific perspective. In this I will distinguish the role of culture specific perceptual pro-cesses as well as cultural display rules and show both universal and specific pro-cesses linked to the understanding of emotions and the inferences drawn from this understanding and consider what this means for emotions in machines.

158

O1.5 Emotional experience in real and virtual social interactions: An event sampling study

Konstantinos Kafetsios1, Despoina Chatzakou2, Athena Vakali2

University of Crete - Psychology Department1 Aristotle University - Thesaloniki2

Research programs in different countries have consistently found that in natu-rally occuring face to face social interactions people experience positive emotions in much higher intensity and frequency in comparison to negative emotions. The present study aimed to compare the experience of positive and negative emotions between face to face, and virtual social interactions. Two hundred and twenty nine participants reported on 7-point likert type scales, how intensely they experienced 8 negative (anger, anxiety, disgust, fear, nervous, rejected, sad, shame) and 5 positive (calm, enthusiasm, happiness, interest, surprise) emotions in every meaningful social interaction they had face to face, online (chat, facebook), and over the telephone for a period of ten days. Results from multilevel analyses found that positive -and some negative, anxiety-related- emotions were experienced significantly more intensely in face to face social interactions than in social inte-ractions on the web. Factor analyses also found a differing structuring of positive and negative emotions between face to face and virtual social interactions with negative emotions holding more variance in the affective experience in virtual as opposed to face to face social interactions. The presentation will discuss the significance of the social context for the affective experience in real and virtual social interactions.


159


O1.6 Emotional access in autism

Sarah ArnaudUniversite du Québec à Montréal (UQÀM) and Paris-Sorbonne

My goal in this presentation is to argue that people with autism access their emo-tions using «cognitive» rather than «phenomenal» access. I analyze the nature of this emotional particularity and assess its impact on the pathology.The “emotional deficit” is one of the main cognitive deficits characterizing Au-tism spectrum disorders (ASD), a diagnostic criterion manifesting itself through “reduced sharing of interests, emotions, or affect” (DSM-V). Studies in psychology have shown the existence of a deficit in emotional “identification and description” of one’s “own emotions” (Hill, Berthoz, & Frith 2004) in autism, or in emotional awareness (Silani et al. 2008).I suggest that these studies indicate problems of «emotional access». This notion designates the process through which the subject relates to her emotional states. I show why this notion of «access» is preferable to that of «consciousness» when it comes to emotional processes. I then use Block’s (2011) terminology to distin-guish between «phenomenal access» and «cognitive access». The first refers to the phenomenology, accompanied by a subjective feeling. It is an automatic and intuitive process, which consists of a “subjective occurrence of qualitative content” (Rosenthal 2002). In contrast, «Cognitive access» is a kind of objective understan-ding, that Rosenthal calls “higher order thought”. It is comparable to a third per-son access that enables cognitive processing about emotions.I explain how people with autism are characterized by problems of phenomenal access to their emotional experience, while conserving a cognitive access to it. I then analyze the roles and functions of these two forms of access in our emotio-nal lives.

160

O1.6 Reconceptualizing Major Depression as a form of infectious disease

Turhan CanliStony Brook University

In this talk, I argue for a reconceptualization of major depressive disorder (major depression) as an infectious disease. I suggest that major depression may result from a parasitic, bacterial, or viral infection and present examples that illustrate possible pathways by which these microorganisms could contribute to the etio-logy of major depression. I also argue that the reconceptualization of the human body as an ecosystem for these microorganisms and the human genome as a host for non-human exogenous sequences may greatly amplify theopportunity to discover genetic links to the illness. Deliberately speculative, this talk is intended to stimulatenovel research approaches and expand the circle of researchers taking aim at this vexing illness.(Note to the organizing committee: This talk is based on a recent article I pu-blished in the journal Biology of Mood and Anxiety disorders, link to the paper here: http://www.biolmoodanxietydisord.com/content/4/1/10)


161


O1.6 Depression and emotion

Agnes Celle1, Thomas Desmidt2, Laure Lansari1

Universite Paris Diderot1, CHRU Tours - UMRS INSERM U9302

The aim of this paper is to establish a correlation between depression and em-otion, on the basis of tests carried out jointly by psychiatrists and linguists on depressive patients. Correlations between linguistic data and physiological and psychometric measures will also be investigated.75 subjects (female aged 18 to 55) were divided into 3 equal groups - those suffe-ring from ongoing depression, remitted depressives and a control group. Baseline data include 1) psychometric scales (depression and anxiety severity, retardation assessment, personality inventory and anhedonic scales to assess reactivity to pleasure, dis-pleasure and anticipation to pleasure) and 2) physiological measures (heart rate variability, ultrasound brain pulsatility, res-ting fMRI and brain perfusion assessed by ASL-MRI). These tests are in accordance with the integrative model of emotional emergence put forward by Craig 2009 and Desmidt, Lemoine, Belzung and Depraz 2014.Linguistic data were collected through the analysis of evaluative interviews per-formed by a trained psychiatrist. The spontaneous verbal reactions of subjects presented with 6 emotion-eliciting pictures were also recorded, as the protocol includes an emotion-eliciting experiment with the continuous recording of heart and respiratory rates, electrodermal conductance and ultrasound brain pulsatility. One of the objectives of the larger project this study is part of is to correlate lin-guistic data with physiological data at baseline and during an emotion-eliciting situation. Our hypothesis was that patients from the control group as well as remitted de-pressives would be linguistically more reactive than the patients with ongoing depression. They were thus expected to respond verbally when presented with emotion-eliciting pictures. And yet, whatever the subgroup of patients conside-red, it appeared that however surprising those pictures were, they did not yield any appreciable amount of verbal reactions. However, our initial hypothesis was borne out by the analysis of baseline data. Depressed patients fail to both identify and express what they feel - I don’t know, a bit are their most frequent replies when asked about their emotions.Drawing upon these results, we will first establish a correlation between the phy-siological startle that occurs along with surprise and the verbal blank or disfluency associated with it. We will then establish a second correlation between the high level of depression and the patients’ low degree of awareness of and commitment to their own emotions.

162

O1.6 Emotional Switching in Borderline Personality Disorder: A Daily Life Study

Marlies Houben1, Kristof Vansteelandt2, Laurence Claes1,3,4 Ann Berens3,4, Ellen Sleuwaegen3,4, Peter Kuppens1

KU Leuven1, University Psychiatric Center KU Leuven - Campus Kortenberg2, Psy-chiatrisch Ziekenhuis Duffel - Duffel3, Collaborative Antwerp Psychiatric Research

Institute - University of Antwerp4

In an attempt to better understand emotional instability that is characteristic of persons with a borderline personality disorder (BPD), we examined the notion of emotional switching in BPD in daily life, defined as changes between positive and negative mood states from one time point to the next. The notion that switching might be particularly characteristic of BPD resonates with the concept of dicho-tomous thinking that involves the tendency to evaluate or observe the world, people, and feelings in terms of extreme, dichotomous categories which are mu-tually exclusive, rather than evaluating in a more gradual manner. As far as we know, one study has investigated the occurrence of dichotomous affective expe-riences in daily life of persons with BPD. Coifman, Berenson, Rafaeli and Downey (2012) showed that BPD patients are characterized by heightened polarity of their affective experiences in daily life, compared to healthy controls. We extend this line of research by investigating whether polarized affective experiences can change from one point to the next in daily life, resulting in abrupt changes between positive and negative mood states over time, i.e. emotional switching. We focused on two aspects of emotional switching. First, we investigated the probability that a switch between a positive and a negative state occurs, inde-pendent of the magnitude of the emotional change, reflecting switching propen-sity. Second, we investigated the magnitude of emotional change in case a person switched between a positive and a negative state, so-called switch distance. We conducted an experience sampling study in which 30 BPD patients and 28 heal-thy controls carried handheld palmtops in their everyday lives and recorded their emotional states using a bipolar valence scale 10 times a day for 8 consecutive days. Results showed that while BPD patients did not differ from healthy controls regarding their propensity to make switches between positive and negative mood states, they did display emotional changes larger in magnitude if they made such switches compared to healthy controls. In contrast, changes from one time point to the next within the negative or positive realm do not seem to be particularly larger for BPD patients. These results extend previous findings, that characterized emotional instability in BPD patients mainly in terms of larger overall fluctuations in positive mood or in negative mood separately. Moreover, the findings provide insight into possible processes underlying emotion dysregulation in BPD, and can inform treatment of emotional instability in BPD.


165

Plasticity of the Social Brain: Effects of one-year long Mental Training on Brain Structure and Function, Social Cognition,

Well-being, Stress, and Prosocial Behavior

Professor Tania SingerMax Planck Institute, Leipzig Germany

In the last decades, plasticity research has suggested that training of mental capacities such as attention, mindfulness and compassion is effective and leads to changes in brain functions associated with increases in positive affect, pro-so-cial behavior, and better health. I will introduce the ReSource Project, a large-scale multi-methodological one-year secular mental training program. Participants were trained in three separate modules allowing us to distinguish effects based on a) attention and interoceptive body awareness training (Presence), b) care, compassion and emotion-regulation training (Affect), and c) Theory of Mind and meta-cognitive awareness training (Perspective). We assessed data from more than 300 training and control subjects, with over 90 measures including subjec-tive measures, questionnaires, event-sampling data, a variety of behavioral, brain, physiological and biological data. I will present first evidence of training-module specific changes in markers of both, functional and structural brain plasticity, stress reduction, subjective well-being, mind-wandering, and different psycholo-gical as well as economic measures assessing social cognitive capacities and pro-social behavior. These findings will be discussed in relation to their meaning for models of social cognition, plasticity research in general, and their importance to initiate societal change.


167


Symposium S3.1The Psychology of Facial Expressions: Evidence from Western,

Eastern, and Indigenous Societies

ConvenersJames Russell, Carlos Crivelli

Boston College, Autonoma University of Madrid

Outside the scientific community, the view that faces are read-outs of emotions has been established as a folk theory in Western societies. Thus, for much of the general public, it is beyond question that a smile conveys happiness, a pout sad-ness, a scowl anger, a gasp fear, and a nose scrunch disgust. Scientific theories supporting the causal link between emotions and facial expressions have relied on theory-driven approaches, testing prototypical facial expressions of “emotion” through recognition studies in Western, Eastern, and indigenous societies (Mat-sumoto et al., 2008).The assumption that emotions are produced and recognized pan-culturally (i.e., Universality Thesis, UT) hinges upon unbalanced evidence. This imbalance is pro-duced between:1. The amount and quality of the data gathered in Western, Eastern, and indige-nous societies.2. The different methods used in the recognition paradigm.3. The theory-driven and data-driven approaches to scientific inquiry.In this multidisciplinary symposium, the authors will highlight the weaknesses of the UT by providing evidence from Western, Eastern, and indigenous societies after restoring the equilibrium to the above imbalances. The first speaker will re-port how evidence supporting the UT in Western societies has been affected by method artifacts, showing a series of studies in which children and adults “reco-gnized” a nonsense word from a nonsense and novel face. The second speaker will address problems of validity in sparse studies conducted in indigenous socie-ties and, to overcome these problems, a general methodological framework and guidelines for conducting studies in indigenous societies will be presented. The third speaker will report a series of studies conducted in indigenous societies (the Trobrianders of Papua New Guinea, and the Wamwani of Mozambique), challen-ging the assumption that facial expressions are read-outs of emotions. The fourth speaker will demonstrate how data-driven (i.e., objective) approaches can be used to model facial expressions emotions in different cultures. The fifth speaker, a UT tenant with research experience in indigenous societies, will act as a discussant.

168


Method artifacts in research on the recognition of emotion from facial expression

Nicole Nelson1, Marissa DiGirolamo2, James Russell2

University of Queensland1, Boston College2

Is recognition of emotion from facial expression easy, automatic, and universal? Method artifacts in published evidence mean we simply don’t know the answer. One series of studies used Izard’s method with children: children chose the predic-ted face from an array when asked to find the person who feels a certain emotion; they then freely labeled the face with the predicted emotion term. In our study, this method showed that children recognized pax (a nonsense word) from a novel (nonsense) face. Another series of studies used a common method with adults: Six experiments (total N = 918) showed that, with the commonly used method in this field, high agreement can be artificially achieved for different faces and different emotions: the same nonsense facial expression was labeled as disgusted (76%), annoyed (85%), playful (89%), and mischievous (96%). Three different nonsense facial expressions were labeled nonplussed (82%, 93%, and 82%). A prototypical sad expression was labeled disgusted (55%), a prototypical fear expression labeled surprised (55%). A nonsense facial expression was labeled with a nonsense word (tolen) (53%).

169


Conducting studies in indigenous societies: A mixed methods research approach

Carlos Crivelli, Sergio JarilloAutonoma University of Madrid, American Museum of Natural History (NY)

This paper calls for a methodological shift in the study of facial expressions in remote and indigenous societies with two immediate outcomes: (a) multidisci-plinary research groups contribute to build a robust descriptive base, diminishing ethnocentrism and enhancing the quality of the data; and (b) studies devised for Western societies cannot be readily adapted to the changing settings encoun-tered in the field. We propose the model ETC (Explore, Test, and Control), a model that relies on the use of mixed methods research as a way to integrate two re-search traditions of inquiry: qualitative and quantitative methods. On the explo-ratory phase, the researcher builds a descriptive base through participant obser-vation, getting acquainted with the vernacular, and building rapport with the host community. In the testing phase—dependent on the exploratory phase—the re-searcher decides whether to follow a sequential exploratory design or to conduct more complex mixed methods research designs (e.g., intervention design, mul-tistage design). The control phase allows the researcher to make cross-cultural comparisons, taking the indigenous society as the “normative” and the Western society as its control.

170


Universality in the perception of facial expressions: Which is the right empirical referent?

José Miguel Fernández-DolsUniversidad Autónoma de Madrid

A straightforward way to delimit the universality of facial expressions consists in finding out how people perceive expressions in isolated, remote cultures. This talk summarizes a series of studies carried out in Papua New Guinea (Trobriand Is-lands), and Africa (Quirimbas Archipielago) in which participants were requested to match facial expressions to (a) basic emotion labels (104), (b) normative (by Western standards) emotional stories (103). Our first finding was that, despite previous tests showing Trobrianders and Wamwani being capable of categorizing instances of natural categories, the task of categorizing expressions in terms of emotions or emotional situations was far from obvious to many participants in both societies. A second finding was that the pattern of matching facial expres-sions to emotions or normative situations was, both in Papua New Guinea and in Africa, significantly different to the pattern observed in European (Spanish) control groups who were assigned to the same tasks. Trobrianders’ and Wamwani’s mat-ching scores were low, particularly for negative basic emotions such as anger and disgust. All in all, these findings suggest an alternative empirical referent for the study of the universality of facial expressions.

171


Using Data-Driven Methods to Identify Diagnostic Social Signals Transmitted by the Face

Rachael JackUniversity of Glasgow

One of the most powerful tools in social communication is the face, from which observers can quickly and easily extract rich information for various social judg-ments – e.g., identity, gender/sex, age, race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, physical health, attractiveness, emotional state, personality traits, states of pain or physical pleasure, deception and even social status. Yet, since the face comprises a high dimensional information space, identifying precisely which information subtends the perception of social categories remains challenging. Understanding this rela-tionship – i.e., between information transmitted in the external environment (i.e., objectively measureable physical stimuli, e.g., face color, morphology dynamics) and its interpretation by an observer (i.e., subjective perception, e.g., social cate-gorizations) – is a central goal of psychophysics. Here, we will demonstrate a key selection of data-driven methods – each based on the psychophysical method of reverse correlation – which aims to isolate, in the high dimensional information space of the face, the precise information that elicits the perception of a given social category. We will show how such methods can be applied to understand emotion face signalling within and across cultures.

172


Symposium S3.2It’s Not (Just) Contagion: Different Approaches to Emotional Spread

in Interpersonal, Group and Cultural Contexts

ConvenersBatja Mesquita


The more time people spend together, the more similar their emotions become; this is true in dyads, groups and cultures alike (e.g., Anderson, Keltner, & John, 2003; De Leersnyder, Mesquita, & Kim, 2011; George, 1990). Less is known about the pro-cesses leading to emotional similarity, but there are different hypotheses about them. One hypothesis is that of emotional contagion which holds that emotions, much like diseases, spread whenever individuals come into contact (e.g., Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, 1994). Another hypothesis is that emotions spread when (and to the extent that) they are of shared relevance to the members of dyads, groups, or cultures. This means that emotions spread from one person to the next to the extent that they provide useful information about the shared situation. This account has been coined (among others) as the social appraisal account, and it implies boundary conditions to emotional spread (e.g., Elfenbein, 2014; Hess & Fischer, 2013; Parkinson, 2011). In the current symposium, we present different theoretical perspectives to emo-tional spread between people as well as research that together supports the social appraisal account of emotional spread. First, Hillary Anger Elfenbein will discuss an overarching framework on emotional spread, called “Affective Process Theory”, that combines different approaches to emotional spread. The “Affective Process Theory” identifies ten mechanisms for emotional spread that fall into three types, namely convergent linkage, divergent linkage, and complementary linkage. Se-cond, Danielle Shore will also present different approaches to emotional spread, focusing on contagion, empathy and social appraisal. She will discuss computer-mediated interpersonal game interactions as a methodology to disentangle the different processes leading up to emotional spread and present a range of studies demonstrating these processes. Third, Agneta Fischer will discuss recent research that was guided by the idea that emotional mimicry mainly takes place in affilia-tive contexts (Hess & Fischer, 2013). Although it was expected that disgust would be mimicked in an affiliative as compared to a non-affiliative context, mimicry of disgust was not observed, nor in the affiliative context, nor in the non-affilia-tive context. These findings will be discussed in light of the different perspectives presented in the symposium. Fourth, Ellen Delvaux will present two longitudinal studies that compare the spread of self-relevant emotions (i.c., self-pride) versus group-relevant emotions (i.c., group-pride and gratitude) in groups. Group-rele-vant emotions were found to spread among group members, whereas self-rele-vant emotions did not spread. Moreover, group-relevant emotions, but not self-relevant emotions, predicted central group outcomes. Fifth, Alba Jasini will discuss research on emotional spread in an acculturation context. Her research shows that emotional acculturation takes place in minority youth and depends on their engagement in the host culture. More specifically, minority youth’s emotional similarity to the host culture –i.e., the concordance of the emotional pattern of a minority member with the average emotional pattern of the host culture mem-bers– was predicted by cultural exposure. Moreover, this association was stronger in situations where there was more opportunity for cultural learning.Together, this symposium encourages new ways of studying emotional spread by focusing on the conditions under which emotional spread takes place in dyads, groups and cultures.

173


The Many Faces of Emotional Contagion: An Affective Process Theory of Affective Linkage

Hillary Anger ElfenbeinWashington University in St. Louis

Emotional contagion—which consists of emotions being linked across people—has captured psychologists’ attention, and yet little is known about its mecha-nisms. An early treatment of the question that has been highly influential fo-cused on primitive mimicry (Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, 1994). Later accounts emphasized (a) social comparison, whereby people compare their feelings with compatriots’, (b) emotional interpretation, where others’ expressive displays serve as information, and (c) empathy, or imagining another person’s feelings. This pres-entation introduces a new framework called affective process theory (APT), which unifies these mechanisms and identifies others. Using a rule-governed theore-tical process, APT reveals ten distinct mechanisms that connect people’s affec-tive states. Relevant to the debate about emotion spread as contagion vs. social appraisal, analysis using APT demonstrates that the direct interpersonal spread of emotion from one individual to the next is only one of many mechanisms for em-otion spread. Indeed, several mechanisms involve no interpersonal contact, and actors may not even know that the other party exists. The mechanisms associated with social appraisal are more prominent and likely to be more common in daily life. The 10 mechanisms identified by APT fall into three types. Convergent linkage occurs when individuals share the same vantage point and interpretations of em-otionally evocative stimuli. Divergent linkage occurs with a shared vantage point but different interpretations. Complementary linkage occurs when the other per-son is itself the stimulus. APT integrates past findings on moderating factors such as social closeness and cooperation. These moderating factors share the common feature of suggesting whether the source and recipient of emotional linkage are experiencing emotionally evocative stimuli from the same vs. different vantage point.

174


Commonalities and Distinctions between Emotion Transfer Processes

Danielle Shore, Brian ParkinsonUniversity of Oxford

Social psychologists have considered a variety of explanations for interpersonal effects of emotions including those relating to contagion, empathy, and social ap-praisal. However, evidence concerning the distinctness and separability of these processes is limited. This paper outlines a more integrated conceptual approach to these phenomena based on the concept of relation alignment and proposes more systematic distinctions between the possible mechanisms for emotion transfer based on this perspective. The guiding principle of this relation alignment ap-proach is that emotions embody a person’s evaluative orientation to an object and that other people respond in many possible ways to their orientation. Processes of emotion transfer may then be distinguished on the basis of their explicitness (e.g., inferential vs. automatic processes, regulated vs. unregulated processes), temporal characteristics (e.g., sequential vs. concurrent on-line processes), and the speci-ficity of their effects (ranging from co-ordinated object or person appraisals to more general effects on evaluation or activation). Within this framework, so-cal-led contagious effects involve automatic processes targeting general evaluation and activation, so called empathic effects involve a range of processes affecting person- or relation-directed appraisals, and social appraisal effects involve implicit and explicit processes affecting object appraisals. Our paper will focus on metho-dologies for distinguishing between the different processes underlying emotion transfer based on our previous and current research. In particular, we present data based on studies using interpersonal games where one player’s emotions are sys-tematically manipulated to produce effects on the other player’s behavior, and from less constrained interactions in which people converse with one another face-to-face in real time in order to illustrate the range of possible transfer effects. Further, we consider methods for confirming and disconfirming the operation of different underlying processes based on the distinctions presented above. In par-ticular, we discuss the use of computer-mediated interpersonal game interactions that reconcile enhanced control and ecological validity to advance understanding of interdependent emotional processes.

175


Emotional Mimicry as a Function of Social Context

Agneta FischerUniversity of Amsterdam

Previous research has provided evidence for emotional mimicry, that is, the facial imitation of emotional displays. However, most of this research has been conduc-ted in isolated lab settings, where participants watched static photos displaying emotions. Emotional mimicry, like behavioral mimicry, however, should be exami-ned in a dyadic setting where one can expect a response from another person. In a recent review of the literature on facial mimicry, Hess and Fischer (2013) have argued that emotional mimicry requires shared understanding of an emotional event, and thus if one of the functions of emotional mimicry is affiliation, then in-dividuals should not mimic emotion displays that can be interpreted as hostile, for example anger or socio-moral disgust. We hypothesized that individuals do not mimic antagonistic emotions, unless the emotion display is not directed at them personally. I will present two studies in which one individual expresses disgust / anger in different affiliative contexts. In one study, we examined the mimicry of disgust in an affiliative and non-affiliative context, while the disgust was directed at an object (smell). In a second study, we examined socio moral disgust directed at a third person or at the observer. We found no mimicry of disgust and relate these findings to the different theoretical perspectives discussed in this sympo-sium.

176


Emotions Are Not Always Contagious: The Longitudinal Spread of Self-Pride, Group-Pride and

Gratitude in Groups, and Their Link

Ellen Delvaux1, Loes Meeussen1, Hans Van Dijk2, Batja Mesquita1

University of Leuven1, Tilburg University2

Group research has suggested that the emotions of group members converge over time. However, most research on emotions in groups is cross-sectional, infer-ring convergence from a greater-than-random similarity in the emotions of group members. Moreover, it is not clear whether just being exposed to other group members’ emotions is enough to assimilate over time (i.e., a social contagion ac-count), or whether group members’ emotions only converge when the emotions of the other group members convey relevant information (i.e., a social appraisal account)? We propose that convergence only occurs when emotions are relevant and important to the group (Hypothesis 1). Moreover, we propose that when emo-tions spread, they meaningfully predict group outcomes (Hypothesis 2). To test the first hypothesis, we compared group members’ feelings of pride about themselves and about their group, and their feelings of gratitude in two longitudinal studies. The first study followed 68 task groups (N=295) across four moments. Multilevel cross-lagged path analyses showed that, across time, group members mutually influenced each other’s pride and gratitude about their group, but not their pride about themselves. The second study followed 27 task groups (N=189) across three moments in time. Longitudinal social network analyses showed that group mem-bers adjusted their pride about the group and their gratitude, but not their pride about themselves, to those members they see as more influential to the group. To test the second hypothesis, we predicted group performance and group cohesion from the mean intensity of group members’ self-pride, group-pride and gratitude. We found that group-pride and gratitude, but not self-pride predicted group per-formance and group cohesion. In sum, these findings show that group members converge only in those emotions that are relevant and important to the group, which may point to a process of shared appraisals rather than social contagion. Moreover, those emotions in turn predicted group outcomes, suggesting that par-ticularly those emotions that become spread in groups inform group processes.

177

Cultural Exposure and Emotional Acculturation in Minority Youth

Alba Jasini, Jozefien De Leersnyder, Batja MesquitaUniversity of Leuven

The more immigrant minorities engage in their host culture, the more their em-otional experiences converge to those of majority members – a phenomenon we have coined Emotional Acculturation (De Leersnyder, Mesquita, & Kim, 2011). Although previous research has suggested that minorities’ emotional fit to the majority culture is linked to cultural exposure, the process may be different for different types of situations. In the current research, we investigated emotio-nal acculturation in a large sample of immigrant youth in 37 randomly selected Belgian high schools. First, we examined whether the previous findings on the association between the cultural exposure and emotional fit would replicate in a diverse school context. Second, we investigated the types of situations for which emotions are most likely to acculturate. We expected more learning in disenga-ging (autonomy-promoting) than engaging (relatedness-promoting) situations since most of the immigrant youth originate from interdependent cultures where disengaging situations are less frequent (cf. Kitayama, Mesquita, & Karasawa, 2006). Our study included 1258 Belgian majority youth, 190 minority youth from neighbo-ring countries, and 980 minority youth from non-neighboring countries. We mea-sured the emotional fit to the Belgian culture by correlating every participant’s emotional pattern with the average majority culture pattern in comparable situa-tions. In line with our predictions, we found an association between minorities’ emo-tional fit and their cultural exposure. Thus, compared to Belgian majority youth and neighboring minorities, distant minorities had the lowest emotional fit. The gap in emotional fit between Belgian majority youth and distant minority youth decreased for every generation minority members’ families had spent in Belgium. Although distant minorities’ self-reported direct contact with majority members was not associated with their emotional fit, their use of the heritage culture lan-guage was: the more they spoke their heritage language at school, the lower their emotional fit. Finally, we found that the association between minorities’ cultu-ral exposure and their emotional fit was more pronounced in disengaging than engaging types of situations.Our findings show that emotional patterns spread across cultural groups and that this is a situated process. Although we did not explicitly measured the me-chanisms underlying this cultural emotional spread, we argue that the social appraisal explanation is more likely than the explanation in terms of emotional contagion: The spread was more pronounced in the disengaging types of situa-tions that i) are less likely to involve others with similar emotions, and ii) are most informative for the cultural minorities under study.


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Symposium S3.3Inter-individual differences in emotion regulation abilities

ConvenersPascal Hot

Université Savoie Mont Blanc, Chambéry

It is now widely accepted that the ability to regulate our emotions is fundamental to reacting in an appropriate way to an emotional event, and impaired emotion regulation processing could be one of the main factors in affect disturbances (de-pression, anxiety, or pathological stress). A large part of emotion regulation stu-dies has examined cognitive and neural substrates of ‘classical’ regulation strate-gies (situation selection or modification, attention deployment, cognitive change, and response modulation). Recent studies complete these researches by exami-ning differences in effectiveness of regulation strategies in function of individual differences. This symposium brings together an international group of researchers who take a variety of methodological approaches from genetic analysis to cohort study to demonstrate that combining clinical, psychological and lifespan perspectives dee-pens our understanding of emotion regulation functioning. First, Moïra Mikolajczak reports data from large cohorts of Belgian adults demons-trating how differences in emotional competencies are one of the main factors of physical health. Its works clarify the weight of emotional competencies compared to other factors and, inside emotional competencies, the most relevant dimen-sions. Second, the team of Andrei Miu reports how gene and environment interact to modulate the efficiency of reappraisal strategy. In an original approach combi-ning the screening of several genes, and behavioral and brain measures of emo-tional responses, they show that differences in brain-derived neurotrophic gene moderate regulation strategy. The third presentation, by Sandrine Vieillard and coworkers, report a set of behavioral studies examining changes in emotion regu-lation strategies in older adults. Their results provide original data to discuss the contribution and limits of main theoretical frame of emotion regulation in aging. In fourth presentation, Marion Trousselard and coworkers report recent evidence from experimental, clinical and therapeutic approaches in favor of the relevance of mindfulness techniques to improve emotion regulation.


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A nationally representative study of emotional competencies and health

Moïra MikolajczakUniversité catholique de Louvain

Emotional Competence (EC, also called emotional intelligence, EI) refers to indivi-dual differences in the identification, understanding, expression, regulation and use of one’s emotions and those of others. EC has been found to be an important predictor of individuals’ adaptation to their environment: Higher EC is associated with greater happiness, better mental health, more satisfying social and marital relationships and greater occupational success. Whereas a considerable amount of research has documented the significance of EC, one domain has been crucially underinvestigated: the relationship between EC and physical health. We exami-ned the relationship between EC and objective health indicators in two studies (N1 = 1310; N2 = 9616) conducted in collaboration withthe largest Mutual Benefit Society in Belgium. These studies allowed us (1) to compare the predictive power of EC with other well-known predictors of health such as age, sex, Body Mass In-dex, education level, health behaviors (diet, physical activity, smoking and drinking habits), positive and negative affect and social support; (2) to clarify the relative weight of the various EC dimensions in predicting health; and (3) to determine to what extent EC moderates the effect of already known predictors on health. Results show that EC is a significant predictor of health that has incremental pre-dictive power over and above other predictors. Findings also show that high EC significantly attenuates (and sometimes compensates for) the impact of other risk factors. Therefore, we argue that EC deserves greater interest and attention from health professionals and governments.


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Gene-environment interactions in reappraisal ability: A behavioral and fNIRS study

Andrei Miu1, Mihai Carnuta1, Romana Vulturar2, Adina Chia2, Aurora Szentagotai-Tatar1, Monica Baciu3

Babes-Bolyai University - Romania1, Iuliu Hatieganu University of Medicine and Pharmacy - Romania2, Université Pierre Mendès-France, France3

Background. Based on the observation that the efficiency of emotion regulation strategies such as reappraisal (i.e., reframing an event to decrease its emotional impact) is not directly related to their habitual use, recent studies argued that the former may be conceptualized as emotion regulation ability and assessed using experimental rather than self-report measures (e.g., Troy, Wilhelm, Shallcross, & Mauss, 2010).Aims: This study aimed to investigate gene-environment interactions in reapprai-sal ability and its potential neural mechanisms.Methods: N = 204 healthy volunteers were screened for child abuse (Bifulco, Ber-nazzani, Moran, & Jacobs, 2005) and genotyped for functional polymorphisms in the serotonin transporter gene (5-HTTLPR/rs25531), the brain-derived neurotro-phic gene (BDNF Val66Met), and the catechol-O-methyltransferase gene (COMT Val158Met). Participants underwent a computerized task that involved the pres-entation of neutral and emotional images, the latter of which were actively reap-praised or freely watched. Reappraisal ability was indexed by the magnitude of emotional responses to negative images during reappraisal relative to passive viewing trials. To measure cerebral activity in the prefrontal region during the reappraisal ability task, we used 16-channel functional near-infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS). Results: Behavioral results confirmed that the use of reappraisal significantly de-creased emotional responses to negative images. Moderation analyses indicated a significant interaction between the BDNF Val66Met genotype and child abuse on reappraisal ability. Indeed, increased exposure to child abuse was associated with decreased reappraisal ability only in BDNF Met carriers. fNIRS results showed that oxygenated hemoglobin levels measured within the prefrontal cortex were lower during reappraisal compared to passive viewing of negative images. Our results did not reveal significant effects of child abuse or any of the genotypes on the prefrontal activity, as reflected by fNIRS measures. Conclusion: The present results indicate that the BDNF Val66Met genotype is a significant moderator of the impact of child abuse on reappraisal ability.

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Emotion Regulation and Aging

Sandrine Vieillard, Alejandra Rodriguez, Jonathan HarmUniversity of Franche-Comté, France

In the last 15 years, American studies on aging and emotion have shown that ad-vancing age is associated with significant changes in emotion processing. These age-related changes are characterized by a preference for positive events [1], an avoidance to process negative stimuli [2] and an increase of emotional well-being [3]. The main explanatory framework, Socioemotional Selectivity Theory [4], posits that as time horizons grow shorter, people shift motivational priorities to focus further on experiencing more positive and less negative emotions with the aim of maintaining their emotional equilibrium. An important assumption of the SST model is that older adults’ preference for positive stimuli is a resource-deman-ding process that would serve emotion regulatory goals [5]. However, findings are inconsistent [6, 7]. In this research program, we conducted three experiments ex-tending findings from previous works [6, 8, 9] with the aim to test whether com-pared to their younger counterparts, older adults a) used their visual preference for positive facial expressions as a tool for emotion regulatory goals b) were better to regulate their expression of emotion in response to scary auditory stimuli c) tended to use less costly visual attention redeployment or more costly reappraisal strategies to reduce negative emotion elicited by unfair pictures. Our main results indicated that in comparison with younger adults, older adults a) showed a pre-ference for positive information that was not associated with emotion regulatory skills, b) had preserved abilities to inhibit the expression of negative emotion but showed subjective and physiological counterparty characterized by high levels of negative feeling and increased physiological activity, and c) preferred to use visual attention redeployment rather than more cognitively costly strategies such as reappraisal to down-regulate negative feeling. Taken together, these findings challenge the explanatory framework of SST and raise a broader question of whe-ther the inconsistency between our data and those coming from American stu-dies might be accounted for by cultural factors, calling for further examination on the cross-cultural generalizability of age-related changes in emotion processing. This research has been supported by a grant from the French National Research Agency (ANR EMCO 00301).


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Mindfulness and emotion regulation: existing knowledge

Marion Trousselard1, Dominique Steiler2, Frederic Canini1

Ecole du Val de Grâce, France1, Grenoble Ecole de Management2

Mindfulness is a state of consciousness involving nonjudgmental attention to present-moment experience [1]. This natural resource of the mind has been consistently associated with lower rates of depression and anxiety and greater well-being. The “general tendency to be mindful in daily life” present in all indivi-duals to varying degrees can be improved by meditation interventions. Emotion regulation which includes the ability to monitor, understand and accept emo-tions, and to engage in goal directed behavior when emotionally activated [2] may be one pathway through which Mindfulness promotes mental health. First, there is increasing evidence amassed mostly from non-clinical community samples that to be mindful is associated with less use of maladaptive emotion regulation strategies. In line, neurobiological findings showed that to be mind-ful is associated with both amygdala deactivation, suggesting a down-regulation of negative emotion and a decreased mind-wandering. However, the number of possible interrelations and interactions between mindfulness and emotion regu-lation skills are still not clear. Second, in clinical populations, mindfulness might operate through both distinct and common mechanisms implying positive reappraisal, nonjudgmental stance toward experience, low rumination, or even low worry depending on anxious or depressive context. Furthermore, among anxious subjects, a low mindfulness functioning might operate differently for a common emotional suffering. Worry, for instance, might be attributed on one hand to individuals with difficulty atten-ding to their present moment experience of their emotions, and then impulsive emotional responses, which may, in turn, increase worry cycles, and on the others hand, to individuals with poor understanding of their emotions, and then more critical and rigid emotional responses without acceptance, which may, in turn, attend to prompt increased anxiety and worry. Third, in its therapeutic forms, Mindfulness interventions promote increased tole-rance of negative affect and then improved well-being. Limiting cognitive elabo-ration in favor of momentary awareness appears to reduce automatic negative self-evaluation, increase tolerance for negative affect.Whether Mindfulness interventions have been applied to a constellation of pro-blems in the field of mental health in an effort to reduce psychological distress and emotional suffering, at this time, many aspects of the relationship between mindfulness and emotion regulation skills still need to be evaluated to better de-fine how interventions may help emotion regulation and improve emotion dysre-gulation.


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Symposium S3.4Dynamic Systems Approaches to Emotion

ConvenersBen Meuleman, William CunninghamUniversity of Geneva, University of Toronto

This symposium presents recent developments on the application of the dynamic sys-tems perspective to emotion (Lewis & Granic, 2002). According to this perspective, em-otional episodes emerge from the time-dynamic interaction between five bodily and mental subcomponents: appraisal, motivation, physiology, expression, and feeling. Col-lectively, the changes in these subcomponents are thought to represents states in an attractor landscape, with attractor basins corresponding to qualitatively distinct states (e.g., a fear episode) where the subcomponents become relatively synchronized. In this view, the degree of synchronization of the subcomponents thus serves as a criterion for demarcating emotional episodes (Lewis, 2005; Scherer, 2009a). The dynamic systems view offers a framework to bridge competing theories of emotion and potentially solve fundamental questions such as the nature of emotion episodes (e.g., categorical versus dimensional), emotion causation (e.g., unidirectional versus multidirectional), emotion unfolding, and emotion termination. We present recent theoretical and empirical work on several of these assumptions, as approached through the domains of psychology, neu-roscience, philosophy, and statistics.From psychology, a theoretical account for dynamic emotion processes is presented, the component process model (CPM; Scherer, 2009a; 2009b), which proposes that the va-riable degree of coupling or synchronization of different organismic subsystems under-lies emotion episodes. Crucially, the degree of synchronization is expected to be driven by the cognitive appraisal of pertinence for the individual, eliciting, sustaining, and finally terminating the emotion over time. Recent evidence for this hypothesis is reviewed from studies that recorded brain activity (measured via EEG/ERP), autonomic physiology (HR, SC, temperature), and expressive activity (AU coding, EMG, vocalization).From neuroscience, a theoretical account for dynamic emotion processes is presented, the iterative processing model (IPM; Cunningham et al., 2013), which suggests that emo-tions, at least in part, arise from the processing of dynamical unfolding representations of valence across time. Critical to this model is the hypothesis that affective trajecto-ries—over time—provide important information that helps build emotional states. Data from experience sampling of daily experience and functional neuroimaging will be used to provide additional support for this hypothesis.From philosophy, the concept of emergence is reviewed within important emotion theo-ries that have utilized the dynamic systems perspective (e.g., Barrett, 2006, 2009, 2011; Coan, 2010; Cunningham, 2013; Scherer, 2009a, 2009b). Two distinct usages of “emer-gence” are identified within this literature, epistemological and ontological, and their relative utility for future scientific research are discussed. In particular, clarifying whether ‘emergence’ is both ontological and epistemological (rather than merely epistemologi-cal) will have implications for how dynamic systems models of emotion processes can be further developed.From statistics, a concrete simulation of emotion processes with a dynamic statistical model is presented, using data from an experimental study. Test subjects played an emo-tion-eliciting videogame while measures of physiological, motor, and motivational res-ponding were recorded on a second-by-second basis. The statistical model was used to integrate these recordings and to test hypotheses that (a) relations between emotion components are characterized by both feedforward and feedback processes (Scherer, 2009a), and (b) that emotion components are more synchronized following personally relevant events (Lewis, 2005; Scherer, 2009a).


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First Evidence for the Synchronization of Dynamic Component Processes

Klaus SchererUniversity of Geneva

Emotions are extraordinarily flexible, dynamic response preparation mechanisms allowing the organism to adapt optimally to ongoing events that are of major significance for the well-being of that organism. What are the design features of the system architecture that underlie this remarkably efficient mechanism? It can be argued that the key feature is the variable degree of coupling or synchroniza-tion of different organismic subsystems during the emotion episode, as driven by the cognitive appraisal of the pertinence of events for the individual and its ability to cope with consequences. This process is recursive (with sequential, cumulative effects) and occurs at several levels of automaticity, effort, and consciousness. The continuous elaboration of the appraisal, reflecting changing events and eva-luations, continuously affects the efferent response patterns in different subsys-tems such as the endocrine, autonomous, somatic and central nervous systems, producing the response patterning in emotion components such as changes in motivation, physiological state, and motor expression. These continuously varying response configurations, synchronized across components, provide the organism’s best estimate of an optimal action readiness. The integrated interoception of these fluctuating component processes provides the basis for conscious subjec-tive feeling. Recent theorizing and research has shown that the temporal unfol-ding of the emotion process and the dynamic aspects of subjective experience, largely neglected in past work, are essential to our understanding of the under-lying mechanisms. This presentation reviews recent work pertinent to the issue of the dynamic unfolding of emotion and the synchronization of components, in particular the sequential-cumulative correlates of results from different appraisal checks with brain activity (measured via EEG/ERP), autonomic physiology (HR, SC, temperature), facial activity (AU coding, EMG), and vocalization (acoustic measu-rement) as well as studies on EEG/EMG coherence and facial/vocal event coordi-nation.

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Emotional States from Affective Dynamics

William CunninghamUniversity of Toronto

Many current models propose that emotions arise from the combinations of mul-tiple processes, many of which are not emotion specific. These models attempt to describe both the homogeneity of instances of an emotional “kind” (why are fears similar?) and the heterogeneity of instances (why are different fears quite different?). In this presentation, I will review the iterative reprocessing model of affect, and suggest that emotions, at least in part, arise from the processing of dynamical unfolding representations of valence across time. Critical to this model is the hypothesis that affective trajectories—over time—provide important infor-mation that helps build emotional states. Data from experience sampling of daily experience and functional neuroimaging will be used to provide additional sup-port for this hypothesis.


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Emotions as Emergent Products: Review of Recent Proposals and Future Directions

Elena WalshUniversity of Sydney

Over the past twenty years it has become increasingly common to characterise emotional episodes as emergent products of dynamic systems. The dynamic sys-tem which produces emotions is conceptualised as a series of domain-general (non-modular) psychological processes which interact via nonlinear causation as an emotional episode develops over time. The first part of this article reviews some recent conceptual proposals (Barrett, 2006, 2009, 2011; Coan, 2010; Cun-ningham, 2013; Scherer, 2009a, 2009b) in which emotions are conceptualised as emergent products of dynamic systems. Two main characterisations of ‘emergent products’ are identified; the first can be called ‘epistemological’ and the second ‘ontological’. The first characterises emergent products as chaotic patterns of emotion activation and regulation, produced via nonlinear causation between system components. The second characterisation builds on the first, by describing the subjective experience of emotion (feeling) as an additional emergent product of nonlinear causation amongst components (in addition, that is, to the chaotic patterning produced through the system’s operation). The second part of the ar-ticle discusses the significance of this recent paradigm shift and describes some promising future directions for research, along with some potential pitfalls. In particular, clarifying whether ‘emergence’ is both ontological and epistemological (rather than merely epistemological) will have implications for how we develop dynamic systems models of emotion processes.

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Dynamic Systems Simulation of Emotion

Ben Meuleman1, Klaus Scherer1, Agnes Moors2, Olivier Renaud1

University of Geneva1, University of Leuven2

Emotions are complex processes that involve changes in cognitive appraisal, moti-vational tendencies, autonomic physiology, motor expression, and subjective fee-ling (Frijda, 2008). Moreover, these changes are expected to be characterized by (a) recurrent causality (Scherer, 2009) and (b) synchronization (Lewis, 2005) between these five components. Testing these two hypotheses requires the time-varying measurement and modelling of emotion, which has remained an important open challenge. In this talk we present dynamic systems modelling of emotion using data from a video game experiment. Participants played a game in which goal-blocking events were manipulated on appraisal criteria of fairness (fair or unfair) and control (high or low). Emotional responding to these 4 types of events was measured by recording physiological responses (skin conductance, skin tempe-rature, heart rate), motor responses (facial electromyogram), and motivational intensity (key press rate), on a millisecond-by-millisecond basis. The obtained data were inputted into a custom statistical model called Emergent Liquid State Af-fect (ELSA). ELSA operationalizes Scherer’s (2001) theoretical Component Process Model (CPM) using spatio-temporal artificial neural networks and sparse regres-sion models. This architecture enables the integration of time-series data of all emotion components, and allows dynamic feedback, delay effects, and nonlinear processes. Results of modelling showed evidence of significant feedback from physiological responses on motor responses and motivation responses, and from motor responses on motivation responses. These findings supported the hypothe-sis of recurrent causality. Results of modelling also showed evidence of increased synchronization between emotion components during the game’s goal-blocking events, as compared to non-blocking events, and that synchronization correlated with conscious feelings of emotion. These findings supported the hypothesis of emotional synchronization.


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Symposium S3.5 History of emotions and emotions in history: How this emerging

field can feed the psychology of emotions?

ConvenersRose Spijkerman, Olivier Luminet

Ghent University, Universite Catholique de Louvain-la-Neuve

This symposium will offer a panorama of the burgeoning research in history in which emotions are considered as a key explanatory factor. The study of emotions in history is a relatively new and emer-ging field of historical research. Especially the last decade, this field of research increasingly developed and expanded. Different methodological approaches have been suggested, which are included in the studies presented at this symposium. Annales historian Lucien Febvre already called for the study of emotions in 1941, with the argument that ‘the history of ideas and the history of institutions (…) are subjects that the historian can neither understand nor make understood without the primordial interest that I call the psychological.’ (Febre, 1941). However, it was not until the 1980s that the next call was made by Peter and Carol Stearns. Their focus was the historical analysis of norms and rules within a society towards emotions and appro-priate expressions, which was introduced as emotionology (Stearns and Stearns, 1985). A methodological tool that has been added more recently is William Reddy’s concept of emotives and emotional regimes. Emotives describe the process in which emotions are controlled and shaped both by society and individuals, aiming to express feelings. Emotives are both descriptive and performa-tive, simultaneously reχecting the experience of a non-verbal emotion like gestures, as well as actively constructing, shaping, and performing it through language. Emotional regimes, often a foundation of political regimes, prescribe the dominant norms of emotional life and the official rituals, practices and emotives to express emotions. (Reddy, 2001). At the same time, Barbara Rosenwein created the term emotional communities, which she defines as ‘Groups in which people adhere to the same norms of emotional expression and value – or devalue – the same related emotions.’ (Rosenwein, 2006). Through the study of emotional communities, under-lying systems of feeling can be uncovered: the researcher can analyse what these communities define and appraise as valuable or harmful to them, the nature of the affective bonds between social groups and what kind of emotional expression is encouraged, tolerated and inhibited. The latest approach is Monique Scheers emotional practice. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s practice theory, Scheer argues that practices not only generate emotions, but that emotions themselves can be viewed as practices. To study emotions in this way means understanding them as emerging from bodi-ly manifestations – the actual expression of emotions – that are conditioned by a social context, which always has cultural and historical specificity. Alongside the actual descriptions of feelings, a practice theory based research considers the acts and settings in which such practices take place (Scheer, 2012).The symposium will cover emotions in institutions that were and are still very important in society – religion, education, army and justice – across different periods of time. This will provide a large view of how emotions were expressed and valued in these institutions in the 19th and 20thcentury. One goal of the discussion will be to show how these studies help understanding emotions in the historical context of institutions, and the possible developments and changes with regard to the psychological function of emotions in institutions today. Another goal of the symposium will be to show how the notions developed in the history of emotions can enrich other approaches of emotion research. In particular, the talks address different tensions that are highly relevant for today’s psychology of emotion. A first one is between feeling an emotion and the ways to express it (e.g., publicly or in a hidden form) depending of the awareness of current norms. A second one is related to the way a system can change emotion norms and emotion practices as a counterweight to repressive norms advocated by an institution. A third one concerns the natural repression of emotions and the use of them for strategic purposes (instrumentalisation of emotion). A fourth one examines the subjective feelings reported together with bodily expression, which can reach some extreme intensity. These tensions will be discussed in the last part of the symposium.

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Do deviants feel honour? Applying new methods from the history of emotions to the history of criminal justice

Timon de GrootMax Planck Institute for Human Development

In the field of criminal justice, emotions are often treated as mitigating circums-tances for an offence. For instance, legal experts or jurors often use the notion of ‘reasonable emotions’ in determining whether the emotional motives of a crime are justified and are a potential ground for excusing an offence. However, the fact that emotions are treated as potentially mitigating circumstances implies that the ‘ordinary offender’ – the one without reasonable emotions – is often construc-ted as ‘emotion-less’ by the experts.This paper focusses on late nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, where similarly many legal scholars implicitly presupposed that the ‘ordinary’ of-fenders lacked certain emotions. This was caused by the way in which the concept of ‘honourable sentiments’ was used to function as a mitigating circumstance in criminal trials during this period. The use of this concept as a mitigating circums-tance implied in turn that the normal deviant, the one sentenced without regard to any mitigating circumstances, was often defined by experts as being devoid of these sentiments.Although most classic historical narratives about criminal justice give preference to a model of repression or disciplining of the emotions (Elias, 2000; Foucault, 1979), this paper argues that deviants who were faced with prejudices about their lack of emotions used different strategies to express emotions, moulding their emotional language to their specific situation. These actors were, therefore, rather instrumentalising their emotions than repressing them. Due to the construction of the deviant by the authorities as devoid of honourable feelings, convicts were forced to find the middle ground between coping with the shame of punishment and showing their honourable sentiments to the relevant authorities. They were therefore forced to invent strategies to express their fee-lings and to convince the authorities of their honourable character. This paper analyses these strategies by looking at convicted persons’ search for rehabilitation in public life after a sentence. It will be argued that in their search for rehabilita-tion, the formerly convicted had to deploy honourable sentiments which, drawing on Scheer’s innovative approach to the history of emotions (Scheer, 2012), are best described by the notion of ‘emotional practices’.


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Masculinity, Honor and Shame in the SS - Leadership Views and Regiments of Punishment

Franziska Anna KarpinskiLoughborough University, UK

Rooted in Holocaust perpetrator research, therein exploring perpetrator peer dynamics within the SS and based on a close reading of archival material such SS directives, SS court documents, and internal correspondence amongst the SS leadership, I illuminate how the concepts of collective and individual honor and masculinity were defined, negotiated, and practiced within the SS, as well as how these concepts fuelled violent peer interaction.This discussion will be embedded into the socio-political conditions of the Third Reich: The Nazis envisioned the re-structuring of German society among the lines of a “racially homogenous” Volksgemeinschaft led by an authoritarian leader. Rooted in an ideology foregrounding extreme nationalism, militarization, genoci-dal racism, territorial expansion, violence, and collectivism, the Volksgemeinschaft concept led to a practice of radical inclusion and exclusion dependent on “racial desirability” (Bajohr/ Wildt 2009; Steber/ Gotto 2010). The Volksgemeinschaft concept was socially powerful as its appropriation happened through various definitional approaches available to Volksgemeinschaft members and the ample opportunity to fulfil personal ambitions and goals (Geyer 1996; Koonz 2003; Wildt 2007; Föllmer 2010, 2013).These dynamics led to a considerable radicalization of key concepts like honor and masculinity in terms of their valence, urgency, and definition. Nazism made pos-sessing honor dependent on “German blood”, and linked it to character traits such as loyalty, camaraderie, obedience, fulfilment of duty (Frevert 1997, 2009, 2011; Bre-zina 1987; Mommsen 1997). The SS nourished a soldierly and self-sacrificing form of masculinity, persecuting more civilian patterns of it (Kühne 2006, 2010; Werner 2008; Mühlhäuser 2010; Connell 2013). Moreover, honor and masculinity became state-sanctioned entities, interwoven with Nazism’s fabric, its judicial, social, and political institutions, as well as daily interactions.Within this framework, specific “SS-worthy”, i.e. honorable, behavior and uncon-ditional loyalty to the cause of Nazism was especially demanded within the SS, which conceived of itself as an elite order of political soldiers in the service of Nazism (Wegner 2005; Zeck 2002). Particularly, I examine what was considered “SS-worthy”? What virtues and ideals did the SS leadership prescribe for SS mem-bers? How were masculinity and honor appropriated by the SS and weaved into mandatory SS directives? Why, how, and with what consequences did this appro-priation happen? What implementation mechanisms were to translate masculi-nity and honor into entities informing SS peer interaction? Mechanisms of imple-mentation towards the dishonorable were punitive and shaming in nature and included SS court-ordered dismissal, expulsion, incarceration, disciplinary mea-sures, and social ostracism. I will also highlight how shame and shaming within the framework of the SS functioned as a tool of social control and punishment.An analysis of honor, masculinity, and emotional dynamics within the SS can help understand its processes of radicalization and both its immensely violent and self-destructive nature. Hence, this study provides an empirical and conceptual contri-bution to the extant historiography about what drives Nazi perpetrators.

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Emotional ‘counterpractices’ in the discipline section of the state re-education institution for female juvenile delinquents

Laura NysGhent University

In the context of the doctrine of ‘social defence’ and the Belgian Child Protection Act of 1912, the Établissement d’Éducation de l’État pour filles difficiles et indisci-plinées, a discipline section of the state welfare institutions for female juvenile delinquents, was founded in Bruges in 1927. The archives of the institution offer a wide range of autobiographical sources, including so-called billet clandestins –letters secretly exchanged among the inmates. Studying the billets clandestins reveals the prominence of deep and passionate emotions in the discourse of the detainees. Massin (2011) stated that the institution can be considered as a ‘total institution’, controlling every aspect of daily life and imposing a rigid behavioural regime on the detained girls. I’ll argue that the frequent expression of strong em-otions is a consequence of the rigid regulation of the detainees’ behaviour inside the discipline section.Building on Scott’s infrapolitics (Scott, 1990) and Reddy’s emotional regime (Reddy, 2001), I argue that the correspondence community of the detained girls is to be in-terpreted as an emotional refuge, formulating other emotion norms and carrying out other emotional practices as a counterweight to the repressive emotional regime advocated by the institution. In a context where absolute self-control was required of the girls, seemingly uncontrolled discursive and bodily practices (e.g. enduring collectively shouting, auto-mutilation) gain new meanings when inter-preted from the perspective of emotional history. Scheer’s concept of emotional practices (Scheer, 2012) proves fruitful to include the discursive as well as the bo-dily aspects.Comparing the discourse of the girls in the billets clandestins with the discourse in letters written to the authorities or family members, reveals clear differences in coping with emotion, suggesting that most of the girls were well aware of the ex-pected norms in the public and hidden transcript and were capable of consciously discerning between the two, thereby opening the question of interpreting some of the emotional practices as a form of resistance.


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Expressions of honour: decorations in the Belgian Army during the First World War

Rose SpijkermanGhent University

At the beginning of the twentieth century, honour played an important social and cultural role in European society. It was considered a deeply emotional matter that related to people’s personal integrity and their aspirations to social recogni-tion and reputation (Frevert. 2011). The First World War created a context in which honour was particularly present. The conditions on the battlefield and the expe-riences during the four years of war proved to be a fertile soil for the emotional and behavioural function of honour. Notions of honour where felt and expressed within the different ranks of the military, from the army command to the com-mon soldier. With regard to the army command, these notions could be useful. Honour could make combatants fight, enforce discipline and good behaviour and maintain morale. The aim of this paper is to approach the ways in which notions of honour functio-ned on different levels of feeling, expression and practice in the setting of the army during the First World War. A way to encourage and reward honourable behaviour was through the assigning of military decorations, and in order to examine these notions of honour I will present examples from sources concerning decorations from the Belgian army. The army command regularly published a list with comba-tants that had acted bravely and therefore received a mark of honour. The list was accompanied by an account of the act and a character sketch of the decorated soldier. The bestowing of decorations was a reciprocal ritual: the emotional and behavioural norms of the army command and the courageous act of the soldier could influence each other. In addition, it could transform the representations and behaviour of fellow soldiers towards the soldier being decorated, as well as the representation of himself and the behaviour he felt obliged to adopt to conform to that representation (Bourdieu, 1991). The requirements and conditions in which decorations were given, the kinds of acts and emotional terminology that was used to characterize the combatant and his heroic deed, as well as the emotional reactions of soldiers upon receiving a decoration are interesting parameters of the notions of honourable behaviour. This paper serves as an example of how to analyse an emotion within a historical context, since the First World War both challenged the boundaries and functions of emotions as honour.


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Impressed by the events: the role of emotions in the evaluation of modern mystical events

Tine Van OsselaerUniversity of Antwerp

In the 1930s a series of Marian apparitions swept over Belgium. Reported at circa forty sites by more than hundred seers, the series was exceptional in its extent and diversity. The public and serial apparitions of the Virgin triggered responses from ecclesiastic and medical authorities, but also from numerous laymen who commented critically and enthusiastically about the phenomena. These lay re-ports provide us with exceptional insights about laymen’s criteria for evaluating apparitions, and emotions seem to have played a major role in their appraisal. This paper will address these emotional norms and ideas formulated in laymen’s writings.Both, the emotions of the visionaries and of the bystanders during the events seem to have been of importance. The faithful reported, for instance, how they felt compelled to kneel down at certain sites, whilst they experienced no such feeling at others. Their comments thus not only inform us about the emotions they see-med fit to report, but also about the corporeal language, the emotional practices and sensational forms they adopted. At the same time, their texts allow us to study the mediation of religion from an emotional perspective. The public cha-racter of the apparitions created very specific expectations about the emotions of the visionaries. Ideally, their religious feelings changed their faces during the apparitions and generated a supernatural beauty. Still, the acceptability of visible emotions also had its limits. Even though these men and women were supposed to show what they felt during their encounter with Mary and act as mediators, theatricality and grand gestures were to be avoided.Studying the emotional aspect of the reports on Marian apparitions will thus allow us to trace the emotional language linked to modern mystical experiences and the bodily comportment laymen deemed fit for religious feelings. By doing so we can add a bottom-up perspective to studies on emotions and Catholic mysti-cism that up until now have primarily focused on the clerical elite.


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Symposium S3.6Collective Emotions and Social Identities

ConvenersMikko Salmela, Christian von Scheve

University of Helsinki, Freie Universität Berlin

Research on collective emotions has evolved into a bourgeoning field in various disciplines over the last decade. In philosophy, sociology, psychology, political science and other disciplines, researchers have begun to uncover the collective dimension of human emotions. Collective emotions are not only essential in understanding how individuals relate to their social and cultural environments, but also to gain better insights into key challenges of contemporary societies, as is evident in rapid social change and political overthrows witnessed across the globe. Although scholarship on individual-level emo-tions and their intersections with social processes has seen substantial advances, their relations to collective emotions remain poorly understood. This problem can be seen even in emotion research that emerges from the social identity approach such as the Intergroup Emotion Theory (Smith, Seger & Mackie 2007).The favorite notion in this research is group-based emotion, an emotion felt by individuals on the basis of a categorization of the self as a member of a socially defined group or category. Accordingly, group-based emotions are emotions felt by individuals on behalf of a social collective or its other members. Yet group-based emotions can be elicited in solitude, nor do these emotions require collective efferves-cence or contagion in physical proximity. However, if convergence and synchrony of individual emotio-nal responses are important for the collectivity of emotions, then group-based emotions are collective only contingently. Moreover, while group-based emotions are among preconditions of collective emo-tions, group-based emotions can be of qualitatively different kinds depending on the underlying social identification, which can rest on a private identification of individuals with a group in an “I mode”, or on a collective commitment together with other group members in a “we-mode” (Tuomela 2007). These qualitative differences in social identification, in addition to quantitative differences, may have impor-tant consequences for collective emotions and actions motivated by those emotions.Institutions and companies are among social collectives on behalf of which individual can feel group-based emotions. However, in some cases, individuals also ascribe emotions such as fears, hopes, wor-ries, regrets, and sympathies to the very institutions or companies for which speak. In a like manner, leader of countries often express their sympathies and condolences to victims of catastrophes and their families in the name of the entire nation. An interesting philosophical question is how literally we should take ascriptions of emotions to corporations or nations. Are these collective emotions compa-rable to collective emotions within closely connected social groups, or are they something completely different? One type of institution in which collective emotions have not been studied yet are academic disci-plines. Emotions have become objects of study in academia from the perspective of their manage-ment, with focus on their contribution to social bonds, power-relationships and hierarchies, micro-po-litics, and processes of inclusion and exclusion from an academic career (Bloch 2012). While important, this role on emotions at different stages of an academic career must be separated from an emotional commitment to the discipline itself, its core methodological and epistemic principles. These paradig-matically collective emotions are important vehicles in academic socialization into disciplines, and they also figure centrally in interdisciplinary interaction.One more collective dimension of emotions concerns their regulation. Not only are emotions often ex-perienced together with others, their regulation is also deeply embedded in and influenced by group-membership and social interaction, as developmental and social psychologists have pointed out. Still, existing research has focused on various cognitive and evaluative aspects of social-interactional and socio-cultural influences such as social appraisal biases in emotion regulation, whereas the affective and bodily dimension of this regulation is very little understood.In summary, the proposed symposium attends to questions concerning the nature and types of col-lective emotions, and provides evidence on the relevance of the mode of social identification for em-otional convergence. The social identity approach is extended to disciplinary identities, highlighting the role of collective and group-based emotions in their emergence, maintenance and reinforcement as well as in interdisciplinary interaction. Finally, a bodily perspective to interpersonal emotion regu-lation is opened by showing how socio-cultural influences and intergroup biases are embodied and habitualized. In these ways, the symposium aims at bringing together both theoretical and empirical investigations to achieve a better understanding of collective emotions and their ramifications for social behavior.

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Collective emotions and group identity: New directions for social psychology

Gavin Brent SullivanCoventry University

Research on collective emotions has been limited until recently to theories of irra-tional crowds, scepticism about genuinely group-level psychological phenomena, and analyses of the unconscious or ritual sources of mass affective experience. However, collective emotion is now a thriving research area that combines studies from philosophy, anthropology, sociology, social psychology and neuroscience. This presentation examines neo-Durkheimian theories of collective emotions and relevant contributions of discursive psychologists and other social scientists influenced by the “turn to affect.” I argue that future theoretical and empirical in-vestigations in an interdisciplinary and critical social psychology of collective em-otion should: 1) critically examine theories focusing on diffuse emotional energy and discrete collective emotions by also exploring the generation and production of genuinely collective mixed emotions; 2) clarify problems with “bottom-up” mo-dels of causal mechanisms through exploration of “affective practices;” 3) explore the potential inclusion of Tuomela’s (2013) “top-down” social ontology of “group agents” in theories and studies of collective emotion; and 4) develop new quan-titative and qualitative methods (including pluralistic combinations) to study the interrelations between group-based and collective emotions.


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Emotional Convergence Among Protesters

Dunya van Troost, Jacqueline van StekelenburgVU University of Amsterdam

People who identify more strongly with a group experience emotions that converge toward each other (Seger, Smith, & Mackie, 2009). This mechanism of emotional convergence can explains the heightened sense of collective emotions during group protests but requires empirical verification among protest partici-pants. The present research examines emotional convergence in a setting where social identity salience is established, focusing on the relation between the de-gree of identification and the emotional convergence among protesters emotions regarding the issue they protested. In line with the study by Seger and collea-gues (2009) our expectation was that higher levels of social identification would lead to greater convergence in emotional response among protesters. Using the Caught in the act of protest: Contextualizing Contestation survey we examined differences in variance around emotion means as a function of respondents’ level of social identification and tested these differences with a nonparametric Levene’s test. The respondents of this survey were approached during either de-monstrations on environmental (N = 3058) or distributive (N = 3782) issues. The total sample comprises twenty-eight demonstrations held in seven European countries between 2009 and 2012. Results show that respondents who highly identify with the collective have a more converged response of anger, frustration and worry then respondents who only identify somewhat with the collective but a more diverged response of fear in reaction to the issue of the demonstration. Results are discussed in terms of presence of “I” and “We” mode collectively (von Scheve & Ismer, 2013) among protest participants and the experience of collective emotions and emotion category patterns among large social groups.


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Disciplinary Emotions in Interdisciplinary Interaction

Mikko Salmela, Uskali MäkiUniversity of Helsinki

Emotions are an important yet largely neglected aspect of scientific work. Little is known about their role in the constitution and maintenance of disciplines and disciplinary identities in spite of the earlier work of Fleck (1979[1935]) and Collins (1998). Combining their ideas with contemporary theorizing on social identities and their emotional reinforcement, we present a theoretical account of discipli-nary emotions and highlight their role in interdisciplinary interaction, focusing on the phenomenon of scientific imperialism. More precisely, we suggest a model of disciplines as institutions with a constitutive ‘ethos’ (Tuomela, 2007); a set of epistemic and methodological core principles, standards, values, and practices that are widely accepted and consistently applied within the relevant discipline or its significant subgroups. This core is adopted in the process of academic so-cialization where the constitutive aspects of a discipline become objects of both intellectual and emotional commitment to its members. These commitments are reinforced in seminars and conferences as well as in academic publication and hiring procedures (Parker & Hackett, 2012; Fourcade, 2006; Collins, 1998). Discipli-nary emotions felt for reasons emerging from a disciplinary ethos such as awe of a new theoretical insight must be distinguished from emotions felt in the social identity of a researcher such as envy of the proponent of such an insight if it is not one’s own. In interdisciplinary interaction, disciplinary emotions motivate both the proponents of scientific imperialism and their opponents in ‘attacked’ disci-plines (Mäki, 2013). We propose that the disciplinary ethos of overtly imperialistic disciplines such as economics and evolutionary psychology contains meta-level judgments about a universalistic applicability of their epistemic and methodolo-gical principles. In contrast, some disciplines and theories such as gender research and social constructivism may be covertly imperialistic without recognizing this pattern due to their particularistic and ‘subversive’ meta-understanding of their epistemic position.


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Emotional Co-Regulation and Social Identification: An Embodied Approach

Thomas Szanto, Joel KruegerUniversity of Copenhagen, University of Exeter

We not only have emotions, we also regulate them. In regulating emotions, we select or adjust the situations of affective import, or modulate our behavioral or attention response tendencies (Gross 1998). It is widely agreed among psycholo-gists that the emotion-regulative and emotion-generative processes are inextri-cable (Frijda 1986; Tomkins 1984). Thus, the way an emotion is experienced, or feels, reflects the specific ways in which it is regulated. Importantly, emotion-regula-tive processes do not occur in the social void. Rather, emotion regulation is deeply embedded in and influenced by group-membership as well as social interaction. Recent years have seen the emergence of a wide range of empirical work on the sociocultural aspects, and implications of emotional regulation (Mesquita & Al-bert 2007; De Leersnyder et al. 2013). The social aspects of emotions regulation have also been widely studied by developmental psychologists (Eisenberg et al. 1998, 2007; Stegge & Meerum Terwogt 2007), and some have investigated the link between emotion regulation and the ontogenesis of joint attention (Adamson & Russell 1999). Now, whereas the various cognitive and evaluative aspects of social-interactio-nal and socio-cultural influences in emotion regulation (social appraisal biases) have received considerable attention, somewhat surprisingly, the affective and bodily dimension of this modulation is very little understood. In our paper, we shall concentrate on this bodily dimension of social or shared emotion regulation practices. Building on a minimal phenomenological framework of mutual affec-tive regulation, or emotional co-regulation, in typical infant-caretaker situations (Krueger 2013) and empirical work on ‘embodying emotions’ (Niedenthal 2007), we will investigate the ways in which socio-cultural influences and intergroup biases are, on the affective and emotion-expressive level, embodied. Ultimately, we will argue that these can become habitualized in something like ‘shared affec-tive body schemas’ (e.g., co-regulated or ritualized facial or kinesthetic emotional expressions, such as cheering, clapping), or even be robustly sedimented in what might be called ‘emotional body cultures’.


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P2.1 Are desires, cognitions and emotions logically related?

Maria AdamosGeorgia Southern University

Although most scholars of emotions agree that emotions involve cognitive eva-luative states such as beliefs and judgments, as well as bodily feelings and their behavioral expressions, only a few pay close enough attention to the desidera-tive states (i.e. desires and wishes) and their relation to emotions. In this essay I shall argue that emotions and desires are conceptually connected, because the cognitive evaluations, which are required for emotions, are also logically related to desires. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine someone to be afraid and not have the desire to avoid the danger, be in love and not have the desire to be with the belo-ved, or be angry and not have the desire to retaliate in some way. I shall attempt to show through these and other cases of emotions that the conceptual relation between emotions and desires is that of logical presupposition, in the sense that an emotion conceptually presupposes some type of desiderative state. However, the reverse is not the case, as it is certainly possible for one to have a desire speci-fic to an emotion, without having the emotion. For instance, although the desire for revenge presupposes that one believes that one has been wronged, it does not necessarily show that one is angry. This is so, because a cognitive evaluative state does not necessarily entail an emotion, and by logical implication, a desiderative state does not necessitate an emotion either.


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P2.2 Does the temporal dynamic of smiles affect their perceived authenticity?

David Asselin, Pierre Gosselin, Anne-Marie Faltacas(s)University of Ottawa

Although past research has examined people’s ability to distinguish between en-joyment and non-enjoyment smiles, little attention has been given to the effect of the temporal dynamic on the perceived authenticity of smiles. Enjoyment smiles have been found to have a more regular temporal pattern than non-enjoyment smiles, but it is not clear whether people are sensitive to this parameter. In our previous studies, we found that adults are sensitive to the duration of the offset but not the onset when judging smiles authenticity. In this study, we investigate the perceptual capacities of adults regarding the temporal aspect of smiles. We presented participants (N=37) with Duchenne smiles that differ with respect to the duration of their onset, offset, or both. Their duration varied between .2 and 1 s. Participants were shown pairs of smiles and had to identify the one with the longer duration. We believe the results of this study would help us establish a relation between the temporal dynamic of a facial expression and its perceived authenticity. Results indicated that participants are sensitive to the duration of the offset of smiles, F(4, 108) = 11.22, p < .0001 and performed above the chance level for all four duration comparisons. While not as well as in the offset condition, participants were also sensitive to the duration of the onset, F(4, 108) = 24.13, p < .0001, and performed in a similar fashion. They were also able to correctly iden-tify the control smile when both the onset and offset varied, F(4, 108) = 12.76, p < .0001, with similar performance levels. Altogether, our results suggest adults can perceive temporal differences as small as .2 s. for all three dynamic component of the smile, but do not necessarily use it to judge their authenticity. This is an intri-guing finding. Future research should examine the factors responsible for this. Do people have more difficulty perceiving physical changes in the smiles during the onset than during the offset? Do they pay less attention to the onset of smiles than to the offset? Is it possible that, contrary to Ekman’s claim (1993), only the offset is a valid index of the genuineness of smiles?


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P2.3 Next song playing: Music as a tactic of affect self-regulation

Margarida Baltazar, Suvi SaarikallioUniversity of Jyväskylä

Music is often used as a tactic of affective self-regulation, i.e., inducement, main-tenance or change in affect by the individual (e.g., Schäfer, Sedlmeier, Städtler, & Huron, 2013). This use involves multiple goals, strategies, tactics and mechanisms, which have been studied by a growing research field. Data on these different dimensions are, however, dispersed and there is a need of an integrative work. This research aims to review the existing research on affective regulation through music, analyse its results across levels in affective regulation (Goals, Strategies, Tactics and Mechanisms framework; Van Goethem, 2010), and propose a fitting model for the phenomenon. An extensive literature review was conducted to col-lect, screen, analyse and interpret 34 publications. They were collected from online databases and respected the criteria of being written in English and published between 1 January 1994 and 30 June 2014, and focusing on at least one dimension of affective regulation through music. Data were categorised by levels of analysis. It was possible to find information for all the levels of the GSTM framework from the selected sample of publications; however, not all the levels received the same amount of attention from research. There are fewer studies on the mechanisms underlying affective regulation through music than on strategies, for example. Moreover, it was found that certain publications label their variables in different ways (e.g., listening to music was labelled as a tactic by some, and as a strategy by others). Still, the GSTM framework has shown to be useful for this review, and the results depict an effective overview of recent research. Additionally, three more relevant levels of analysis were identified (contextual features, individual features, and functions of music). This review successfully portrayed the state of art of research on affective regula-tion through music. Implications for future research, both in psychology of music and psychology of emotion, are presented and a more comprehensive framework for the studied phenomenon is suggested.


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P2.4 Associative Learning Modulates Early Emotion Effects in Event-Related Potentials

Mareike Bayer, Annika Grass, Annekathrin Schacht

University Göttingen

Emotion effects in event-related potentials (ERPs) have often been suggested to reflect attention capture caused by the heightened motivational relevance of em-otional stimuli (e.g., Lang & Bradley, 2010, Biol. Psychol.). However, recent studies also suggested a possible role of associative learning in the emergence of emo-tion-related ERP effects, especially in early time windows (Schacht et al., 2012, Biol. Psychol). The present study addressed this question by employing an associative learning paradigm. In a learning session, pseudowords were associated with posi-tive, neutral or negative valence by means of monetary gratification and punish-ment. Importantly, half of the pseudowords were learned in the visual modality, while the other half was presented acoustically, thus allowing for testing the importance of a visual percept on early emotion effects. In the test session one day later, pseudowords were presented again in both modalities in an old/new decision task while event-related potentials were recorded.Behavioral data show that positively and negatively associated pseudowords were learned faster than neutral pseudowords; furthermore, they received faster reaction times in the testing session. Interestingly, early emotion effects in ERPs were limited to visually learned pseudowords, indicating the importance of visual percept in the acquisition of valence during associative learning. Taken together, the results strongly suggest associative learning as a possible source of emotion effects in visual language processing.

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P2.5 High frequency heart rate variability is positively associated with cooperation in a chicken game.

Brice Beffara1, Amélie Bret1, Amélie Baldini1, Nicolas Vermeulen2, Martial Memillod1

University of Grenoble1, Université catholique de Louvain2

This study explores whether the vagal connection between the Heart Rate Varia-bility (HRV) and the brain (via the vagus nerve) is involved in prosocial behaviors. The Polyvagal Theory (Porges, 1995) postulates that vagal activity underlies proso-cial tendencies. Even if several results suggest that vagal activity could be asso-ciated with prosocial behaviors, none of them used behavioral measures of pro-sociality to establish this relationship (Kogan et al., 2014). We recorded the resting state vagal activity (reflected by High Frequency Heart Rate Variability, HF HRV) of 44 first year psychology students and then measured their level of cooperation during a social dilemma (chicken game). Linear regression shows that HF HRV is significantly and positively related to the cooperation level, F(1, 42) = 4.69, p = .03 and accounts for 10% of the variance for the cooperation level. Participants with a higher HF HRV baseline were more cooperative than participants with a lower HF HRV baseline. This supports that prosocial behaviors are likely to be somehow lin-ked to the vagal activity. This result corroborates previous studies suggesting that emotion regulation can influence social behaviors. As a physiological measure of emotional regulation, HF HRV allows to highlight the links between affective, physiological and social processes. We discuss this result within the theoretical framework of the Polyvagal Theory.


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P2.6 Affective Judgment in Spatial Context

Christophe Blaison, Ursula HessHumboldt-Universität zu Berlin

This paper is an effort to bring affective issues more strongly into the domain of spatial cognition. To navigate successfully in the world people have to gauge the affective value of the environment. Negative value signals threat to survival; positive value signals opportunities. How do people forecast affective value in the very frequent case where a target area is unknown to them? (Think about the pro-blem of booking a room in an unknown town!) We assumed that people deduce the area´s affective value from its position relative to other affectively charged places or areas. In five studies (60 < N < 288), we investigated how exactly this deductive process operates. The participants attributed affective value to target areas in function of the target´s position relative to the “force field” (Lewin, 1936) generated by an unsafe housing project (force field = people´s estimate of the area within which a place may affect their well-being; the power of the force field decreases with distance) and in function of the context of judgment (i.e., the set of geographical alternatives with which the target area will be compared). Near the source of the force field, the judgments assimilated toward the judgment of the source. Farther away, the judgment contrasted as soon as the force field´s power became tolerable. This assimilation-then-contrast effect that spread throu-ghout the surroundings followed the well-known range-frequency principles of contextual judgment (Parducci, 1965, 1995) when the force field and the context of judgment had roughly the same size. When the context of judgment was smaller than the force field, however, no contrast effect emerged; when it was greater, the assimilation-then-contrast effect flattened out in the more distant areas. There was also evidence that greater contexts of judgment produced greater force fields estimates and that natural obstacles as well as spatial categorization processes affected the size of the force fields and the associated assimilation-then-contrast effects. Broader implications for affective judgment in context will be discussed.

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P2.7 Working Memory Regulates Anxiety-Related Threat Processing Biases

Rob Booth1, Bundy Mackintosh2, Dinkar Sharma3

Isik University1, Istanbul, University of Essex, UK2, University of Kent, UK3

Anxious individuals tend to show biased processing of threat (e.g. Mathews & MacLeod, 2005). Executive control could be used to regulate such threat-proces-sing (Schmeichel, Volokhov, & Demaree, 2008), and theorists have suggested that impaired executive control may be a risk factor for anxiety (Mathews & MacLeod, 2005; Ouimet, Gawronski, & Dozois, 2009). On these bases, we hypothesised that anxiety-related cognitive biases regarding threat should be more apparent when executive control is experimentally impaired by loading working memory. In Stu-dy 1, 68 undergraduates read ambiguous vignettes under high and low working memory load; later, their interpretations of these vignettes were assessed via a recognition test. Trait anxiety predicted biased interpretation of social threat vi-gnettes under high working memory load, but not under low working memory load. In Study 2, 53 undergraduates completed a dot probe task with fear-conditio-ned Japanese characters serving as threat stimuli. Trait anxiety predicted atten-tional bias to the threat stimuli but, again, this only occurred under high working memory load. Interestingly however, actual eye movements toward the threat stimuli were associated with state rather than trait anxiety and this relationship was not moderated by working memory load, suggesting that executive control regulates biased threat-processing downstream of initial input processes such as orienting. These results suggest that cognitive loads might be a useful tool for as-sessing cognitive biases in future research. More importantly, since biased threat-processing has been implicated in the aetiology and maintenance of anxiety, poor executive control may indeed be a risk factor for anxiety disorders.


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P2.8 Effects of learning context on the acquisition and processing of emotion words in bilinguals

Julia Brase, Nivedita ManiGeorg-August University of Göttingen

Research on bilingual language processing has shown that bilinguals process em-otionally valenced words in their first language (L1) slower relative to emotionally neutral words (e.g., Ayçiçeχi & Harris, 2004; Algom, Chajut, & Lev, 2004). Similarly clear cut effects of emotional valence are hard to come by in second language (L2) processing (e.g., Anooshian & Hertel, 1994; Colbeck & Bowers, 2012). Normally, a bilingual’s two languages are acquired in rather different contexts: L1 is typically acquired in more naturalistic settings (e.g., family) than L2 (e.g., at school) (Har-ris, Gleason, & Ayçiçeχi, 2006). Hence, it could be assumed that more naturalistic contexts enhance emotion word learning and subsequent processing, whereas less naturalistic settings hinder it. To examine this issue further, the current study investigates the extent to which the learning environment influences bilinguals’ processing of emotionally valenced words in their two languages. Here, 100 Ger-man-English bilinguals learnt 40 unfamiliar German and 40 unfamiliar English words varying in their valence (negative and neutral) in four learning conditions. One group watched videos providing definitions of the words accompanied by gestural and emotional cues. The second group watched videos in which the same definitions were presented in a neutral tone lacking gestural cues. The third group listened to oral definitions of the words in an emotional tone of voice and the fourth group heard the oral definitions in a neutral tone of voice. Following word learning, all participants carried out an emotional Stroop, a word transfer and a free recall task on the words they had just learnt. We replicated the emotional valence effects across tasks, and all learning conditions in L1. However, only the emotion video context and partially the emotion audio context showed an effect of emotional valence in L2, whereas both neutral learning contexts did not. These results indicate that bilinguals can respond to L2 words in a similar manner as L1 words, provided the learning context is naturalistic and incorporates emotional and prosodic cues.

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P2.9 Gender-Emotion Stereotypes And Hiring Decisions

Elena Canadas, Marianne Schmid MastUniversity of Lausanne

Gender and emotion are facial cues that provide the perceivers with sufficient information to be able to form impressions and to decide how to behave toward the perceived person (Brody & Hall, 1993; Fischer, 1993, for reviews). A large num-ber of researches have been dedicated to study how accurate and fast perceivers are to categorize others on the basic of the social group they belong and/or the emotions they express, but less has been done regarding the social consequences of those categorizations. The current study investigates within a virtual reality environment –whether gender-emotion stereotypes can bias hiring decisions for typically masculine (economist) and feminine (nurse) positions. We developed a virtual reality office setting in which 6 candidates (3 women and 3 men –avatars-) applied for the job expressing either an angry, sad, or a neutral non-verbal beha-vior and were evaluated by 62 participants (recruiters). We registered the inter-personal distance between participants and avatars and we asked participants to rank the avatars accordingly to their aptitudes for the job. Results showed that sad women were approached more than neutral and angry women. Sad men were approached more than angry but not more than neutral men. While sad women were more approached than sad men, angry avatars (men and women) were ap-proached the same. Regarding the hiring decision, angry women were preferred compared to angry men, while sad men were preferred compared to sad women. There was not difference between neutral men and women. Interestingly, hiring decision was not influenced by the position for which applicants were applying. In sum, gender and emotion cues are crucial for job applicants and hiring decisions. Our results suggest that showing gender-stereotypical emotions can be harmful for hiring decisions.


208

P2.10 Bridging the Emotional Gap: the attitudinal theory of emotions and justification

Mary CarmanKing’s College London / University of the Witwatersrand

A recent addition to the battery of philosophical accounts of emotions is Deon-na and Teroni’s (2012) ‘attitudinal theory’ (AT). Deonna and Teroni reject views according to which emotions have evaluative content; instead, they argue that emotions are best understood as ‘attitudes directed towards evaluative contents’ (2012, 76). Both Döring and Lutz (2014) and Smith (2014) have criticised the AT for being incompatible with the additional claim that emotions can justify evaluative judgements, a claim central to many accounts of emotions including the AT. The objectors argue that, if the content of an emotion is not evaluative, Deonna and Teroni’s story for the justification of emotions creates a problematic ‘gap’ between an evaluative property and an emotional judgement.I am sympathetic to the AT and believe that it provides a cogent criticism of other dominant theories, such as perceptual theories. I agree with the objection, howe-ver, that it gives the wrong story for emotional content, thereby creating a pro-blem for emotional justification. In this paper, I aim to draw out the insights of the AT while rejecting that the content of an emotion is not evaluative. I take a similar starting point to Deonna and Teroni by examining the concept of the ‘formal ob-ject’ of an emotion. I argue, however, that the subject’s cares and concerns in part constitute the evaluative property which is the formal object of an emotion. (It is important to note that my proposal is not subject to Deonna and Teroni’s rejec-tion of a similar claim in (2012b).) With this basis, I conclude that the emotional content is evaluative. Two consequences of my proposal are that (1) like the AT, it fleshes out how emo-tions cannot be perceptions of value, but (2) while the ‘gap’ is filled, it becomes apparent that emotions do not provide non-inferential justification for an evalua-tive judgement. I thus propose a modification of the AT which demystifies justi-fication but in so doing, fleshes out what the limits to justification are, and why.


209

P2.11 A guide to selecting images from the International Affective Picture System (IAPS) for lab-based emotion elicitation

Alexandra Caterina Constantinescu, Maria Wolters, Sarah E. MacPhersonUniversity of Edinburgh

Introduction: Experiments frequently rely on subsets of IAPS images (Lang et al, 2008) to elicit emotions, and various methods can be used to “manually” select these: establishing PAD (Mehrabian, 1996) cut-off points, discretising PAD dimen-sions etc. Unlike such methods, a standardised selection procedure based on clus-ter analysis would provide a convenient classification into natural categories and increase selection efficiency, making images as similar as possible within a given category and as different as possible between categories – thus preserving statis-tical power and supporting interpretability of results. Methods: Using the norma-tive data offered with the IAPS database (N=1182), we firstly removed duplicate or missing value cases. Secondly, we limited our analysis to images whose estimated population values were included in a 95% confidence interval spanning no more than 1 point on the 9-point Likert scale used for IAPS ratings. Finally, we applied different clustering techniques to the remaining data (N=845) and found model-based clustering (MBC, Fraley & Raftery, 2002) to produce the most appropriate classification. Results: MBC identified 5 meaningful image groups: 1. very negative and arousing images, with low dominance (e.g., a cemetery); 2. negative images with moderate arousing and dominance levels (e.g., a snake); 3. neutral, non-arou-sing images with slightly elevated dominance (e.g., a basket); 4. positive and arou-sing with relatively high dominance (e.g., erotic scene); 5. very positive and less arousing with relatively high dominance (e.g., a baby). As MBC also indicates the degree of certainty that each image belongs to the cluster it was assigned to, we were able to flexibly select a number of the most certain cases belonging to each cluster (i.e., the best representatives), as the stimuli to be used experimentally. Dis-cussion & conclusions: MBC uncovered a clustering solution within the IAPS data which is meaningful, flexible, efficient and reproducible. This can help researchers devise an appropriate image sampling strategy and also highlighted areas where there is a shortage of stimuli (such as very negative, non-arousing). Our method can be easily applied to other emotion research data sets.


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P2.12 Proneness to Guilt and Shame and Severity of Social Responsiveness Symptoms In Children with Autism Spectrum

Disorders

Denise Davidson, Elizabeth Hilvert, Michael Giordano, Heather Celiz-Yap

Loyola University Chicago

Although basic emotions often involve self-evaluative processes, only self-conscious emotions (e.g., guilt, shame) must involve these processes (Tracy & Robins, 2007). The study of self-conscious emotions in children with Autism Spec-trum Disorders (ASD) is important because it can reveal their capacity for reflecting upon personal experiences and evaluating them in relation to social norms and societal standards. The study of self-conscious emotions also provides a window into how children with ASD evaluate themselves and are aware of other’s evalua-tions of them. Finally, finding impairments in the recognition and understanding of self-conscious emotions has important clinical implications. A number of psy-chologically disruptive or maladaptive behaviors have been found in neurotypical (NT) individuals who do not adequately experience self-conscious emotions: a lack of guilt proneness has been found to be positively related to anger and aggres-sion (e.g., Stuewig, et al., 2010), externalizing behavior (Ferguson et al., 1999); and externalization of blame (Tangney & Dearing, 2002). Nineteen children with ASD (MAge 11.8, SD, 1.9) who were either moderate (66-75T-score; N = 11) or severe (76T or higher; N = 8) on the Social Responsiveness Scale- 2 (Constantino, 2012) were compared on a measure of proneness to guilt and shame (TOSCA-C, Tangney & Dearing, 2002). The SRS-2 measures severity of symptoms rather than presence or absence of them, capturing the spectrum-like condition of ASD. Children’s ability to accurately identify guilt-provoking situations, and predict the duration of guilt was also assessed. In the moderate range, significant relations included prone-ness to guilt and shame, r = .61, p < .04, duration ratings and proneness to guilt, r = .67, p < .04, and ratings of duration and intensity of emotions, r = .71, p < .02. In the severe range, children’s ratings of duration and intensity of guilt was significant, r = .72, p < .05, and intensity ratings were greater for more intense emotional situa-tions, r = .87, p <. 005. However, no significant differences were found between moderate and severe groups in terms of proneness to guilt, shame or accuracy in identifying emotions, t(17) = -.81 -.92, n.s. Although proneness to guilt and shame, and accuracy in identifying emotions, did not differ between children with mode-rate and severe SRS scores, a number of significant relations were found, especially in the moderate group. These results will be compared to NT data at the time of presentation. Implications of these results will also be presented.

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P2.13 Lay Theories about Bullying Moderate Linkages of Emotion Socialization with Peer Victimization

Julie Dunsmore, Rachel Miller, Bryce RileyVirginia Tech

Being bullied is linked with negative long-term outcomes. In a 50-year prospec-tive study, childhood experience of peer victimization was associated with poorer mental and physical health in middle adulthood (Takizawa, Maughan, & Arse-nault, 2014). The purpose of this study was to examine two predictors of peer victimization experiences: (1) emotion socialization and (2) lay theories about bullying. When parents have more supportive responses to children’s negative emotions, their children enjoy better peer relations (Katz, Maliken, & Stettler, 2012). Though understudied, peer emotion socialization is especially important in early adolescence, when youth have begun to spend more time with peers (Lam, McHale, & Crouter, 2014). This study contributes to the field by examining both peer and parent supportive responses to children’s negative emotions. Entity lay theories emphasize stable qualities that are difficult to change, whereas incre-mental lay theories emphasize changeable skills that may be developed (Molden & Dweck, 2006). Adolescents who hold entity (rather than incremental) lay theo-ries about bullying are more likely to seek revenge after peer conflict (Yeager et al., 2011), which may contribute to a cycle of negative peer interactions that then increases experiences of peer victimization. Relatedly, because incremental theo-ries might help youth break cycles of peer conflict, holding an incremental theory about bullying might enhance benefits of supportive emotion socialization. Thus, we tested whether lay theories about bullying might moderate associations of parent and peer emotion socialization with peer victimization. Eighty-two 8th graders (51% girls) participated as part of a larger study. Children self-reported on lay theories about bullying (Yeager et al., 2011), parents’ responses to their anger, sadness, and worry (Magai, 1996), best friends’ responses to their anger, sadness, and worry (Klimes-Dougan et al., 2014), and their experiences of peer victimiza-tion within the last week (Orpinas, 1993). Regression analyses controlling for child sex showed that youth reporting more supportive parental responses to negative emotions experienced less peer victimization (omnibus F (6, 65) = 5.51, p < .01; χ = -.44). Lay theories about bullying interacted with friends’ supportive responses to negative emotions to predict peer victimization (χ = .41). When youth held incre-mental theories about bullying, friends’ supportive responses were unrelated to their experiences of peer victimization. However, when youth held entity theories about bullying, friends’ supportive responses were associated with greater peer victimization. Findings support the importance of youths’ lay theories and peer emotion socialization in victimization experiences.


212


P2.14 Moderating effects of social support and self-esteem in the relationship between stress and health problems

Yookyung Eoh, Soo Hyun ParkYonsei University

Stress negatively affects individual’s mental health (Ciarrochi, Deane, & Ander-son, 2002), but there also exist protective factors such as social support and self-esteem that may reduce the adverse effects of stress. Specifically, abundant re-search shows that social support and self-esteem decrease the risk of emotional difficulties (Starr, Hammen, Connolly, & Brennan, 2014). They also play an impor-tant role in the experience of stress and thought problems such as suspiciousness or paranoid thinking (Sündermann, Onwumere, Kane, Morgan, & Kuipers, 2014). Therefore, this study examines how these factors work differently in the relation-ship between stress and emotional as well as thought problems. The participants consisted of 161 university students in Korea (male=79, female=82). The mean ages for women and men were 21.8 (SD=2.0) and 22.6 (SD=2.9) years, respectively. The following measures were used: Hassles Scale, Symptom Cheklist-90, Rosen-berg Self-Esteem Scale and Social Support Scale. Hierarchical multiple regression using SPSS 21.0 was used to test for main effects of stress, social support and self-esteem, and interaction effect of social support and self-esteem on emotional and thought problems. We found significant main effects of stress, social support and self-esteem on both emotional and thought problems. However, the interaction effect of social support and self-esteem was significant only for thought problems. The results imply that social support can have different roles in the relationship between self-esteem and emotional or thought problems in the clinical context.

213

P2.15 Dynamic Emotion Wheel: an Emotional Awareness Tool for Computer-Supported Collaboration

Mattia A. Fritz, Mireille Betrancourt, Gaëlle Molinari, Guillaume Chanel, Thierry Pun

University of Geneva

The Dynamic Emotion Wheel (DEW) is an Emotion Awareness Tool (EAT) developed as part of the EATMINT project (Chanel et al., 2013; Molinari et al., 2013), whose objective is to explore the relationship between emotion – defined accordingly to appraisal/component theories – and computer-supported collaboration (Eligio et al., 2012). The DEW is inspired by the Geneva Emotion Wheel (GEW; see Scherer, 2005), a self-report instrument that arranges a set of modal emotions in a circle with two appraisal dimensions as axes: coping potential and goal conduciveness. The DEW is an adaptation of the GEW in the perspective of its co-existence with another computer-supported task, which means that the EAT must occupy only a limited part of the screen and should not distract too much from the primary task. For this reason, the DEW does not show all modal emotions at the same time, but dynamically compute a subset of emotions according to two range-input values representing the same appraisal criteria of the GEW. The subset, thus, dynami-cally updates according to variations in appraisal criteria. Furthermore, the DEW provides graphical representation of the evolution of registered emotional epi-sodes with respect to both the appraisal dimensions and the resulting subjec-tive feeling. The tool – currently in advanced development and usability testing – is planned to replace a first version of an EAT used in published pilot EATMINT experiments (op. cit.). The DEW aims to enhance real time awareness of both self and other participant’s emotional episodes in an ongoing collaborative task. Data gathered through the tool may contribute to the research interested in the role of explicit expressed emotions in social interactions.


214

P2.16 Differences between Spanish and German schizophrenics and non-schizophrenics in the perception of non-verbal

communication

Roser Gari PerezPhd Candidate

Using material we developed for this study we analyzed the perception of the non-verbal communication of two basic emotions (happiness and anger) in schi-zophrenics and non-schizophrenics from Spain and Germany. A total of 50 short videos (between 2 to 5 seconds) were presented to 20 Spanish people and 20 Ger-man people, Spanish people watched videos of Spanish persons angry or happy, and German people watched Germans angry or happy. Out of these 24 videos (plus two examples) were selected. 12 depicting anger in three intensities (low, medium, high) and 12 depicting happiness in three intensities (low medium, high), half showing Spanish people and half showing German people. With a compu-ter program the vowels of the sound track were removed thus making it incom-prehensible but keeping all the emotional markers (speed, volume…), producing short videos of facial and vocal expressions combined. These videos were shown to 46 Spanish and 49 German schizophrenics and 45 Spanish and 45 German non- schizophrenics. Their answers were analyzed to compare the correct identification of the emotions and the rating of intensity of said emotions. In all four groups the emotions were mainly correctly identified but there were differences with the intensity rating, especially across nationalities. Schizophrenics of both countries performed much better than expected, especially the ones hospitalized on remis-sion or ambulant. This result differs from the literature on the subject (Edwards J, Jackson HJ, Pattison PE. 2002, Bruce I. Turetsky, Christian G. Kohler, Tim Indersmit-ten, Mahendra T. Bhati, Dorothy Charbonnier, and Ruben C. Gur. 2007, Barkl SJ, Lah S, Starling J, Hainsworth C, Harris AW, Williams LM. 2014) We attribute their better performance to having been shown videos of emotions expressed both facially and vocally rather than photos and separate audio and we think that further re-search is necessary. Further research should also be conducted into the differences in rating the intensity of emotions across nationalities.


215

P2.17 Age effects on the relationships between felt emotions and cardiovascular and electrodermal reactivity to affective pictures

Patrick Gomez1, Armin von Gunten2, Brigitta Danuser1

Institute for Work and Health1, Lausanne, Lausanne University Hospital2

Knowledge about how the relationship between the emotional experience and the physiological response to affective stimuli may change during the adult lifes-pan is sparse. The present study aimed at determining whether age modulates the relationship between felt emotions (pleasantness and arousal) and the car-diovascular and electrodermal responses to affective pictures. Participants were 212 well-functioning individuals (94 men) ranging in age from 20 to 81 years with a mean of 47.4 years (SD = 17.3). They watched 14 different one-minute long pic-ture series and gave one valence and one arousal rating for each series. Systolic blood pressure (SBP) and heart rate (HR) were measured beat-to-beat by finger-cuff photoplethysmography with the Finometer. Skin conductance level (SCL) was recorded with a Psylab device. Change scores for the physiological measures were computed by subtracting the mean of the 10-s baseline immediately before onset of each series from the mean of the corresponding 60-s series epoch. Mixed effect regression modeling was used to determine the relationships between affective ratings, physiological measures and age. SCL increased with increasing self-rated arousal (χ = 0.19, p < .001). Yet, this relationship was modulated by age (i.e., signifi-cant Arousal x Age interaction, χ = -0.006, p < .001): Among the older participants SCL changes were only weakly related to arousal. HR changes were positively rela-ted to pleasantness, i.e., HR deceleration became increasingly larger with increa-sing self-reported unpleasantness (χ = 0.12, p < .001). However, this relationship was modulated by age (i.e., significant Valence x Age interaction, χ = -0.003, p < .05): Among the older participants HR changes did not show a valence-dependent modulation. SBP increased with both increasing self-rated pleasantness (χ = 0.09, p < .05) and arousal (χ = 0.20, p < .001). The Valence x Age and Arousal x Age inte-ractions were not significant (p > .6). Compared to younger adults, older adults show much weaker relationships between HR and valence and between SCL and arousal. This may result from blunted parasympathetic output to the heart and sympathetic outflow to the eccrine glands, respectively, among older adults. On the contrary, younger and older adults do not differ in their relationship between self-reported arousal and SBP suggesting that the arousal-dependent sympathe-tic control of SBP is largely preserved across adulthood. This study suggests that age effects on the coupling between felt emotions and physiology are not unitary but rather system- and measure-specific.


216

P2.18 Emotional characteristics of Russian and Swedish women seeking treatment for alchohol problems

(cross-cultural comparison)

Juliana Granskaya1, Britt af Klinteberg2, Christina Scheffel Birath2, Ulla Beijer,2 Larisa Tsvetkova1

StPetersburg State University1, Stockholm University2

The objective of the present study was to understand the patterns of risk indica-tions in terms of emotional characteristic in the development of female alcohol consumption/abuse across two countries. Women seeking treatment for alcohol problems in Russia and in Sweden were examined concerning emotion and health-related aspects with the purpose of focusing on identification of female risk indi-cations. Sample: 153 women seeking for alcohol treatment from both countries (average age 42,8 ± 8,1) 1) a group of Russian females 28-59 years-old under alco-hol treatment recruited from City Addiction Clinic in StPetersburg and rehabilita-tion center “House of hope on the hill” in the suburb area of St Petersburg (n=80) 2) a group of Swedish females 30-55 years-old voluntarily seeking treatment for their alcohol problems at a clinic specialized for women with alcohol problems in Stockholm (n=73) Methods: Karolinska Scales of Personality (KSP/SSP) invento-ries to measure impulsiveness, monotony avoidance (adventure seeking), soma-tic anxiety, psychic anxiety, psychasthenia (stress susceptibility), and inhibition of aggression (lack of assertiveness), socialization (embitterment), verbal aggres-sion, irritability, and suspicion. Also, self-evaluated level of energy, mood, feeling of stress/nervous and loneliness were used (Health Index scale). Results: Cross-cultu-ral comparisons indicated an universal emotional characteristic pattern among women seeking treatment for alcohol problems characterized by high level of somatic and psychic anxiety, psychasthenia, impulsiveness, adventure seeking, irritability and verbal aggression. At the same time comparative analysis revealed significant differences in emotional traits among Russian and Swedish women seeking treatment for alcohol problems. Women from Russia showed higher level of psychic anxiety, verbal aggression and suspicion measured by KSP and feeling of stress measured by Health Index compare to Swedish women. In contrast to Russian women, Swedish women showed higher score for monotony avoidance and irritability. The biggest difference between the two groups of women was found in socialization scale where Russian women had significantly low sociali-zation scores compared with their counterparts from Sweden. This means that Russian alcohol dependent women feel less adjusted and satisfied with people around them, and may have negative experience with their families and parents relations. Conclusion: Results indicated that women seeking treatment for alcohol problems from two different cultures are associated with similar profile for their emotional characteristics connected to underlying vulnerability mechanisms for health risk behaviours.


217

P2.19 The effect of aging on abilities to reappraise induced feeling of unfairness

Jonathan Harm, Sandrine VieillardUniversité de Franche-Comté

It is consistently argued that aging should be related to improved emotion regula-tion abilities, particularly the use of cognitive reappraisal to cope with negative life events (Socioemotional Selectivity Theory, [1]). But very few empirical studies have directly compared younger and older adults on their ability to implement reap-praisal [2]. Furthermore, these works have used negatively valenced visual stimuli that were not controlled for their social significance and relevance. More recently, empirical evidence have suggested that the older adults’ emotion regulation skills could be rather based on the preferential use of low resource-demanding atten-tional deployment [3]. Taken together, these findings raise the question whether older adults are really better than their younger counterparts to implement reap-praisal strategies. The present study purposed to test the life-span trajectory of the ability to use cognitive reappraisal to down-regulate the moral emotion of injustice elicited by 20 controlled pictures while recording the participants’ gaze direction. Twenty-five younger, 25 middle-aged and 25 older adults were asked to simply watch10 pictures and then, after a training stage, to use cognitive reap-praisal with 10 other pictures with the goal to down-regulate negative emotion. Results showed a similar decrease in each age group during the reappraisal versus simply watch condition both in subjective feelings of unfairness and skin conduc-tance responses. However, compared to younger adults, older adults’ total fixa-tions time on the pictures area was shorter during the reappraisal condition. In line with Opitz et al.’s findings [3], our data indicated that older adults’ preserved capability to regulate the feeling of unfairness were not due to a better use of reappraisal strategy. It suggests, in contrast with the SST hypothesis, that aging should not be related to a general improve in emotion regulation, but should be characterized by a shift in emotion regulation strategies to compensate the co-gnitive decline .


218

P2.20 Neural correlates of emotional response to taste: an EEG study

Emily Hird, Deborah Talmi, Olivia Adams, Wael El-DeredyUniversity of Manchester

The brain produces a prediction error (PE) in response to a difference between expectation and outcome, an important signal for adaptive learning and optimal decision making. PE signals in EEG are thought to originate in the dopaminer-gic midbrain and have a source in the anterior cingulate cortex. Previous research utilized monetary reinforcers to compare rewarding and aversive PE, but in such research participants can only gain money – they are never really ‘out-of-pocket’. Here we examined the correlates of personally meaningful aversive PE by using rewarding and aversive tastes. This methodology allowed us to compare positive and negative primary reinforcers from the same modality, something that has not been achieved before.Twenty participants received rewarding (sweet) and aversive (bitter) tastes, indicated by a cue, while EEG was recorded. Expectations for these tastes were controlled by giving participants cues before taste administration, which indicated the type of taste they were about to receive and the likelihood of receiving this taste (25% or 75%). Preliminary analysis shows unexpected deli-very of sweet and bitter taste produces a stronger positive event-related potential (ERP) than omission of either bitter or sweet taste. This suggests that this neural response signals delivery and omission of outcome. This challenges the conventio-nal theory of a stronger neural response for rewarding than for aversive outcomes. The FRN has only been shown to signal valence in the context of monetary loss or gain, rather than delivery of either rewarding or aversive outcome. This methodo-logy allows direct analysis of whether the FRN signals the emotional valence of an outcome. Preliminary results suggest an amplitude difference between ERP for delivery and omission of taste. If the forthcoming main results to follow this trend to significance, we will be the first study to show the FRN response to rewarding and aversive taste, using a unimodal stimulus. This is important because using a single primary modality as a stimulus reduces any source of variability between stimuli and between participants, providing the most objective method to assess the function of the FRN. The results challenge the conventional theory that the FRN signals reward and aversion.


219

P2.21 The moderating effect of mixed emotion awareness in the relationship between emotional suppression

and depressive symptoms

Eun Young Joe, Soo Hyun ParkYonsei University

Fundamentally, we feel various emotions that are triggered by internal and/or external stimuli across variety of situations and we use strategies to regulate these emotions, especially negative emotions. Among the emotion regulation strategies, suppression is one of the most maladaptive regulation strategies that negatively affect depressive symptoms (Szczygiel et al., 2010). The relationship between depression and emotion regulation is also moderated by one’s capacity for emotional awareness (Eastabrook, Flynn, & Hollenstein., 2014). Although we typically experience mixed emotions, previous studies have focused primarily on the experience of pure single emotions. Recently, research has started to address the phenomenon of mixed emotional states (Larsen, McGraw, & Cacioppo., 2001). However, there are only a few studies concerning the relationship between mixed emotion awareness and psychological factors. Thus, the primary aim of the pres-ent study was to test the moderating effect of mixed emotion awareness in the relationship between emotional suppression and depressive symptoms. Partici-pants were 138 (57 men and 81 women), Korean University students. Their mean age was 21.56 (SD = 2.09). The measures that were used for this study were the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (ERQ), Korean version of the Center for Epide-miologic Studies-Depression scale (K-CESD), and emotion-eliciting scenarios. The scenarios were created to trigger subjective emotional experience of six basic emotions such as happiness, sadness, anger, disgust, surprise and fear to mea-sure the degree of mixed emotion awareness through follow-up questions. Hie-rarchical multiple regression and slope analysis using SPSS.21.0 was used to test our hypothesis. The interaction effect of mixed emotion awareness and emotional suppression was significant. The main effect of suppression on depressive symp-toms was significant only in the high mixed emotion awareness group according to the slope analysis. This result suggests that mixed emotion awareness, as a moderator, plays an important role in the association between suppression and depressive symptoms. This will help to broaden our understanding of factors that may influence depression.


220

P2.22 The relationship between cultural self-construal and interoception

Masato Kanai, Shintaro YukawaUniversity of Tsukuba

Many studies have supported the idea that interoception, the sense of the physio-logical condition of the body, has a close relationship to emotion (e.g., Terasawa, Moriguchi, Tochizawa, & Umeda, 2014). Ma-Kellams, Blascovich, & McCall (2012) recently revealed that Asians are relatively insensitive to their visceral states and attributed their conclusion to the Asian tendency to focus on contextual entities outside of themselves. Ma-Kellams et al. (2012) said that this tendency was a part of interdependence, which is one aspect of cultural self-construal (Markus & Ki-tayama, 1991). Western people are likely to consider themselves as individuals (in-dependence), whereas Eastern people are likely to consider themselves as combi-ned with others (interdependence). Thus, our study examined the hypothesis that low independence or high interdependence brought about insensitivity in intero-ception. Eighty-five graduates and undergraduates initially completed the scale on cultural self-construal (Park & Kitayama, 2012) and then performed a heartbeat detection task by Herbert, Ulbrich, & Schandry (2007). Consequently, only in male samples (n = 35), interdependence significantly correlated with the score of the heartbeat detection task (r = .33, p = .03). These relationships remained significant when independence was separated out as a control variable (partial r = .28, p = .05). Scoring high in the heartbeat detection task indicates insensitivity to their heart rate. Thus, males who have a high sense of interdependence are possibly less sensitive to interoception; an important cue for emotional experience.


221

P2.23 The acquisition of ways of expressing happiness through spontaneous interaction: a longitudinal case study

Fazia KhaledParis III, La Sorbonne Nouvelle

Research in the area of Child Language Acquisition has previously sought to un-derstand how children develop knowledge related to specific semantic domains including that of emotions (Taumopeau, Ruffman, 2006). In the case of the com-munication of emotions, its multimodal aspect should be taken into account in order to provide a complete analysis of how emotions are expressed. The markers employed to identify emotions are based on what has been extensively described in the literature. As regards happiness, the prototypical markers are composed of a universal facial expression consisting of genuine smiles (Darwin, 1872; Ekman, 1970), vocalizations, more specifically laughter (Sauter and al., 2010), some ges-tures which might include dancing about or hand clapping especially in children, (Darwin, 1872), and the lexicon (Fillenbaum, Rapoport, 1971). In this presentation, I will present an overview of a child’s communicational model of happiness, and then relate it to her parents’ ways of expressing happiness. To explore this question, I conducted a case study analysis of an American child, using a longitudinal corpus of 12 videos from the CHILDES database, Providence corpus (Demuth et al., 2006). To analyze how this child acquires the means to express happiness, each utterance in which at least one of the markers of happiness above mentioned appears was systematically coded into an Excel file, allowing us to measure how frequently each modality and marker of communication was used. Her parents’ communica-tional model of happiness was coded in the same manner.I hypothesized that the communicational model to which the child is exposed might influence the way she expresses emotions. In the corpus, the parents displayed happiness through the use of prototypical markers, specifically the corresponding facial expressions and vocalisations described in the literature. Analysis of the data related to the child revealed that she replicated her parents’ mode of communication.


222

P2.24 Identifying aesthetic highlights in movies from physiological and behavioral synchronization

Theodoros Kostoulas, Guillaume Chanel, Michal Muszynski, Patrizia Lombardo, Thierry Pun


Motivation: Film represents human emotions and elicits them in the viewers. Film critics indicate and analyze particular shots or sequences (film highlights) as being aesthetically powerful. The exploration of the emotional impact of a film can throw light on both the nature of art and to the audience responses. This leads to verify or invalidate assumptions of film criticism and theory. Objec-tively identifying movie highlights can be helpful in film studies in assessing the aesthetic value of movie scenes. Description of the goals: Within this project we aim at answering the following research questions:- How to determine the users’ affective state from multi-modal signals, in the context of movie projection? - Are we able to predict the emotional and aesthetic value of movie scenes (highlights) based on the information carried out by the physiological and behavioral signals of multiple spectators? - Would it be possible to use a multi person multi-modal modeling / highlight detection system in film studies to determine movie scenes with high aesthetic value? Within this work, we focus on the design, development and evaluation of a system which detects movie highlights based on the synchro-nization of physiological and behavioral signals of spectators. The experiments were carried out in an ecological situation, where the spectators were watching a movie in a theater. Methods: The physiological data consist of galvanic skin res-ponse and the behavioral data correspond to acceleration measurements. The highlights are characterized in terms of form (spectacular, subtle) and content (character development, dialog, theme development). We retrieve the affective reaction of spectators on the basis of their physiological and behavioral synchro-nization using signal processing and machine learning techniques. We propose a probabilistic approach to reveal spectators’ reactions. Results and contribution: Results indicate that affective reactions can be modeled from the synchronization of the multi-modal signals of the spectators. Initial descriptive characteristics of highlights are analyzed. The affective reaction of spectators is compared with the predefined highlights. The proposed method is adaptable and flexible, enabling utilization of any modality, such as behavioral signals, for the estimation of the affective reaction of people responding to artistic content.


223

P2.25 Emotion induction and facial reactivity in Human Computer Interaction in a Wizard of Oz Experiment

Martin Krippl, Matthias Haase, Julia Krüger, Philipp Haendler, Gerrit Krautz, Martin Wegener, Joerg Frommer

University of Magdeburg

The so called LAST MINUTE corpus (Rösner et al., 2012) consists of data about a hu-man computer interaction (HCI), where the subjects have to pack their things to start into holidays in several minutes. Emotions should be induced at two points and measured by FACS (Ekman, Friesen & Hager, 2002). The first point was where the computer tells the subject that the weight is too high and he has to lower the weight by putting something out of the bag (weight transgression). The second is where the computer tells the subjects that their holiday will be on the other side of the earth (in Waiuku) and therefore it won´t be warm, but cold during the holi-day times (Waiuku barrier). Hypotheses were that anger/frustration should have higher frequencies after both inductions compared to baseline and that fear/surprise and sadness/disappointment should have higher frequencies after the Waiuku barrier. Total sample size was 130, with two balanced age groups (18-30 and above 60), which were analyzed together. Five seconds after three time points (baseline at beginning of experiment, weight transgression, Waiuku barrier) were FACS-coded. Emotion categorization of facial actions was mostly based on EM-FACS, but used also non-prototypical AU-combinations as indicators for emotions. Preliminary analysis of 43 subjects revealed no full prototypical facial expressions of emotions according EMFACS (Friesen & Ekman, 1984). The only exception was smiling, but there was no significant difference. The hypotheses on anger/frustra-tion was supported significantly on weight transgression and in tendency on the Waiuku barrier. As hypothesized fear/surprise and sadness/disappointment were significantly higher during the Waiuku barrier. In our study, as in other emotion induction studies (Reisenzein et al., 2013), prototypical emotion expressions, like proposed in EMFACS, do not occur often in real life or experimental inductions of emotions. But the study shows, when we use also non-prototypical expressions, we can detect emotions in facial behavior. This holds even if a computer induces emotions.


224

P2.26 Aesthetic emotions induced by TV advertising predict consumers’ attitudes

Mathieu Lajante, Olivier Droulers, Sophie Lacoste-BadieUniversity of Rennes 1

Since the 80s, models in marketing have integrated the role of emotions induced by TV advertising, particularly as an antecedent of attitude toward the adverti-sing (Aad) and attitude toward the brand (Batra and Ray, 1986). Starting from this point, several studies have been published dealing with the possibility of predic-ting attitudes from self-report measurements of emotion (e.g., Micu and Plum-mer, 2010). However, the literature review shows that two main points have often been avoided by researchers: the nature of emotion elicited by TV advertising as well as its multicomponential structure. As a result, it is difficult to draw conclu-sions about how emotions are involved in attitude formation. In order to address the aforementioned limitations, we suggest studying the link between emotio-nal components aroused by TV advertising and attitudes formation through an aesthetic approach of the componential appraisal theory (Scherer, 2004). Accor-dingly, we assume that exposure to TV advertising induces aesthetic emotions, which “are not in the service of behavioral readiness or the preparation of specific, adaptive action tendencies” (Scherer, 2004, p. 244), and lead consumers to eva-luate the advertising as intrinsically pleasant or unpleasant. Even though these emotions refer to an aesthetic and a conscious, experiential phenomenon, it is ne-vertheless agreed that visual and/or auditory stimuli could induce slight changes in both the peripheral efference and motor expressive components as a result of appraisal process (Scherer, 2001, 2004). More specifically, and according to the componential process model, we hypothesize that salient events depicted in the advertising trigger both novelty and intrinsic pleasantness checks; the associa-ted physiological changes in both the peripheral efference and motor expressive components will then affect the subjective feelings component that serves as the basis for attitudes formation (Aaker et al., 1988). 51 healthy students were exposed to 8 TV advertising during which electrodermal (peripheral efferent component) and facial EMG (motor expressive component) responses were recorded. After each advertising, participants were asked to rate first their emotional experience (subjective feelings component) using the SAM scale (Lang et al., 1993), and then their Aad using a four-item semantic differential scale (Mitchell and Olson, 1981). Results indicate that activation of both peripheral efference and motor expres-sive components are predictive of subjective feelings component which, in turn, is predictive of Aad. More interestingly, our results indicate that subjective feelings component serves as a direct mediator between both the peripheral efference and motor expressive components and Aad.


225


P2.27 The moderating effect of thought suppression on the relationship between stress and depression

Eun-ji Lee, Soo-hyun ParkYonsei university

Objectives: Previous research has shown that stressful life events are likely to pre-cipitate depression (Mazure, 1998). When experiencing stress, individuals who suppress their thoughts can ironically report more negative thoughts, which in turn increases risk for depression (Wenzlaff & Luxton, 2003). Success of thought suppression depends on working memory capacity (Brewin & Beaton, 2002), and higher extraversion is associated with better working memory performance (Li-berman & Rosentahal, 2001). Thus, we can expect that degree of extraversion can have a significant effect on thought suppression, especially when stress under-mines mental control. We examined whether the moderating effect of thought suppression between stress and depression is different depending on degree of extraversion. Methods: Participants (61 men and 92 women; mean age=20.62, SD=2.48) completed the Stressful Life Events Scale, Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D), and NEO-PI-R. Out of the 154 participants, we se-lected participants who scored in the top 75 percentile (high-extraversion group, n=47) or the bottom 25 percentile (low-extraversion group, n=42) based on their extraversion scores. In each group, we tested the moderating effect of thought suppression in the relationship between stress and depression. Results: In the low-extraversion group, moderating effect of thought suppression in the relationship between stress and depression was significant. More specifically, higher stress was related to more depressive symptoms with high (+1SD) degree of thought suppression, while stress was not associated with depressive symptoms when thought suppression was low (-1SD). In contrast, there was no stress x thought suppression interaction in the high-extraversion group.Conclusions: These fin-dings suggest that in individuals with low-extraversion who use frequently thought suppression as a mental control strategy, depressive symptoms can be predicted by stressful life events. The findings of this study provide an insight to understanding the relationship between thought suppression and extraversion in the relationship between stress and depression.

226

P2.28 Emotion perception, prosocial and aggressive behaviors in action videogame players

Antico Lia, Singer Tania, Bavelier Daphne, Swann PichonUniversity of Geneva

Videogames are becoming ubiquitous and raise societal concerns among parents, educators and policy makers. On the one hand, it has been shown that videogames such as action-packed, first or third shooter games (aka action videogames, AVG) can enhance some perceptual, attentional and cognitive skills; on the other hand, playing violent videogames has been associated with negative outcomes such as increased aggression, decreased prosocial behavior, and desensitization to nega-tive signals conveyed by violent medias. Based on these two lines of research, it is unclear whether playing AVG, which all contain violent content but have been previously linked with enhanced sensory processing and improved attentional control, may improve, leave intact, or diminish the ability to process emotional signals, and regulate social and emotional behaviors. We recruited 40 (over 50) AVG players (AVGP) with long-term exposure to AVG (at least 5h per week in the last two years) and 40 (over 50) non-gamers. We assessed: 1) emotion detection using 2AFC tasks and faces morphed between neutral and respectively pain, hap-piness, anger or sadness expressions, 2) emotion discrimination for negative and positive emotions using respectively morphed faces ranging from pure anger to pure sadness, and from pure pain to pure happiness. 3) prosocial behavior using the Zurich Prosocial Game (ZPG) which assesses the propensity to help another player in a non-competitive environment and 4) reactive aggression using the Competitive Reaction-time Task (CRT) which assesses the propensity to react to an aggressive provocation in a competitive environment. Preliminary results indicate that AVGP scored higher in physical aggression on anger questionnaires and were more aggressive than non-gamers in the CRT task, a result which matches fin-dings from the literature on violent media use. In addition, AVGP, relative to non-gamers, have an increased propensity to interpret ambiguous angry-sad morphed faces as expressing anger. This bias, albeit small, was specific to anger as it was not observed for ambiguous happy-pain faces. Finally, while we found no group difference in helping behavior, we observed that the propensity to favor anger interpretations in ambivalent anger-sad morphs predicted decreased helping in the ZPG task, while the propensity to detect happiness in happy-neutral morphs predicted increased helping. These results reinforce the correlational evidence accumulated in the field of violent media that violent content in videogames in-fluence socio-affective skills. They replicate the previously documented increase in reactive aggression, and further extend existing work by documenting a bias to-ward interpreting ambivalent sad-angry faces as angry in AVGP. Interestingly, we document a new relationship between helping behavior and interpreting positive and negative ambivalent facial emotions, highlighting the importance of better understanding the relationship between emotion discrimination and various di-mensions of social behavior.


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P2.29 Physiological effects of art museums on well-being and emotions

Stefano Mastandrea1, Fridanna Maricchiolo1, Giuseppe Carrus1, Ilaria Giovannelli1, Valentina Giuliani1, Daniele Berardi2

University of Roma Tre1, University La Sapienza2

Are art museums settings capable to promote the recovery of psychological well-being, identified through stress reduction, increase in positive emotions, and renewal of cognitive resources? Moreover, are there any differences between dif-ferent art style museums? Only few works dealt with the experience of art mu-seums in relation to stress, psychological restoration and well-being. Clow and Fredhoi (2006) found a decrease in self-reported stress and the level of cortisol for a group of participants before and after the visit of an art Gallery. Mastandrea et. al (2009) found that the level of self report anxiety experienced by a group of participants during a visit of a museum of modern art was higher compared to another group of participants who visited a museum of ancient art. A previous study (Mastandrea, Maricchiolo, 2014), using a virtual slide artwork presentation (figurative vs. abstract pictures vs. control – urban images), found positive effects of art experience (figurative more than abstract) on physiological, affective, cogni-tive, and behavioural measures. We replicated the study in a real museum setting: the National Gallery of Modern Art located in Rome, which hosts two art collec-tions, figurative and modern art. Physiological features (blood pressure and heart rate), attentional (Stroop-test) and self-report emotional indicators were measu-red before and after the visit to the two different art styles collections and to the museum office (control condition) in order to test the possible different restora-tive outcomes. Seventy-three participants (University students with no training in the arts, mean age 22.5) were randomly assigned to 3 conditions, according to the art style of the museum halls to be visited (24-figurative art, 24-modern art and 25-control condition, visit to museum office). Preliminary analyses have been carried out on the difference of the systolic blood pressure before and after the visit(SBP is an useful index to detect changes on emotional level) . Considering a difference of 10 mmHg a considerable variation of the SBP, we registered such a variation in the 48% of the figurative art group, in the 33% of the modern art group, and only in the 25% of the control group. From these preliminary analyses, a greater restorative effect and well-being happened after art museum visit – more figurative than modern art – compared to control condition. The practical and theoretical implications of the study will be discussed.

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P2.30 Regular Practice Of Relaxation, With Regard To Positive Feelings And Cognitive Functioning

Anna Maria Meneghini, Valentina CastamanUniversity of Verona

According to Fredrickson’s broaden-and-build theory (Fredrickson, 2001), positive emotions can broaden the individual thought-action repertoire (Fredrickson, Bra-nigan, 2005). This cognitive widening promotes the building of individual psycho-logical resources which can be employed in the future. Moreover, it seems that people who experience positive feelings recover faster from negative states. In previous studies we showed that relaxation is a technique that elicits positive emotions which lead to a temporary broadening of the thought-action reper-toire. The aim of this study was to evaluate whether intense positive emotions induced by means of relaxation cause a momentary widening of thought-action repertoires and whether those who frequently experience positive emotions as a result of practicing relaxation recover faster from negative states caused by the induction feelings of anger. In total, 58 participants took part in the study. Some participants regularly practised relaxation (Group 1, N=19 people; Group 2, N=20 people) and some never practised (Group 3, N=19). Before inducing two different emotions (relaxation vs anger ), we assessed the intensity of 16 emotions (5 posi-tive and 11 negative). After this assessment, group 1 relaxed thus eliciting positive emotions while we asked groups 2 and 3 to remember an event in which they experienced intense feelings of anger thus inducing a negative state. Then, the 16 emotions (in a different order) and the thought-action repertoires were assessed.The results of this last assessment showed the expected emotional intensities, according to the type of induction. After relaxing, Group 1 reported a more broa-dened cognitive state in comparison to the other two groups who were tested after the induction of feelings of anger. Specifically, group 2 listed a lower number of thought-actions in the thought-action repertoire task than group1 but a higher number than group 3. Moreover, regression analyses revealed that the intensity of the positive feelings experienced was the best predictor of performance in the thought-action repertoire task.These results support the hypothesis that positive emotions affect cognitive functioning and suggest that the positive feelings eli-cited by the practice of relaxation can lead to better cognitive performance.


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P2.31 Manifestations Of Physical And Ecstatic Love In Medieval Passion Plays

Ivan MissoniUniversity of Zagreb

Expressions of human emotionality have always been interwoven with religious life. Texts of Passion plays, as one of the most popular and influential dramatic genres of the Middle Ages, convey a lavish display of affective piety by means of eliciting the audience’s compassion for the figure of suffering Christ on the cross. The role of Virgin Mary, as her Son’s co-sufferer, through recursive appeals to the assembled faithful imploring them to commiserate with her agony, has proven to be equally crucial, since (according to St. Anselm) her compelling emotional reac-tion to the Passion forms an ideal model of how every Christian should act. In view of these facts, the author of this proposed individual talk would covet the chance to present his historiographical research (the subject-matter of his doctoral dis-sertation) in which he meticulously analysed the aforementioned literary corpus, gathered from both his native country – Croatia, and from Western Europe, by utilising the concepts of ‘’physical’’ and ‘’ecstatic’’ love, devised by a French Jesuit, Pierre Rousselot, in his ground-breaking study «The Problem of Love in the Middle Ages» from 1908. Physical love is based on the propensity of natural beings to seek their own benefit in harmonious love of others and of God, whereas ecstatic love is characterized by the duality of the lover and the beloved, violence of love, its irrationality and self-sufficiency. Seeing as the author was able to discern that the character of Jesus incarnates all the major features of the former concept, whe-reas the latter concept becomes personified in the character of Virgin Mary, he strongly feels that this kind of interdisciplinary examination provides us with an exquisite insight into the underlying framework of Passion plays, hence unravel-ling a hitherto undetected dramatic tension, enhancing our understanding of the different rhetorical expressions of love, and helping us uncover the significance and authenticity of emotions performed on medieval stage and their potential impact on religious sensibilities.

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P2.32 Negative and positive thoughts in low- and high-anxious music students after a public performance

Carole Nielsen, Brigitta Danuser, Regina Studer, Patrick GomezInstitut universitaire romand de santé au travail

Music Performance anxiety (MPA) is a major problem for a large number of music students (Studer et al. 2011). Post-event rumination is believed to contribute to the prolongation of stress responses (Brosschot et al, 2006). The aim of the present stu-dy was to investigate ruminative thoughts after a public performance in low- and high-anxious music students and the relationship between their thoughts, self-evaluated performance and mood. Forty-five (29 females) healthy music students (mean age=22.6, sd=2.7) performed individually in front of an audience of 11 to 15 people. Ten minutes, 24 and 48 hours after the concert, they judged their perfor-mance and assessed the frequency of negative and positive thoughts related to the concert. We used the Thoughts Questionnaire from Abbott & Rapee (2004) and adapted it to a soloist music performance. Mood was measured five times per day with the Multidimensional Mood State Questionnaire Short-scale (Wilhelm & Schoebi, 2007). The degree of general MPA was assessed with the State Trait Anxiety Inventory-State (STAI-S) adapted to a soloist music performance. Three groups were built based on the STAI-S scores: low-anxious (scores 20-44), mode-rate anxious (45-59) and high-anxious (60-80) music students. Compared to low-anxious music students, high-anxious students judged their performance more negatively and reported more negative and less positive post-event ruminations at all three time points. Finally, the students reporting more negative post-event rumination felt less positive and less energetic immediately after the concert. This study shows for the first time that MPA has effects that go well beyond the perfor-mance situation. Post-concert self-appraised performance, rumination and mood may be important in understanding how the stress response is prolonged and how MPA is maintained.


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P2.33 The structure of emotional concepts in semantic space viewed from central concepts and peripheral concepts

Eun-joo PARK, Naoto SUZUKIDoshisha University

We investigated the structure of emotional concepts in the relationship between concepts of emotion and connotative meaning. Watanabe (1994) suggested that the independence and coherence of emotional words connect associated words with basic level concepts. 166 participants were given the 50 cards composed of 5 central concepts of emotions; “sad”, “lonely”, “anger”, “pleasure”, “happy”, and 15 primary-associated and 30 secondary-associated words with the concepts. 159 participants were given the 50 cards composed of 5 peripheral concepts of emo-tions; “languid”, “affectionate”, “cry”, “surprise”, “boring”. They were performed res-pectively to select the cards with similar emotion by 5, 7, 10 and 15 groups. Using MDS and CLUSTAR analysis the results showed that the central concepts were condensed strongly between the concepts and associated words with the concept and the peripheral concepts were scattered irregularly between the concepts and associated words with the concept. These results suggest that the boundary between the concept and associated words with the concept was considered to be more flexible and fluid in Peripheral concept. Additionally, central concept was regarded as basic level concepts. These indicate that the basic level concepts tend to have a strong independence and coherence between concept and experience (background) with the emotion (the affective state).

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P2.34 What can cognitive grammar tell us about emotions: A constructional model of emotion conceptualization

Benedikt PerakUniversity of Rijeka

What can cognitive grammar tell us about emotions: A constructional model of emotion conceptualization. The notion of embodiment and componential nature of emotion have been instrumental for the development of the linguistic research on the intersubjective conceptualization of emotion. The epistemological impli-cation of the embodied cognition perspective is that people understand other’s emotion by simulating one’s own comparable embodied affective state (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008). The componential theories assume an emotion to be concep-tualized as a multidimensional process consisting of several components such as bodily changes, expressive behavior, action tendencies, appraisal, and feeling state that occur as a response to the specific events in the environment with the aim of quickly preparing the organism for optimal reaction (Scherer 2003; Barrett 2011; Fontaine, Scherer and Soriano 2013). Based on these theoretical perspectives, the linguistic communication of emotions involves activation of comparable embo-died affective states via cognitive process of conceptualization that is coded in lin-guistic constructions. This paper presents a model of emotion conceptualization that is based on the semantic and syntactic analysis of 2000 collostructions (Ste-fanowitsch & Gries 2006) of the target emotion concepts fear, anger, shame and jealousy in English and Croatian. The semantic potential of the target concepts is represented as a network of multidimensional components constructed via the metonymic and metaphoric processes that facilitate activation of the experiential content of affective state. By mapping relations between neurobiological mecha-nisms, cognitive models and symbolic constructions this model reflects the struc-ture of embodied cognition as well as the language-specific conventionalized patterns of linguistic construal: knowledge of the affective state and knowledge how to conceptualize this affective state in linguistic constructions. Linguistic constructions are hierarchically classified into sensory-motor, ontological, spatial, thematic and agentive patterns of conceptualization, that schematically repre-senting emergent structure of conceptualization. Each new pattern is grounded on the properties of lower levels, but also presents a new set of semantic and syn-tactic components that form emergent properties of that construction. The model demonstrates that properties of emotion concepts do not emerge only from SEN-SORY-MOTOR components of affective states but also from other cognitive (and cultural) knowledge about OBJECTS, SPATIAL RELATIONS, EFFECTS OF PROCESSES / FORCES and AGENTS / INSTRUMENTS that are activated by respective patterns of language constructions.

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P2.35 Negative emotional stimuli enhance vestibular processing

Nora Preuss, Andrew Ellis, Fred MastUniversity of Bern

Recent studies have shown that vestibular stimulation can influence affective processes (Dodson, 2004; Levine et al., 2012; Preuss, Hasler, & Mast, 2014; Preuss, Mast, & Hasler, 2014). In the present study, we examined whether emotional infor-mation can also modulate vestibular perception. Processing vestibular informa-tion is important in dangerous and threatening situations, as precise vestibular perception is required for an adaptive motor response (fight or flight) and motoric feedback. We proposed that negative stimuli would improve vestibular discrimi-nation performance when compared to neutral and positive stimuli. Participants performed a vestibular discrimination task on a motion platform while viewing emotional pictures. Six different picture categories were taken from the Interna-tional Affective Picture System: mutilation, threat, snakes, neutral objects, sports and erotic pictures. Using a Bayesian hierarchical approach we were able to show that vestibular discrimination improved when participants viewed emotionally negative pictures (mutilation, threat, snake) when compared to neutral objects. There was no difference in vestibular discrimination while viewing emotionally positive compared to neutral pictures. We conclude that some of the mechanisms involved in the processing of vestibular information are also sensitive to emotio-nal content. Emotional information signals importance and mobilizes the body for action (Frijda, 1986, 2007; Lang, 1993). In case of danger, a successful motor response requires precise vestibular processing. Therefore, negative emotional information improves processing of vestibular information. The present findings add to the emerging literature on vestibular-emotional interactions.

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P2.36 Infant understanding of the causes of emotions: Evidence among 12-month olds

Peter Reschke1, Eric Walle1, Ross Flom2

UC Merced1, Brigham Young University2

The accurate prediction of others’ likely emotional responses to particular events is central for adaptive social functioning. However, previous developmental work does not show such an understanding until the school years (Widen & Russell, 2010, 2011). Such a late unfolding of this foundational ability seems unlikely given that emotional discrimination is present as young as 4 months (Flom & Bahrick, 2007). Thus, a distinct gap in the developmental literature exists in our unders-tanding of the ontogeny of the child’s expectations of what events are likely to elicit particular emotions. The present investigation sought to examine the deve-lopment of cause-effect emotional understanding in 12-month-old infants. A vio-lation-of-expectation paradigm assessed infants’ expectations of which emotion was likely to follow a particular event. Infants were shown video clips depicting two females (E1 and E2) engaging in 1 of 3 possible emotion-eliciting events (Give = E1 gives E2 a toy; Break = E1 breaks E2’s toy; Fight = E1 struggles to steal E2’s toy). Each video clip was immediately followed by a test trial featuring a still image of E2 displaying an emotional expression (Happiness, Sadness, or Anger). The emo-tion-eliciting and emotion-outcome clips were paired to be either contextually congruent (i.e., Give/Happy; Break/Sad; Fight/Anger) or incongruent (e.g., Give/Anger). Infants were shown all conditions in three separate blocks (order counter-balanced). The first block also included a baseline trial (order counterbalanced) to assess infant looking to each emotion expression. Looking behavior was recorded using a hidden camera and coded for the duration of time spent looking to the screen for each test trial. Difference scores were calculated by dividing the loo-king time to test trials by the baseline looking time of the corresponding emo-tion. Data collection is currently in progress. While the present small sample size (N=8) prevents meaningful statistical analyses, some differences in infant looking across conditions are apparent. Infants in the Break conditions look longer to the incongruent, Break/Anger pairing (+66.33%) than the congruent Break/Sadness pairing (+7.74%). Additionally, in the Fight conditions, infants look longer to the in-congruent Fight/Sadness pairing (+20.66%) than the congruent Fight/Anger pai-ring (+10.74%) responses. Differences in the Give condition are less pronounced. The preliminary descriptive analyses of the data provide evidence that 12-month-old infants may have some expectations regarding which emotions are likely to occur following particular emotion-eliciting events. Data collection will continue until the target sample size of 24 infants is reached.


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P2.37 Emotion Regulation Choice in Anger depends on Trait Reappraisal and Emotional Intensity in Older Adults

Josefin Roebbig1, Miray Erbey1, Michael Gaebler2, Anahit Babayan2, Arno Villringer2

Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences Leipzig1, Mind Brain Institute and Berlin School of Mind and Brain2

Successful anger regulation is vital for psychological and cardiovascular health (e.g., Denson et al., 2012; Suls, 2013). Most studies conceptualized emotion regula-tion (ER) as a stable personality trait, while recent findings suggest that it rather is an emotional state’s intensity that determines how it is regulated (Sheppes, Sheibe, Suri, & Gross, 2011). In the current study we investigated whether the pre-ference for ER in anger depends on a relatively stable personality trait, i.e. dispo-sitional ER, or is chosen more flexibly based on the emotional intensity. Further, considering the aspect of emotional aging (e.g., Urry & Gross, 2010), we examine if this dynamic changes across the life-span. As a part of the ongoing Leipzig Cohort for Mind Body Emotion Interactions 56 young (29 males, age: 25.09 ± 3.39 years) and 32 elderly healthy participants (19 males, age: 66.63 ± 4.16 years) remembered four recent anger-inducing autobiographical situations of varying intensity and in randomized order. They were then asked to choose either cognitive reappraisal (CR) or distraction to regulate their anger during recall. Along with physiologi-cal measures we acquired emotional self-reports. The habitual use of CR (i.e., trait reappraisal) was assessed with the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (ERQ; Gross and John, 2003). Generalized estimating equations in a logistic regression setting (GENLIN) revealed a main effect for anger intensity (Wald-χ²(1) = 15.44, p = .001), which is interacting with age (Wald-χ²(1) = 13.67, p = .001) and the combination of age and trait reappraisal (Wald-χ²(1) = 10.10, p = .006). Anger memories of low intensity were more likely to be regulated with CR. This main effect was qualified by age and trait reappraisal, indicated by the (triple) interaction, meaning that low intensity determined reappraisal choice, especially in elderly individuals high in trait reappraisal. In line with evidence that emotional control improves with age (e.g., John & Gross, 2004; Kessler & Staudinger, 2009), our results indicate that el-derly proactively and flexibly regulate anger according to emotional intensity and personal psychometric constitution. While this study could not replicate previous findings on ER choice in negative emotions of young adults, our results shed light on the dynamic interplay of state, trait and age in anger regulation. It remains to be clarified whether the differential ER preference in elderly can be explained by an adaptive shift in ER in healthy emotional aging (Urry & Gross, 2010, Allard & Kensinger, 2014), taking the aspect of emotion-regulatory success into account.

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P2.38 Stop if you do not want to go

Mark RotteveelUniversity of Amsterdam

Action tendencies to approach or avoid can be affected by affective evaluation. Former research showed that affect congruent movements (i.e. arm flexion with positive stimuli; arm extension with negative stimuli) can be initiated faster than incongruent movements (e.g., Rotteveel & Phaf, 2004). Typically these results are obtained in early initiation times but not in the actual movement times. The ques-tion we want to address in this study is to what extend approach and avoidance action tendencies can be controlled in response to facial expressions of emotion and therefore we employed an adapted stop-signal-task. We compared go-signal response times (GSRT) with estimated stop signal response times (SSRT) for each movement separately (i.e., arm flexion and arm extension) in response to happy and angry facial expressions of emotion. Results showed that participants with congruent instructions responded faster than participants with incongruent ins-tructions in both go as well as stop conditions. This pattern of results is consistent with literature showing slower stop latencies in incongruent conditions in the Simon task as well as the flanker task (e.g., Verbruggen, Liefooghe, & Vandieren-donck, 2004). Interestingly we did not obtain any valence specific influence of the stop-signal in avoidance latencies. The latter finding is in contrast with literature showing affective devaluation due to the stop signal (e.g., Buttaccio and Hahn, 2010) and we will discuss a possible explanation for this.

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P2.39 The MSCEIT Misses the Mark: Emotional Intelligence is a Practical Ability

Razia SahiGeorgia State University

In recent years, researchers have been greatly interested in how differences in abilities to perceive, understand, and regulate emotions influence personal well-being and life success. In investigating these interpersonal differences, resear-chers coined the term “emotional intelligence” to refer to the capacity to reason about emotions and use emotions to assist reasoning. Although researchers lack consensus on the construct of emotional intelligence, or EI, the practical ability to regulate one’s emotions in order to produce constructive responses to one’s envi-ronment seems to be an essential feature of EI and arguably the most important feature in predicting personal well-being and life success. This paper draws atten-tion to the practical feature of EI by evaluating a popular ability-based measure of the construct: the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test, or MSCEIT (Mayer, Salovey, Caruso, 2002). Despite widespread controversy surrounding the validity of emotional intelligence tests and the conceptions of emotional intel-ligence that they rely on, many organizations are currently using the MSCEIT to predict workplace performance (Zeider, Matthews, Roberts, 2004). It is argued that the MSCEIT lacks validity as a measure of EI in so far as it fails to capture its essen-tial practical feature. In support of this argument, it is claimed that the MSCEIT (a) relies too heavily on participants’ knowledge of a particular set of social norms and the consensual interpretation of emotional information, (b) does not account for participants’ relevant interpersonal differences, and (c) does not measure one’s ability to reason about emotions when one’s emotions are involved. The MSCEIT may to some extent measure emotional knowledge, or knowledge about emo-tions, but when it comes to measuring emotional intelligence the MSCEIT misses the mark.


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P2.40 Reviving Empathy: Cultivating Moral Salience

Katie ShankerWashington University in St. Louis

This project is focused on the role of empathy in morality. I challenge recent criti-cisms by Jesse Prinz (“Is Empathy Necessary for Morality?” Empathy: Philosophical and Psychological Perspectives, 2011), Paul Bloom (Against Empathy, forthcoming), and others that suggest that empathic emotions should not play a major role in morality. Bloom, in a recent article for the Boston Review discussing his for-thcoming book, Against Empathy, claimed: “if you want to be good and do good, empathy is a poor guide.” This claim is supported by strong empirical evidence – countless studies in social psychology have shown that empathy and similar emotions (e.g. compassion) are not consistent predictors of which individuals will respond to the perceived suffering of others. I argue that these studies simply are not creative enough – we ought to assess empathy different stages, tracking the process from initial awareness of (potential) empathy-evoking stimuli to moral action/inaction. This kind of comprehensive approach is exemplified recent com-passion research by Daryl Cameron and colleagues focusing on emotion regula-tion (Cameron and Payne, “The Cost of Callousness,” Psychological Science, 2012). As it turns out, previous findings against empathy demonstrate the phenome-non of empathy suppression. While emotion regulation serves an important role in our moral lives (e.g. preventing us from lashing out at children when we get angry), an automated component of this process keeps us from fully experiencing empathy. For example, many people drive past the man on the corner asking for money without a second thought. Most of the time it is not the case that we do not respond to our feelings of empathy for that person. Rather, our emotion regulation system automatically shuts down the arousal processes before it even begins. Feeling empathy is exhausting and we are careful to allocate our limited emotional resources sparingly. In other words, most of us have unconsciously trai-ned ourselves to avoid empathy. I argue that instead of abandoning empathy as Bloom and others suggest, we ought to cultivate empathy to overcome suppres-sion and maximize our awareness of morally salient situations. I conclude with a proposal of how to reallocate our emotional resources and use empathy as a guide to doing and being morally good.

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P2.41 A Modest Proposal: Men are low in Disgust

Alexander SkolnickSaint Joseph’s University

When gender is analyzed women almost always self-report higher disgust than men. Women’s higher disgust levels are explained as an evolved trait functio-ning to protect her reproductive interests by keeping offspring safe from poten-tial threat of disease. My “modest proposal” suggests the gender exhibiting the “different” level of disgust is unknown (are women high or are men low?) and maybe we need to explain why men are lower in disgust rather than explain why women are higher in disgust. Furthermore, men are likely lower in self-reported disgust due to gender role conformity, such that men appear emotionally tough fittingly with being masculine. Three studies will be used to support the thesis that men know they are expected to be low in their disgust, that this knowledge may influence one’s own self-reported disgust, and women’s preferences might motivate men to respond with low disgust. Finally, while proposing a masculinity-disgust relationship, is it possible that uncoupling this link leads to gender equa-lity in disgust? Study1: 36 men and 96 women completed a disgust scale (DS-R) and rated themselves and a typical representative of each gender for their expec-tations of disgust sensitivity on a graphical scale (low-end represented “Far less” disgust, high-end “Far more”). Men rated themselves significantly lower on the scale in comparison to a typical woman (p<.001) and women rated a “typical man” similarly (p<.001). Thus, both men and women viewed men as low in disgust. We also tested whether these stereotypical views of how men and women respond in regards to disgust mediate the relationship between gender and disgust sen-sitivity. Mediational analyses with significant Sobel tests (p=.012,p=.002) confir-med partial mediation between these stereotypical views of disgust and gender differences in disgust. Study2 tested whether women would prefer a dating par-tner lower in disgust than themselves. 86 men and 117 women rated 17 traits (incl. easily grossed out) for a hypothetical long-term dating partner. For women: “Easily grossed out” was significantly less desirable in a dating partner than “easily ange-red” or “fearful”. There was no difference for “easily grossed out” for men. Thus, men might be motivated to be low in disgust to attract women. Finally, in the few studied cultures lacking gender differences in disgust (Study3:Ghanaian dis-gust), men’s disgust sensitivity levels are high similar to women’s levels and not the reverse condition. Taken together, these results suggest that focus on men’s lower disgust is warranted to understand gender and disgust.

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P2.42 What does emotional coping have to do with talking to robots? An experimental study.

Marloes L.C. Spekman, Elly A. Konijn, Johan F. HoornVU University Amsterdam

The pressure on healthcare systems increases due to rapidly growing demands. Therefore, there is a strong need for technological support which enhances the chances of encountering a healthcare robot. Because many healthcare situa-tions are stressful and involve intense emotions, it is likely that these emotions influence patients’ perceptions of healthcare robots. It is thus important to un-derstand the effects of emotion on perceptions of healthcare robots, such that the deployment of such robots can be optimized for patient satisfaction. Based on the assumptions of the appraisal-tendency framework (Lerner & Keltner, 2000), prior research showed that especially the appraisal of coping potential affected (unre-lated) perceptions of a healthcare robot (authors). Little is known however about the relationships between emotions, perceived coping potential, actual coping, and their effects on perceptions of unrelated subjects. The current study aims to fill this gap by studying emotion-related effects on perceptions of a health-care robot. Effects of manipulated emotional states and ease-of-coping (induced through a recall procedure) were tested in a 2 (sad vs. angry) by 2 (hard-to-cope-with vs. easy-to-cope-with situation) between-subjects study, including a control group. Measurements were taken of emotion intensity, perceived coping potential, actual use of coping strategies, among others. Subsequently, participants interac-ted with a social healthcare robot about their health and wellbeing. Perceptions of this robot (e.g., affordances, relevance, involvement, use intentions) were then measured. Preliminary results showed a tripartite model of coping strategies (i.e., problem-focused, emotion-focused blame, and emotion-focused acceptance) and led us to focus the main analyses on participants who recalled emotions relatively intense. Results showed that angry participants appraised coping potential and human agency higher than sad participants. Participants in the easy-to-cope-with condition appraised coping potential, control, and self-agency stronger than parti-cipants in the hard-to-cope-with condition. With regard to actually applied coping strategies, findings showed that angry participants more often used problem-focused and emotion-focused acceptance strategies than an emotion-focused blame coping strategy, while no differences between the applied coping strate-gies was found for the sad participants. Both the appraisal of coping potential and the use of an emotion-focused acceptance coping strategy directly affected perceptions of the healthcare robot. Emotions did not directly affect perceptions of a healthcare robot, but did so indirectly via appraised coping potential and the use of an emotion-focused acceptance coping strategy. Thus, perceptions were affected by how individuals (believe they can) cope with their emotions, rather than by the emotions as such.

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P2.43 Harm in the Ultimatum Game: Does a disfiguring injury elicit empathy for us but disgust towards them?

Aleksandra Swiderska, Dennis Kuester, Arvid KappasJacobs University Bremen

Previous research, e.g., from vignette studies, has demonstrated that people rea-dily imbue non-living entities with human qualities, including a mind capable of agency and experience, which thus renders these entities worthy of moral consi-deration. This effect is magnified by harm inflicted upon a victim, as suggested by the harm-made mind hypothesis (Ward, Olsen, & Wegner, 2013). A question then arises, what happens when harm has been done and we interact with others in an economic game without a vignette to explain the prior moral context? Is a mere presence of harm sufficient to elicit empathy, and therefore a more benign bargaining style, or does visible harm elicit disgust associated with tougher bar-gaining? Finally, does harm elicit equal amounts of empathy and disgust towards characters of varying levels of similarity to us? The purpose of the current study was twofold. First, we examined whether the decision making process in a bar-gaining game was shaped by the emotional impact of visible harm, particularly by disgust and empathy. Second, we investigated the influence of human likeness of the characters on participants’ decisions. Participants (N = 80) were required to either accept or reject fair and unfair monetary offers proposed by artificial humans and humanoid robots depicted as harmed or unharmed via the addition of a facial injury. The results of the game showed that participants rejected fair offers coming from the robots more often compared to the same offers made by the artificial humans. Further, a significant interaction between harm and human likeness revealed that harm increased empathy toward the more human-like cha-racters, but decreased empathy toward the less human characters. The rejections of fair offers were significantly predicted by how disgusted participants reported to have felt by the proposers’ appearance. Although the rejection rates grew as the offers became more unfair, no significant differences emerged for human like-ness. Overall, the findings indicate that the mere presence of a disfiguring injury may be enough to engender slightly different bargaining styles, especially when the injury evokes disgust, and when the virtual interaction partner is depicted as less human. However, most of the findings were limited to responses to fair offers, suggesting that future research might use a more powerful manipulation of harm.

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P2.44 The regulation of emotions in adolescents: Distraction vs. Reappraisal, a developmental trajectory?

Anne Theurel, Jennifer Malsert, Fleur Lejeune, Edouard GentazUniversity of Geneva

Emotional regulation is a crucial, adaptive skill in adulthood. Although efforts have been made to determine whether cognitive emotional regulation strategies (e.g, distraction, reappraisal, suppression) engage similar or dissimilar brain me-chanisms and whether they have comparable affective consequences (Augustine & Hemenover, 2009; McRae et al., 2010; Ochsner & Gross, 2005, 2008; Sheppes & Meiran, 2007) age-related changes in these emotional regulation strategies during adolescence remain unclear. Several aspects of development during ado-lescence lead to consider this period as sensitive and critical for a reorganization of regulatory systems: the role of puberty on restructuration of many body sys-tems (Giedd et al., 2006; Casey, Jones, & Hare, 2008; Spielberg et al. 2014) and as an influence on social information-processing (Blakemore, 2008; Eisenberg & Morris, 2004), and the concentration of changes in the prefrontal cortex together with the enhanced interregional communication between prefrontal cortex and other brain regions (Sowell et al., 2002; Paus et al. 1999). This study aimed thus to test for age-related differences in cognitive regulation strategies in adolescence by assessing the effectiveness of two strategies at distinct ages: reappraisal and distraction. One hundred and ten 12 year-olds (N = 56) and 15 year-olds (N = 54) adolescents were asked to look at negative pictures and to respond naturally or to down-regulate their emotional responses using cognitive reappraisal for half of them and distraction for the other half. Results showed that regulation success was higher in the Reappraisal condition than in the Distraction condition but that strategy effect depended on age: regulation success was equivalent for both stra-tegies in 12 year-olds while a large improvement of regulation success was obser-ved in 15 year-olds in reappraisal compared to distraction condition. Findings allow a better understanding of the development of emotional regulation processes in adolescence. Developmental differences in regulation success founded in this study indicate that regulation training may be useful since early adolescence and could be critical for preventing dysfunctional regulation in adulthood.

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P2.45 A cognitive latent variable model for the simultaneous analysis of behavioral and personality data

Joachim VandekerckhoveUC Irvine

Cognitive latent variable models are a broad category of formal models that can be used to aggregate information regarding cognitive parameters across partici-pants and tasks. Latent structures are borrowed from a vast literature in the field of psychometrics, and robust cognitive process models can be drawn from the cognitive science literature. The new modeling approach is an extension of hie-rarchical modeling, allows model fitting with smaller numbers of trials per task if there are multiple participants, and is ideally suited for uncovering correlations between latent task abilities as they are expressed in experimental paradigms. An example applications deals with the structure of an executive functioning task and its relation to dysphoria.

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P2.46 Background music influences the evaluation of emotional facial expressions

Anne Weisgerber, Mathieu Mazy, Nicolas VermeulenUniversité catholique de Louvain

In our daily lives, emotions, which are mostly cross-modal, have a crucial impact. We are often influenced by music either voluntarily (e.g., MP3 player, concerts) or not (e.g., musical background in shopping centres, neighbour’s party) (Sloboda, Lamont & Greasley, 2009). Although, several studies investigated the cross-modal facilitation effect, only a few of them used music as auditory input on cross-mo-dal affective priming (Steinbeis & Koelsch, 2010; Vermeulen, et al. 2010, Weisger-ber et al., in preparation). Furthermore, these researchers usually used emotional words and static emotional facial expressions (EFE) as stimuli. Nevertheless, our facial expressions are not static but change in valence and intensity. In the pre-sent experiment, we used an affective priming paradigm, i.e. different affective music samples (happy and sad music) were presented as a musical background for affective faces presented as targets (happiness and sadness). The goal of this study was to investigate if music may help people to refine emotion identification in a more ecological setting. We created 108 videos of facial expression morphing where faces changed from neutral to 100% of emotion and vice versa (Stimuli from the Radboud Faces Database, Langner et al., 2010). The music extracts were chosen from the database from Vieillard & Peretz, 2010. Participants were exposed to three conditions (congruent, baseline and incongruent music-EFE combina-tions). They were asked to press the space button when they thought that the facial emotion expression was at 50% of the emotion expression. We observed a cross-modal facilitation effect, i.e. a more accurate evaluation when the musi-cal primes and the to-be-evaluated targets shared the same emotional content (congruency). Concretely, on average participants were significantly closer to the 50% threshold in the congruent condition (59%) versus 70% in the incongruent condition. We also found that, in the congruent music condition, participants were more accurate to 50% of the emotion expression when it appeared from neutral to emotion (54%) than when the emotion expression disappeared (61%). In conclusion, these observations ascribe an important role to music for the com-petence of identifying emotions. Furthermore, this study showed that congruent music helps to enhance precision in emotion identification but interferes in emo-tion disengagement in moving facial expression.

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P2.47 Are moods always contagious? Shared attitudes and the social induction of affect

Monika Wróbel, Klara KrólewiakUniversity of Lodz

In the current research, we investigated the effects of attitude similarity on the social induction of affect. To manipulate attitude similarity between a sender dis-playing affect and a receiver observing it, we used software that generated bogus descriptions of the sender based on the receiver’s prior answers. Then the recei-ver watched a short video showing the sender displaying happy or sad emotional expression. The results of Study 1 (N = 86) and Study 2 (N = 82) indicated that affective reactions to the sender’s happy emotional expression were modera-ted by attitude similarity: similarity fostered concordant reactions (i.e., receivers’ mood improved after exposure to the similar happy sender), whereas dissimilarity prevented receivers from “catching” the sender’s affect (i.e., their mood remained unchanged). Interestingly, sad emotional expression of the sender resulted in receivers experiencing concordant reactions regardless of attitude similarity (i.e., their mood worsened after exposure to both the similar and dissimilar sad sen-der). Overall, the findings of both studies provide further evidence that individuals are not equally susceptible to “catching” the feelings of others because the social induction of affect is not a simple automatic reaction to another person’s emotio-nal expression. It rather involves the interpretation of this expression in a specific social context.

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P2.48 Maternal Sadness and Anger Socialization in Children with an Incarcerated Mother

Janice Zeman, Danielle Dallaire, Sarah BorowskiUniversity of Missouri

An examination of how emotional socialization processes operate for children who are exposed to atypical environmental contexts that place them at increased risk for psychosocial maladaptation has received little empirical attention. The current study investigates maternal anger and sadness socialization processes for children, ages 6 to 12, who live in the atypical family context of maternal incar-ceration which has a high probability of placing these children on a trajectory towards maladaptation in psychological, social, and academic realms The sample consists of 154 children (53.9% boys, 61.7% Black, M age = 9.38, range: 6 – 12), their 118 currently incarcerated mothers (64.1% Black), and their 118 child caregivers (74.8% female, 61.9% grandparents, 63.2% Black). Using mother, caregiver, and child report, seven maternal socialization strategies (i.e., Emotion-focused (EFR), Problem-focused (PFR), Expressive Encouragement, Distress Reactions, Punitive Reactions, Minimization Reactions, Neglect) were assessed in their interaction with incarceration-specific risk experiences (e.g., separation from siblings due to maternal incarceration) predicting children’s adjustment. For sadness socializa-tion, the results indicated that among children reporting maternal emotion-fo-cused responses, incarceration-specific risk predicted increases in psychological problems, depressive symptoms, increased emotional lability, and poorer emotion regulation. For children who perceived a problem-focused response in response to sadness, incarceration-specific risk did not predict outcomes. There were no significant interactions with incarceration-specific risk and perceived maternal anger socialization strategies. From a developmental psychopathology perspec-tive, delineating pathways to competent functioning within conditions of adversi-ty is crucial for understanding the complexities of development (Sroufe, 1990). As such, maternal emotion socialization as perceived by children at higher incarcera-tion-specific risk does not appear to function in the same way as depicted in the literature using White, middle-class samples or for children with lower levels of incarceration-specific risk. Specifically, the results of this research indicated that for children who perceived that their mothers reacted to their sadness with an EFR, their functioning within psychological, social, and emotion domains worse-ned with increasing maternal incarceration-specific experiences. At lower levels of incarceration risk, the negative sequalae associated for maternal EFR were not found. The findings from this research also have potentially important implica-tions for emotion socialization researchers who have tended to view these two strategies (EFR, PFR) as supportive based on theory and/or the combination of these scales into a single composite scale. These results indicate a critical need to examine how socialization processes may operate differently for children raised in atypical socializing contexts.

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Symposium S4.1Integrative theories of emotion: The wave of the future?

ConvenersAgnes Moors


It seems clear that the perpetually elusive Jamesian question “What is an emo-tion?” continues to confront us, despite several decades of attempts to answer it successfully. No theory of emotions has yet emerged with the unifying power of Einstein’s relativity theory in physics or Darwin’s theory of natural selection in biology. Moreover, several theorists have suggested that the very question asked by James is problematic, because it presupposes that defining emotion is what affective scientists should be doing. On the contrary, it has been suggested from numerous quarters that “emotion” is too heterogeneous a category for purposes of scientific investigation. The same intractable heterogeneity may in principle apply to categories subordinate to emotion, such as “fear”, “anger”, “shame”, “guilt” and so on. Despite these caveats, progress has been made since James’ times. Several theories have been developed which account well for at least some of the available empirical evidence, including appraisal theories, basic emotion theories, social constructionism, psychological constructionism, perceptual and cognitive theories in philosophy, and dynamic embodied cognition approaches. These theories are, or at least appear to be, in fierce disagreement with one ano-ther on matters of both substance and methodology. But we think that there is more commonality amongst them than meets the eye. Researchers from different research traditions tend to agree on several aspects of emotions, including their componential nature, their ability to be about the world, their functionality, their variability, and several other key aspects. In this symposium, we will showcase five theories of affect (broadly understood) that are theoretically promiscuous, in the sense that they programmatically attempt to combine insights from different research traditions. These theories differ on various dimensions, but they share the methodological presupposition that creative theoretical integration offers us a better chance to make progress in emotion theory than doctrinaire turf battles.

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Making Sense of Episodic and Dispositional Emotions: The Situated Perspective

Achim StephanOsnabrueck University

In affective science, there is a remarkable divide between laboratory researchers on the one hand and philosophers and psychotherapists on the other hand about the main object of interest. Whereas the former mainly focus on emotional epi-sodes (or: episodic emotions), the latter are mostly concerned with long-lasting or recurring emotions such as guilt, jealousy, grief (also known as dispositional emotions). Recent contributions to situational aspects of human affectivity dis-cuss in which sense emotions are embodied, embedded, extended, enacted, or distributed. Situational aspects of both episodic emotions and dispositional emo-tions have been discussed, and my initial objective will be to put some taxonomic order in this fragmented literature. I will first discuss the relationship between episodic emotions and dispositional emotions (one of the questions being: what makes several emotional episodes instances of one and the same dispositional emotion?). Second, I will investigate in which sense these emotions can be said to be situated in one or more conceptually distinct ways. Third, I will explore whe-ther psychological constructionism may offer the tools to develop an integrative understanding of both episodic and dispositional emotions.

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Varieties of Constructionism

Richard DubUniversity of Geneva

Constructionists about emotion, such as Lisa Barrett and her coauthors, argue that emotions are psychological constructions. There are a number of different ways to understand this claim. In this talk, I provide a catalog and taxonomy of varieties of constructionism, offering a number of ways that constructionist theo-ries can differ from one another. For example, varieties can differ on the temporal points within an emotional process where interpretation and construction take place, on the objects of interpretation, or on the form that the interpretive process can take. Each of these different varieties of constructionism is compatible with different sorts of other psychological emotion theories, including appraisal theo-ries, core affect theories, and basic emotion theories, as well as philosophical emo-tion theories, including judgement theories, perceptual theories, and attitudinal theories. Although constructionism is often thought to be a competitor to many of these emotion theories, it is not a competitor at all. Barrett holds that construc-tionism and her core affect theory go hand-in-hand, but many of her arguments support only a non-specific type of constructionism that can be integrated with any number of possible emotion theories.


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The New Basic Emotion Theory: Ekman Meets Frjida

Andrea ScarantinoGeorgia State University, USA

Any viable theory of emotions needs to explain the massive variability that cha-racterizes instances of anger, fear, happiness, shame, guilt and so on with respect to neural, physiological, phenomenological, expressive and behavioral changes. Traditional basic emotion theory has been powerfully criticized by psychological constructionists for its inability to account for variability, because it appears to posit invariant biological markers for each basic emotion. This criticism is well deserved, but far from fatal to basic emotion theory as a research program. Basic emotion theory can be modified to reflect three fundamental sources of variabi-lity: (a) the structure of folk emotion concepts, (b) the adaptiveness of flexible res-ponding, and (c) the interaction between basic emotions and other mental states. The resulting New Basic Emotion Theory continues to identify basic emotions with affect programs, but takes the primary expression of such programs to be the activation of a Frijdian action tendency with control precedence. On this view, basic emotion programs solve recurrent evolutionary problems by coordinating, in a highly context-dependent yet goal-oriented way, clusters of biological markers driven by underlying neural networks.

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What’s Different About Different Emotions?

Brian ParkinsonUniversity of Oxford

This paper proposes an integrative approach to issues surrounding emotion diffe-rentiation. What makes anger different from fear or shame different from guilt? What gives each distinct emotion its particular quality? A range of answers have been proposed. Some theorists attribute emotional differences to felt qualia, others to bodily changes, patterns of appraisals, or the application of emotion conceptions. Yet others contend that some of these differences are partly in the eye of the beholder. A challenge facing many of these accounts is that different instances of the same emotion often share few structural features. Further, reflec-tive awareness of emotional quality seems not to be a necessary condition for an emotion’s occurrence. Instead of focusing on internal components or structural characteristics of individual emotional states, I propose that emotions be distin-guished according to their relational functions. Separable emotions are not sim-ply individual reactions to events. Instead, they are best understood as socially situated and interpersonally distributed dynamic processes that align relations between people and objects. They differ in terms of the appraisals that they convey and the evaluative orientations that they embody but these differences are not directly or consistently reflected in specific cognitive, physiological, or behavioural patterns. However, humans also apply differentiated cultural repre-sentations to their own and other people’s emotions and this can transform their operation as means of communication and social influence. For example, prototy-pic facial expressions can convey associated object appraisals thus enhancing the apparent coherence of emotion syndromes. In other words, socialized emotions can be distinguished according to both the response characteristics implied by basic emotions theories and by the evaluative orientations specified by appraisal theories, but neither of these factors alone fully captures the underlying functio-nal basis of emotional differences.


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Integrating Appraisal Theory with Psychological Construction Theory

Agnes Moors, James A. RussellUniversity of Leuven, Boston College

Progress in the study of emotion requires that the field move toward consensus. To this end, we undertake an attempt to integrate one version of appraisal theo-ry and one version of psychological construction theory, based on the following points of agreement: (a) the to-be-explained phenomena are episodes classified by most people as emotional, (b) these episodes consist of various component, none of which can be identified as the emotion, (c) the components are not pre-determined by an affect program, but constructed on the spot based on several sources of information, and (d) research should study relations among compo-nents instead of relations among emotions and components. Our attempt also reveals differences and issues that require further empirical testing. Psychological construction has been vague about how the components are connected, whereas appraisal theories have ventured concrete hypotheses about relations between specific appraisal and specific other components. More empirical research is nee-ded, however, to test these and alternative hypotheses, and to contrast the role of appraisal with the role of other types of information processing.

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Symposium S4.2 The Role of Emotions in Negotiation and Conflict Resolution

ConvenersOlga Klimecki


The long-standing view of rational negotiators is increasingly replaced by the rea-lization that emotions play a crucial role in negotiations and conflicts. Important questions that have emerged over recent years are how and under which circums-tances emotions influence negotiations and conflict situations. In this symposium, researchers with a psychological and neuroscientific background will discuss stu-dies that address these questions. First, Eran Halperin and Ruthie Pliskin will pre-sent data on the importance of taking ideology into account when studying the influence of emotions on intergroup conflict. In the next contribution, Marwan Sinaceur and Dimitri Vasiljevic will elucidate under which conditions displays of sadness can augment concessions through the elicitation of concern. The final two talks will address the role of emotions in conflict from a psychological and neuroscientific perspective. Gert-Jan Lelieveld will show the different effects of displays of anger and disappointment in the Ultimatum and the Dictator Game. Finally, Olga Klimecki will introduce the Inequality Game and discuss the opposing influence of empathy-related dispositions on conflict behavior. The overall goal of this symposium is to stimulate a rich discussion about the role of emotions in negotiations and conflict situations.


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Ideological Influences on the Outcomes of Emotion and its Regulation in Intractable Conflicts

Ruthie Pliskin1,2, Eran Halperin2

Tel Aviv University1, IDC Herzliya2

Ideology is an important element of the political context that may shape the emo-tional process at various points, influencing not only the emotions that people ex-perience, but also the outcomes of these emotions and the manner in which they are regulated. Drawing on insights from the literature on ideology, we posited that emotions should differentially influence the support given by ideological leftists and rightists to different political policies, as well their action intentions. In three experimental studies and three field studies (Authors et al., in press), we demons-trated that in ideologically-relevant contexts, the clearer and more rigid guidelines afforded by rightist ideology make rightists (compared to leftists) less susceptible to the outcomes of emotions, with emotional change associated with changes in policy support mostly or only among leftists. In ideologically-irrelevant contexts, however, differences in susceptibility to certain emotions may actually lead these emotions to have a greater impact on rightists (compared to leftists) behavior intentions, and this hypothesis was supported in a large experimental study com-paring across fear-inducing collective contexts (Authors et al., 2014). Could these differences in the tendency to be influenced by emotion also indicate differences in the possible effectiveness of emotion regulation? Initial experimental evidence indicates a moderating effect for ideology on both the magnitude and direction of emotional change following the use both cognitive change (Authors et al., 2014) and attention deployment (Porat et al., in preparation) emotion regulation strate-gies. We discuss the significance of these findings and the importance of taking ideology into account in the study of emotions in intergroup conflicts.

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Weep and Get More: When and Why Sadness Expression Is Effective in Negotiations

Dimitri Vasiljevic, Marwan SinaceurINSEAD, France

Although research has recently accumulated on emotional expressions in negotia-tions, no research has yet explored whether expressing sadness could have effects in negotiations. We propose that sadness expressions can increase expressers’ ability to claim value in negotiations because they make recipients experience greater other-concern for the expresser. However, only when the social situation provides recipients with reasons to experience concern for the expresser in the first place, will recipients act upon their other-concern and, eventually, concede more to a sad expresser. Three experiments tested this proposition by examining face-to-face, actual negotiations (where participants interacted with each other). In all three experiments, recipients conceded more to a sad expresser when, but only when, features of the social situation provided reasons to experience other-concern for the expresser, namely (a) when recipients perceived the expresser as low-power (Experiment 1), (b) when recipients anticipated a future interaction (Experiment 1), (c) when recipients construed the relationship as collaborative in nature (Experiment 2), or (d) when recipients believed that it was inappropriate to blame others (Experiment 3). All three experiments showed that the positive ef-fect of sadness expression was mediated by the recipients’ greater other-concern. These findings extend previous research on emotional expressions in negotia-tions by emphasizing a distinct psychological mechanism. Implications for our understanding of sadness, negotiations, and emotions are discussed.


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Underlying behavioral and neural mechanisms of anger and disappointment in conflict situations

Gert-Jan LelieveldLeiden University

A negotiation is a way of solving conflicts and it is often a very emotional process. Researchers have come to acknowledge the functional aspects of communica-ting emotions in negotiations. According to a social-functional perspective, emo-tions contain crucial information, which has behavioral consequences for others (Keltner & Haidt, 1999). In the current study we focused on the interpersonal ef-fects of two of the most often communicated negative emotions in interpersonal decision making: anger and disappointment. Whereas previous research focused only on the subjective thoughts and feelings that emotions evoke in others, we are also interested in the underlying neural reactions.Previous work has shown that to elicit high offers from others in negotiations, it is often better to communicate disappointment than anger. In two studies we show that this is not always the case. Moreover, using an fMRI as well as a behavio-ral study, we show that the interpersonal effects of both emotions have distinct underlying mechanisms.In Study 1, participants played a dictator game in the MRI scanner after receiving angry or disappointed emotional reactions on a previous offer they had made. In Study 2, participants played an ultimatum game, after receiving angry or disap-pointed reactions.Results of Study 1 showed that participants made higher offers to disappointed than to angry recipients. Moreover, relative to interpersonal disappointment, in-terpersonal anger was associated with more medial prefrontal cortex (involved in self-referential thinking), and anterior cingulate cortex (involved in conflict) activation. Results of Study 2 showed that whereas anger communicated power, disappointment communicated weakness. Anger elicits high offers in negotiation because people fear impasse. Disappointment on the other hand, elicits high of-fers because it evokes guilt.We showed that although anger and disappointment are both reactions to un-desirable outcomes, they have different underlying mechanisms. Whereas anger communicates power and elicits a focus on the self, disappointment communi-cates weakness and elicits social responsibility in others. Our findings support the notion that it is essential to distinguish between different types of discrete emo-tions. They affect other’s behavior differently, and activate different brain areas in others.

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Opposing influence of empathic concern and empathic distress on conflict behavior

Olga Klimecki, Patrik Vuilleumier, David SanderUniversity of Geneva

Empathy refers to the capacity to share the feelings of others. Although empathy in general has been associated with reduced aggression (Miller & Eisenberg, 1988), past research has shown differential effects of empathy-related states on helping behavior: While compassion (i.e., the feeling of empathic concern for a suffering person) was related to increased helping behavior, the experience of empathic dis-tress actually predicted less helping behavior (Batson et al., 1983). In spite of these findings, it was to date unclear to which extent this dissociation can be genera-lized to situations involving conflict. We tested this relationship in two studies using a trait questionnaire that distinguishes between empathic concern and dis-tress (Davis, 1983) and a newly developed and validated paradigm called Inequality Game (Authors). This paradigm relies on repeated interactions involving mone-tary allocation or feedback selection. In each round of the game, the participant is paired with an alleged fair or unfair other person, who engage in collaborative as opposed to competitive behavior, respectively. During these interactions, the participant is either passively receiving the others’ choices (low power position) or actively engaging in monetary allocations and feedback choices (high power position). A behavioral study with 40 participants revealed that participants’ dis-position to experience personal distress indeed predicted the engagement in antisocial behavior, even towards the fair other. Conversely, the tendency to expe-rience empathic concern predicted forgiveness behavior towards the unfair other in a subsequent situation related to food allocation. Corroborating these findings, a second study with 25 participants undergoing functional magnetic resonance imaging showed that empathic concern predicted forgiveness behavior towards the unfair other in the Inequality Game (Authors). Taken together, the results of these studies reveal that empathy-related traits can indeed have opposing effects on social behavior, even in situations involving conflict.


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Symposium S4.3Assessing Emotional Intelligence/Competence:

Towards a new future

ConvenersJohnny Fontaine

Ghent University, North West University - South Africa

The concept of emotional intelligence has been proposed more than 25 years ago in the scientific literature. Ever since it has attracted keen interest both in the scientific world and applied domains. The idea that persons differ in their ability to recognize, understand, and manage emotional processes in themselves and others is theoretically appealing and practically relevant. Yet, since its emergence in the scientific domain there have been vigorous debates on how this construct should be conceptualized, and especially how it should be assessed in a valid and psychometrically sound fashion up to the level that the scientific value of the construct itself has been questioned. A first debate centres on whether emotional intelligence should be measured as a typical performance construct using self-re-port or as a maximum performance construct using ability testing. While the for-mer approach is psychometrically more straightforward, the latter approach has demonstrated the most evidence for discriminant validity. The maximum perfor-mance approach, however, has been severely criticised for its scoring. Responses need to be scored in terms of correctness, but for emotions it has been claimed that there does not exist a clear criterion for correctness. The most frequently used scoring approach is consensus scoring that scores responses according to what a representative sample of respondents think what is correct. From the pers-pective of fundamental emotion research, the lack of theoretical grounding of the existing maximum performance emotional intelligence measures is criticised. In the current symposium we discuss the critiques on the emotional intelligence/competence construct and how it is currently being measured. We also propose new approaches that overcome these critiques and open the way for a new fu-ture for emotional intelligence/competence as a sound scientific construct with practical relevance. The first presentation discusses the differences between the typical and the maximum performance approaches, and demonstrates that the maximum performance approach shows substantial positive relationships with general cognitive ability as should be theoretically expected from an “intelligence” construct. The second presentation focuses on the scoring problem. It presents the consensus scoring method as well as other scoring methods that can be used to score emotional intelligence/competence items. The usefulness and the poten-tial limitations of each of the scoring methods is discussed. The third contribution presents the construction and first validation of a new emotion knowledge instru-ment. Emotion knowledge is a key aspect of the emotional intelligence/compe-tence construct. The development of this instrument is rooted in the componen-tial emotion approach which conceptualizes an emotion as a situationally elicited synchronization of the five emotion components of appraisal, action tendencies, bodily reactions, expressions, and feelings in response to a goal-relevant event. The third presentation discusses the development of the Geneva Emotional Com-petence (GECO) test that aims at assessing emotional competence in the work setting. It combines a situational-judgment approach with emotion theory to assess emotional competence in a practically relevant and theoretically sound way. The last contribution focuses on emotion recognition ability, which is ano-ther key aspect of the emotional intelligence/competence construct. It presents the construction and validation of the Geneva Emotion Recognition Test (GERT), which works with multimodal expression information and is scored on a theore-tical basis. It is furthermore demonstrated how emotion expression recognition ability can be trained with the same type of stimulus material.

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Is Emotional Intelligence a New Cognitive Ability?

Richard RobertsCenter for Innovative Assessment, USA

The well-known bifurcation of the measurement of emotional intelligence (EI) has lead to two distinct camps. In this presentation, I begin by arguing that the ty-pical emotional intelligence (sometimes called by its misnomer trait EI, or emotio-nal self-efficacy) framework represents an important field, but likely represents a search for further facets that might be incorporated into the Big Five Factor Model rather than a distinct construct. This part of the field would also benefit from mo-ving beyond self-assessed Likert-type instruments, to include methodologies such as anchoring vignettes and forced-choice. In support of this assertion I present some recent data collected in our laboratories with these new approaches. In the second part of the presentation, I turn my focus to examine the evidence suppor-ting the idea that maximum emotional intelligence represents a second-stratum human cognitive ability, akin to other broad factors (e.g., fluid intelligence, broad visualization) represented by the Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) Model. A large data set incorporating various maximum EI measures and broad cognitive factors sup-port this assertion. But as for typical EI measures, new approaches appear requi-site. I conclude with demonstrations of the Multimedia Emotional Management Assessment and Empathic Agent Paradigm, and new data showing how these fit within the nomological network of ability constructs.


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Measuring EI as an ability: treasuring the past to build the new generation of ability measures

Marina FioriUniversity of Lausanne

The conceptualization of emotional intelligence as an ability (or competence) im-plies the measurement of the construct with performance measures. One of the biggest challenges of this approach resides in providing a criterion of correctness for perceiving, understanding, and managing emotions. In fact, individuals may differ with respect to how they feel and manage emotions effectively. Further-more, correctness of emotional reactions may depend on the frame of reference for judging a response as correct; for example, anger suppression may be an effec-tive way to manage emotions if the goal is to preserve interpersonal relationships. However, it may not be the most effective strategy for reducing frustration (see also Fiori et al., 2014). Several criteria have been proposed, including scoring as correct the answer provided by the majority of people (‘consensus scoring’), sco-ring the answer according to a pool of experts (‘expert consensus’) or according to theories of emotions and adaptation. Presenting data on two ability tests of EI--the Mayer Salovey Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (or MSCEIT, Mayer, Salo-vey, & Caruso, 2002) and the Situational Test of Emotion Understanding (or STEU, MacCann & Roberts, 2012)--I will provide an overview of the scoring methods, in-cluding the score distribution and the test information function, pointing out the differences, and drawing the attention to the usefulness as well as the potential limitations of each of them. Implications for investigating EI as an ability will be discussed, in particular by relating the development of ability EI measures with that of intelligence testing.

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Assessing emotion understanding on the basis of the componential emotion approach

Eva Sekwena12, Johnny Fontaine21

North West University - South Africa1, Ghent University2,

Emotion understanding is a central component of the Emotional Intelligence/Competence construct. It is either measured on the basis of emotion terms or of appraisals. However, it has not yet been measured in a construct represen-tative way. On the basis of the componential emotion approach an emotion is defined as a situationally elicited synchronization of the five emotion compo-nents of appraisal, action tendencies, bodily reactions, expressions, and feelings in response to a goal-relevant event (e.g., Scherer, 2005). The development and first validation of a new instrument that looks at whether and to which extent people understand how the five emotion components are likely to synchronize in goal-relevant events is presented. Based on extensive qualitative research, 10 emotion scenarios were constructed that typically elicit one of 10 emotions (guilt, shame, anger, sadness, fear, surprise, joy, pride, love/friendship, and compassion). For each scenario respondents had to rate 25 emotional reactions representing the five emotion components and had to rate 5 emotion terms. The reactions were theoretically selected to vary from very unlikely up to very likely for each emotional situation. Participants were asked to rate the emotional reactions on a five-point Likert scale ranging from (1) very unlikely to (5) very likely. In total 139 undergraduate students the North-West University in South-Africa took the new emotion knowledge instrument as well as tests for cognitive abilities, self-repor-ted emotional intelligence, personality, well-being, and psychopathology. Factor analysis revealed a bipolar emotion understanding factor with the right reactions loading positively and the wrong reactions loading negatively on it and a unipolar acquiescence factor with all emotional reactions loading positively on it. The bi-polar EI factor correlated positively with cognitive ability, self-reported emotional intelligence, extraversion, conscientiousness, openness to experience, honesty-humility, emotionality, and well-being, and correlated negatively with some of the psychopathology measures. The current research demonstrates that it is possible to assess emotional intelligence in a construct representative way. Interindividual differences in understanding can be represented by a single higher-order factor. The nomological network further confirms the validity of this factor.

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The Geneva Emotional Competence Test (GECO): A Situational Judgment Test to Measure Emotional

Intelligence in the Workplace

Marcello Mortillaro, Katja Schlegel, Irene RotondiUniversity of Geneva, Northeastern University, Boston MA

Proponents of an ability model of Emotional Intelligence (EI) describe EI as a set of multiple and partly independent cognitive abilities. Some of these scholars even suggest dropping the term intelligence in favor of competence, to remark that this is a dynamic ability that can vary between situations and over time. Despite the increasing support for this view, most EI measures are self-report measures that are in many respects confounded with personality questionnaires. Adopting the ability EI model, conversely, implies that questionnaires should be designed as performance-based tests in which the competence level of the person is assessed by means of ability-specific tasks. This approach resulted in very few tests so far (e.g., Situational Tests of Emotion Understanding and Emotion Management - STEU, STEM), and only one considers several branches of EI, the Mayer Salovey Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (MSCEIT). This test has been widely adopted and became the standard measure for ability EI. Nevertheless, several authors cri-ticized the MSCEIT for its a-theoretical approach and for its scoring rubric based only on group consensus.In this contribution, we will present a newly developed performance–based test of EI that is hard-wired in contemporary emotion theories and targets different facets of EI: emotion understanding, emotion regulation, emotion recognition, and emotion management. The Geneva Emotional Competence (GECO) test uses a situational-judgment approach targeted at measuring EI in the context of work activities. The items were built based on realistic emotional scenarios collected through individual interviews with professionals. Scoring is based on a combi-nation of theoretical assumptions (e.g., appraisal theory), consensus, and expert scoring. We will present the structure of the test, the item generation process, and the re-sults of validation studies with different populations of respondents. In particular we will discuss the results of the construct validation study in which 149 students of the University of Geneva completed the GECO along with other questionnaires relevant for the different facets of the test. Results showed that the four scales have satisfactory internal consistency (alpha .60-.75) and are substantially corre-lated with other measures, confirming its construct validity. The test also has a higher difficulty level than previous tests and therefore is better able to discrimi-nate between individuals with higher levels of EI. The GECO is the first instrument specifically dedicated to measure EI in the context of the work activities. Potential applications for training and assessment will be discussed.

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Assessment and training of emotion recognition ability

Katja SchlegelNortheastern University, Boston MA

The ability to recognize other people’s emotions from their face, voice, and body is crucial to successful functioning in private and professional life. Although re-search on ERA has had a long tradition in psychology, two aspects, namely assess-ment and training, have received somewhat less attention and will be addressed in this contribution. In the first part of the paper, we will review how ERA is typically measured and will highlight the major limitations of existing standardized ERA tests. Such tests suffer from restricted ecological validity because they mostly use emotional ex-pressions from a single modality (usually the face) and include only few emotions. In addition, little is known about their psychometric properties such as internal consistency or dimensional structure. The recently developed Geneva Emotion Recognition Test (GERT; Schlegel et al., 2014) attempts to overcome some of these problems. In the GERT, participants see 83 multimodal emotion expressions (short video clips with sound) in which 10 actors portray 14 different emotions. After each clip, participants are asked to choose which of the 14 emotions the actor had expressed. Here, we will present several studies supporting its good psychome-tric properties. Results showed that the GERT is positively correlated with tests measuring various components of emotional and cognitive intelligence and nega-tively correlated with maladaptive affective traits like anxiety, anger, and alexi-thymia. Furthermore, GERT scores predict higher monetary gains and higher peer ratings of cooperativeness in a dyadic negotiation task. In the second part, we address the question whether ERA can be improved through training. We present a new computer-administered training that was developed based on the video clips used in the GERT. The training consists of 1) an instruction part with information about how the 14 emotions are typically expressed in dif-ferent modalities and example clips, and 2) a training part in which participants watch clips, choose the expressed emotion, and get feedback on whether their choice was correct or not. Results from a first study with students revealed signi-ficantly higher ERA scores in the training group in comparison to the untreated control group. Next steps in the validation of this training will be outlined. This line of research has important implications for future research and practice, for example in the training of managers or healthcare professionals, and populations with lower levels of ERA such as elderly people.

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Symposium S4.4What emotions can tell us about social life

ConvenersUrsula Hess, Shlomo Hareli

Humboldt-University, University of Haifa

In everyday life emotion expressions are used to infer the emotional state of others. However, this process is often not an end in itself. Rather we use emotion expressions to infer something about the person who reacts with the emotion or about the situation in which the emotion was shown. Indeed research focusing of the social signal value of emotions reveals the wealth of inferences that observers extract from emotions expressed by others, among other things, inferences about the social status of the expressers (Tiedens, 2001), their dominance and affilia-tion (Hareli, Shomrat, & Hess, 2009; Hess, Blairy, & Kleck, 2000; Knutson, 1996), and their intentions during a negotiation (Van Kleef, De Dreu, & Manstead, 2004). A central factor informing these inferences are the appraisals associated with specific emotions (Hareli & Hess, 2010). However, the context within which the emotions are perceived also plays an important role in this process. The proposed symposium samples some of the inferences that people draw from observed em-otional reactions in different everyday life contexts while explicating the different ways by which the context in which the emotions are expressed intervenes in the inference-drawing process. Hareli will discuss how emotional counter-reactions to one’s anger affect inferences of social power of the angry person. Such coun-ter-reactions are considered alongside the gender of the expressers as well as the context in which the anger is perceived. Elkabetz will present research suggesting that people can infer the rules of a game and the quality of performance from the spectators’ emotional reactions with specific emphasis on the signal value of awe and the conditions under which inferences extracted from awe depend on context. Kafetsios will discuss research on how cultural differences in emotion norms, emotion perception, and normative tightness impact on the inferences people draw regarding the appropriateness of behavior based on the emotional reactions of onlookers. Finally, David will discuss how the social group member-ship of the expresser and the presence of other individuals affect the identifica-tion of emotions and inference extracted from them.

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The role of emotional counter-reactions to anger for inferences of social power

Shlomo Hareli, Shlomo DavidUniversity of Haifa

Expressions of anger, especially in men, are perceived as signals of high social power (Brescoll & Uhlmann, 2008; Tiedens, 2001). Targets of such expressions may respond by expressing emotions of their own (Hareli & Rafaeli, 2008; Van Kleef, 2009). Depending on the type of response, it can serve as a signal of confirmation or disconfirmation of the claims to high power suggested by these expressions of anger and determine the perceived social power of the responders. The current presentation reports results from two studies that tested this idea, by presenting participants with a sequence of two photos of same-sex and mixed-sex dyads. The first photo presented an angry person and the second one presented ano-ther person responding by expressing, anger, neutrality, sadness or fear. Focusing on the way in which the first person was perceived, Study 1 shows that counter-reactions of neutrality decreased perceived social power, whereas counter-reac-tions of fear increased it. For same-sex dyads only, counter-reactions of anger had the same effect as neutrality, while sadness had the same effect as fear. Further-more, counter-emotions had a stronger effect on perceived social power when the emotions were incongruent with gender-stereotypes. Whereas women’s ste-reotype-incongruent reactions made women appear more powerful, the stereo-type-incongruent reactions of men made men seem less powerful. The second study suggests that counter-emotions also affect the perceived social power of the responders; this may also explain the effect it has on the perception of the first expresser. This research underscores the importance of social interaction as a context for the social perception of emotions.


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The role of context in social inferences drawn from emotions as a function of the situative informativeness of the emotion

Shimon Elkabetz1, Shlomo Hareli1, Ursula Hess2

University of Haifa1, Humboldt-University2

How people react emotionally to an event can tell us much about the event itself (Hareli & Hess, 2012; Van Kleef, 2010). However, emotions vary in their situative in-formativeness, that is, in how much information about the situation they provide. We predicted that when emotions are shown which are low in situative informa-tiveness participants rely more on context information, then when the emotions shown are high in situative informativeness. At the same time, context may still serve to provide information on the validity of the emotions. These hypotheses were tested in two studies in which participants were asked to deduce the rules of an unknown sports game and to evaluate the quality of a player’s performance based on the emotional reactions of spectators to the game. Spectators reacted either with awe (high in situative informativeness), or with happiness or neutrality (low in situative informativeness). Participants also received context information. The findings supported the predictions and illustrate how emotions and context interact to inform us about events.

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A cross-cultural study on emotion expression and the learning of social norms

Konstantinos Kafetsios, Shlomo Hareli, Ursula HessUniversity of Crete, University of Haifa, Humboldt-University

When we do not know how to correctly behave in a new context, the emotions that people familiar with the context show in response to the behaviors of others, can help us understand what to do or not to do. The present study examined cross-cultural differences in how group emotional expression (anger, sadness, neutral) can inform norm violation in four cultures (Germany, Israel, Greece and the US) that differ in terms of decoding rules for negative emotions. As expected, in all four countries, anger was a stronger norm violation signal than sadness or neutral expressions. However, angry and sad expressions were perceived as more intense and the relevant norm was learned better in Germany and Israel than in Greece and the US. Participants in Greece were relatively better at using sadness as a sign of a likely norm violation. The results demonstrate both cultural universality and cultural differences in the use of group emotion expressions in norm learning. In terms of cultural differences they underscore that the social signal value of emo-tional expressions may vary with culture as a function of cultural differences, both in emotion perception, and as a function of a differential use of emotions.

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The influence of social and situational context on emotion perception

Shlomo David1, Shimon Elkabetz1, Shlomo Hareli1, Konstantinos Kafetsios2, Ursula Hess3

University of Haifa1, University of Crete2, Humboldt-University3

Two studies were conducted to investigate the effect of two types of context infor-mation: the social group membership of the expresser and the presence of other individuals. Participants first saw images from a fictitious ball game and then rated the supporters’ or opponents’ purported emotional reactions to the player shown. The different types of context led to different effects. Whereas situational information about social group membership invited perspective taking and led to complex assessments of the expresser’s likely emotional state, the mere presence of surrounding others of the same group led to a more basic effect on perceptual processes. In sum, not all contexts are alike and hence research on context effects should carefully assess what specific information a given context provides and how this information can influence perception and inferences regarding the emo-tions of others.

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Symposium S4.5New conceptualisations of an old emotion:

The feeling of being moved

ConvenerBeate Seibt

University of Oslo

Western cultures have developed many practices for the purpose of evoking the emotion of being moved. Examples are drama like Romeo and Juliette, religious exercise like the contemplation of the sacrifice of Jesus Christ, wedding ceremonies which culminate in a public kiss, or tear-jerking youtube-videos which get shared millions of times. But Western cultures are not the only ones harnessing this emotion. All the major world religions per-form rituals that move the devotees, and thereby increase their sense of community with the other believers and their devotion to the deity. In this symposium, we explore the emotion of being moved from various theoretical and disciplinary angles. We start by looking closely at physiological symptoms accompanying being moved, in par-ticular chills and goosebumps. The first talk investigates responses to music and collected objective data on goosebumps by filming the skin. The study found a pattern of physio-logical responses marked by piloerection, increased skin conductance, and a decrease in respiration rate together with an increase in respiration depth, which was accompanied by reports of being moved. In a similar vein, the second talk reports that the more participants felt moved by a video clip, the more likely they were to experience chills. When comparing being moved, sadness, and joy as predictors, being moved proved to be the best predic-tor for chills. The talk also elucidates the “bittersweet” nature of moving situations: The sadness evoked by moving scenes is transformed into pleasure, which is mediated by the feeling of being moved.The following two presentations focus on developing theoretical conceptualisations of being moved. In the third talk, being moved is characterized as a pleasant and warm fee-ling often accompanied by tears that is triggered by the manifestation of positive core values. Five experiments are reported which confirm that being moved by autobiographical memories or by short video sequences leads to prosocial action tendencies. This concep-tualization entails that elevation, another recently theorized social emotion, is a special case of being moved. The fourth talk advances the notion that it is the intensification of communal sharing relations which triggers being moved. In four studies, this notion is ex-plored through diary studies, judgments of video sequences and cross-correlations of time series of closeness and being moved. The anthropological evidence reviewed lends further support to this model. The final talk explores the interplay of music and video, investigating the downstream consequences of being moved. Three studies found that videos transport the spectators more, make them feel less manipulated and more compelled to comply with the message of the video when they are shown with moving music as opposed to non-moving music. Thus, being moved seems not only to increase prosocial behaviour directly, but also to change the way narratives are processed.In conjunction, the five talks shed a fascinating light on the emotion of being moved, sur-veying physiological correlates, psychological causes, and cognitive and social outcomes. The symposium unites insights from a large number of studies with many participants, using a wide array of methods based on a diversity of approaches. From these, it appears that the emotion is frequently and universally experienced, that it goes along with a unique physiological pattern and that it is evoked by a small set of appraisals. In consequence, individuals act more pro-socially. Notably, the theoretical perspectives laid out in the talks show both convergence and divergence, emphasizing the need for more theoretical and empirical effort to unify the perspectives. We hope that this symposium contributes to a renewed interest in this emotion and its significance for individual, interpersonal, and cultural processes.

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Hair being moved: Longing for sadness

Christian Kaernbach, Mathias BenedekUniversity of Kiel, University of Graz

Piloerection is the condition where the hair stands on ends. Piloerection is known as an indicator of strong emotional experiences. It has been suggested that piloe-rection marks peaks in emotional arousal (Rickard, 2004). An alternative view is proposed by Panksepp (1995). He suggests that piloerection is linked to certain sad emotions and is originally a response to the perception of social loss (sepa-ration call hypothesis). We recorded piloerection, heart rate, respiration, and skin conductance in response to music and the sound tracks of movies for fifty par-ticipants. We found an increase in heart rate, skin conductance, and respiration depth together with a slight decrease in respiration rate shortly after the onset of piloerection. The overall pattern of the physiological response fits better to Panksepp’s separation call hypothesis than to the peak arousal hypothesis. The decrease in respiration rate together with the increase in respiration depth could also be interpreted as a mild form of a gasp. Following to Huron (2006) this could indicate the feeling of awe which results from the perception of a sustained dan-ger (such as a social loss). This fits nicely with the rating results of our participants, with higher ratings of being moved when a stimulus elicited piloerection than when it did not.

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Art-elicited chills indicate states of being moved

Eugen Wassiliwizky1, Valentin Wagner1, Thomas Jacobsen2, Winfried Menninghaus1

Max Planck Institute for Empirical Aesthetics1, Helmut Schmidt Universität Hamburg2

Most research investigating the phenomenon of “art-elicited chills” (for a review see Maruskin et al., 2012) typically circumnavigates a thorough definition of the emotional state that may underlie them by using vague terms such as heighte-ned emotion or peak emotional experience. The present work advocates the hy-pothesis that being moved is the emotion that may generally underlie art-elicited chills (which has already been suggested but not tested empirically by Benedek and Kaernbach, 2011). We focused on two prototypical variants of being moved: one involving sadness as a key component and the other joy. In our experimental setting, 30 participants watched 25 moving film excerpts of either the sadly or the joyfully moving type (e.g., farewell scenarios and reunion scenarios, respectively). They rated how sad, how joyful, and how moved they felt after each film clip, as well as their pleasure. They also reported whether they experienced chills. The results of a logistic regression revealed that the higher participants felt mo-ved by a clip, the more likely they were to experience chills. Additionally, being moved proved to be the best predictor for chills, compared to sadness and joy. We further investigated the interrelations between these emotions and pleasure. As expected from literature on sad films (Hanich et al., 2014), we found a positive correlation between sadness and enjoyment, known as the “sad film paradox”. Multi-level mediation analyses showed, however, that this relation was fully me-diated by being moved, whereas no such mediation effect was found for the rela-tion between joy and pleasure. Only if sadness is experienced along with states of being moved the overall emotional experience becomes a source of pleasure. In this sense, the “sad film paradox” is resolved, since it should rather be called the “moving film paradox”, which eventually is a contradiction in terms.


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Is elevation a way of being moved?

Florian CovaUniversity of Geneva

Recently, moral psychologists have postulated the existence of new emotion cate-gory: “elevation”. Elevation is supposed to be elicited by the spectacle of virtuous actions, is characterized by warm feelings in the chest and a lump in the throat, and has been shown to lead to more prosocial behaviour. Here, we argue that there was no need to coin a new term for this emotion, for “elevation” is just a particular instance of the wider emotional category of “being moved”, that is trig-gered by a wider range of situations than sole virtuous actions. In support of this hypothesis, we present the results of five experiments. Experiments 1 and 2, in which participants were asked to remember occasions in which they were moved or witnessed people act virtuously, show that the physiological responses and ac-tions tendencies purported to be characteristic of elevation are also characteris-tic of “being moved”, and that «being moved» can be characterized as a pleasant and warm feeling often accompanied by tears that is triggered by the manifesta-tion of positive core values. Experiments 3, 4 and 5 lend additional support to our hypothesis by showing that the physiological responses and actions tendencies supposed to characterize elevations can also be elicited by emotional videoclips in which no one acts virtuously. Additionally, results of experiments 4 also illus-trate the power of the feeling of being moved to motivate prosocial behaviour. In conclusion, we argue that the nascent research on the feeling of being moved and the more developed literature on the emotion of elevation should be considered as investigating one and the same phenomenon.

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Kama Muta: A social emotion emerging from the sudden intensification of a communal sharing relation

Beate Seibt1, Thomas Schubert1, Janis Zickfeld1, Alan Fiske2

University of Oslo1, University of California Los Angeles2

To explain the feeling of being moved and integrate the literature, we postulate a new construct, the emotion kama muta (Sanskrit for “moved by love”). We concep-tualize it as a social-relational emotion that is elicited by experiencing sudden intensification of communal sharing relationships (Fiske, 1992). In four studies, participants kept a diary of moving experiences; watched video clips and reported feelings, judgments, and symptoms after each clip; or watched clips and repor-ted continuously while watching. We found that participants reported frequent and strong feelings of being moved. Indicators of increased communal sharing (expressions of love and affection, increased closeness) predicted being moved. Weeping and goose bumps were related to both being moved and communal sharing. Ethnographic and historical sources show that kama muta is culturally informed, often scripted or ritualized, sometimes an ultimate value, and crucial to the constitution of communal sharing among humans — and between humans and deities in Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism. Our theory and evidence provide a new framework to understand feelings typically labelled as “being moved” and the many manifestations and functions of kama muta in various cultures and contexts.


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Moving music in advertisements increases narrative transportation and persuasion

Madelijn Strick, Hanka de Bruin, Linde de Ruiter, Wouter JonkersUtrecht University

Transportation refers to the sensation of being “lost” in a book or movie, and is as-sociated with enhanced emotional involvement and changes in story-consistent beliefs (Green & Brock, 2000). Research on transportation has typically used writ-ten stories. However, based on its profound effects on emotion and physiological responses (Blood & Zatorre, 2001) and its heavy use in political propaganda, Hol-lywood films, and advertising (Costabile & Terman, 2013), we hypothesized that music plays an important role in narrative transportation and persuasion. This hypothesis was tested in three experiments among university students (N = 372).Two audiovisual ads were used as a basis, and for each ad one version with moving music and one version with non-moving music was created. In both versions, the music fitted the timing of the visual events, and was appropriate and supportive of the visuals.Participants viewed one ad (either the moving or the non-moving version), and then filled out questions relating to transportation and persuasion. In Experi-ment 1, moving music increased transportation and intentions to donate money to the promoted cause. Experiment 2 replicated these effects, and also showed that moving music decreases inferences of manipulative intent by the advertiser. Experiment 3 explored boundary effects, and showed that moving music in adver-tisements backfires when the salience of manipulative intent of the advertiser is extremely high or extremely low.The results supported the overall idea that the effect of moving music in narra-tive advertisements is based on transportation, which then decreases inferences of manipulative intent, which then increases behavioral intentions to support the promoted cause. These findings corroborate and extend earlier findings on transportation in written stories. Moreover, they show that, without changing the content of a story, music increases the experience of “being moved”, which pro-foundly increases the physiological and behavioral impact of a story.

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Symposium S4.6 Emotions, Dangers and Crises in the Metropolis

ConvenerAnn Brooks

University of Bournemouth

This Symposium takes Henri Lefebvre’s concept of ‘the social production of space’, as its point of departure (Lefebvre, 1991). The papers demonstrate how his theory may be reapplied creati-vely to the metropolitan experience by considering the crucial role of individual and collective human emotions in the reproduction and representation of urban life. Contributions include a discussion of relevant theoretical approaches (Brooks), and three case studies relating to early modern London, one by a scholar of William Shakespeare’s plays (Gray), and two by historians of the eighteenth century (Lemmings and Tarantino). In these the metropolis is conceived as a site for the social appropriation of space by the management of human passions: the city reproduces itself as people, classes and communities struggle to inhabit and imagine the streets in confor-mity with their hopes and fears. Brooks considers critically Lefebvre’s work alongside contemporary theorists of the city such as Zukin, Harvey and Castells and shows how Lefebvre’s work foregrounds the operation of emo-tions in the politics of the city. She considers Lefebvre’s concept of space in terms of a micro and macro analysis of urban crises. She shows how both a micro and macro spatial analysis can ge-nerate individual and collective emotions that produce feelings of intimacy or alienation around particular urban spaces. The paper also draws attention to ideas about a ‘crisis of authenticity’, when groups feel outraged by what they see as a locality’s loss of appropriate social practices.By contrast with Lefebvre’s optimism about the possibility of socialist space, Gray argues that Shakespeare’s dramatizations of urban strife in Coriolanus and Henry IV part 3 represent the metropolitan plebeian crowd as dominated by self-destructive passions. For Shakespeare, the struggle between the passions and interests of patricians and plebeians on the streets of the metropolis is not imagined as productive of utopian space; rather, if one or the other class be-comes dominant the dismal prospect is a spatial regime of tyranny or alternatively of chaos. In his plays, according to Gray, the city space is revealed as the primary venue for a clash between aristocratic and plebeian emotions; and aristocratic ‘honour’ usually overcomes plebeian disor-der through the cynical politics of populism.Lemmings discusses the dramatic representation of mid eighteenth-century London in the jour-nalism and other writings of the magistrate Henry Fielding. Fielding imagined the metropolis as a site of violent struggle between plebeians addicted to crime and vice and respectable people characterized by honesty and industry. The paper shows that as a government propagandist he was attempting to construct a narrative of authority that represented the magistrates and police as the heroes of an epic story about war between the forces of law and disorder. His journalism also included elements of humour, compassion and prurience, however, and thereby constructed mixed messages that potentially undermined the official campaign to manage the emotions of the reading public. Indeed, Lemmings demonstrates that ‘mediatisation’ of the public sphere typical of the modern urban environment privileges the performance of emotions (Thrift, 2004: 66); and thereby produces an urban politics that is both complex and ultimately unstable. Finally, Tarantino discusses the London Gordon Riots (1780) as an emotion-driven spatial confron-tation between Protestants and Catholics inhabiting the same metropolitan environment. The clash of emotional regimes can be seen in several places here: the confessional patriotism of Lord George Gordon’s Protestant Association sought to appropriate the streets in an orderly de-monstration that simply represented the Catholic minority as un-English. But their carefully or-chestrated street performance degenerated into a week of rioting whereby ‘the mob’ expressed its rage and resentment by attacking sites of Catholic worship and community, as well as sym-bols of authority such as the Bank of England and the Fleet prison. Ultimately the rioting provo-ked an emotional reaction on the part of the authorities, best expressed by the savage theatre of public prosecution and punishment. In the meantime, as Tarantino shows, some observers recommended an alternative emotional regime by which the Catholics would be corrected and more subtly integrated into metropolitan life: that of exemplary Christian fraternal love.


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Crises in the Metropolis: Emotions, and the Politics of the Urban Imaginary

Ann BrooksUniversity of Bournemouth

Cities are often positioned as key nodal actors whose efforts, either individually or collectively can best implement initiatives that will help address or mitigate speci-fic risks or crises facing them. These could include crises imposed on a global scale such as terrorism or disease or more localised crises, failure or threats emerging from political failure (e.g. Arab-Spring), inequities in the distribution of resources (Occupy Movement) or urban growth, gentrification and the marginalisation of the poor and ethnic minorities, resulting in a loss of social and aesthetic diver-sity and a ‘crisis of authenticity’ (Zukin, 2009). Criticisms of undesirable changes in urban life are not new and emerge during periods of significant urban growth and waves of migration. Such criticism is reflected in the mid-nineteenth century novels of Balzac, the travel journals of Henry James and in the writings of Henri Lefebvre, whose work is explored in this paper. Emotions can be seen to operate on a micro and macro level theoretically. On a micro level Lefebvre (1991) drew attention to the city as lived experience and established the intersection of inti-macy and urban space. Zukin defines authenticity, ‘as a proxy for Lefebvre’s espace vecu – as both a real set of social practices anchored to existing buildings and land, and a metaphorical framework to establish a vulnerable population’s right to make an urban place’ (Zukin, 2009: 544). At a more macro level urban struggles are motivated by feelings of outrage and indignation that may or may not coa-lesce into larger social agitations and result in protest movements. This paper considers the way in which emotions operate in the context of the city at a micro and macro level and examines the theoretical underpinnings of these debates as well as empirical examples. As Thrift (2004: 57) in his analysis of the intersections of emotions and space points out: ‘Cities may be seen as roiling maelstroms of affect’. Thus to fully understand urban space we need to appreciate the role of emotions especially since the ‘politics of affect’ is ‘not just incidental but central to the life of cities’ (Thrift 2004: 57).

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Shakespeare, Unruly Emotions, and the Right to the City

Patrick GrayUniversity of Durham

This paper builds upon Ian Munro’s engagement with influential Marxist urban theorist Henri Lefebvre (Munro, 2005); as well as articles on Shakespeare’s Corio-lanus (Shrank, 2004; Kuzner, 2007). Lefebvre claims that inhabitants of urban space have a “right to the city” which supersedes the rights of property owners, and advocates “re-appropriation” of the city, resulting in “collective ownership and management of space.” This transformation requires “activation and mobi-lization of inhabitants,” spurred on by a vision of an “urgent utopia.” In his depic-tion of the Roman Conflict of the Orders, Shakespeare presents what amounts to point-for-point opposition to this proposed restructuring of urban governance. For instance, in Julius Caesar, Antony tells the crowd that Caesar has bequeathed them “all his walks, / His private arbours and new-planted orchards” as “common pleasures.” The result is not “utopia,” however, but a frightening riot, culminating in the on-stage murder of an innocent bystander. In Coriolanus, the plebeians banish an aristocratic war-hero and for a time enjoy a peaceful commonwealth. Under threat of war, however, they realize they are not self-sufficient; their ability to live in peace requires the protection of patricians. Shakespeare’s representation of the Jack Cade Rebellion in 3 Henry IV connects this critique of ancient Roman populism to England. Here, too, visions of an “urgent utopia” lead to horrifying civil strife. Nevertheless, Shakespeare’s opposition to communism is not simply class prejudice. As in Plato’s Republic, the plebeians in his Roman plays are fickle and rio-tous. But the patricians are arrogant and selfish; they represent thumos, the desire for honour, rather than any higher principle such as classical reason or Christian benevolence. Communists such as Lefevbre are relatively optimistic about human nature. Shakespeare by contrast is more Augustinian. Human beings, whether capitalists or workers, are unruly, self-interested, and prey to self-destructive pas-sions. The best possible outcome of urban class conflict is not a Marxist utopia, but instead a balance of power: fear of violent reprisal and the breakdown of civic order allows each class to restrain the potential excesses of the other.


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Henry Fielding and the Metropolitan Mind: Panic, Authority and Emotion in English Crime and Justice Reportage, 1748-52

David LemmingsUniversity of Adelaide

Henry Fielding was not only a novelist and comic dramatist. He was also a barris-ter, and he acted as a stipendiary magistrate at Bow Street, in Westminster, from 1748 to 1754. This paper discusses Henry Fielding’s complex representations of crime and justice in London during the years of his Bow Street magistracy. Against the background of recent studies that suggest eighteenth-century newspaper reportage constructed ideas about street crime that would have engendered fear and pessimism among readers (King, 2007; Snell, 2005, 2007), analysis of news stories derived from Fielding’s activities suggests that he was representing him-self and the Bow Street Runners as the heroes of an epic counter-narrative about authority triumphing over disorder. At the same time, his Charge to the Grand Jury of Westminster (1749) and Enquiry into the Causes of the Frequency of Robbers (1751) recommended vigorous government action to deal with a ‘crisis’ of morality and disorder among the common people: here he approximated to a ‘moral en-trepreneur’, labelling and combating deviance from community norms. Accounts of Fielding’s magisterial work in his own Covent Garden Journal (Jan-Dec 1752) invested offenders with strong elements of humour, compassion and prurient interest, however, as well as more orthodox ‘law and order’ representations, and it is suggested that these personalized accounts of London crime, disorder and vice appealed to a deep ambivalence and even hypocrisy in contemporary attitudes towards transgressive acts. The paper concludes that as a publicist Fielding was doing ‘emotional work’ on behalf of the government by attempting to re-possess the metropolitan imaginary; indeed he was involved in a struggle for the produc-tion of (virtual) space (Lefebvre, 1991). But it also suggests that his literary and commercial instincts inspired unstable polyvocal representations of passion and compassion that undermined the authorized message of law and justice.

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Centrality and Segregation Behind the Gordon Riots: Digging Out Some Emotional Roots of British Anti-Catholicism

Giovanni TarantinoUniversity of Melbourne

According to the Neo-Marxist sociologist Henri Lefebvre, citizenship should not be bound up with the notion of belonging to a nation-state but with inhabitance. The Gordon Riots in 1780 represented an emblematic emotionally charged struggle for centrality between groups with different religious and social identities who were sharing the same urban space. On one side was the anxious Catholic minority, faced by the prospect of their civil rights and therefore their urban visibility being extended, but against their will, by a parliamentary act of 1778 designed to swell the ranks of British troops engaged on various fronts—against the American re-bels, France, Spain and the Dutch Republic. On the other, the Protestant popular orders, reacting violently to the prospect of Catholic Relief, demanded a hearing in Parliament: further impoverished by the on-going conflict, they directed their frustrations against their “foreign” Catholic neighbours. An extraordinary witness of the riots was Ignatius Sancho, born a slave in 1729. Amazed by the furious vio-lence displayed in the riots, Sancho, himself a former Catholic turned Anglican, wrote: “Let us convert by our example, and conquer by our meekness and bro-therly love!” A policy of intolerance towards Catholics, carefully orchestrated from the top down, played on the deep-rooted fears and inherent xenophobia of the English “mobs”, moulding, nurturing, and feeding their anger and resentment, so much so that when Parliament passed the Catholic Relief Act, the resulting protests gave rise to the most violent urban riots in British history. Significantly, the perturbation caused by the Gordon Riots among the elite largely broke down resistance to the idea of setting up a professional police force in Britain, and those who had previously had radical sympathies saw the potential horrors of the “mob”.


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O2.1 Oxytocin increases attention to the face of fearful protagonists and selectively enhances affective empathy for fear

Kelly Hubble, Katie Daughters, Antony Manstead, Aled Rees, Anita Thapar, Stephanie van Goozen

Cardiff Univeristy, UK

Oxytocin (OXT) is increasingly recognised as a neuropeptide with therapeutic potential in the treatment of a range of mental health disorders. There has been relatively little research on the effect of OXT on empathic ability and the results are inconsistent (e.g. Hurlemann et al., 2010; Bartz et al., 2010). Furthermore, these studies did not examine the mechanisms through which OXT may improve empa-thy, or whether OXT may selectively facilitate empathy for specific emotions. This latter question is important for the emotion of fear. If OXT has fear dampening effects on the amygdala, this should facilitate approach and prosocial behaviour (Kirsch et al., 2005). However, one study found that a dampened amygdala res-ponse was associated with reduced affective empathy (Cox et al., 2012). It is the-refore important to examine whether OXT has differential effects on empathy for different emotions. In the present study we used eye-tracking to assess attention to socially relevant information whilst participants viewed dynamic, empathy in-ducing film clips, in which protagonists expressed sadness, happiness, pain and fear. In a double-blind, within-subjects randomised control trial 40 healthy male participants received 24 IU intranasal OXT and placebo in two identical experi-mental sessions separated by a 2-week interval. OXT selectively enhanced partici-pants’ affective empathy for fear, but it did not affect cognitive or affective empa-thy for other emotions. OXT also led to more fixations on the face of the fearful protagonist specifically. This result shows that OXT increases attention to socially relevant stimuli, specifically fearful ones. This study provides the first demonstra-tion that OXT increases attention to fearful face stimuli and selectively enhances affective empathy for fear. The results suggest that OXT may have important the-rapeutic implications for those who suffer from disorders that are characterised by abnormal fear processing.

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O2.1 Intensity Bias in Intergroup Emotion Perception

Pum Kommattam, Kai Jonas, Agneta FischerUniversity of Amsterdam

Interactions of different ethnic groups are often characterized by a lack of inter-group empathy, referred to as the ‘empathy gap’. The current research focuses on one potential factor of this empathy gap by examining whether we perceive facial expressions of emotions of ethnic out-groups as less intense compared to the intensity of in-group expressions (i.e., intensity bias). We conducted 13 studies including white Dutch, U.S., and U.K. citizens (N total = 2692) judging the inten-sity of different emotions. A random effects model meta-analysis suggests that individuals perceive less intense emotions in ethnic out-group members than in ethnic in-group members in the population (d = .26, r = .13). This bias is especially prominent in ambiguous emotions (embarrassment, pride, surprise, fear) and in contexts without clear emotional cues that provided no further moderating fac-tors. The intensity bias in emotion perception complements theories on inter-group empathy and contributes to intergroup conflicts because in-group mem-bers perceive out-group members to feel less than themselves.

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O2.1 Tuning in to Self and Others: Synchrony Differentially Affects Self- and Other-Focused Emotions

Gabriela Pavarini, Simone SchnallUniversity of Cambridge

Individuals often oscillate between two different ways of being. On the one hand, individuals act upon the pursuit of self-interest and react emotionally to their own success or failure. At the same time however, people often focus on broader, collective goals. We present three studies testing whether behavioural synchrony facilitates a transition from an individual to a collective state. In particular, we expected synchrony to amplify moral elevation, a positive other-focused feeling triggered by seeing others acting prosocially. In contrast, we expected synchrony to suppress pride following accomplishment, a self-focused state arising from downward comparisons. In Study 1, pairs of participants either moved cups in time while music played at a common tempo (synchrony) or music played at different tempo (asynchrony). After the manipulation, participants individually watched a morally-elevating videoclip. Synchrony amplified feelings of moral elevation in reaction to the mo-vie, in particular for participants high in sociability. To confirm that the effect of synchrony on elevation was not due to general positive emotionality but rather to an increase in other-focused affect, we ran a second study in which the same synchrony (and control) manipulation was followed by a pride induction—namely positive feedback on participants’ individual performance on a dot-counting task. Synchrony did not affect self-reported pride. Study 3 tested whether outperforming synchronous others would elicit less pride than outperforming asynchronous others. Participants were paired up with a confederate, and they either walked in time with music played at a common tem-po (synchrony) or music played at different tempo (asynchrony). After walking, participants completed a timed word search task which they always finished at a faster rate than the confederate. Participants who walked in step reported lower feelings of pride after outperforming the confederate than those who walked out of step, but this result only reached significance for participants high in affiliation goals.Although anthropologists and sociologists have speculated that synchrony in-duces positive feelings and a sense of ‘collective effervescence’, psychological studies had failed to find an effect of synchrony on positive affect. Our results suggest that synchrony does influence positive emotions, but the effect depends on whether the feeling focuses on the self or on others. In particular, synchrony amplifies the other-focused feeling of elevation and, under specific circumstances, suppresses the self-focused feeling of pride. These results support the idea that synchronized action supports affiliative relationships and the attainment of col-lective goals, tuning one’s emotional states accordingly.

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O2.2 The role of the prefrontal cortex in automatic and voluntary affective modulation – an effective connectivity study

Tomasz S Ligeza, Miroslaw WyczesanyPsychophysiology Laboratory, Institute of Psychology, Jagiellonian University

Emotion regulation describes the ability to modulate the intensity and quality of responses to emotional stimuli (Gross and Thompson, 2007). As yet, neuro-cognitive science has focused mainly on its’ volitional forms, however, growing evidences show that affective responses may be modified automatically. Thus, to fully understand emotional functioning we need to take into account both forms of emotional control, especially as they are known to occur simultaneously (Gyu-rak et al., 2011). What is known so far is that the prefrontal activations associated with both voli-tional and automatic control processes inhibit the activity of the emotion-related brain areas (Delgado et al., 2008). Yet little is known how these control instances affect other cortical regions, related to the early stages of affective perceptual pro-cessing.The aim of this study was to find patterns of effective connectivity distinguishing both emotional control processes and explore the way they modulate the percep-tual and attentional systems. Depending on experimental conditions, participants were asked either to positively reinterpret (reappraisal) or to passively watch emo-tionally arousing film clips. Using the effective connectivity EEG method (Directed Transfer Function, DTF; (Blinowska et al., 2004) we examined communication pat-terns between different cortical regions.We found that the dorsolateral prefrontal control center can be characterized with apparent lateral specialization. While the left hemisphere turned out to be more associated with automatic form of emotion regulation, the right one was related to volitional form of emotion control. These effects were mainly associated with top-down control exercised over perceptual and attentional cortical areas. These findings bring a deeper insight of the role of the dorsolateral prefrontal cor-tex not only in the overall cognitive control but also in the generalized emotional control. Specifically, results point to separate neurocognitive mechanism involved in automatic and volitional control of emotions.

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O2.2 To see or not to see: Dynamic attentional interference by non-consciously perceived relevant stimuli

Audric Mazzietti, Virginie Sellem, Olivier KoenigLaboratoire EMC, University of Lyon

The Component Process Model (CPM, Scherer, 2001) posits that attention is an ap-praisal-driven mechanism guided by the relevance of a stimulus toward the goals and needs of an individual (Sander, Grandjean & Scherer, 2005). The CPM also suggests that the appraisal of relevance is a multilevel and dynamic mechanism that implies low-level and automatic processes (van Reekum & Scherer, 1997). In that perspective, the main goal of the present study was to test the hypothesis that attention can be modulated by a stimulus appraised as relevant, even if that stimulus is not consciously perceived. We also aimed to test the hypothesis that such a mechanism is dynamic by manipulating the relevance of a stimulus within the same group of individuals. To do so, twenty-four participants (twelve women) performed a non-conscious relevance manipulation procedure. First, participants performed 120 trials of a non-conscious detection task in which they had to indi-cate as quickly as possible when a square appeared at the center of a distractor. The distractor was presented in a non-conscious way, using the Continuous Flash Suppression (CFS) paradigm (Carmel et al., 2010), so that even if the square and the distractor appeared at the same location, participants consciously perceived the square only. The distractor could be a picture of hands washing or a picture of hands holding a cup, both randomly chosen in a set of twenty pictures. Then, par-ticipants saw disgusting pictures, in order to induce the goal to be clean in them. The aim of this induction was to make washing-hands pictures become relevant to the participants’ goal to be clean (Vogt, Lozo, Koster & de Houwer, 2011). Imme-diately after the induction, participants performed the non-conscious detection task a second time. While washing-hands pictures were expected to be non-re-levant to the participants’s goal to be clean and not to produce any attentional interference in the task before the induction, they were expected to be relevant and to produce an interference in the second task, i.e., after the induction. Results revealed that it was indeed the case, which suggests that the appraisal of rele-vance involves low-level processes and modulates attention even if the relevant stimulus is not consciously perceived. Moreover, since the relevance of the same stimulus was manipulated in the same group of individuals, this appraisal-driven mechanism seems to be dynamic.


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O2.2 Attention capture by relevant stimuli after non-conscious goal activation

Virginie Sellem, Audric Mazzietti, Olivier KoenigLaboratoire EMC, University of Lyon

The Component Process Model (CPM, Scherer, 2001) posits that attention is an appraisal-driven mechanism guided by the relevance of a stimulus toward the goals and needs of an individual (Sander, Grandjean & Scherer, 2005). The CPM also suggests that the appraisal of relevance is a multilevel and dynamic pro-cess that implies low-level and automatic mechanisms (van Reekum & Scherer, 1997). The goal of the present study was to test the hypothesis that attention can be modulated by a stimulus appraised as relevant toward a goal that is not consciously activated. In Experiment 1, we induced the goal to be clean in half of our participants by presenting them with disgusting pictures (the other half saw neutral pictures). Then, all participants performed a dot-probe task in which they were presented with pictures depicting hands washing and hands holding a cup. Washing-hands pictures only were expected to be relevant to the goal to be clean (see Vogt, Lozo, Koster & de Houwer, 2011). As expected, washing-hands pictures did provoke an attention capture, only when they were appraised as relevant, i.e., in the disgust group. These data confirm that attention can be modulated by the appraisal of relevance. In Experiment 2, we tested the hypothesis that such a me-chanism operates even if the goal is not consciously activated in participants. To do so, we induced the goal to be clean in a non-conscious way, using a Continuous Flash Suppression (CFS) procedure (Carmel, Arcaro, Kastner & Hasson, 2010), so that even if participants were presented with the same pictures as in Experiment 1 during the induction phase, they did not perceive consciously any of them (indeed, no participant reported having seen any picture at the end of the experiment). The results replicated those of Experiment 1 (i.e., washing-hands pictures captured at-tention only when appraised as relevant), even if participants were not conscious that the goal to be clean had been activated in them. Our data therefore confirm that attention is a relevance-driven mechanism and suggest that the appraisal of relevance involves low-level processes, since relevance can be induced, and can modulate attention, even in the absence of conscious perception of the goal that is activated.

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O2.2 The impact of reward on learnt fear responses

Deborah Talmi, Robert HoskinUniversity of Manchester

We know that people must often relinquish a short-term objective in order to promote a long-term goal, however the emotion regulation mechanisms that un-derlie this ability are not well understood. A series of experiments were therefore conducted to assess how the promise of delayed reward affects the response to stimuli that are associated with immediate aversive outcomes. Participants per-formed a two-stage classical conditioning task. In the first, conditioning stage, participants viewed a succession of images that either did (CS+) or did not (CS-) predict the delivery of a painful electric shock. Participants were required to per-form a simple classification task in response to the CS images that was unrelated to the delivery of the shocks. At the start of the second, counterconditioning stage, participants were instructed that one of the CS+ stimuli would bring a monetary reward when it was followed by a shock, whereas the other CS+ stimuli would not. The second stage then proceeded similar to the first, apart from the delivery of monetary rewards as per the instructions. Participants provided affective ratings of each of the CS stimuli at the end of each stage. Skin conductance response was measured throughout the experiment. A conditioning effect was success-fully achieved during the first stage of the experiments. Participants were slower and less accurate in the classifying the CS+ stimuli and displayed elevated skin conductance responses to them (vs CS- stimuli). Participants also rated the CS+ stimuli as more threatening and less likeable than the CS- stimuli. Data from the counterconditioning stage revealed that the introduction of reward induced the participants to rate the CS+ images more positively, but had a limited effect on their behavioural and physiological responses. This suggests that delayed mone-tary reward has a limited ability to attenuate learnt fear responses. We are cur-rently investigating whether the neural response to learnt fear is affected by the introduction of monetary reward.

287

O2.3 Narrative approaches to emotion: anthropological perspectives and scientific gains

Andrew BeattyBrunel University London

Emotions have an indeterminate place in anthropology. A tension between ob-jective, empirical reporting and the insider-perspective offered by memoirs and narratives goes back to the beginnning. Malinowski made a distinction between the ‘firm skeleton of tribal constitution’ – captured in tables and charts – and the ‘imponderabilia of everyday life’, which could only be grasped by the deep enga-gement of participant-observation. Ever since, emotions have mostly been consi-gned to the imponderabilia: the stuff of anecdote and impression rather than systematic observation - either that or oversimplified as stereotyped ‘sentiments’. The assumption was that narrative detail was counter to science. In mid-century anthropology, emotions were schematically represented in structural models, obs-curing the situational diversity of emotion episodes and the variety of emotion concepts and regimes. More recently, constructionists have focussed on linguistic formulations (definitions, ‘discourse’) rather than naturally occurring emotions, analysing emotion terms as pragmatic tools (Lutz and Abu-Lughod 1990). In dif-ferent ways, all these approaches have undereported emotions and underestima-ted their complexity and function. One way in which social scientists can more profitably explore emotions in the field is through narrative – a mode of apprehending and writing about sociality shared with other disciplines, notably history (Author 2010). Historians have ques-tioned whether narrative imposes or recognizes a structure in the flow of events; whether it is teleological; and whether narrative shape is variably present in so-cial life. These arguments have concerned historiography, not emotion. But how might such questions relate to the description of living emotions? And how can they illuminate the reporting of emotions in other cultures? This talk will assess the scientific merits of a narrative approach to emotions. Among problems to be discussed: - What advantages does narrative have over the narrower timescales of experi-mental approaches? - Can narrative enhance verisimilitude or is it susceptible to the distortions of fic-tion?- What are the methodological and epistemological challenges? - What can historians, philosophers and ethnographers of emotion learn from one another on this common terrain?


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O2.3 Funeralscapes: the emotional journey of re-experiencing pre-Christian, early Christian and Viking funeral rites

Carlos Galan-Díaz, Frances Wilkins, Shane McLeodUniversity of Aberdeen, Elphinstone Institute - University of Aberdeen, Division of

History and Politics - University of Stirling

Funeralscapes is an exploratory project which used action research involving re-sidents of the Isle of Eigg (Scotland, UK) to re-enact the music of three funeral rites, pre- Christian, early- Christian and Viking. The re-enactments took place at Kildonan to the south-east of the island, a location for burial sites from pre-Chris-tian times to the present day, overshadowed by the “An Sgurr” (the UK’s largest exposed piece of pitchstone - a volcanic glass) and with rich folklore attached. These re-enactments had the objective of understanding how residents of the island were emotionally affected by re-enacting the burial rites (including music, chanting and a procession). Funerals have always been accompanied by music – from pre-Christian times to the present day; there are many references to the moving, and emotional effects of music performed on these occasions(1).We approach emotion as a social construction(2,3) and take the premise that the relationship between a person and the environment is an emotional one(4). Do the totality of music, landscape, sounds, chants, and procession, invite people to feel joyous, solemn, sad? How do participants, who do not share the same social, spatial and time dimensions for whom these funerary rites were intended, inter-pret an ancient burial rite? Participants completed questionnaires that explored their emotional responses to the music, funeral rites and landscape. This was complemented by data from short interviews (pre and post performances) and analyses of the audio and visual recordings of the performances. We conclude the paper by describing and discussing how the re-enactment of ancient funerary rites, with the absence of precise socio-temporal details, do elicit similar emotional experiences as those described in medieval sources in modern day participants.

289

O2.3 Between hope and fear: determining the dynamics of per-ceived suspense in literary classics

Annekathrin Schacht, Mareike Bayer, Andrea Hildebrandt, Gerhard Lauer, Katrin Riese

University of Goettingen, Goettingen, Germany

The reception of narrative fiction is a highly emotional process (e.g., Green, Brock, & Kaufman, 2004; Mar, Oatley, Djikic, & Mullin, 2011). Plot suspense is assumed to be one of the most important components of narrative fiction that motivate recipients to follow fictional characters through their worlds (e.g., Gerrig, 1996; Knobloch, 2003; Mellmann, 2007; Zillmann, 2003). In a multi-methodological ap-proach, we aimed at investigating (i) the dynamic development of narrative sus-pense in excerpts of literary classics from the 19th century and (ii) the interrelation between perceived suspense and a variety of other emotional and cognitive di-mensions and readers’ dispositions presumably constituting literature reception. First, for two texts, differing in suspense as judged by a large independent sample (N=176), we collected (a) data from questionnaires, indicating different affec-tive and cognitive dimensions of receptive engagement, (b) continuous ratings of suspense during text reception from both experts and lay recipients, and (c) registration of pupil diameter as a physiological indicator of changes in emotional arousal and attention during reception over time. Data analyses confirmed diffe-rences between the two texts at different dimensions of receptive engagement. Further, the present results show that suspense can be described as a dynamic aspect during the reception of literary texts. Most importantly, we could demons-trate that these dynamics are reflected not only in suspense ratings, but also in pupillary responses, resulting in positive correlations between pupil diameter and ratings obtained from two independent samples. Furthermore, we found diffe-rences in the appraisal of literary excerpts at the level of continuous suspense ratings during the reception process and subsequent judgments using question-naires. Therefore, our findings suggest that changes of the pupil diameter provide a reliable physiological indicator of suspense, which drives recipients’ attention and modulates their emotional engagement. Second, based on structural equation modeling on questionnaire data, we will describe the interrelationship between different dimensions (latent factors) of literature reception, including suspense, emotional engagement, identification, reading pleasure, as well as cognitive dimensions like attention and cognitive effort, and its potential modulations by specific readers’ attitudes such as indivi-dual reading habits and empathy. Together, we hope that our study will be a step towards opening new avenues for research investigating receptive engagement in literary as well as non-fictional texts.


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O2.3 Contempt and Literature

Julien ZanettaCISA, University of Geneva

Contempt is considered by contemporary philosophers (Mason 2003, Abramson 2010) as a moral emotion based on the response to violations of the social order, but it also plays an important role in aesthetics. I will examine the links between literary expressions of contempt, on the one hand, and existing psychological and philosophical theories of contempt on the other. I will analyze, in particular, the nuances between contempt, scorn and despising attitudes, and their interplay with opposites traits such as esteem, admiration, and respect. Following the ana-lysis of Bell (2013) on “apt” and “inapt” contempt, I wish to characterize more spe-cifically the nature of a supposedly “cold emotion” that can have loud outbursts and unsuspected outcomes. Considering contempt through a literary perspective, I will focus on authors such as Baudelaire and Stendhal for whom contempt had not only a social appraising function but was a precisely codified doctrine, stating ones own dissent with society. I shall concentrate more precisely on the figure of the dandy that embodies a unique feature of self-contempt mixed with a sincere belief of his own superiority. The contemporary developments of such a figure, and its enduring form in the uses of contempt, should encourage us in our inves-tigations. In that respect, I aim to shed a fresh light on theories of laughter and irony, that are the “contempter’s” favorite weapons.

291

O2.4 The neural correlates of emotional idiom comprehension

Francesca Citron, Cristina Cacciari, Arthur JacobsLancaster University - UK, University of Modena and Reggio-Emilia - Italy,

Free University Berlin - Germany

Neuroscientific research on language has shown that the emotional content of verbal material affects language comprehension (e.g., Kissler et al., 2006). Howe-ver, this research mostly focused on literal language, despite the pervasiveness of figurative expressions in everyday communication. This study aimed to investi-gate the relationship between affect and figurative language, by focusing on very frequent and conventional expressions, namely idioms (e.g., she spilled the beans). In an event-related design, functional magnetic resonance imaging was recorded while participants silently read sentences for comprehension, and occasionally responded to yes/no questions. Ninety idioms and 90 literal sentences (LS; both divided in 30 positively valenced, 30 negatively valenced and 30 neutral ones) were randomly presented, in 3 runs. Idioms and LS had different meanings but were matched on length, familiarity, concreteness, emotional valence and arousal. This study was exploratory with respect to a possible relationship between affect and idioms; however, we expected emotional idioms to activate affect-related brain regions more strongly than neutral idioms. Furthermore, in line with a recent study showing that taste metaphors are more emotionally engaging than their literal counterparts (Citron & Goldberg, 2014), we may expect idioms to engage emotional brain regions more strongly than LS. Finally, in line with neuroscientific research on idioms (cf. Cacciari & Papagno, 2012), we expected stronger activation of the inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) bilaterally in response to idioms than LS.Results showed enhanced activation of the IFG bilaterally, the right pre-central gy-rus and the left amygdala in response to idioms > LS. These results are in line with previous research showing that idioms require more processing resources to be understood than LS; at the same time, idioms seem to be more emotionally enga-ging than LS, interestingly corroborating and generalising a recent similar finding on metaphors (C&G, 2014). Furthermore, enhanced activation of the left pre- and post-central gyri and the right superior temporal gyrus was found in response to emotional > neutral idioms. Hence, the former do not seem to engage emotion-related brain regions more strongly than than the latter, but rather sensory-mo-tor cortices and areas associated with semantic processing. Finally, no significant clusters were found for the same contrast within LS. Thus, idioms may be more salient and therefore better differentiated at the neural level than LS. This study was the first to explore the relationship between affect and idioms at the neural level; the results and their implications will be further discussed.


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O2.4 The role of grammar and culture in shaping emotion meta-phors. A case study on two Australian languages

Maïa PonsonnetDynamique du Langage (CNRS/Lyon 2) and Australian National University

Most languages in the world can represent emotions by means of analogies with more concrete things – that is, they use emotion “metaphors” (Lakoff, 1987). En-glish, for instance, depicts fear as an enemy (“fight one’s fears”), and anger as a liquid (“overwhelming anger”) – among other comparisons (Kövecses, 2000). Me-taphors normally rely historically on shared conceptual analogies – e.g. a compa-rison between fear and enemies culturally shared by English speakers. Therefore, shared cultural representations of emotions contribute to determine which emo-tion metaphors are found in each language (Kövecses, 2005). However, other factors may contribute to shape up metaphors: in some lan-guages, some grammatical properties seem to block certain metaphors, so that the language itself may influence the range of emotion metaphors available (Whorf, 1956). For instance, the fear and anger metaphors above are possible be-cause English has emotion nouns. By contrast, Dalabon, a severally endangered language of northern Australia, has remarkably few emotion nouns. At the same time, unlike most languages in the world, it never depicts emotions metaphori-cally as things or persons, but only as states (Ponsonnet, 2014). In Dalabon, one can only say things comparable to “he loves”, never “he is in love”. Therefore, emo-tions can never be the subjects or objects of sentences, and this seems to block many metaphors. Should we conclude that there is a cause-to-effect relationship between the absence of nouns and the absence of certain metaphors? Data from Barunga Kriol, the English-based creole that replaces Dalabon in the post-colonial era, suggests that this cause-to-effect relationship is not strict. Barunga Kriol has more emotion nouns than Dalabon, yet its range of emotion metaphors presents comparable restrictions. Given that the two languages are spoken by the same communities, hence in a similar cultural context, this restric-tion must result from cultural constraints.Based on first-hand data collected between 2007 and 2014, this presentation will analyze the emotion metaphors found in Dalabon and Barunga Kriol, so as to highlight the respective impact of cultural and grammatical factors on these metaphors.

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O2.4 Language and Conceptual Knowledge: how might the two interact to support emotion perception?

Emma Portch, Jelena Havelka, Charity Brown, Russell HutterUniversity of Leeds, UK

Conceptual knowledge may provide a top-down constraint for the perception of emotional expression in faces (Barrett, Lindquist & Gendron, 2007). Perhaps due to their referential nature, language labels (e.g. ‘sad’) are both responsible for or-ganising and re-activating relevant conceptual knowledge. As such, language ma-nipulations can be used to explore the types of conceptual knowledge available to perceivers and the way activated knowledge may influence perception. Several competing accounts exist. Construction theorists suggest that access to mea-ningful, semantic information about emotion is important for perception (Lind-quist, Barrett, Bliss-Moreau & Russell, 2006 e.g. the previously experienced causes and consequences of experiencing a particular emotional state). Here language labels play an indirect role, recruiting useful semantic knowledge. In contrast, la-bel theorists suggest that language itself explicitly directs attention towards the perceptual, category-diagnostic features of an emotional face (e.g. smiles of hap-piness). Here language labels are viewed as inseparable from perceptual forms of conceptual knowledge and therefore play a direct role in perception (Lupyan & Thompson-Schill, 2012). We use a modified semantic satiation paradigm to ex-plore these accounts (Lindquist et al., 2006). Participants were required to repeat a word, out loud, either 3 or 30 times before deciding whether two faces matched or mismatched in emotional expression. Across four experiments participants re-peated either emotion words (e.g. ‘sad’), neutral words with no emotional conno-tations (e.g. ‘paper’), and/or non-words, with no semantic basis (e.g. ‘Borbi’). The semantic satiation manipulation would only reduce access to meaningful emo-tional knowledge after massed repetition of an emotion label. In contrast, access to emotion labels themselves might be reduced after massed repetition of any word, as a result of verbal interference (Roberson & Davidoff, 2000). Two trends emerge in the combined data, both supportive of a direct role of language (label-ling account). Judgement accuracy was reduced after massed repetition of any word, suggesting that the repetition manipulation instated verbal interference, preventing access to decision-necessary labels. At both levels of repetition, par-ticipants also showed facilitated performance after repeating an emotion label that matched both expressions at test. This may indicate that overtly repeated labels direct attention towards category-diagnostic features, speeding decisions when the face stimuli present a match. Although the present results support a direct role of language, we discuss the possibility that language plays multiple roles, dependent on the context in which emotion perception occurs.


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O2.4 The Cultural Shaping of Emotion Talk among Chinese

Michelle Yik, Ceilia Z. ChenHong Kong University of Science and Technology

The cultural psychiatry literature suggests that somatization tends to occur among people who are more acculturated to the Chinese culture. However, recent studies on the relationship between acculturation to the Chinese culture and somatiza-tion reached inconsistent conclusions (see Mak & Zane, 2004; Tsai, Simeonova, & Watanabe, 2004). For instance, Ryder et al. (2008) reported consistent psycho-logization among their Canadian patients but inconsistent somatization among their Mainland Chinese patients. In the present study, we compared the word use of the Chinese subjects who varied in their degree of acculturation when they described their experience during a recent illness episode. Overall, the Chinese subjects used more emotion words (43%) than somatic words (20%). In contrast to prior findings, the more acculturated Mainland Chinese (N = 70) used signifi-cantly more emotion words than did the less acculturated Hong Kong Chinese (N = 82). The latter used more somatic-emotion words (e.g., uncomfortable, suffered, lacking energy). No significant group difference was noted in the somatic words category. The present results suggest that future research should be conducted to explore factors in addition to acculturation in understanding Chinese somati-zation.

295

O2.5 Colour choices and colour representation as a function of expressed emotion

Nele Dael1, Perseguers Marie-Noelle2, Cynthia Marchand2 Jean-Philippe Antonietti2, Christine Mohr1

University of Lausanne1, Ecole Politechnique Fédérale de Lausanne2

Stable colour-emotion associations are postulated to influence numerous aspects of colour cognition. Folklore assumptions in popular media as well as in scientific studies often state specific hues as colour properties related to specific emotions (e.g., red and anger). Colour, as well as emotion, can however be understood in terms of multiple components, and mappings along different continua have been suggested to contribute to colour-emotion associations. For example, a strong association has been found between the brightness component of colour and affective valence (e.g., Valdez & Mehrabian, 1994), supposedly driving behavior responses congruent with the affective meaning associated to the colour. In two studies we investigated the effect of emotionally salient information on colour cognition. In the first study, we examined whether a colour’s appropria-teness depends on the target’s affective properties. 28 participants selected co-lours varying in hue, brightness and saturation to go best with bodily expressions of elated joy and panic fear. Results showed that expressed emotion influenced judged colour appropriateness congruent with the depicted emotional content: colour chosen for the joy expressions were brighter and more saturated than those for the fear expressions. In addition, colours along the red-yellow hue spec-trum were deemed more appropriate for joy expressions and cyan-bluish hues for fear expressions. These results support the role of emotion in colour choices along all colour properties, confirming that a valence-brightness association is present in such ecological settings as bodily emotion expression, but that saturation and hue are also but to a lesser extent related to valence. In the second study we in-vestigated whether such bodily expressions of emotion also affected brightness reproduction. Participants mind-matched the brightness level of previously seen upper-body clothing of actors expressing four emotions. The estimation of bright-ness was higher for positive and high arousal (elated joy) emotional expressions than for negative (hot anger, sadness) and low arousal (relief, sadness) emotional expressions. This study shows that emotional expression biased colour reproduc-tion in line with the valence-brightness association. The current findings from both studies indicate that emotionally salient infor-mation affects both higher and lower colour cognition, beyond mere perception. These further support the existence of colour-emotion associations along basic components, such as affective valence and colour brightness, beyond one-to-one mapping and highlighting large variabilities especially regarding hue.


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O2.5 Effects of color on emotion: Evidence from self-report ratings and physiological measures

Daniel Oberfeld, Lisa WilmsJohannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz

Previous studies of emotional effects of color often failed to control all of the three dimensions of color (hue, brightness, and saturation) (cf. Kaiser, 1984). In addition, studies often asked to rate the emotional meaning of color stimuli (e.g., Wright & Rainwater, 1962), rather than assessing the actual emotional state of the sub-ject while being exposed to a specific color. To address these shortcomings, we created a three dimensional space of chromatic colors by varying the hue (blue, green, red), brightness, and saturation in a factorial design. The 27 chromatic co-lors, plus three brightness-matched achromatic colors, were presented with a rela-tively large visual angle (18° × 18°). Participants (N = 65) viewed each color for 30 s, and then rated their current emotional state on the SAM scales for valence and arousal. Skin conductance and the heart rate were measured continuously. The emotion ratings showed that saturated and bright colors result in higher arousal. The hue also had a significant effect on arousal, which increased from gray over blue and green to red. The saturation had a stronger effect on arousal than the hue, compatible with previous finding (Valdez & Mehrabian, 1994). The ratings of valence were highest for saturated and bright colors, and also depended on the hue. Interaction effects of the three color dimensions were observed for both arousal and valence. For instance, the valence ratings were higher for blue than for the remaining hues, but only for highly saturated colors. The saturation had a significant effect on the skin conductance response (SCR), with saturated colors causing a stronger SCR. The SCR amplitude also increased from blue over green to red, but this effect did not reach significance. The correlation between the arousal ratings and SCR was significant but weak. For the chromatic colors, the three color dimensions had no significant effects on the heart rate, but the heart rate was significantly slower while viewing achromatic rather than chromatic colors. Taken together, the results confirm that color causes emotional responses. The effect of color on emotion is not only determined by the hue, as is often assumed, but by all of the three color dimensions as well as their interactions.

297

O2.5 Choosing the negative: Introducing a novel paradigm to measure curiosity for negative images

Suzanne OosterwijkUniversity of Amsterdam

To date, traditional models of emotion have largely overlooked the phenomenon that people are often curious of negative information. In this talk I present a se-ries of four studies that utilized a novel choice paradigm to examine this pheno-menon. This paradigm operationalized curiosity for negative stimuli as an active choice to approach and explore negative images. Subjects were presented with pairs of small images displayed shortly on the screen that combined neutral or positive images with highly arousing, negative images. The negative images held negative scenes with social (e.g., war scenes), physical harm (e.g., mutilation) or natural threat (e.g., attacking shark) content. In each trial, subjects were asked which image in the pair they wanted to view and explore in full screen format. In addition to the choice task, subjects rated the images on several dimensions, including interest, arousal, negativity and complexity. Across all studies, the choice for negative images was significantly correlated with interest ratings. In terms of behavior, social negative images were chosen signifi-cantly more often than other negative categories. Furthermore, subjects prefer-red social negative images over neutral images. When paired with positive social images, negative social images were chosen on average in about 50% of the trials. Physical harm images and natural threat images were not preferred over neutral images, but were chosen in about 50% of the trials. These results were replicated across different studies, including a study that presented short descriptions of images, instead of small visual cues. These findings counter assumptions of rigid relationships between negative sti-muli and avoidance behaviors. People do not consistently avoid negative infor-mation, but deliberately subject themselves to this kind of content, in particu-lar when images display negative social situations. Since the stimuli used in the present studies were taken from stimulus sets often used in emotion research, these findings may have important methodological implications. Furthermore, these studies forward a new paradigm that can measure a phenomenon that has high real-life relevance, but has so far been neglected as a topic of investigation in affective science.


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O2.5 Does Interest Makes You Miss the Forest for the Trees?

Billy Sung, Jennifer YihUniversity of Queensland, Vanderbilt University

Recent research suggests that interest is an emotion that motivates the learning and exploration of new, unfamiliar things (Silvia, 2008). According to the novelty categorization theory (Förster, Marguc, & Gillebaart, 2010), broadened attentional scope and a global processing style facilitate the understanding of novel informa-tion. Thus, interest should broaden attentional scope, which is consistent with the idea that positive emotions serve the general purpose of broadening attention and cognition (Fredrickson & Branigan, 2005). However, research suggests that in-terest is not necessarily a pleasant emotion, and that it focuses attention towards novelty (Turner & Silvia, 2006). Across three studies, we showed that interest and the predisposition to experience interest are associated with narrowed attentio-nal focus.In Study 1, we used a directed imagery to induce either interest or a neutral state, and subsequently, participants completed the 16-item global-local visual proces-sing task (Kimchi & Palmer, 1982). When compared to the Neutral condition, the Interest condition evoked significantly higher interest (p = .003), surprise (p < .001), awe (p < .001), and amusement (p < .001). Despite the elicitation of these positive emotions, the Interest condition showed a significantly narrowed attentional bias compared to the Neutral condition (p = .028). In Study 2a and 2b, we explored whether traits associated with interest predispose individuals to narrowed attention. The visual processing task was administrated before participants completed the 12-item boredom proneness scale (Vodanovich et al., 2005) and the 10-item trait curiosity scale (Litman, 2008), respectively. The need for external stimulation subscale for boredom proneness was significantly related to narrowed attention (p = .032). Furthermore, trait curiosity and its inte-rest subscale were associated with narrowed attention (p = .023 and p = .008, respectively). Both interest and awe can have pleasant affective tone and involve an appraisal of challenge to current mental structure (Keltner & Haidt, 2003; Silvia, 2006). We therefore used a writing task in Study 3 to elicit these emotions and investiga-ted their effects on attention. When compared to awe, interest resulted in signifi-cantly more narrowed attention (p = .043). Taken together, our findings contradict contemporary theories by demonstrating that both state and trait interest are associated with narrowed attention instead of broadened attention.

299

O2.6 Romantic Resonance in a Restless World

Aaron Ben-Ze’evUniversity of Haifa

There are conflicting theoretical considerations and empirical findings regarding the possibility of long-term love. Some propose that romantic love can only be of limited duration as the frequency with which a couple has sex declines signifi-cantly over time, in part because of the crucial role of change in emotions (Spino-za, Ethics, 1677; Baumeister & Bratslavsky, “Passion, Intimacy, and Time,” 1999). Love is a trade-off, the prevailing wisdom goes: We can either soar briefly to the highest heights or we can achieve long-term contentment (Berscheid, “Love in the Fourth Dimension,” 2010). There are, however, other studies that espouse the enduring nature of love (O’Leary et al., “Is Long-Term Love a Rare Phenomenon?” 2010; Ace-vedo et al., “Neural Correlates of Marital Satisfaction,” 2012). This dilemma is examined by proposing a conceptual framework describing es-sential differences between short-term and long-term love: (a) romantic intensity and profundity, (b) emotional resonance and resonance activity, (c) hedone (fee-ling good) and eudaimonia (flourishing), and (d) instrumental and intrinsic acti-vities. In the features underlying long-term relationships— romantic profundity, eudaimonic flourishing, intrinsic activities, and resonance activity—time-consu-ming activities are essential. My discussion focuses on (a) and (b).The intensity-profundity distinction expresses two aspects of romantic expe-riences: a momentary peak of passionate desire, and ongoing shared emotional experiences and activities essential to romantic and personal flourishing. Time is constitutive in romantic profundity and destructive for romantic intensity. Whereas change is essential for romantic intensity, development and growth are crucial for romantic profundity. Romantic resonance is the tendency of a roman-tic connection to amplify its profundity through mutual interactions. Emotional resonance, based mainly on attractiveness, is central in initiating love; resonance activity is developed through the process of joint activities. Resonance is both a condition and an achievement of love and deep-seated types of resonance can be cultivated (Krebs, «Wie ein Bogenstrich», 2009).The need for time-consuming activities in romantic relationships is contrary to the prevailing attitude in our current high-speed and restless society (Rosa, Social Acceleration, 2013) where timing is more significant than time. Indeed, empiri-cal evidence indicates that spouses’ investment of time in their marriage has de-creased over time. The lack of such an investment impedes romantic and personal flourishing. This failure prevails more in lower socio-economic levels (Finkel et al., “Suffocation of Marriage,” 2014). Long-term love is possible when you give time a chance, and romantic profundity, resonance activity, eudaimonic flourishing, and intrinsic activities are present.


300


O2.6 Love and the Law

Elizabeth BrakeArizona State University

The free love tradition sees state recognition of marriage as in tension with the spontaneity of love. Marriage abolitionists have more recently argued that the state should not legitimate relationships, both on grounds of non-discrimina-tion and on free love grounds of burdening the free choice to love (Card, 1996). While accepting that the state should not discriminate among relationship types (especially on the basis of heterosexual marriage), Brake (2012) has argued that caring relationships are politically significant goods and that their legal support is required as a matter of justice. Accordingly, Brake (2012) argues for a right to marriage-like legal structures protecting relationships in certain contexts (such as immigration). Here, I examine whether the state can support caring relationships without com-promising love or attitudinal care, and, if so, what social and legal institutions are required to support caring relationships. I consider and reject the objections that legal supports for caring relationships wrongly burden the choice to love, that they inappropriately contractualize altruistic relationships, or that they must psycholo-gically threaten the spontaneous emotional content of such relationships. Next, I note that marriage-like legal structures and family law are important means for supporting caring relationships. However, I argue that providing access to caring relationships for elderly and invalid citizens is equally a matter of justice and one requiring different social and legal supports than those provided by marriage-like law. How can the state support love and care relationships for citizens isolated in their homes?

301

O2.6 Jealousy in Horace’s Odes

Ruth Rothaus CastonUniversity of Michigan

There are many examples of jealousy in Western literature that center on its tell-tale signs: the lover’s suspicious nature, an obsession with a beloved’s fidelity, and the need to find clues and evidence to substantiate the mistrust. The same is true of some examples from ancient literature as well, in particular Roman love elegy. But there is also a series of Odes by Horace that seems clearly to be about jea-lousy and yet does not exhibit any of the features listed above. David Konstan even thinks that one of these Odes offers the earliest clear example of jealousy in ancient literature. What, then, is the basis for identifying these Odes as being about jealousy? While the scenario in these poems does satisfy some of the core criteria for jealousy (see Caston 2012, Intro.), it is also quite different from other treatments in ancient literature. In other literature, jealousy is described as part of an unfolding story whose veracity the reader cannot easily assess. In Horace, by contrast, jealousy is told retrospectively, with a certain amount of distance and mature perspective on the emotional upheavals of the narrator’s youth. Unlike the speaker in elegy, the Horatian narrator adopts an assured and confident tone that comes from no longer being in the grip of the passion. At the same time, he also evokes his past feelings, both in connection with what he regards as the mistreatment by women and with jealousy’s relationship to anger and its role in Rome’s history. He thus suggests that jealousy is not simply something personal or relevant to his own past experiences, but something salient to Rome’s history more generally.


302


O2.6 Contempt in Colonial Literature: the Mysterious Case of the Eastern Woman

Isabelle PitteloudUniversity of Geneva

Contempt is of particular importance when looking at how colonial literature represents and defines the indigenous people so-called inferiority. In 19th French literature, cultural and biological racism tends to legitimate the European domi-nation in the East. Writers fascination for Eastern culture as a vestige of ancient Egyptian and Greek cultures concurrently express a special mixture of contempt and admiration. As all travels to the East in 19th century highlight the experience of prostitution as a way to “really” meet indigenous people, one interesting case of such a mixture is given by the beginning of what can be called sexual tourism. Using the literary technique of close reading, I will first consider Gustave Flau-bert’s relationship with Kuchuk Hanem – a famous Egyptian dancer and prosti-tute – as described in the travel report of his tour in Near East and North Africa. I will then contrast that report with Gerard de Nerval’s experience with Zeynab – a javanese slave he bought in Egypt (or so he says in his travelogue) and whom he tried to teach French. I will especially point out the struggle between love and contempt when it comes to sexual intercourse with Oriental women. I will also show the role of such narratives for Romantic writers trying to escape Western prejudice against other cultures and to reverse it against their own culture.

305

Emotions and Values in Sentimentalist Thought

Professor Justin D’ ArmsOhio State University, Columbus USA

Philosophical sentimentalists since David Hume have hoped to explain values by appeal to emotional responses. They say that what it is for something to be good, right or beautiful, is for it to elicit (or, perhaps, to make appropriate) some rele-vant emotional response in people. Some sentimentalists suggest that the cen-tral function of evaluative thought is to regulate conduct indirectly, through the regulation of emotion. This talk explores connections between this philosophical approach and the empirical study of the nature of emotions. I demonstrate that the most plausible forms of sentimentalism are committed to some controver-sial but perhaps true claims about the nature of emotional reactions. And I try to articulate an empirical hypothesis about emotion regulation on which certain arguments for sentimentalism seem to depend.


307

What emotions really are: The legacy of Nico Frijda

Prof Klaus Scherer, Swiss Centre for Affective Sciences, University of GenevaProf Batja Mesquita, Center for Social and Cultural Psychology, University of LeuvenProf Antony Manstead, School of Psychology, Cardiff UniversityProf Keith Oatley, Dept of Human Development & Applied Psychology, University of TorontoProf Ed Tan, Dept of Communication Science, University of AmsterdamProf Kathleen Higgins, Dept of Philosophy, University of Texas at Austin

Organised by: Prof Agneta Fischer, University of Amsterdam & Dr Carien van Reekum, University of Reading.

The question of what emotions really are has occupied philosophers and scien-tists since ancient Greece. The publication in 1986 of Nico Frijda’s seminal book, simply entitled «The Emotions», came at the start of an explosion in the study of emotion in psychological sciences. Nico’s enduring contributions to emotion research include among other the notion of action readiness as a core outcome of appraisal, control precedence, his formulation of the Laws of Emotion (1988, 2007) and, more recently, ur-emotions (2011, with Jerry Parrott). Throughout his career, Nico inspired and strongly supported junior researchers to develop and voice their views on emotion. In this symposium, former students and close friends present their theoretical explorations of emotion, many of which resulted directly from their collaborations with Nico.

Talks:Klaus Scherer: Defining emotion: Concerns, action readiness, and control precedenceBatja Mesquita: Emotions: Culture or Nature?Antony Manstead: The place of appraisal in emotionKeith Oatley (through video): Emotions and the free willEd Tan: Sentiment and the reality of fiction filmKathleen Higgins: Aesthetic Emotions in Commemoration

Symposium in honor of Nico Frijda - 10.7.2015

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Symposium S5.1 Executive Functions and Emotions

ConvenersMadeline Pe, Peter Kuppens

KU Leuven

Since early appraisal theories of emotions, it has been widely recognized that co-gnition plays a critical role in human emotion. In recent years, the essential func-tion of cognition in emotion has also been reflected in the integral role of execu-tive functions in the experience and regulation of emotions. Executive functions is a term for several basic general cognitive processes that are responsible for the re-gulation of thought and behavior. However, in understanding executive functions, it is crucial to take into account the cognitive architecture in which they work. Working memory is characterized as a limited-capacity system, and executive functions play the key role of controlling the contents of working memory. Given that there are various internal and external information competing for access into working memory, executive functions help determine which information would be actively maintained in working memory and therefore become the focus of attention. What is at the focus of one’s attention partly determines the emotions that are currently experienced. However, for a long time, most studies investiga-ting executive functions do not consider that the information being manipulated in working memory may have emotional content. This is a critical drawback espe-cially if the goal is to understand executive functions and its relation to emotional experience. Indeed, most situations are appraised as having either a positive or a negative meaning, which then determines the valence of the emotions expe-rienced—whether they are more positive or negative. From this perspective, we argue that executive functions operating on emotional information are critical in elucidating the relation between executive functions and emotional functioning, and this relation has significant implications to well-being. In this symposium, we will present five areas of study that aim to acquaint the audience about the current state of research on executive control and emotion. We start the symposium with evidence that emotional content cannot be ignored in the study of executive control and working memory. The first speaker will pre-sent a meta-analysis on the effect of emotional information on working memo-ry performance. This will then be followed by a series of empirical studies that examine the differential effects of emotional information on working memory among healthy participants and those suffering from PTSD and depression. The meta-analysis also shows that there has been an explosion of interest in affec-tive executive control and working memory, with researchers using different tasks to measure the various executive functions. Despite this advancement, the psy-chometric properties of the measures used to study affective executive control are still unknown. The second presenter will address this shortcoming in her talk. From a series of studies that utilized various research methodologies (trait ques-tionnaires, experience sampling, and experimental studies), the third speaker will demonstrate that affective executive control is a component that is involved in emotional functioning. If executive functions is a critical component of emotio-nal functioning, then enhancing executive control is one route towards impro-ving emotional health. The fourth speaker will discuss this possibility by sharing results on an executive control training, and its effects on rumination and depres-sion. Finally, to understand the underlying mechanisms involved in cognitive pro-cessing and emotional functioning, the last speaker will demonstrate that the observed positivity effect in attention and memory among older adults can be linked to activations in specific brain regions.


309

Working memory: Is it affected by affective contexts?

Susanne Schweizer, Tim DalgleishMRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit

AIM: Working memory (WM) has long been understood to be fundamental to many types of higher cognitive functions. Yet, despite the fact that our everyday environments frequently require these cognitive functions to be performed in af-fective contexts – much of the goal-relevant as well as distracting information we process has affective characteristics — the “conative, emotional and motivatio-nal control of WM” though “crucial”, as Baddeley (2003) noted —has mostly been ignored. The past decade, however, has seen an exponential increase in studies investigating WM in affective contexts. Our aim is to provide an overview of the state-of-the-science in affective WM followed by an overview of a series of studies we have conducted to extend these findings.METHODS PART I: We will present findings from our meta-analytic review of the effects of affective memoranda and distractors on WM performance and the role of potential moderating factors including valence and psychopathological sta-tus are discussed. The findings from the behavioural meta-analysis are comple-mented by a second meta-analysis of the neuroimaging data investigating the neural substrates of affective WM.RESULTS PART I: The meta-analyses revealed that there is an effect of emotion on WM performance (both accuracy and reaction time). However, the effects are complex with a moderating effect of valence. At a neural level affective compared to neutral WM is associated with increased activation of the salience network and reduced activation in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex.METHODS PART II: In a series of experiments we aimed to extend the findings from this meta-analysis using valenced complex span tasks in both healthy controls and individuals suffering from affective psychopathology (i.e., depression and posttraumatic stress disorder – PTSD).RESULTS PART II: Our results show that a valenced version of the classical reading span (Engle et al., 1992) task produced mixed results across healthy participants and those suffering from PTSD and depression. That is, healthy controls showed an emotion enhancement effect of WM performance, which was absent in those with a history of depression and PTSD. In contrast, a different complex span task requiring the performance of a distractor task (i.e., visuospatial search task) and a target task (i.e., storage of words) in the presence of either neutral or affective distractors showed a significantly impairing effect of negative distractors on WM performance in both healthy individuals and those with a history of PTSD. CONCLUSIONS: We discuss the implications of these findings for both affective neuroscience and clinical science.


310

Executive functions and the processing of neutral and emotional stimuli: A psychometric approach

Annette Brose1, Madeline Pe2, Peter Kuppens2

Humboldt University1, KU Leuven2

Emotion regulation requires executive control (EC) and various literatures have established links between EC and (deficient) emotion regulation. For example, individuals who suffer from depression have inhibitory deficits, and depleting EC resources in experiments has consequences in the emotional domain. Despite much convincing research in this field, there seem to be two shortcomings. First, the number of EC tasks that are being used in this field is quite vast and the task vary in content (e.g., whether the stimuli are emotional or neutral). Second, the psychometric properties of those tasks are often unknown. Therefore the two aims of this study are (1) to select tasks in line with theoretical considerations and in accordance with distinguishable aspects of EC (updating, switching, and inhi-bition), and (2) to investigate the psychometric properties of those tasks. Results from a first study that focused on the updating component of EC are very pro-mising. In this study, 200 students (average age = 18.32) participated in a three-wave longitudinal study. In each wave the students worked on an updating task (4 blocks) with positive and negative stimuli. Confirmatory factor analyses revealed good psychometric properties of this task. Fit indices indicated an excellent fit at each wave (RMSEAs < .01, SRMRs < .01, CFQs > .99). A model that included all three waves revealed strict measurement invariance across waves (RMSEA = .04, SRMR = .04, CFQ = .98). That is, updating emotional material was measured reliably in this study and longitudinally across waves, which justifies the use of this task in substantive research very well. Additional analyses will distinguish between the stimuli’s valence. The other aspects of EF will be examined in future studies with the goal to provide a battery of tasks for research on EC and emotional functio-ning.


311

Emotional updating ability is associated with better emotional functioning

Madeline Pe, Peter KuppensKU Leuven

Previous research has emphasized the critical role of cognitive content in emo-tional experience. For example, negative cognitions are strongly related to higher levels of negative emotions. Here, we argue that in addition to cognitive content, the processes that function to change emotional content in working memory also has an essential part in emotional experience. We suggest updating of emotional information in working memory (WM) is one such process. We provide evidence for this hypothesis in a series of studies that examined the relationship of emotio-nal updating ability and emotional functioning. In Study 1, our findings demons-trated that individuals with high emotional updating ability experienced lower levels of negative emotions and higher levels of positive emotions in their daily lives. Using trait questionnaires (Study 2), a 7-day experience sampling design (Study 3), and an experimental study (Study 4), we found consistent evidence that individuals with high emotional updating ability showed greater emotional reco-very regardless of the emotion regulatory strategies they used. Finally, in a longi-tudinal study (Study 5), we found that under high levels of stress, the depressive symptoms of individuals with high emotional updating ability did not increase four months and one year later. These results demonstrated that emotional upda-ting ability plays a critical role in emotions.


312

Gaining control of your emotions – The influence of cognitive control training on stress reactivity and rumination

Kristof Hoorelbeke, Ernst Koster, Marie-Anne Vanderhasselt, Siebren Callewaert, Ineke Demeyer

Ghent University

Cognitive control impairments have been identified as an underlying mechanism for rumination, a maladaptive emotion regulation strategy that has been linked to sustained negative affect and forms a key predictor of depression. Literature suggests that cognitive control training (CCT) targeting working memory functio-ning can increase effectiveness of existing antidepressant treatments to reduce rumination. However, it remains unclear whether CCT can also be implemented as a preventive intervention for depression, increasing resilience. For this purpose, at-risk undergraduate students (high trait ruminators) were divided into a CCT or active control condition, consisting of 10 online training sessions. Working me-mory functioning was assessed preceding and following the training and emo-tional reactivity to a lab stressor was assessed directly following training. Finally, at four weeks follow-up, brooding – the maladaptive form of rumination – was re-assessed in response to a naturalistic stressor (examination period). Although we did not find direct transfer effects of CCT on working memory functioning, increase in working memory functioning following CCT was related to post-trai-ning brooding levels while controlling for baseline levels of brooding (χ = -.23, p < .05). Participants receiving CCT demonstrated lower stress reactivity in the lab as assessed by a behavioral measure of rumination (positive thoughts: p < .05, χ² = .11; negative thoughts: p < .05, χ² = .09) and self-reported levels of negative affect (p < .01, χ² = .16). Moreover, participants receiving CCT reported a decrease in broo-ding following a naturalistic stressor at follow-up (p < .05, χ² = .11), indicating tem-poral stability of our findings. These findings suggest that CCT can be considered a promising preventive intervention to reduce stress reactivity and rumination.


313

Mechanisms of older adults’ positivity effect in attention and memory

Mara MatherUniversity of Southern California

Older adults show more emotionally gratifying memory distortion for past choices and autobiographical information than younger adults do. In addition, when shown positive and negative stimuli, older adults are more likely to favor the positive over negative stimuli in attention and memory than younger adults do. These age-related positivity effects may be due to an increased focus on emo-tion regulation as people get older and feel that time left in life is more limited. In a functional magnetic resonance imaging study, we found that amygdala functio-nal connectivity with medial prefrontal regions at rest predicted the subsequent positivity effect in older adults, suggesting that individual differences in prefron-tal interactions with the amygdala at rest are associated with how older adults process emotional stimuli. In addition, in a behavioral study, we found that the positivity effect in memory is amplified when people focus on having limited time left in life, consistent with the notion that older adults’ sense of having less time left in life is an important factor in their increased focus on positive rather than negative stimuli.


314

Symposium S5.2Connecting Identity and Emotion as Affective Experiences

ConvenersAndreas Schneider, Tobias Schröder

Texas Tech University, Potsdam University of Applied Sciences

This symposium introduces work on emotions within the symbolic interactionist framework of Affect Control Theory (ACT) and its measurement model of affective responses. Osgood identified Evaluation, Potency, and Activity (EPA) as culturally universal dimensions of affective response. This measurement model translates the qualitative face of ACT into a quantitative model that is operationalized to the extent that it allows computer simulation.Explaining ACT with the words of the founder (David Heise. 2007. Expressive Order: Confirming Senti-ments in Social Actions. New York: Springer pp. 3-4): “here’s the essence of affect control theory.- You (and every individual) create events to confirm the sentiments that you have about the identities of yourself and others in the current situation.- Your emotions reflect your sentiment about yourself and the kinds of validations or invalidations that you are experiencing at the moment.- If your actions don’t work to maintain your sentiments, then you re-conceptualize the identities of others or yourself.- Confirming sentiments about your current identity actualizes your sense of self, or else produces inauthenticity that you resolve by enacting compensating identities.- In the process of building events to confirm your sentiments, you perform social roles that operate the basic institutions of society”[bullets in original] The symposium will feature the following contributions:Kathryn Lively addresses a classic and central theme in the sociology of emotions: emotion norms. Em-otion norms are a result of social action in which people try to confirm their identities. She addresses the central contribution of symbolic interactionism: investigating the social component of emotion caused by actors being interdependent with others in their production and maintenance of emotions. At minimum, the social situation entails an actor emitting a behavior towards an object person. This (ABO) event is the smallest unit of symbolic interactionist analysis. ACT extends this model unit by including emotions that are experienced and mutually seen by actors and objects of the interaction. Lively employs the program INTERACT, a mathematical operationalization of ACT, to demonstrate that identities in social action generate characteristic emotions that correspond to emotion norms identi-fied in qualitative research. Andreas Schneider based his work on the same ACT paradigm: emotions are social products of identi-ties in interaction. However, by looking at people who seek acts of submission, he assumes that people congregate in order to achieve a specific esthetic experience. Matching people by the EPA pattern of their self-attitudes, he compares the esthetic representation of submission in photographic images. Like Schneider, Linda Francis looks at individuals in situations that people generally avoid. While Schneider investigates how people actively create such situations to confirm their self-attitudes, Fran-cis studies people that find themselves in unpleasant situations against their will. Francis hereby addresses dissonance, a classic problem in psychology, with the ACT concept of deflection. In her re-search she uses data of 50 semi-structured interviews with bereaved cancer caregivers to investigate how grief can be seen as a result of identities in social interaction. Rohan Lulham and Daniel Shank brighten things up when they turn the topic from emotional expe-riences resulting from the loss of power to the empowerment people can achieve by using gadgets. While Festinger’s cognitive dissonance theory only worked for negative states, the ACT principle of deflection allows the investigation of positive affective gain identities receive when they interact with fancy gadgets. The most important extension of ACT, and symbolic interactionism in general, is that Lulham and Shank present in their research is the treatment of material objects as interactants. Kimberly Rogers, Tobias Schröder and Jesse Hoey provide a much vaster extension of ACT. Using Baye-sian probability theory, they generalize ACT into their modification as BayesACT that goes beyond a language-based investigation prevalent in symbolic interactionism. They demonstrate how this new Bayesian approach can show how emotions serve as signals in the communication of identity. Their contribution leads us back to the beginning where we extended the minimum event of the symbolic interactionist perspective (ABO) with the emotions experienced and communicated by the identities of actors and objects of an action. This extension is crucial for investigating social components of emo-tions.


315

Characteristic Emotions: An ACT explanation of the origin of emotion norms

Kathryn LiveleyDartmouth College

Over the last three decades scholarship documenting the existence of emotion norms – rules that govern both our experience and expression of emotion - has flourished. Qualitative scholars have argued that emotion norms differ according to settings (such as law firms), to social roles (such as attorney), as well as to social characteristics (such as gender) (Pierce 1995; also see Cottingham 2014, Harlow 2003, Hochschild 1983, Wingfield 2010, among others). One question that has pla-gued many of these studies, however, is where do emotion norms originate (also see Ridgeway 2006)? A recent extenstion of affect control theory (Heise 2007; Li-vely & Heise 2014), suggests that the static emotion norms that qualitative scho-lars often cite – such as feeling sad at a funeral or happy at a wedding – may very well be a function of characteristic emotions. Characteristic emotions are those feelings actors are likely to feel when their social identities – in these cases, mour-ner and bride, respectively – are perfectly confirmed, something that rarely occurs during the course of embedded interactions. The goal of this study is to test the degree to which the characteristic emotions generated by INTERACT compare with observed emotion norms documented in existing qualitative data. This work contributes to affect control theory by developing the theoretical importance of characteristic emotions and to the sociology of emotion more generally, by ad-dressing the origins of emotion norms.


316

Esthetic Experiences of Submission

Andreas SchneiderTexas Tech University

Esthetic experiences integrate subjective realities and objectively shared imagery. In the tradition of Immanuel Kant and Friedrich Schiller, esthetics are seen as sha-red rules of interpretation that establish contexts and elicit affective experiences. The esthetic experience hereby entails both, a repository of significance or value, and a sensory experience appreciated by the individual. This synthesis in esthetics is summarized in Hegel’s theory of art as “the sensuous embodiment of the idea.” Empirical measures of affective experiences in subjective realities provide quan-tifications of experiences that are matched with objective photographic images. Merging both assessments of experience, I provide a holistic assessment of the esthetic experience. Measuring affective responses subjects were asked to list core attributes descri-bing themselves in a submissive context. They used the Twenty Statement Test (TST) of Kuhn and MacPartland (1954) to identify relevant self-attitudes. These attitudes were then quantitatively assessed with Charles Osgood’s (1962) seman-tic ratings of affective responses: evaluation (E), describing the goodness versus badness, and on the potency (P) and activity (A) dimensions.The shared imagery is represented in photography of subjects in the same sub-missive context. Developing a new methodology of visual sociology the mecha-nics of gestures are analyzed and matched with quantified subjective experience of the subjects. Data and images were collected in the context of religious submission. I suggest that further tests should investigate if submission is experienced in the same way in extremely different contexts. In a systematic comparison of the imagery of religious and sexual submission I will demonstrate this possible expansion of my research. As a highly quantified symbolic interactionist theory, Affect Control Theory (ACT) (Heise 1987, MacKinnon and Heise 2010, Smith-Lovin and Heise 1988) investigates the dynamics of affective experiences in interaction. If new tools of visual socio-logy can link subjective experience as EPA profiles with imagery we can analyze the dynamics of images in ACT.


317

Grief Adaptation as Deflection Resolution

Linda FrancisCleveland State University

A key sociological concern about grief is the context in which the individual tries to make sense of their loss (Charmaz and Milligan, 2006). Whether the empha-sis is on relationships (Carr & Boerner, 2009), reactions of others (Clark, 1997), or labels given to the emotion (Horwitz & Wakefield, 2007), grief is embedded in interactions which give it meaning. Building on this contextual view, this qua-litative exploration of caregiver narratives of bereavement uses the Evaluation, Potency and Activity dimensions of Affect Control Theory (ACT) (Heise, 2012) to show how individuals make sense of bereavement. The data for this study are comprised of 50 semi-structured interviews with bereaved cancer caregivers, 12-24 months after the death. Interviews were 1-3 hours long, recorded and transcri-bed, then coded using both in vivo and protocol coding (Miles et al., 2014). Results showed that participants treated the death of a loved one as a deflection from the expected sentiments about the deceased, and redefined the act of dying to resolve those deflections. Common resolutions included attributing power over the time of dying, power of the caregiver to release the deceased from suffering, and weakness of others in allowing the untimely death. These results add to the literature on grief in highlighting the agency of actors in managing their grief by cognitively manipulating situational definitions to convert the event of dying into a validation of their identities and relationships.


318

Products as affective modifiers of social identities: Managers and retirees with iPads and mustangs

Rohan Lulham, Daniel ShankUniversity of Technology Sydney, University of Melbourne

Do salesclerks seem better, more powerful and lively when they have iPhones? Previous research has considered what affective qualities encourage people to buy products (Reed et al, 2012), and how to design products with these qualities (Desmet and Hekkert, 2007), but little research asks about how products change the perception of individuals. Using an affect control theory framework of how traits and emotions alter affective impressions of social identities (Averett and Heise, 1987), we explore whether a select number of products modify people’s impressions of business identities. We seek to first determine if affective impres-sions of business identities are modified when they are associated with products, and then examine whether affect control theory’s trait modifier equations are predictive of the product amalgamated identities. Through Amazon Mechanical Turk, we collected usable data from 249 US partici-pants (4 unusable) who each rated a subset of fifty concepts on evaluation, poten-cy, and activity (EPA). We selected six business identities – Manager, Unemployed Person, Salesclerk, Retiree, Entrepreneur, and Scrooge. Products selected included four mobile phones, four personal computers, and four types of cars. Lastly, we measured 72 amalgamated concepts created by combining each business identity with each product (e.g., Manager with a Mobile Phone). We found that products systematically modified business identities. The influence of products on business identities were greater on the potency and activity di-mensions, than on the evaluation dimension. We also found support for the uti-lity of the current affect control theory trait modifier equations in predicting our observed product modified identities. Trait equation predictions were very similar on the evaluation dimension, and quite similar on the potency and activity dimen-sions. The findings from this initial study are supportive of additional research exami-ning a greater range of identity and product concepts across the EPA space. This line of research could form a basis for incorporating product-identity modification into the affect control theory framework. More broadly, the research may pro-vide sociologists, designers, and marketers with a way of exploring how products influence the way we are perceived, behave, and feel in social situations.


319

Modeling Dynamic Identities and Uncertainty in Social Interactions: Bayesian Affect Control Theory

Kimberly Rogers, Tobias Schröder, Jesse HoeyDartmouth College, Potsdam University of Applied Sciences,

University of Waterloo

Drawing on Bayesian probability theory, we propose a generalization of affect control theory (BayesACT) that better accounts for the dynamic fluctuation of em-otions and identity meanings for self and other during social interaction, explains how interactants learn and adjust meanings through social experience, and shows how stable patterns of social interaction can emerge from individuals’ uncertain social perceptions. Using simulations, we illustrate how this generalization offers a resolution to several issues of theoretical significance within sociology and social psychology by balancing cultural consensus with individual deviations from sha-red meanings, balancing meaning verification with the subtle learning processes that reflect change, and accounting for noise in communicating identity. We show how emotions serve as a signal in the dynamic communication of identity, and how multimodal emotional displays help navigate multiple identity enactments. We also show how the model speaks to debates about core features of the self, which can be understood as stable and yet malleable, coherent and yet comprised of multiple identities that may carry competing meanings. Implications are dis-cussed for the theoretical grounding of computational models of social behavior and emotion, along with potential applications in artificial intelligence.


320

Symposium S5.3 Exploring the motivational diversity of envy: Destructive and

constructive emotional reactions toward the better-off

ConvenersJens Lange, Jan Crusius

University of Cologne

Life is full of opportunities for upward comparisons. Not only might the neighbors have better skills in gardening, their kids might also go to better schools and their car might be much nicer. Such situations in which someone lacks another’s superior quality, achie-vement, or possession can elicit the most joyless of all deadly sins—envy. Recent research, however, casts doubts upon the uniformly negative and hostile nature previously ascribed to envious reactions. In contrast, it shows that this emotion serves as a powerful motivator of various intra- and interpersonal actions directed at changing one’s inferior position in multifaceted ways. This can be achieved either by destructive action aimed at harming the position of the envied person or group or by constructive action aimed at improving the envier’s own standing on the respective comparison domain. Such a functional perspec-tive has been pivotal to much recent research about envy. Nevertheless, the motivational underpinnings that drive envy’s various reactions are still far from being fully understood. Furthermore, parallel to the scientific debate about the nature of envy, there is much socie-tal disagreement about when and how envy influences behavior toward the better-off.The aim of the symposium is to share recent advancements in the research on envy and to engage in discourse about the conflicting views in the field. The contributors to this sym-posium will present evidence for the multifaceted nature of emotional reactions toward the better-off and will discuss envy’s conceptualization as a unitary or two-type construct.First, Richard Smith will present research about the complex relationship of political ideo-logy and emotional reactions toward economic inequality and the political debate of whe-ther envy or justice concerns drive opinions in these domains. Conservatives attribute pro-test against Wall Street to envy, whereas liberals stress the importance of unfairness as motivating the protest. Additional data shows how the actual emotional reactions conform to and diverge from these perceptions. Then, Jérémy Celse will present data incompatible with the uniformly hostile picture of envy that depicts enviers as people who irrationally lash out in anger. In a series of dice-under-cup games envy impeded lying behavior when it would have benefitted the opponent. This underlines that envy can also spur strategic action. Afterwards, Jan Crusius will present evidence that envy has multifaceted motiva-tional consequences which are also reflected in two distinct personality dimensions. This research shows that people differ in how prone they are to react in benign or malicious ways to upward comparison standards. Using a newly developed dispositional envy scale, he shows how motivational inclinations of fear of failure and hope for success relate to the different kinds of envious reactions and how this relates to real world performance data. Subsequently, Jens Lange will present research about how a situational factor, the pride dis-play of the superior person, shapes envious responding, investigating envy’s interpersonal core. Pride attributed to talent—hubristic pride—fosters destructive consequences. Pride attributed to effort—authentic pride—fosters constructive consequences. Finally, Yochi Co-hen-Charash and Elliott Larson will present evidence for a functional interaction of person and situation characteristics to predict destructive and constructive consequences of envy. Particularly, the changeability of the situation predicts both motivational consequences, yet, contingent on high self-esteem, enviers react to the situation differently. Furthermore, physical proximity fosters destructive consequences of envy especially for individuals with high trait envy.In sum, these findings confirm the importance of examining envy’s vital role in shaping intrapersonal processes, interpersonal relationships, and collective action. By investigating perceptions of envy-based motivation, actual envious intentions, and envy-driven behavior at the state and trait level as well as their interaction, this symposium contributes to the understanding of the multifaceted motivational nature of envy. Furthermore it will allow fruitful discussions about whether envy is a unitary construct with opposing consequences or can be conceptualized in two different forms.


321

Liberal and Conservative Reactions to the Excesses of Capitalism: Fairness or Envy?

Richard Smith, Charles E. Hoogland, Alexandra R. MartinUniversity of Kentucky

Political debates about issues such as the appropriate tax rates for the wealthy and the morality of extreme forms of capitalism often center on the emotion-related motives that appear to drive opinions. Are liberals who criticize the huge profits gained by private equity firms simply envious, for example? If so, does appeasing the “envious” harm general economic welfare more than the creative destruction inherent in capitalism? Two studies examined the possible role of political ideology in envy-based motivations, both in terms of how liberals and conservatives are perceived and well as their self-reported motivations. In Study 1 participants screened for their liberal or conservative views later read accounts of individuals protesting Wall Street excesses. Conservatives, compared to liberals, indeed tended to perceive such protests as motivated by envy. By contrast, libe-rals, compared to conservatives, tended to perceive the protests as motivated by concerns over justice and attributed the excesses to greed. Study 2 examined libe-ral or conservative participants’ actual reactions to wealthy entrepreneurs who either did or did not harm workers in the process of attaining their wealth. Overall, compared to conservatives, liberals were slightly more envious of wealthy entre-preneurs. Compared to liberals, conservatives saw even those actions that harmed workers as fairer than liberals. However, both political groups viewed harm-doing actions as much less fair than action causing no harm. Whether harm was done or not, liberals perceived more unfairness than conservatives. This perceived unfair-ness was correlated with greater envy in liberals. The findings of these two studies have a number of implications for an understanding of the role of envy in politics. First, in terms of perceptions, consistent with common observations, conservatives will tend to view protests against the excesses of capitalism as motivated by envy. However, liberals will tend to view these protests as motivated by justice. There is only slight evidence for liberals actually feeling more envy than conservatives in terms of their reported reactions. Furthermore, concerns over justice appear to have especially close links with how liberals react to the excesses of capitalism. Although the interplay of envy and concerns over justice is highly complex, sorting out these reactions will go a long way to understanding motivations linked to political ideology.


322

The bright side of a dark emotion: Envy can refrain people from lying

Jérémy CelseBurgundy School of Business, Laboratoire d’Expérimentation en Sciences Sociales et

Analyse des Comportements

Research of lying prevention traditionally focuses on the factors of moral norms, self-awareness, supervision and the relative importance of these factors on lying behavior. Different from prior studies, the current research suggested that, based on the theories of emotions, envy could refrain people from lying. Experiments were designed to examine the influence of envy on lying behavior, via a series of dice-under-cup games in the laboratory. Three conditions were manipulated to induce the payoffs (benefits) of lying, including: baseline condition (control group), symmetric condition (players A and B received the same benefits of lying), and asymmetric condition (player A received half benefits of lying than player B). Findings showed that players had propensity to lie when lying brought them benefits. However, due to the effect of envy, players had refrained such propensity when lying brought more benefits to other players. Implication of the findings are discussed.


323

The Janus face of dispositional envy: Disentangling benign and malicious forms of the envious personality

Jan CrusiusUniversity of Cologne

People differ in their propensity to react with envy toward other people who sur-pass them with regard to important achievements, characteristics, or possessions. Previous research has conceptualized differences in the inclination towards envy along a single dimension focusing on hostility and resentment as central com-ponents (Smith, Parrott, Diener, Hoyle, & Kim, 1999). At the state level, however, recent research (Crusius & Lange, 2014; Van de Ven, Zeelenberg, & Pieters, 2009) has revealed that envy exists in two qualitatively distinct forms: benign and ma-licious envy. Even though both forms of envy are negative emotions marked by high levels of frustration, they differ in their motivational consequences: Benign envy motivates people to attain the superior fortune, but is not characterized by the hostility of its malicious counterpart. In contrast, the goal of malicious envy is to level the other person down. Across several studies employing the newly developed Benign and Malicious Envy Scale (BeMaS, Lange & Crusius, in press), we show that dispositional envy also exists in two distinct forms—benign and malicious envy—and provide evidence for their distinct motivational profiles. In particular, dispositional benign envy is linked to hope for success and predicts the superior performance of marathon runners mediated by higher goal setting. In contrast, malicious envy is linked to fear of failure and predicts goal avoidance. These results underline the value of conceptualizing dispositional envy in two dimensions. We discuss how this distinction can be used to unravel the diverse motivational and behavioral outcomes of envy and its relationship to other perso-nality characteristics such as narcissism.


324

It takes two sins to tango: The social-functional relation of envy and pride

Jens LangeUniversity of Cologne

Envy is a social phenomenon and entails at least two individuals—the envier and the envied person. Previous research on the elicitation of envy, however, has focused strongly on intrapersonal processes, thereby neglecting envy’s interper-sonal core. In five studies, we show that the envy of the inferior person and the pride of the superior person are inherently intertwined in a social functional rela-tionship. Specifically, our evidence reveals that envy and pride often co-occur and pride displays increase envy. Authentic pride (success is attributed to effort) is perceived as likeable and conveys prestige which fosters envy directed at impro-ving personal achievement (benign envy). Hubristic pride (success is attributed to talent) is perceived as less likable and conveys dominance which fosters envy directed at harming the envied person’s position. These effects occur only when pride is displayed by the superior person and not when knowledge about suc-cess attributions is simply available in the environment. Our findings converged in methodological diverse ways in the lab and online, using recall tasks, vignettes, as well as by eliciting envy in situ, and measuring behavioral intentions and envy-driven behavior. Taken together, this research highlights the value of taking envy’s social nature into account and open up numerous avenues for studying envy at the intergroup level or in the realm of interpersonal emotion regulation.


325

When Do Reactions To Envy Turn Constructive Or Destructive?

Yochi Cohen-Charash, Elliott LarsonBaruch College

Contrary to common beliefs that envy only leads to destructive reactions, research has found that envy can also motivate constructive behaviors (Cohen-Charash, 2009; Schaubroeck & Lam, 2004). This is in line with social-comparison theory, according to which the goal of the envious person is to equate his or her lot with that of the other. This can be achieved either by bringing the better off other down to the level of the envious person, or improving the envious person up to the level of the envied one (Heider, 1958). We experimentally examined the changeability of the situation (the level by which the situation permits the envious to improve his or her inferior position, Cohen-Charash & Larson, 2011), and psychological distance (Larson, 2013), as situational determinants of reactions to envy. We also examined trait self-esteem (Cohen-Charash & Larson, 2011) and trait envy (Larson, 2013) as dispositional moderators of the relationships between situations and reactions to envy. We found that re-gardless of the changeability of the situation, envy leads to both destructive (e.g., harming the envied other by hiding information) and constructive reactions (e.g., attempting to improve one’s situation by practicing for a test instead of playing computer games). However, trait self-esteem moderates this relationship, such that high self-esteem individuals that are envious self-handicap in order to pres-erve their sense of self from additional blows. Furthermore, high physical proxi-mity (but not high distance) leads to destructive reactions to envy. Specifically, envious participants do not persist on a difficult task, and individuals high in trait envy share less information with the envied (Larson, 2013).


326

Symposium S5.4 Emotions, values and energy technology acceptance:

Bringing together psychological and philosophical perspectives

ConvenersNicole Huijts

Delft University of Technology

Public discussions about energy technologies easily culminate in heated debates, as different values seem to be in conflict. The traditional approach is to say that we should not ‘get emotional’; instead we should be rational and talk about facts. In this symposium, however, we argue that emotions towards energy technolo-gies should be taken seriously and we sketch new insights into how such emo-tions can be better understood, predicted, and addressed in decision-making.In the literature, it seems that the role of emotions is characterized in different, seemingly opposing ways. In some situations, feelings are considered to be ´aber-rations’ or ‘disturbances’ to the properly, rationally weighing of costs, risks and benefits of a technology. In other situations, feelings are seen as valuable and even indispensable ingredients in human decision making. Literature reflecting the first viewpoint seems to use the word affect more often, while literature reflecting the second viewpoint seems to use the word ‘emotion’ more often. The antecedents of affect or emotions also seem under debate. Are they based on unreflected intui-tions, or are they based on things that people hold dear to themselves – called values? In this symposium we focus on the role of affect/emotions and values in forming opinions about and responding to energy technologies. We include view-points from both psychology and philosophy and search for differences and com-mon grounds. We aim to make our viewpoints on affect/emotions more explicit and figure out in what decision situations feelings are helpful and useful and in what situations they would be biased and unhelpful.Perlaviciute, Steg and Hoekstra, working in the field of psychology, look into the workings of the affect heuristic and the possible roots of this phenomenon. The affect heuristic implies that a general feeling towards an energy technology can color evaluations of costs and benefits of that technology. But where does this ge-neral feeling come from? The researchers argue and provide initial evidence that people’s general values in life play an important role here. Sütterlin and Siegrist, working in the field of psychology, postulate that affect mediates the effect of symbolic meaning of certain energy-related behaviors and technologies on people’s judgments and evaluations of those behaviors and tech-nologies. In line with the affect-as-heuristic theory, they find that people rely their judgments and evaluations mainly on the evoked affect which may mislead ener-gy consumption judgments and result in biased risk perception and acceptance of energy technologies.Huijts and Roeser, performing psychological and philosophical research respec-tively, argue that emotions, including trust in those responsible for a technology, are indispensable guides in forming an overall opinion about the technology. Based on affect-as-heuristic theories one could expect that emotions play a wea-ker role in attitude formation when one has more knowledge. However, based on data about the acceptability of hydrogen fuel stations they show that emotions influence overall opinions also very strongly, or even more strongly, among more knowledgeable citizens.


327

Public emotions and values in sustainable energy transitions

Goda Perlaviciute, Linda Steg, Elisabeth HoekstraUniversity of Groningen

Various energy alternatives are promoted as (relatively) sustainable (e.g. re-newable resources, nuclear energy, natural gas), but they are often met with fierce public opposition, fuelled by negative emotions. When emotions are involved, people may evaluate energy alternatives negatively on many aspects and neglect their potential benefits, a phenomenon known as affect heuristic (Slovic, 2000). The affect heuristic implies that people have a “general feeling” towards energy alternatives, which colours their evaluations. But where does this feeling come from? We propose that people’s values (e.g. equality, protecting the environment, wealth) play an important role in this process.We argue that people have positive feeling and hence evaluate positively energy alternatives that support their important values, whereas they have negative fee-ling and evaluate negatively energy alternatives that threaten their important va-lues. We tested this reasoning in three representative studies in the Netherlands on nuclear energy, renewable resources, and natural gas, respectively. Nuclear and renewable energy have been much debated and triggered emotional responses from the public. As expected, we found that that the stronger their egoistic va-lues (i.e. focus on personal resources), the more people favoured nuclear energy and the less they favoured renewable energy, whereas the opposite was true for people with strong biospheric values (i.e. focus on nature and the environment). Next, values indeed coloured people’s evaluations of these energy alternatives on many aspects. Natural gas, on the other hand, had mostly been taken for granted and hardly debated in the Netherlands until recently. As expected, we found that particularly hedonic values (i.e. focus on comfort) enhance acceptability of gas. Values were less likely to colour evaluations of gas, in comparison to nuclear and renewable energy. This might change, however, since the current developments in the Dutch gas sector (gas-related earthquakes, controversial gas production methods such as shale gas, development of gas-based sustainable solutions) may motivate people to think about the implications of gas in the light of values, trig-gering emotions. This research integrates theory on affect heuristic and value theory, and enhances these theories in important ways. Next, it has important practical implications for developing sustainable energy transitions that are not only economically and environmentally viable, but also societally acceptable.


328

Affect as a mediator of the misleading effect of symbolically significant information on energy-related judgments

Bernadette Sütterlin, Michael SiegristConsumer Behavior, Institute for Environmental Decisions (IED), ETH Zürich

When judging outcomes or consequences, people rely on informational attributes of high symbolic significance while ignoring other information, which may result in biased decisions (Sütterlin & Siegrist, 2014). This is also true for energy-rela-ted judgments. However, there is a need to clarify the underlying mechanisms. According to previous research, risk judgments are often based on evoked affect (Slovic, Finucane, Peters, & MacGregor, 2007). Since symbolically significant attri-butes hold stronger affective meaning than other information, we can assume that evoked affect mediates the misleading effect of symbolically significant in-formation. In Experiment 1 (N = 188), the participants viewed two car driver des-criptions. One entailed a positive symbolically significant attribute (i.e., Prius) and a negative symbolically neutral attribute (i.e., covering 28,700 km); for the other one, the reverse was true (i.e., SUV; covering 11,400 km). The participants received detailed information about the cars’ fuel consumption (i.e., 3.9 l/100 km, 8.4 l/100 km, respectively). Therefore, it was obvious that the Prius driver consumed more energy. However, the participants wrongly judged the energy consumption of the driver showing the positive symbolically significant behavior to be lower. The ef-fect of the valence of the symbolically significant behavior on the judgments was fully mediated by the affect associated with the symbolically significant infor-mation. Moreover, energy production technologies are attributed a positive (e.g., solar) or negative (e.g., nuclear) symbolic meaning, evoking a positive or negative affect, respectively. This influences the interpretation of risk information, evoking a specific affect that influences subsequent evaluations. In Experiment 2 (N = 302), we formulated two scenarios involving the risk assessment of power gene-ration based on life-cycle analyses (i.e., two fatalities). They were identical except in terms of the type of power-generating technology—solar vs. nuclear. However, in the solar power condition, the participants assessed the risk of two fatalities as more acceptable. Our results suggest that the affect evoked by the informa-tion has an impact on the evaluation of a technology, but also that the affective tagging of a technology influences the interpretation of new information. This research shows how the symbolic significance fallacy via evoked affect impedes the interpretation and adoption of adequate energy-friendly behavior and results in biased decisions when evaluating energy systems.


329

The role of trust and emotions in the opinion formation about hydrogen fuel stations

Nicole Huijts, Sabine RoeserDelft University of Technology

Studies in the field of technology acceptance and risk perception have suggested that when citizens have little opportunity (e.g. little time or knowledge) to deli-berate about a technology, they base their opinion about the technology more strongly on affect or emotions (Alhakami and Slovic 1994). Similarly, trust has been found to influence only the acceptance of technologies that people rate themselves to have little knowledge of (Siegrist and Cvetkovich 2000). Emotions and trust have thus been suggested to come in lieu of the rational weighing of risks and benefits in these circumstances. Following this line of thought, the hy-pothesis can be formulated that the provision of information or the availability of a higher knowledge level reduces the reliance of opinions about a technology on emotions and trust. We empirically tested this for the case of hydrogen fuel sta-tion acceptability by citizens. The findings show that two trust and two emotion measurements influenced the attitude towards the technology independent of information or knowledge level, or influenced the attitude towards the technology significantly more strongly in case of more information or higher knowledge level as compared to less information/lower knowledge level. We thus do not find sup-port for the proposed hypothesis. Therefore, we suggest an alternative account for the role of trust and emotions. We suggest emotions and trust to be important, even ‘rational’ ingredients in decision making in general, and about risky tech-nologies specifically (see also Damasio 1994; Kahan 2010; Roeser 2012). Trust and emotions can influence overall opinions independent of one’s knowledge level or, going even further, it can be argued that information and knowledge helps people to understand how the safety of the technology depends on those managing it and how the technology affects what is important to people and thus may even increase the influence of trust and emotions.


330

Emotions, values and frames: Multiple determinants of individual energy consumption in an experimental decision task

Tobias BroschUniversity of Geneva

Several disciplines of the behavioral sciences have advanced theoretical fra-meworks aiming at the explanation of individual energy consumption. Microe-conomic approaches focus on the maximization of self-interest in the context of financial gains and losses, while perspectives based in sociology and social psy-chology emphasize the importance of internal attributes of the decider such as belief structures and core values (Wilson & Dowlatabadi, 2007). More recently, the impact of affective processes and emotions has become a topic of investigation in the energy domain (Brosch, Patel, & Sander, 2014). In this study, we were interested in evaluating how factors put forward by these different approaches (availability of resources, framing in terms of gains and losses, environmental core values, ex-perienced environmental emotions) interact to predict individual energy-relevant decisions. We used a social dilemma task, an economic decision game reflecting a situation in which individuals share access to a common resource, and must choose between acting in their own short-term interest (i.e. claiming a lot of the resource for themselves) or in the long-term interest of the group (i.e. constraining their individual resource consumption). We observed a reduction in participants’ consumption when resources became scarcer. This reduction was found both in the gain frame and in the loss frame, but was more pronounced in the former. We furthermore observed an effect of individual core values, in that participants with more pronounced self-transcendence values showed lower overall consumption across both framing conditions. Finally, we observed – to our knowledge for the first time – an effect of environmental emotions on individual decisions: Parti-cipants who more frequently experienced emotions in environmental contexts showed a larger reduction of their consumption when resources became scarce. This effect was sensitive to the framing, as it was observed in the gain frame only. Our results highlight the importance of integrating theories and concepts from several disciplines of the behavioral sciences such as economics, social psycho-logy and affective science when trying to understand the factors underlying indi-vidual energy consumption. Economic framing, perceptions of resource scarcity, core values and emotions all may interact to influence individual energy-related decisions and may be potential levers for interventions supporting a successful energy transition.


331

Moral emotions, values and energy technologies

Sabine RoeserDelft University of Technology

Emotions are generally seen to be a disturbing factor in debates about risky tech-nologies such as energy technologies, as they are taken to be irrational and im-mune to factual information. In my presentation I will offer an alternative account which sees emotions as a source of practical rationality. I build on cognitive theo-ries of emotions as developed in psychology and philosophy. I will argue that mo-ral emotions are judgments of value that can provide us with moral knowledge. In the context of energy technology acceptance, emotions can highlight impor-tant moral aspects of energy technologies that get overlooked in conventional, technocratic approaches to risk. Sympathy, compassion, indignation, and feelings of responsibility help to grasp morally salient features concerning the risks and benefits of energy technologies, such as autonomy, fairness, justice and equity. Furthermore, emotions also have a motivational component that can contribute to needed changes in behaviour concerning our energy consumption in order to lead a more sustainable lifestyle. Hence, emotions should be taken seriously in de-cision making about risky technologies. This will lead to a more balanced debate in which all parties are taken seriously, which increases the chances to be willing to listen to each other and give and take. This is needed in order to come to well-grounded policies on how to deal with potentially risky energy technologies.


332

Symposium S5.5 The Epistemic Value of Emotions

ConvenerFabrice Teroni

University of Bern, University of Geneva

Emotions are reactions to matters of apparent significance – or so almost all philosophers and psy-chologists think. This means that nearly everyone accepts that there are intentional relations between emotions and ways in which things are significant – namely, values. So fear is about danger, anger about offensiveness, and so on. Philosophers and psychologists of all stripes also tend to agree that emotions can inform us about or can represent values: this is central to cognitive theories of emotion in philosophy, and appraisal theories of emotion in psychology. It is therefore surprising that there has been relatively little work done, in either discipline, on the epis-temology of emotion: roughly, the view that emotions can contribute in positive ways to our beliefs about or knowledge of value. This lack is, however, now being addressed, with increased attention to the ways in which emotions influence beliefs in psychology (see, for instance, Emotions and Beliefs (2000), ed. Frijda, Manstead, & Ben, Cambridge University Press) as well as in interdisciplinary collec-tions that present both psychological and philosophical perspectives (see, for instance, Epistemology and Emotions (2008), ed. Brun, Doguoglu, and Kuenzle, Ashgate Publishing.) But perhaps the greatest contribution to thinking about the epistemology of emotion has been the development of the Perceptual Theory. This view holds that emotions mirror perceptual experiences (e.g. visual experiences) in their epistemic role: the occurrence of each kind of experience constitutes a defeasible reason for the corresponding judgement or belief. Thus, just as my having a visual expe-rience of a red apple is a defeasible reason for me to judge that there is a red apple on my desk, so too my experiencing guilt is a defeasible reason for me to judge that I have done something morally wrong. Moreover, just as visual experience is necessary in order for me to possess certain colour concepts – I won’t know what redness is without visually experiencing it – so some emotional experience is neces-sary in order to me to have knowledge of some values. The present symposium proposal sets itself the aim of bringing together some of the most prominent supporters, and critics, of the perceptual theory. It aims to facilitate further discussion between phi-losophers and psychologists about this new and very significant development in our thinking about emotion and knowledge. Michael Brady is one of the major critics of the perceptual theory. In his recent book he argues that the perceptual theory is inadequate as an epistemological account, and proposed his own, positive episte-mological view as a replacement. His contribution seeks to further undermine the perceptual theory by arguing that there is no difference in content between emotional and non-emotional evaluative appraisals.Patrizia Lombardo has devoted much of her research to the representation of emotions in the arts – with a distinctive focus on literature and film – and its impact on the nature and extent of our knowledge of value. In her contribution, which draws upon her previous research on Stendhal and Musil, she argues that Stendhal’s Le Rouge et le Noir constitutes an ideal ground to discuss recent approaches regarding the relations between emotions and values and their epistemic consequences.Christine Tappolet is one of the first philosophers to have advocated a perceptual approach to the em-otions. In her contribution to the symposium, she wishes to investigate a key issue faced by accounts that try to assimilate the epistemological role of emotions to that of perceptual experiences. This is the issue of whether it is reasonable to maintain that emotions are prima facie reasons for making evaluative judgments given that they are notoriously subject to a variety of biases. Fabrice Teroni has worked extensively on affective phenomena and has recently developed an original account of them as evaluative attitudes. His approach to the emotions shares some important insights of perceptual approaches to them, yet he denies one of their fundamental commitments: the claim that emotions represent evaluative properties. This denial has important epistemological repercus-sions, which he proposes to explore in his contribution to the workshop.


333

Does affect tell us about value? The case of pain and suffering

Michael BradyUniversity of Glasgow

What is the content of an emotional experience? Many philosophers think that this content is evaluative: emotions, that is, inform us about various different kinds of value, at least in normal or idealized conditions. So – to use some commonplace examples – fear gives us information about danger, jealousy about infidelity, grief about loss, guilt about moral fault. Now a subset of these philosophers maintain that the kind of evaluative information that emotion provides is different from the kind of information contained in a non-emotional appraisal or assessment of certain objects and events. As some might say, the representational content of emotional or affective experience is different from the content of non-emotio-nal or non-affective experience. Thus, my fear gives me information about a dan-gerous situation that goes beyond a non-emotional assessment of my situation as dangerous. These philosophers include Sabine Döring, Peter Goldie, and Mark Johnston. In this paper I want to argue against the views of these philosophers. The argument rests upon the fact that the central difference between affective and non-affective representation is – quite obviously – the element of feeling or affect present in the former, and absent in the latter. But affect itself, I propose, has no information or representational content. I make this case by considering the kind of negative affect that is central to experiences of pain and other forms of physical suffering, and arguing that these experiences do not represent forms of disvalue.The paper will build upon my own research – most recently, in Emotional Insight (OUP 2013) – and the work of Döring (‘Seeing What to Do: Affective Perception and Rational Motivation’, in Dialectica 61, 2007), Goldie (The Emotions, OUP, 2000), and Johnston (‘The Authority of Affect’, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 63, 2001). It will advance the current debate by bringing in findings from the philo-sophy of pain literature about the informational content (or lack thereof) of pain-ful experiences. In this way the paper will show how work in the philosophy and psychology of pain has a central role to play in furthering research in philosophy of emotion.


334

Literature, emotions and values

Patrizia LombardoUniversity of Geneva

Literature offers thought experiments developing a great variety of accounts of the relationships between values and emotions. Novels and drama typically pre-sent characters’ emotions and dispositions; fictional characters take decisions and act more or less wisely or foolishly; they are sometimes torn between their inclinations and a non-cognitive attitude of acceptance towards norms and rules; sometimes they are concerned with the appropriateness or non-appropriate-ness of their emotions; more interestingly the narrator can magnify the diffe-rence between the character’s self-deception and the discrepancy between their emotions appropriateness and non-appropriateness, rationality and irrationality (Stendhal and Musil). Characters might then exemplify an emotivist approach to values; other times they illustrate cognitive standpoints corresponding to the dis-positional account or various types of realist accounts (Mulligan 1998). In these cases, cognitively oriented novels present accurate analysis of motivations and justifications carried on by characters themselves. Characters will then dwell re-trospectively on the analysis or evaluation of their emotions, often based on me-mories and beliefs of various order, realizing that their emotions are not always emotional responses to their system of values, that perceptual and propositional elements are not separated. I will focus on two examples taken from Stendhal’s Le Rouge et le Noir in order to show that this novel, which obviously implies a temporal dimension, represents a rich account of the role of emotions in acquiring knowledge of values and of the awareness that values are not norms. Stendhal’s novel represents a useful ground to discuss some recent approaches on the topics of the knowledge value of emotions.


335

Emotions and biases

Christine TappoletUniversity of Montreal

According to a plausible account, which is based on a theory of emotions that underlines the analogies with sensory perceptions, emotions constitute episte-mic touchstones of a sort. The emotions we feel constitute defeasible reasons that confer prima facie justification to evaluative beliefs. For example, the fear we feel would constitute defeasible reasons to believe that what we are afraid of is fearsome, so that the belief that what we are afraid of is fearsome will be prima facie justified. The belief will be justified sans phrase on condition that we have no reason to believe that defeaters interfere with your emotions. However, emotions are also liable to bias our beliefs. Subjects feeling disgust at their sur-rounding are liable to make harsher moral judgments. Your attachment to a close friend will induce you to evaluate her and her actions more positively than might be warranted. Out of jealousy, Iago falsely believes Desdemona to be unfaithful. The question I want to discuss is whether such cases can be accounted for within a perceptual theory of emotions.


336

Emotions, reasons and understanding

Fabrice TeroniUniversity of Bern, University of Geneva

The epistemological role of emotions is intricate. On the one hand, we readily distinguish between reasonable and unreasonable emotions and the contrast we have in mind differs from that between appropriate and inappropriate emo-tions. Anger at a person may be appropriate because she has been offensive, yet unreasonable if it is based on the testimony of a famously unreliable witness. Alternatively, an episode of sorrow may be reasonable in light of a well-founded but inappropriate conviction that a close friend has died. In this regard, emotions resemble beliefs: both (should) respond to one’s reasons for or against specific value interpretations of given situations. On the other hand, emotions seem to play a more substantial role in relation to value knowledge than that of a belief as to the presence of antecedent reasons for or against certain value interpreta-tions. For instance, someone systematically failing to react emotionally in the way situations merit is akin to a blind person. Both appear to lack something essential to the epistemological position we occupy vis-à-vis the relevant domain of pro-perties – values or colours. Observations along these lines have been forcefully put forward within perceptual approaches to the emotions – it fosters the conclu-sion that emotions’ role in relation to value knowledge is similar to that played by perceptual experiences in relation to perceptual knowledge. Both kinds of expe-riences would provide (defeasible) reasons for the relevant judgements. Yet, this appears difficult to reconcile with the idea that emotions resemble beliefs in res-ponding to reasons. In my contribution, I explore these issues by arguing for a middle ground position between perceptual approaches to the emotions and recent criticisms of them. Against perceptual approaches, I explain why the fact that emotions resemble beliefs in responding to reasons means that they do not provide reasons for value judgements. Yet, I deny that this supports the conclusion that emotions are de-prived of any substantial epistemological role. After having explained why emo-tions should not be pictured as depending on a prior and non-emotional awa-reness of value, I explore two ways in which emotions prove epistemologically indispensible. The first relates to the manner in which they modulate the sub-ject’s attention, the second to their contribution to her understanding of the value concepts she deploys.


337

Symposium S5.6Semantic analysis of emotion words using the GRID paradigm: Validation and application of a brief version of the instrument

ConvenerKlaus R. Scherer


Much of emotion research is focused on words – words describing experiences, concepts, mechanisms, neurophysiological processes, motor expressions or even constructs of our imagination. Given that they take center stage, the emotion words themselves, and parti-cularly their meaning, have all too rarely been studied in a systematic way. This is particu-larly regrettable if one adopts a sedimentation hypothesis which assumes that the essence of recurrent experiences is reflected in language as the prototypical meaning of the emo-tion words used to label those experiences (contrary to the belief that words are labels that can be fairly arbitrarily assigned to various psychological constructions). Recently, a domain-specific semantic profile approach has been developed to assess the meaning of emotion words -- the GRID paradigm (Scherer, 2005). The assessment instrument used consists of feature profiles covering all components of emotion. These profiles record the consensually judged probabilities of the presence of the respective features in an emotion episode prototypically labelled with a particular word. The results of a large scale study of 24 emotion words in 27 countries covering 24 languages from all over the world (published in book form; Fontaine, Scherer, & Soriano, 2013) show overall equivalence between the terms across languages, confirm the relevance of all components for the differentiation in meaning of the emotion words, and suggest that four dimensions (valence, power, arousal and novelty) are required to satisfactorily map the emotion space. The proposed GRID symposium will present a number of major new studies involving ap-plications and recent developments for the paradigm. A new short form of the instrument, the CoreGRID, was designed to capture the same dimensionality as the full instrument with a fraction of the features, while still allowing to clearly differentiate the meaning pro-files of major emotion terms. The talk “The meaning structure of the emotion domain” will present a validation of the instrument in two languages (French and Indonesian) using 80 instead of the original 24 emotion words. The results confirm the four dimensions pre-viously found and raise a number of important issues concerning prototypicality and the structure of emotion families. The CoreGRID has also been used to explore emotion concepts in specific contexts. Two adaptations were made to tap into the emotions pertinent to achievement situations and to aesthetic experiences, respectively. The question is whether the meaning of emotion words changes in different contexts and if so, in which way. Results from these two inter-disciplinary studies will be presented. The talk “The adaption of the GRID instrument for aesthetic emotions” illustrates the utility of the GRID paradigm in the study of aesthetic and epistemic emotions by literary scientists, philosophers, and psychologists. In turn, the talk “Components of Achievement Emotions – A GRID-Based Investigation” presents results from a collaboration between emotion, personality and educational psychologists using the GRID approach in the study of achievement emotions. Finally, the GRID approach has also been used to explore near-synonyms in the same emo-tion family. To that end, a new instrument was designed to capture specific differences between various types of anger. The talk “The meaning of ‘frustration’ across languages” presents empirical evidence of such differences in the conceptualization of “frustration”, which is found to be markedly different in English compared to Spanish, Russian, French, and German. Converging evidence is also presented from other types of linguistic analysis. The symposium will conclude with an open discussion among the speakers and audience, led by Prof. Phoebe Ellsworth as discussant. In the session we will evaluate the results of these studies, reflect on open questions, and propose new avenues for further develop-ment and applications of the GRID paradigm in the affective sciences.


338

The meaning structure of the emotion domain: Further confirmation of the four-dimensional

structure in Switzerland and Indonesia

Johnny Fontaine1, Christelle Gillioz2, Efrata Kristina1, Cristina Soriano3, Klaus R. Scherer3

Ghent University1, University of California - San Diego2, University of Geneva3

In an extensive cross-cultural research project, called the GRID study, the meaning of 24 emotion terms was investigated on the basis of the componential emotion approach (Fontaine, Scherer, & Soriano, 2013). Thirty-four samples of participants from 27 countries and 24 languages had to rate the meaning of these 24 emo-tion words on 142 features that represented each of the five emotion components (appraisals, action tendencies, bodily reactions, expressions, and feelings). A highly stable four-dimensional structure emerged across cultural and linguistic groups: These 24 emotion terms could be represented along the dimensions of valence, power, arousal, and novelty in that order of importance. A central issue, however, is whether and to which extent the meaning structure, and its cultural and lin-guistic stability, has to be attributed to the 24 emotion terms that were specifi-cally selected for the GRID study. In the present research project it is investigated whether the same four-dimensional meaning structure emerges with a much larger and much more representative set of emotion terms in two very different cultural and linguistic groups. Two studies were executed both in Switzerland (in French) and in Indonesia (in Bahasa Indonesia). First, a comprehensive set of 80 emotion terms was identified in each cultural group separately on the basis of an emotion categorisation task, a prototypicality rating task, and a collocational profile analysis of the word emotion (the latter only in Switzerland). Secondly, 156 French-speaking Swiss respondents and 196 Bahasa Indonesia-speaking Indone-sian respondents each rated 10 emotion words from their own list on 68 emotion features (CoreGRID instrument). Both in the Swiss and in the Indonesian sample the expected four-dimensional structure emerged accounting for 86% and 80% of the total variance respectively. The current study corroborates the results of the GRID study in two very important ways. First, valence, power, arousal, and novelty do indeed structure meaning in the emotion domain, and not just the meaning of the 24 emotion terms selected for the GRID study. Second, this structure cannot be attributed to a Western bias, as the structure also emerges in a typically non-Western cultural group with emotion terms that were locally selected.


339

The adaption of the GRID instrument for Aesthetic Emotions

Ursula Beermann1, Georg Hosoya2, Ines Schindler2, Valentin Wagner3, Winfried Menninghaus3, Michael Eid2, Klaus R. Scherer1

University of Geneva1, Freie University Berlin2, Max Planck Institute for Empirical Aesthetics3

The Component Process Model [1] proposes that emotion processes comprise acti-vity in five components (appraisal, bodily reactions, action tendencies, expression, and feelings). The GRID paradigm [2] aims at testing the applicability of those com-ponents to the semantic field of emotion words. Scherer and colleagues (e.g., [3]) suggested the distinction between three types of emotion: utilitarian (involving evaluations important for survival), epistemic (e.g., interest, involving evaluations of information content), and aesthetic (e.g., awe, involving evaluations of intrinsic qualities). The current study adapts the CoreGRID instrument to investigate the semantic profiles of aesthetic and epistemic emotions in German. The «emotion words» were the 75 initial items of the newly developed AESTHEMOS scale [4], constructed to assess affective states elicited by different aesthetic events (e.g., musical pieces). The items were short phrases such as «I was enchanted», «Was unsettling to me», or «Irritated me». 157 students participated in the online study (38 males, age: 17 to 55), 75 of which were active in an artistic domain (such as singing, writing, or theatre). Inter-rater reliabilities ranged from Cronbach Alpha = .72 («Made me long for»), .75 («Made me feel nostalgic») to .96 («Found it plea-sant», «made me content»), suggesting that the meaning of terms like longing, nostalgia of sentimentality (potentially referring to something else, not present) were more difficult to grasp and less clear than the meaning of terms referring to something more concrete and to something present, such as pleasantness or content. Further analyses focus on the salience of the different components in the area of aesthetic emotions (e.g., predominance of cognitive elements over physiological and expression responses). Findings shed light on the utility of the differentiation between subclasses of emotions, such as utilitarian, epistemic and aesthetic emotions.


340

Components of Achievement Emotions – A GRID-Based Investigation

Kristina Loderer1, Kornelia Gentsch2, Reinhard Pekrun1, Klaus R. Scherer2

University of Munich1, University of Geneva2

The componential approach to emotion is the common ground of the control-va-lue theory (CVT, Pekrun, 2006) and the component process model (CPM, Scherer, 1984, 2009). Previous GRID studies have never specified a particular context in which the emotion occurred. This study employs a modified CoreGRID instrument to investigate the semantic profiles of 16 emotions words embedded in achieve-ment contexts (i.e., situations involving success or failure).In the present study, we aim to investigate two research questions. (1) We investi-gate the semantic component profiles of emotions that typically occur in achieve-ment contexts. Specifically, we test predictions of the CVT for three emotion com-ponents, including appraisal, action tendency, and affect (i.e., valence/arousal). (2) We explore to what extent the achievement context modifies the meaning of emotion words compared with an unspecified general context. We modified the CoreGRID instrument to present the emotion words in an achievement context. Participants rated the likelihood (nine-point scale: 1 = extremely unlikely, 9 = extre-mely likely) of 84 features for 16 emotion terms. The terms were selected based on the CVT and describe emotions typically experienced in relation to success or fai-lure. Further, we added 13 new items to the CoreGRID to capture relevant features as predicted by the CVT. Twenty-nine German university students (26 women, all native speakers; Mage = 21.07 years; SD = 3.68) participated in a controlled web study. Participants’ agree-ment on the meaning profile of each emotion word was excellent (Cronbach`s Alpha: .94-.98). Averaged meaning profiles of each emotion term were compu-ted across all participants that at least moderately agreed on the meaning (i.e., with corrected-item-total correlations >.20). Descriptive results largely support the predictions of the CVT. For example, emotions were classified as positive vs. negative and activating vs. deactivating widely in accordance with CVT, and nega-tive deactivating emotions (disappointment, hopelessness, boredom) were asso-ciated with behavioral disengagement. To explore research question (2), the data from a previous GRID study were matched with the present data set. The results indicate that context specification differentially amplified the feature ratings of the appraisal, action tendency, expression, bodily reaction, and subjective feeling components.Taken together, the results highlight the utility of a modified CoreGRID instru-ment to test the meaning of emotion words in achievement contexts as predicted by the CVT. The findings demonstrate that the GRID instrument allows investi-gating the impact of specified contexts on component profiles of emotions and perceived semantic structures of contextualized emotion words.


341

The meaning of “frustration” across languages

Cristina Soriano, Anna OgarkovaUniversity of Geneva

Languages can differ considerably in their emotion words, making it difficult to translate an emotion term into other languages. However, translation equiva-lence seems fairly straightforward in the case of cognate terms (i.e. words with the same etymological origin, such as English ‘joy’ and French ‘joie’). Given their resemblance in form, one may assume that their meaning is the same. Howe-ver, translation equivalence is always a matter of degree and cognates may hide important differences in meaning. The results of this study suggest that such is the case of the English word ‘frustration’ and its cognate terms in Spanish (‘frus-tración’), French (‘frustration’), and German (‘Frustration’). Deriving from an ear-lier study suggesting that English ‘frustration’ may refer to a fairly culture-specific emotion (Panayiotou, 2004), typical in English (Fehr and Russell, 1984; Russell and Fehr, 1994), but not necessarily in other languages and cultures (Pavlenko, 2008), the semantic profiles of English ‘frustration’ and its cognates in three European languages are investigated using the GRID approach. Native speakers of Ameri-can English (N = 135), Spanish (N = 206), French (N = 186), and German (N = 158) filled in the ELIN questionnaire, an adaptation of the GRID instrument designed to tap into the differences of near-synonyms in the anger family (among other conflict-related emotions) (Soriano et al., 2013). HCA, MDS, profile correlations and analyses of variance reveal that English ‘frustration’ is closer to the prototypical anger concept (i.e. an expressive and powerful type of anger) than its cognate terms in other European languages. Congruent evidence is presented from other types of linguistic analysis: a labelling task, an analysis of word frequency, and an analysis of the metaphorical language associated to these terms.


342

P3.1 Higher gamma power over bilateral scalp marks the predominance of negative over the positive stimuli

during binocular rivalry

Navdeep Ahuja, Ratna SharmaUniversity New Delhi

Binocular rivalry is a phenomenon of alternating percepts when two different sti-muli are presented simultaneously to different eyes (Blake, 2001). Although the predominance of emotional stimuli over neutral stimuli during binocular rivalry has been reported in literature (Alpers et al., 2006), the binocular rivalry of ne-gative and positive stimuli has not been reported to the best of our knowledge. Present study aimed to examine perceptual reversals in rivalry of negative and positive stimuli. International Affective Picture System (IAPS) pictures (Lang et al., 2008) classified according to their valence ratings were presented according to intermittent paradigm (Britz et al., 2011) of binocular rivalry and their perceptual rivalry was achieved with the help of a mirror stereoscope. Experiments were done in twenty healthy male subjects aged between 18-35 years. EEG was recorded with 128 channels and wavelet analysis was done with continuous wavelet transform using ‘Morlet’ wavelet. Statistical analysis revealed higher dominance durations of negative stimuli compared to that of positive stimuli. Wavelet analysis showed a significantly higher gamma power over bilateral areas of scalp during perceptual reversals compared to stable perception in time intervals of 100 ms before the stimulus onset as well as during 600 ms after stimulus presentation. The higher gamma power indicates binding and negativity bias during rivalry between nega-tive and positive stimuli.


343

P3.2 Attentional and emotional bias for the rear auditory perceptual space

Erkin Asutay, Daniel VästfjällLinköping University

Sounds provide information about the objects and events around us. They can also carry biologically significant emotional information (such as unseen dangers and conspecific vocalizations) [1]. Thus, the ability to detect and localize sounds in an environment is critical, which is a computational challenge for the human brain since the auditory cortex lacks a topographical space representation [2]. Nevertheless, it was shown that attention and task demands can modulate the processing of auditory spatial information [3]. Previous research also found that emotional salience of objects can enhance sensory processing and provide cues for the allocation of attention and mental resources [4]. Here, we investigated whether auditory spatial information can influence emotional reactions and auditory attention. We measured auditory-induced emotion by ecological sounds occurring in the frontal or rear perceptual fields, and employed a rapid localization task. It was found that both localization speed and accuracy were higher, and that stronger negative emotions were induced when sound sources were behind the participants. The results provide clear behavioral evidence that the auditory atten-tion can be influenced by sound-source location. Importantly, we also show that the effect of spatial location on attention is mediated by emotion, which is in line with the argument that emotional information is prioritized in processing. In sum, the results point to an auditory bias for the rear perceptual space in emotional and attentional levels. The auditory system functions as an alarm system and is in charge of detecting possible salient events, and alarming for an attention shift [5]. Further, spatial processing in the auditory dorsal pathway has a function of guiding the visual system to a particular location of interest [6]. Thus, an auditory bias toward the space outside the visual field can be useful, so that visual atten-tion could be quickly shifted in case of emotionally significant information.


344

P3.3 Emotion perception in autism spectrum disorders – where lies the deficit?

Tanja Bänziger, Linda Omberg, Anders FlyktMid Sweden University

Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) are diagnosed on the basis of impairments in social interaction and communication. In recent years, inconsistent findings have been reported with respect to the association between this diagnosis and nonverbal emotion recognition ability. While emotion recognition deficits have been reported for individuals with ASD in some studies, other studies have failed to replicate this finding. Methodological shortcomings might account for such inconsistencies. More specifically, the fact that different assessment instruments, which measure partially different skills or have unequal difficulty levels, have been used in different studies. In the results reported here, a classical instrument, the Diagnostic Analysis of Nonverbal Affect (DANVA), and a new multimodal emotion recognition test, the Multimodal Emotion Recognition Instrument (MERI, based on the Geneva Multimodal Emotion Portrayals), were administered to thirteen participants qualifying for autism spectrum disorder (scored with the reduced Ritvo Autism and Asperger Diagnostic Scale, RAADs-14, Eriksson, Andersen, & Beje-rot, 2013) and thirteen matched (age, gender, & education level) participants. One MANOVA with group as independent variable for each emotion perception test showed that the scores on DANVA only tended to differentiate between the two groups, while the scores on MERI clearly differentiated between the two groups. For both instruments, the univariate F-tests showed that the larger difference was observed for facial emotion recognition. A regression model with two dimensions of RAADs-14 (mentalization difficulties & sensory reactivity) and group as predic-tor variables was tested for the total scores of the MERI. The results showed a high sensory reactivity predicts better emotion perception performance on the MERI. Excluding group from the regression model gave a contribution of mentali-zation difficulties, in the way that a higher score on performance predicts higher performance scores. This was due to the group differences in mentalization diffi-culties. Confusion matrices between portrayed and attributed emotions showed that the attribution errors in the autism spectrum disorder group are not evenly distributed across emotions. More research in this direction is warranted in order to disentangle the complex processes involved in emotion recognition and the deficits associated with ASD.


345

P3.4 The effect of a Mindfulness-Based intervention program on the multicomponent process of

empathic responding: a comparison to oth

Marie Bayot1, Rebecca Shankland2

Moïra Mikolajczak1, Nicolas Vermeulen1 Université catholique de Louvain1, Grenoble 2 University 2

Mindfulness (MF) is a state of being characterized by an intentional orientation of attention toward all experiences in the present, as they arise moment by moment, in a non-judgemental and benevolent attitude. In its occidental and scientific use, MF has been conceived as a measurable trait (e.g., FFMQ) or a trainable compe-tence through meditative practices (e.g., MBCT) and showed multiple benefits on health, cognitive abilities as well as intrapersonal emotional competencies (e.g., emotion differentiation). Although intersubjectivity and compassion lie at the core of MF in its Buddhist cradle, few investigations have been led on its effects in the interpersonal domain, such as the phenomenon of empathy. The capacity to respond empathically in a functional way relies on commonly acknowledged components, such as an affective response (e.g., emotion contagion), perspective taking and emotion regulation (comprising self-agency). In addition to these pro-cesses, compassion or empathic concern seems to be a significant factor for the engagement in empathy. Interestingly, many authors, conceptually or empirical-ly suggest that mindfulness impacts the way we respond empathically to wit-nessed others’ emotional experiences. Importantly however, a clear lack of expe-rimental investigations of empathy and understanding of underlying processes springs from the MF literature. This study (N=125) aimed at further testing the link between MF and empathy, by using self-reported (e.g., IRI, VDQ, PEC), explicit and implicit cognitive-behavioural measures of empathy and its subcomponents (e.g., empathic accuracy paradigms, pro-sociality paradigm, compassion and emotion regulation paradigm) and comparing a MF training program to two active control groups (other types of well-being intervention programs based on positive psy-chology or cognitive-behavioural therapy) and one passive group. The data collec-ted one month before (double-blind procedure) and after the 8-week programs show how mindfulness training fosters perceived emotional well-being but also shapes reactions toward other’s affective states. The specific impact of MF, in comparison to other psychological intervention programs, on emotion regulation and perspective taking, as core dimensions of empathy, will be discussed and new methodological perspectives will be presented.


346

P3.5 Emergence of low-level aggressive responses in a reactive goal-directed robotic system

Marwen Belkaid, Nicolas Cuperlier, Philippe GaussierUniversité de Cergy-Pontoise

Following a constructivist approach, we aim to study the emergence of aggres-sive behavior in a robotic system. The agent motivational and emotional states are built on an opposition between an appetitive and an aversive pathway. In this work, we emulate functions hypothalamus (physiological perception, feeding drive) and ventral tegmental area (pleasure triggering) versus superior colliculus (multisensory integration, safety drive) and periaqueductal gray (pain triggering). Two-by-two lateral competitions simulate interactions between dopaminergic and serotonergic pathways, inhibiting either appetitive or aversive behaviors. The obtained pleasantness states and drive levels allow us to determine the robot emotional valence and arousal. The latter modulate the robot perception of its peripersonal space (PPS) [1][2]. Our hypothesis is that emotional modulation oc-curs at two levels: the perception of raw sensory input and their utilization after integration. We represent the robot PPS as a fusion of modulated reachable space and comfort zone. We consider the case where the architecture is implemented in two agents competing for a unique resource. We show that the approach/avoi-dance competition allows for a fighting behavior. Also, collisions produce affective defense, as opposed to predatory attack [3]. More related to anger, these aggres-sive responses (triggered by elements of threat) are caracterized by negatively va-lenced states and high sympathetic arousal [4]. However, we observe a proactive behavior as well. We cannot speak of predatory attacks per se, since no instrumen-tal learning is performed. Yet, a goal-directed form of aggression emerges from the dynamics of the system.


347

P3.6 Felt power, and not manipulated power, is associated with positive affects

Dario Bombari1, Marianne Schmid Mast1, Manuel Bachmann2

University of Lausanne1, University of Applied Sciences, Bern2

Researchers have put forward different hypotheses about the affective states as-sociated with power. Keltner, Gruenfeld, and Anderson (2003) suggest that high power individuals should feel more positive affects and low power people more negative affects. However, clear empirical evidence is still missing. Berdahl and Martorana (2006) found that high power individuals felt more positive emotions than low power individuals, but they found no difference in terms of negative em-otions. Galinsky, Gruenfeld, and Magee (2003) found no difference in felt emotions between high and low power-primed individuals, whereas Schmid Mast, Jonas, and Hall (2009) found that high power people felt more positive emotions than low power people. In the present research, we suggest that the reason of these inconsistent findings might be the fact that manipulating power, which was used in previous studies, is not the optimal operationalization to study the influence of power on affective states. We propose instead felt power as a more reliable mea-sure because it is more linked to situational aspects. We conducted 4 studies, in which we investigated this hypothesis. In Study 1 (N=160), we asked participants to imagine being in a situation in which they either had power or somebody had power over them and report their feelings. In Study 2 (N=79), participants were put in the role of a superior or a subordinate and had to provide a feedback to a virtual human who interacted with the participants through a computer screen. In Study 3 (N=83), we used immersive virtual environment technology and put participants either in a high or low power role while receiving a feedback from a virtual human. In Study 4 (N=96) we used a similar setting as Study 3, except that participants actively provided a feedback. We meta-analytically combined the re-sults from the 4 studies and analyzed the relationship between felt power and felt emotions and the relationship between manipulated power and felt emotions. We found that felt power was positively associated with positive emotions and negatively associated with negative emotions. Manipulated power instead was not associated with any affect. These results provide clear support to Keltner et al.’s (2003) model and underline the importance of felt power as a reliable mea-sure for researchers working on affective states.


348

P3.7 Primate Emotion

Maria BoteroSam Houston State University

In this paper I will argue that it is possible to find one common characteristic among all primates -the mother- and that this commonality will help us unders-tand emotions in primates. For this task I have chosen as a theoretical framework the basic emotions approach (Ekman 1999; Izard, 2011; Panksepp, 1998). One of the main criticisms of the basic emotion model focuses on the variability of emotions denying the existence of biological or behavioral essences underlying basic emo-tions (for a review see Barret, et al., 2007). I agree that it is impossible to deny the evidence on variability that has been collected over the years but I will adopt a basic biological commonality to explain this variability: the mother-infant inte-raction measured as touch. I will show how this mode of interaction is common among different species of primates and across human cultures. I will also show how this form of interaction has a direct physiological and behavioral effect on human and non-human primate infants and is directly related to their emotional states. Finally, inspired by Bruner (1990), I will show how this kind of interaction is influenced by culture. I will illustrate the main thesis with the example that moti-vated this paper, the anxiety-related behavior of orphan chimpanzees (Pan tro-glodytes schweinfurthii) at Gombe National Park, Tanzania (Botero, MacDonald & Miller, 2013; Botero et al., in preparation). Even though this case is only about two chimpanzees in one community of one species, it is helpful to illustrate a more general point: emotions will only be developed successfully if, through the mo-ther-infant interaction, the infant is capable of experiencing emotions that can be understood in their culture.


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P3.8 Cognitive roots of racial discrimination : infrahumanization or threat perception? A visual search approach

Amélie Bret, Brice Beffara, Martial MermillodUniversity of Grenoble

In these studies we investigated the influence of beliefs on visual and attentio-nal processes. More precisely, our aim was to determine how racist beliefs could influence automatic perception and behaviour. We particularly focused on the dif-ference of an in-group and an out-group face implicit detection. We wanted to un-derstand if out-group members were automatically considered as a threat (Quil-lian, 1995) or as something less human (infrahumanization hypothesis, Leyens, 2000). The infrahumanization is the fact to consider out-group members as less human than members who do belong to our group (Leyens, 2000). It is possible to measure this mechanism with the attribution of primary emotions (commonly shared by the in and out group) and secondary emotions (only attributed to the in-group). In order to provide an implicit measure of infra-humanization, we used the pop-out effect in a visual search task (Treisman & Gelade, 1980). Faces from different ethnic groups have been worn : Caucasian and North African (ADFES da-tabase, Van der Schalk, Hawk, Fischer, & Doosje, 2011). A screen composed of neu-tral pictures (8x8) was displayed to the participants and we asked them to detect as fast as they could if a face was present on the screen. We did not mention that there were different ethnic faces. We identified a difference of faces perception depending on the ethnicity of the face. Participants were faster to respond when it was a North-African face compare to the condition of the Caucasian face. The threat perception of out-group members could explain these results. It offers to us some ideas to develop a tool to regulate racial discrimination, and may be dis-crimination in a more general way.


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P3.9 Emotional Ambivalence and the Representation of Cultural Diversity Among Italian Youths

Flavia Cangia1, Camilla Pagani2

University of Neuchatel Switzerland1, Institute of Cognitive Sciences and Technologies, National Research Council, Italy2

Emotional ambivalence is a psychological constituent of most human relation-ships, especially when in these relationships particularly complex aspects of reali-ty are involved. Across the social sciences, this concept has long been studied with regard to its psychological implications, and its relation with social and political strategic action. The specific relationship between emotional ambivalence and in-dividuals’ conceptualization of cultural diversity has not been, to our knowledge, sufficiently investigated. The paper aims to examine this relationship from an interdisciplinary perspective. We draw on qualitative research on youths’ concep-tualizations about “multiculturalism” in Italy, in particular, on the analysis of ano-nymous open-ended essays written by Italian youths (aged 14-18) in some state high schools in Central Italy, and of some group interviews conducted in their schools. We present some extracts in which Italian youths express ambivalent feelings about immigration in Italy, feelings that are inextricably linked to various conflicting evaluations both about “Italians” and “immigrants”. Our suggestion is that emotional ambivalence can represent a compromise strategy through which these youths not only try to express personal feelings, but also try to make sense of different social categories, and to conform to mostly shared and favorable va-lues of the larger society. Findings demonstrate that different levels of subjective integration and regulation of ambivalent emotions can lead to different, and at times more elaborated, representations of cultural diversity. This research contri-butes to understanding the interplay between affective, cognitive, and social pro-cesses in migration contexts. Moreover, the construct of “emotional ambivalence” can contribute to enriching the various conceptualizations regarding “complex thinking” and complexity theory in general in the social sciences, in particular in the study of humans’ relationship with diversity.


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P3.10 Addiction of being powerful vs. popular: The characteristics of communal narcissism

Min-gi Chung, Min-Hee Kim, Kyung Hwan MinUniversity of California, Korea Counseling Graduate University,

Seoul National University

The purpose of this study was to examine the characteristics of communal nar-cissism and the difference between agentic narcissism and communal narcissism in emotions, motives and interpersonal problems. Gebauer, Sedikides, Verplanken, and Maio(2012) proposed the new and broad model of narcissism, agency-com-munion model of narcissism. According to them, both communal and agentic narcissism share core self-motives of narcissism (i.e., grandiosity, esteem, entitle-ment, power), however, communal narcissists satisfy their self-motives through communal means that contain communion values such as empathy and interper-sonal warmth while agentic narcissists gratify their motives through rather self-directed agentic means. Total of 228 undergraduate students from Seoul Natio-nal University with the mean age of 21.5(SD=3.25) participated in study 1, where empathy (perspective taking, empathic concern), anger (state anger, trait anger, anger control, anger expression), aggression, motives and interpersonal problems variables were used to compare the difference between agentic narcissism and communal narcissism. The more communal narcissistic the person is the lower anger, aggression, power motive and interpersonal problem experiences in control dimension they possessed compared with agentic narcissistic people. There were no significant correlation differences in empathy despite of significant positive correlation only with CNI. Correlation of .399(p<.01) was found between agentic narcissism and communal narcissism. Based on the result of study 1 and previous studies that communal narcissisists and agentic narcissisists can have different reactions in negative emotions and social situations and that narcissists tend to be more aggressive in ego-threatening situations(e.g., Bushman & Baumeis-ter, 1998; Bushman , Bonacci, van Dijk, & Baumeister, 2003; Donnellan et al., 2005; Stucke & Sporer, 2002; Twnege & Campbell, 203), two types of ego-threatening scenarios were tested with 204 undergraduate subjects in study 2. The partici-pants completed four agency-threatening situations and four communion-threa-tening situation scenarios with hypothetical negative emotions, self-esteem, and life satisfaction in each case. Three different groups depending on their level of agentic narcissism and communal narcissism including one of control group were selected and analysis of variance was used for the analysis. Unlike the hypothesis that anger would be salient in each corresponding situations, irritation in agen-cy-threatening situations and shame in communion-threatening situations were significantly observed. Moreover, anger, irritation, and shame were also found in some of the cases when investigated into each scenario. There were significant group differences both in self-esteem and life satisfaction in all cases. Lastly, sug-gestions and implications for the future investigations are discussed.


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P3.11 Viewing the job-related and organisational antecedents of employee engagement through an emotional lens

Nuno Da Camara, Victor Dulewicz, Malcolm HiggsUniversity of Southampton

There is currently a lack of research on the impact of job-related and organisatio-nal-level factors on employee engagement (Fisher, 2010). In particular, although theorists have described the critical role of emotional cognitions of the workplace environment as antecedents to employee engagement (Alderfer, 1987; Hackman & Oldham, 1980; Kahn, 1990), empirical research on the impact of emotional cogni-tions on employee engagement is limited (Da Camara, 2013; Da Camara, Dulewicz & Higgs, 2015, in print). Moreover, the link between emotional cognitions of the workplace environment and workplace attitudes such as job satisfaction and or-ganisational commitment is strongly supported by empirical research (Parker et al., 2003). Using an emotional lens, this study investigates the impact of emotio-nal cognitions of job, role, leader and organisation domains of the work environ-ment – as represented by measures of psychological climate and organisational emotional intelligence (OEI) - on employee engagement. The research is based on a quantitative cross-sectional survey of employees in a UK charity organisation (n=174). The research instruments applied include the psychological climate scale (Brown & Leigh, 1996), the organisational emotional intelligence questionnaire (OEIQ) (Da Camara, 2013; Da Camara, Dulewicz & Higgs, 2015, in print) and the Utrecht Work Engagement Scale (UWES) (Schaufeli, Bakker & Salanova, 2006). The data were analysed using hierarchical regression and partial least squares (PLS) analytical techniques (Ringle et al., 2005). The results of the study show that both psychological climate and OEI, which represent emotional cognitions of job, role, leader and organisation domains in the workplace are significant drivers of em-ployee engagement. In particular, the study found that across all work domains emotional cognitions of Contribution and Challenge were the strongest drivers of employee engagement. The study discusses the importance of using emotionally relevant approaches in furthering our understanding of workplace engagement.


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P3.12 Sex and loving moments as emotion regulation: A daily diary study of young parents

Anik Debrot, Dominik SchoebiUniversity of Fribourg

People who are happy with their sexual lives are also happy with their lives more generally (Blanchflower & Oswald, 2004). While little research has investigated associations of sexuality and affect in daily life, one study suggested that sexual encounters are associated with enhanced mood (Burleson et al., 2007). It remains unclear, however, which aspects of intimate interactions involving sexuality contri-bute to the modulation of emotions. Based on the assumption that the sexual and affectionate drives are distinct, yet associated systems (Diamond, 2003), and presumably more closely interrelated in women (Impett et al., 2014), we tested reports on sexual intercourse, and on affectionate and loving exchanges, as pre-dictors of fluctuations in daily affect. Using electronic momentary assessment, 109 dual-earner couples with young children reported on their momentary affec-tive experience and on their sexual as well as their loving exchanges with their partner several times a day over ten consecutive days. Dyadic multilevel analyses suggested that sexual intercourse and loving moments with the partner, when tested separately, were both predictive of increases in men’s and women’s positive affect. When tested in the same model, sexual experiences remained a signifi-cant predictor of increases in positive affect, but surprisingly, only men’s effects of loving interactions remained a significant predictor for men’s positive affect, whereas in women, the loving interactions with the partner did not predict daily affect fluctuations beyond sexual intercourse. The implication of these results for interpersonal emotion regulation in close relationships and gender differences in sexuality are discussed.


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P3.13 Tuned In Teens: a music based emotion regulation intervention for adolescents

Genevieve Dingle, Joseph Hodges, Ashleigh KundeUniversity of Queensland

Adolescence is the lifetime peak age of onset for mental health problems and poor emotional awareness and regulation constitute trans-diagnostic risk factors for mental health problems such as depression, anxiety, self-harm and substance misuse. There is a need for early intervention programs that teach adolescents emotional skills in order to prevent the onset of these mental health problems. This paper presents a preliminary evaluation of Tuned In, a brief group intervention in which participants listen to their preferred music as a way of evoking and lear-ning to regulate strong emotional states. The Tuned In program is underpinned by music psychology theories about music and emotion and a two dimensional (va-lence and arousal) model of emotion. There were two samples: N = 58 adolescents attending a 10 week program educational program for at-risk adolescents; and N = 215 adolescents attending years 8 and 9 of a mainstream school for girls. The at-risk sample received Tuned In over 8 sessions, in groups of around eight partici-pants with two psychologist facilitators. The mainstream school sample received Tuned In as a half day workshop with their whole school year in one auditorium and five facilitators (all psychologists and one was also a teacher at the school). Results of the first sample showed pre- to post-program improvements of around 10 percentiles on subscales of the Behavioural Assessment Scales for Children 2 (Adolescent Self Report of Personality) such as school problems, internalising, hyperactivity, and self-esteem. In the second sample, highly significant improve-ments were found from pre- to post-program on measures of emotional skills and self-efficacy for regulating anger, sadness, happiness and anxiety. Participants also rated Tuned In as an engaging program in both samples. The findings are encou-raging and the authors aim to conduct a randomised controlled trial of Tuned In to further evaluate its use with a range of school and clinic-referred adolescents.


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P3.14 Recognition of action readiness in natural facial expression

Damien Dupré, Anna TcherkassofUniv. Grenoble Alpes

Previous studies suggested that different kind of information could be derive from the observation of others’ faces (Yik & Russell, 1999; Scherer & Grandjean, 2008). Thus, posed and static emotional facial expression (EFE) can be interpreted accor-ding to basic emotions or as reflecting cognitive appraisals or social messages, for instance. Some also highlighted that relevant contextual information could be conveyed by the face and recognized for contextual adaptations. Thus, as stated by Frijda (1986, 2007), EFE can also reflect the subject’s relational activity, or state of action readiness. It has been evidenced when showing posed and static EFE to observers. However, no study has tested the recognition of states of action readi-ness expressed by spontaneous and dynamic facial expressions. To test this as-sumption, 12 excerpts (10s long) of natural facial expressions were taken from the DynEmo database (Tcherkassof, Dupré, Meillon, Mandran, Dubois & Adam, 2013). These excerpts display adults’ spontaneous facial expressions of happiness, fright, disgust, boredom, interest and astonishment. (Preliminary experiments were conduct to ensure their emotional meaning.) Participants were asked to assess those excerpts on 14 action readiness items chosen to be significantly related to those emotions (Frijda, Kuipers & TerShure, 1989). Results show that participants successfully associate the expected modes of action readiness with the corres-ponding natural facial expressions. This study establishes that relational infor-mation is thus conveyed by natural faces and that action readiness modes can be considered as a relevant kind of information capturing the meaning of facial expressions.


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P3.15 Freely Produced Labels for Action Tendencies Conveyed by Facial Expressions

Anne-Marie Faltacas, Pierre Gosselin, David Horic-AsselinUniversity of Ottawa

According to Frijda’s theory (1986, 2010), facial expressions communicate infor-mation regarding people’s action tendencies. While several studies have provided support for the idea that people are likely to behave in certain ways when expe-riencing a given emotion, little attention has been paid to the second part of the communication process: people’s ability to perceive action tendencies from facial expressions. To our knowledge, only three studies have examined this issue and provided some support for the theory. In one study, participants were asked to perform a rating task (Tcherkassof, 1999) and in two studies they had to perform choice-from-an-array tasks (Scherer & Grandjean, 2008; Faltacas, Gosselin, & Ho-ric-Asselin, 2014). In this study, we examine people’s ability to infer action tenden-cies from facial expressions by asking participants to perform a free-labeling task. Fifty-two undergraduate students were shown one facial expression at a time and asked to write down what the stimulus-person was likely to do next. The facial expressions were selected from the Pictures of Facial Affect (Ekman & Friesen, 1976). Participants’ responses were coded by independent judges (mean kappa was .92) to determine whether they corresponded to the theory’s predictions or not. The results yielded some support for Frijda’s theory. Happiness, fear, anger, and sadness expressions were associated more often with the predicted action tendencies than with any other unpredicted action tendencies. Results provided less support for the theory in the cases of surprise and disgust expressions, as par-ticipants associated these expressions with not only the predicted action tenden-cies but also with other (unpredicted) action tendencies. For instance, surprise expressions were often associated with action tendencies theoretically related to happiness, and disgust expressions with those theoretically related to anger.


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P3.16 Angry, very angry or ...really very angry? Intensifiers and the role of discourse in emotion research

Nina-Maria FronhoferUniversity of Augsburg

Linguistic intensification has received much attention in emotion research (Lewandowska-Tomasczyk/ Wilson 2010; Mathieu/Fellbaum 2014). However, few studies focus on external intensification, i.e. the upgrading or downgrading of emotion lexemes by adverbial adjuncts such as very or slightly (Quirk et al. 1985). Nevertheless, external intensification is an integral part of emotions displayed in discourse: (1) e_f_016_1 I was annoyed by this because [...] (2) e_f_033_1I’m so annoyed right now […] (3) e_f_027_1 At first I am just really upset that I didn’t do well. In (2) the booster so increases the degree of the emotion displayed in contrast to (1). In (3), a case of double intensification (DI) can be found. The two types of intensifiers have to be explicitly analysed, since leaving them out would definitely result in a differential emotion display. In order to pin down the func-tions of DI in (3) – just has the status of a contextualization here – even the wider context plays a major role (Fronhofer forthcoming). As cross-linguistic differences in emotion concepts, more specifically intensification, have been detected in various languages (Wierzbicka 2009; Cislaru 2014; Constantinou 2014), I expect to find some with respect to English and German. Current (contrastive) linguis-tic analyses should therefore seriously address the recent call for more discursive approaches in order to overcome the “methodological flaw of decontextualization in emotion research” (Constantinou 2014: 159). The present paper set therefore out to investigate from a cognitive corpus linguistic (Kövecses 2000; Lakoff 1987; Langacker 1987, 1991; Lewandowska-Tomascyk/ Dziwirek 2009) and a pragmatic and interactional sociolinguistics perspective (Gumperz 1982, 1992ab; Ariel 2008) intensification and related emergent and salient discourse patterns with respect to the emotion concept ANGER/AERGER in English and German. The both qualita-tive and quantitative analyses are based on a comparable, gender-balanced and topic-balanced corpus of elicited personal narratives (n= 248) written by British (n=62, 34 females) and German (n=68, 34 females) university students. The results corroborate the fact that context plays a major role in emotion analysis (1) and give insights into cross-linguistic differences in the emotion concept of ANGER/AERGER (2). Intensifiers, especially in cases of DI, are crucial for foregrounding or backgrounding (Gumperz 1982, 1992ab) certain emotions in a cluster of related emotion concepts. Moreover, a differential distribution of upgraders and down-graders was found in the corpus. The English upgrade significantly more (97,5%) and downgrade significantly less (12,5%) than the Germans (67,7% and 32,3%). The outcome of this paper will be beneficial for a wide range of applications, e.g. tea-ching. In follow-up studies, further emotion concepts (e.g. SURPRISE) as well as discourse patterns (co-occurrences with cognitive verbs like I think; Fetzer 2014) will be under scrutinity.


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P3.17 Mental representations of emotion during reading are based on emotion components

Christelle Gillioz1, Pascal Gygax 2

University of California1, University of Fribourg2

The specificity of the emotion included in the readers’ mental representation of the text has been questioned by Gygax et al. (2003, 2004), who showed that rea-ders do not differentiate between similar emotions during reading. One possible explanation for this non-specificity may be that readers did not have sufficient information to infer a specific emotion, not in terms of quantity but in terms of quality. In this study, we investigated whether the quality of the content of the narratives, in terms of emotion components, could prompt readers to infer specific emotions. Twenty-four emotional narratives were constructed based on the fea-tures contained in the GRID instrument (Fontaine et al., 2013; Scherer, 2005), that assesses which feature of each emotion component is the most likely to be infer-red when an emotion term is used in one’s language. We manipulated the degree of congruency of the emotional narratives by varying the number of emotion components in the narratives. In the optimal version, the narratives included all components qualified by their most typical feature. In the moderate version, two components were omitted. All narratives ended with a target sentence containing the intended emotion. Thirty-six participants had to read the narratives and to decide as fast as possible whether the target sentence was a sensible continua-tion of the preceding narrative. The proportions of target sentences evaluated as sensible continuations of the preceding context were very high in both conditions (moderate: 93.4%, optimal: 96.3%), which shows that all target sentences mat-ched readers’ mental representations. Crucially, participants were 77 milliseconds faster to say that the target sentences were sensible continuations of the prece-ding context in the optimal than in the moderate condition. These results support our hypothesis that enhancing the emotion context, in terms of emotion compo-nents provided in narratives helps readers to infer specific emotions.


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P3.18 Facial patterns produced in an affect imagery task

Pierre Gosselin, Anne-Marie FaltacasUniversity of Ottawa

Although human beings have a fairly good control of their facial activity and can feign emotions with their face, it is not clear whether they can produce the pro-totypical facial expressions theoretically associated with basic emotions. In this study, we examined the facial patterns produced by 20 young adults who were instructed to portray happiness, anger, and disgust convincingly by remembering past emotional episodes. The participants’ facial behavior was analyzed with the Facial Action Coding System (Ekman & Friesen, 1992) and self-reports were used to assess the extent to which participants succeeded in feeling and portraying the target emotions. The results indicate that participants activated most of the action units theoretically associated with the target emotions. More importantly, they often produced the prototypical facial expressions associated with happiness and disgust. Most of their happiness expressions involved the co-activation of the cheek raiser and lip corner puller, and most of their disgust expressions involved the activation of the nose wrinkler or the upper lip raiser. However, prototypical facial expressions of anger were virtually never observed. The participants suc-ceeded in co-activating some action units associated with anger but not enough to produce the expected prototypical expressions. Remembering past emotional episodes appears to be an efficient technique for feigning happiness and disgust, but not anger.


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P3.19 Interoceptive sensitivity shapes empathy

Delphine Grynberg1, Olga Pollatos2

Universite Catholique de Louvain1, University of Ulm2

Empathy is a basic human ability with affective and cognitive facets and high interindividual variability. Of importance, recent neural findings suggest that there may be an interdependence between accurately detecting one’s internal body signals (interoceptive sensitivity; IS) and empathy, specifically empathy for pain, such that individuals activate their own body representations of pain when observing someone in pain, leading to stronger empathic responses. Although the hypothesis about the role of IS in empathy is theoretically and empirically driven, the empirical evidence remains indirect, and so far scant direct evidence is available to suggest that empathizing for someone depends on the level of interoceptive sensitivity in the empathizer. This study thus investigated whether IS (i.e., heartbeat perception task) shape affective and cognitive empathy. To this aim, 93 participants were asked to report the valence of their feelings, as well as the degree of compassion, arousal, and distress they felt in response to pictures depicting other people in pain or in non-pain situations. Participants also had to estimate how painful the situation was. Main results showed that greater inte-roceptive sensitivity enhanced the estimated degree of pain (cognitive empathy), as well as arousal and feelings of compassion (affective empathy), in response to painful pictures. In conclusion, the accurate perception of bodily states and their representation us to feel more compassion for another person and to evaluate the pain that they experience as being more intense. We thus confirmed that inte-roception may modulate affective and cognitive empathy in response to people experiencing pain .


361

P3.20 Factors influencing emotional responses to upward comparisons: The good, the bad, and the mixed

Nicole E. Henniger, Christine R. HarrisUniversity of California

The superiority of another person can elicit emotions ranging from admiration and inspiration to envy and resentment. What makes someone feel bad or good about a better person? Factors like perceived control, deservingness, and relationship clo-seness have been hypothesized to influence both general valance and the speci-fic emotions that occur in response to another’s success (e.g. Smith 2000; Tesser, 1988). These specific upward comparison emotions may also be differentiated by their focus on self versus other. We tested the hypothesized associations among perceived situational factors, specific emotions, and feelings towards the superior person and the self. Participants (n=237) recalled details about two experiences: a time when they felt bad and a time when they felt good in response to someone who had something that they wanted (e.g. object, accomplishment, trait). Good experiences were characterized by only slightly greater perceived control, attai-nability of success, deservingness, fairness, and relationship closeness. Reports of these factors varied widely, as did reports of the specific emotions experienced. This variation provided a rich and nuanced picture of relationships among factors and emotional responses. For example, perceived control and attainability were most strongly associated with participants’ self-directed feelings and motivation, while fairness and deservingness were most strongly associated with partici-pants’ other-directed emotional responses. Interestingly, relationship closeness only influenced pride, not any other upward comparison emotion. These findings suggest that emotional responses to upward comparisons are often mixed, inclu-ding multiple specific emotions and both positive and negative valance. By consi-dering these co-occurring emotions, researchers may be able to develop a more accurate model of how situational factors and attributions in upward compari-sons produce different emotional responses towards the self and other.


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P3.21 Dual processes in cognitive and emotional domains shapes ambiguous task performance

Kamil Imbir, Anna AntoszUniversity of Warsaw

This poster present new conceptualization of emotion cognition interactions in case of ambiguous task processing. This proposition is based on duality of mind approach to mental processes. This group of theories distinguish automatic vs. controlled cognitive processes due to two separate mental systems. We may apply duality of mind distinction between automatic and controlled processes for emo-tions understanding (Jarymowicz & Imbir, 2014). This leads us to distinguishing so called automatic and reflective emotion operationalized as heart vs. mind ori-gin dichotomy (Imbir, 2014). Taking into account both sides of emotion - cognition relationship (treated as function of mental system due to their formation) we have to manage with four different situations. First two, when automatic emo-tion influence heuristic cognition and reflective emotion influence systematic cognition, operate inside the same mental system (Experiential or Rational) for both emotion and cognition. Last two, when automatic emotion influence sys-tematic cognition and reflective emotion influence heuristic cognition, operate between different mental systems. Since now all of them has been described as emotion - cognition relationships. We decided to check if priming of mindset and emotional quality materials would result in ambiguous task processing. Mindset was primed by instruction suggesting that acting fast or slow is connected with intelligence and wisdom. Additionally task showing benefits of such thinking was provided. Emotional quality of materials used in ambiguous task was based on emotional meaning of words. The task was to choose one of two symbols - hexagrams deriving from Chinese symbol language - which better expressed pre-viously presented word. We found that both manipulations influenced reaction times in ambiguous task. Firstly, reaction times were shorter in case of heuristic or fast thinking priming in comparison with systematic or slow and neutral proces-sing. Secondly, reaction times were longer when ambiguous task involved reflec-tive originated words than in case of automatic and neutral words. This effect was especially significant in neutral mindset condition. We did not find any valence effects. These results suggest that both manipulations could promote heuristic or fast and systematic or slow processing of ambiguous task, thus emotion duality model can be treated as one of duality of mind representations.


363

P3.22 Using a wide angle to explore colour preferences: An investi-gation of individual liking and disliking in various choice settings

Domicele Jonauskaite, Nele Dael, Christine MohrUniversity of Lausanne

Current approaches of assessing colour preferences often target the positive end of the spectrum (liking). Relatively little is known about negative preferences (dis-liking) and mechanisms would underlie presumed stable evaluative judgments. In addition, findings are based on relatively limited choice settings compared to realistic situations that offer a wide range of colours for specific objects. Recent theories have been proposed about what drives colour preferences. For example, the ecological valence theory (EVT, Palmer & Schloss, 2010) hypothesizes that peoples’ preferences for colours result from their combined affective reactions to correspondingly coloured objects. In one study (Strauss, Schloss & Palmer, 2013), positive evaluations of coloured objects increased liking of the corresponding co-lour, but this effect was absent for negative experiences with objects. In addition, showing pre-defined colour samples poses a risk of neglecting particularly liked or disliked colours. To obtain a refined assessment of both liked and disliked colours, we asked individuals to select the colours they liked most and least for three sce-narios (in general, for a t-shirt, for room walls) using a newly devised incremental colour picker. We further assessed whether the chosen colour was associated to a valenced object or concept. Results show a varied selection both between indi-viduals and between the three choice scenarios and reasons for choice. Satura-ted colours are most preferred in general, supporting previous reports. However, darker and less saturated colours are preferred for a t-shirt and lighter colours for room walls. Compared to liked colours, disliked colours are less often linked to valenced objects or concepts. Also, the observed high individual variability in this and previous reports suggests that colour preferences, at least for hues, are deter-mined by non-general subjective experiences. The current results thus indicate that colour choices are complex and that previously learned associations such as posited by the EVT may not be as prone to change for negative preferences (dislikes) than for positive ones (likes). Further, object specific preferences did not follow the same pattern as general preferences, indicating that ecological choices are multi-determined. Results will be further discussed drawing on motivational tendencies and in relation to other frameworks of esthetic judgment.


364

P3.23 Which characteristics of disliked people inhibit helping behavior?

Kazuaki Kawano1, Takashi Hanari2, Kimio Ito1

Tokai-Gakuen University1, Sugiyama Jogakuen University2

Social emotions of humans contribute to maintaining reciprocal altruism, and emotions of fondness or dislike in particular are considered to adjust the helping behavior between individuals and to underlie the maintenance or collapse of a reciprocal relationship (Trivers, 1971). However, the details of how the emotion of disliking people affects the reciprocal relationship have not been clarified yet. Objective: This study used a questionnaire to examine which characteristics of disliked people inhibit the helping behavior of those who dislike such people. Method: Previous studies have pointed out some characteristics of disliked people. Respondents of the questionnaire were asked to choose and think about a person whom the respondents disliked the most and another person toward whom the respondents had neutral emotions (hereinafter referred to as “neutral person”) among the people whom the respondents saw face-to-face, and the respondents were further asked what emotions they had toward such persons and their cha-racteristics, as well as how much the respondents wanted to help them and how much they wanted to avoid being disliked by them. Result: Dislike and helping behavior were found to be in a negative relationship; it was shown that “dislike in-duced by differences from the respondents” and “dislike induced by selfishness of the disliked person” particularly inhibited helping behavior while dislike induced by “envy toward the disliked person” promoted helping behavior. Analysis of the emotions of the respondents toward the neutral persons and their avoidance of being disliked by the neutral persons revealed that “respect” and “inclination to-ward avoidance of being disliked by others” promote helping behavior while “dis-like” inhibits helping behavior. The result has been interpreted to suggest that we refrain from helping those whom we dislike, but we are likely to maintain help for persons if they are considered to have many resources, and we promote helping behavior when we do not want to be disliked. The functional meaning of dislike of others was discussed.


365

P3.24 What is The Role of Positive Emotion Experience to Promote Adolescents’ Skills: A Longitudinal Study of Organized Activities

Aiko Komoto Tokyo University

Participating in organized activities, such as sports and arts, are known to pro-mote adolescents’ positive development (Larson, 2000). Results of relationship between activity participation and psychological adjustment have been mixed, however (Feldman & Matjasko, 2012). Further investigation into adolescents’ acti-vity experiences is needed to explain why these activities promote adolescents’ development. Among possible experiences to foster adolescents’ development, the function of positive emotion experience has been ignored. According to Fre-drickson (2001), positive emotions can broaden and build personal resources. The current study, therefore, examined unique contribution of positive emotion experience toward promotion of individual nonacademic skills. In addition, since several study had suggested adolescents at risk are likely to benefit from orga-nized activities (e.g. Fredricks & Eccles, 2006), less skilled individuals prior to the activity might benefit more by experiencing positive emotion than more skilled individuals. This study, thus, also examined the moderating effect of prior indivi-dual skills on the association between positive emotion experience and individual skills. The sample consisted of 955 high school students. Students were asked to rate the extent to which they felt positive emotions while participating in the activity. Also, individual non-academic skills were assessed both before and after the activity. Using hierarchical regression analyses, main effects of positive emo-tion experience on individual skills were found. Interactions with students’ prior skills in the intensity of positive emotion experience and individual skills were also found to be significant. Follow-up analyses for these interaction effects revealed that only more skilled students had positive association of intensity of positive emotion experience with individual skills. These findings revealed that the expe-rience of positive emotion in youth activity promotes individual skills. Positive emotion experience was only positively associated with the individual skills for skilled individuals, however. More investigations may be needed to examine what kind of experience can promote development for less skilled individuals.


366

P3.25 Emotion congruity effect at different stages of the perception of emotional facial expressions

Yulia Kozhukhova, Dmitry LyusinRussian Academy of Sciences

The emotion congruity effect in emotion perception consists in the better percep-tion of emotions that are congruent with a perceiver’s state or trait emotion (Rus-ting, 1998; Niedenthal et al., 2000; Schmid & Schmid Mast, 2010). The emotion incongruity effect, being an extension of the congruity effect, consists in ham-pering the perception of emotions incongruent with a perceiver’s emotion. Our study aimed at exploring emotion congruity and emotion incongruity effects at the earlier and later stages of the perception of emotional facial expressions. Par-ticipants (N=33) filled out questionnaires that measured their actual mood, trait happiness, and trait sadness. Then they performed emotion recognition tasks in the frame of two different experimental paradigms. In the first paradigm, emotio-nal faces were presented for 200 ms. Participants were asked to assess emotions with the use of two response formats, open responses or multiple choice. In the second paradigm, they evaluated emotional facial expression with no fixed time frame for the stimuli presentation.State and trait sadness impaired recognition of happy faces at the earlier stage of emotion perception (partial incongruity effect), whereas trait happiness facilitated perception of happiness at the later stage of emotion perception (partial congruity effect). These results do not fit thoroughly the predictions of the theories commonly used for the explanation of the mood congruity and mood incongruity effects (Bower, 1981; Schwarz & Clore, 1983). However, the results can be more easily explained by Schwarz and Clore’s mood-as-information theory.


367

P3.26 Understanding the strategies for emotion regulation in primary school children

Kirsty Lowe-BrownUniversity of Buckingham

Emotion regulation refers to the deliberative attempt to alter some aspect of the emotion process such as intensity or duration. Understanding of the strategies that can be used for regulating emotional experiences develops during childhood. In developmental research, studies have typically investigated developmental changes in understanding regulation by distinguishing between behavioural and mental strategies (Pons, Harris and De Rosnay; 2004). Other literature has sug-gested that strategies of emotion regulation may be distinguished by further sub-categorisation; such as whether regulation is self (intrapersonal) or other (in-terpersonal) initiated (Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2006). Therefore further distinc-tions may also be useful in creating a developmental framework of understanding of emotion regulation. The present study investigated 128 children (58M 70F) aged 4-11 years’ (range 4 years 10 months to 11 years 5 months) understanding of strate-gies for emotion regulation. Children were presented with hypothetical everyday scenarios in which they might be expected to experience a negative emotion. A test re-test method was used to assess understanding at two time points (ave-rage 4.2 month’s duration between test points). Children were asked to give verbal responses to what they could use to alleviate negative emotional feelings in the given contexts. This methodology was selected as an alternative to forced choice response commonly used in research within the field in order to identify the range of strategies employed. Expressive vocabulary was measured as a covariate using the EVT-2. Results are discussed in terms of developmental changes in the types of strategies suggested for interpersonal and intrapersonal regulation and ability to explain such mechanisms. Differences in strategy suggestions between emotions and scenarios are also explored as well as the within subject consistency between the two test points. The study adds insight into existing research on children’s understanding of emotion regulation and how explicit strategies for regulating emotions emerge developmentally. The verbal free response method allowed for investigation as to whether the traditional forced choice method, by it’s over sim-plicity risks missing the breadth of strategies children employ.


368

P3.27 An Intentional Object Approach to Emotion

Susanna MelkonianDusseldorf University

The goal of this paper is to synthesize the perceptual-feeling theory of emotion (e.g., James 1884) with the cognitivist theory (e.g., Gordon 1987). Crucial to my account is the idea that emotions have content, where ‘content’ refers to what is evident in the presentation of the object to the mind (Crane 2001). The advan-tage of my account over other synthesizing accounts (e.g., Zinck and Newen 2008) is that it directly addresses issues pertinent to the philosophy of the emotions. According to De Sousa (2003): “We need a taxonomy of the different sorts of possible emotional objects. We might then distinguish different types of emo-tions, not on the basis of their qualitative feel, but—at least in part—according to the different complex structures of their object relations.” I argue that the kind of content involved in an emotion depends on the ontological kind of object in-volved. While ‘basic emotions’ typically involve a physical object that can either be conceptually or directly perceived, ‘cognitive emotions’ typically involve a non-di-rectly perceivable social object that is accessed by a propositional attitude. I argue that if a physical object is directly perceivable, then an emotion in question does not need to involve cognitive content. But if the object in question cannot be di-rectly perceived, then because it is a social object, cognitive content is necessary for accessing it. Zinck and Newen’s account fails to meet De Sousa’s criteria since it distinguishes different sorts of emotions by characterizing a wide range of their characteristic features. Incorporating insights from developmental psychology and neuroscience, Zinck and Newen integrate several emotional features such as physiological, expressive and cognitive into a single account. The problem with such a multi-factorial account is that it posits different sorts of mental states in order to distinguish between ‘basic emotions’, ‘primary cognitive emotions’ and ‘secondary cognitive emotions’ (authors’ terminology).


369

P3.28 Does dysphoria modulate alpha asymmetry during emotional imagery?

Rocco Mennella, Simone Messerotti Benvenuti, Giulia Buodo, Daniela Palomba

University of Padova

Left and right cerebral hemispheres are differently involved in emotional proces-sing. Asymmetry of the electroencephalographic alpha band (an inverse index of cortical activation) provides information on emotion-related cortical lateraliza-tion, as well as on mood changes and disturbances 1. Indeed, relatively less left- than right-sided cortical activity at anterior scalp sites, and the opposite pattern at posterior scalp sites is often displayed in depressed individuals, at rest 2. Howe-ver, respectively, these differences are more likely to emerge during emotional and visuospatial tasks, than in resting conditions 3,4. The emotional imagery task is a useful tool to study the influence of emotion on both anterior and posterior alpha asymmetry in dysphoric individuals. Indeed, although it is well-established that posterior cortical activity plays a key role in emotional processing, the influence of dysphoria on posterior, other than anterior, alpha asymmetry during an emotional task has not been fully investigated. In the present study, dysphoric (n = 23) and non-dysphoric (n = 24) individuals performed an emotional imagery task including pleasant, neutral, and unpleasant narratives. At anterior sites, reduced left relative to right cortical activity (i.e. more left than right alpha power), was found in the group with dysphoria, compared to the group without dysphoria, irrespective of emotional condition. Conversely, lower right relative to left parietal activity during unpleasant than pleasant and neutral imagery was found specifically in dysphoric individuals. Results at anterior scalp sites are in line with previous findings repor-ting reduced left hemisphere activity in dysphoric individuals, possibly indicating reduced approach motivation. Right- relative to left-sided parietal hypo-activation observed in dysphoric individuals in response to unpleasant imagery may reflect verbal ruminative rather than visuospatial processing of the unpleasant content.


370

P3.29 Getting angry when playing tennis: Gender differences and the effect of gender stereotype

Maria Grazia Monaci, Francesca Veronesi, Luca ScacchiUniversity of Valle d’Aosta

In sport anger has not only been a neglected emotion, but has also often been mis-taken for aggressiveness (Isberg, 2000). Sportspeople develop some meta-beliefs on the emotions associated with the best performances (Lane et al., 2012; Jones, 2012) and these beliefs play a crucial role in emotion regulation (Gross & Barrett, 2011). In addition, and consistent with the social rules of emotion display and with gender stereotypes, it can be assumed that women, more than men, implement strategies aimed at regulating anger and its expression (Brody, 1997). The present study investigates the issue of anger felt while playing tennis, a “high status” and highly emotionally controlled sport in which women’s participation has been tra-ditionally tolerated, by focusing on gender differences and the effect of adherence to the masculinity and femininity stereotypes. Through a questionnaire, 180 ama-teur tennis players (88F) reported the frequency, duration and quality of anger they felt during tennis matches. Regulation strategies, expressions and perceived effects on performance were also measured. Results show that people often feel anger during a match. No gender differences emerge on the subjective experience of anger, but they are relevant on its expression and regulation strategies: more often than female players, male players tend to report externalizing modalities, both self-directed and verbally aggressive toward others. Also, female players with low levels of femininity tend to be more verbally externalizing than those with high levels of femininity. Finally, a good part of the variability unexplained by gen-der differences finds a reason in the players’ level of expertise: players with higher levels of expertise report getting angry more frequently.


371

P3.30 Intracranial evidence of the modulation of the emotion network by musical structure

Diana Omigie, Severine Samson, Marcus PearceLille University, Queen Mary

Social science research has demonstrated that music is widely exploited as a tool to evoke emotions and manage mood and arousal. However, while a growing body of neuroscience research has begun to provide neural correlates of so called musical emotions, still unclear is the nature of the dynamics of communication between the implicated brain areas and the specific roles each of these areas play. Furthermore, the extent to which a musical stimulus’s structure alone, in the ab-sence of perceivable or explicit emotion, can be shown to modulate the emotional network remains an important topic for new research. The current study aimed to examine the extent to which musical structure modulates areas of the brain com-monly associated with emotions in music. To this end, we took advantage of the excellent spatial and temporal resolution of intracranial electroencephalography (iEEG) recordings, which can be collected from epileptic patients implanted with depth electrodes for presurgical evaluation. Participants were presented with short melodies, whose individual notes had been characterized in terms of Information Content (IC) - a measure of stimulus probability. iEEG responses to these notes were then examined with event-related-potential, time frequency and functional connectivity analysis to determine the extent to which IC predicted activity in and between the different brain structures recorded from. Results showed sensitivity to IC in various medial temporal lobe (MTL) structures, drawing an important link between music as an ambiguous stimulus situation and the hypothesized role of some of these MTL structures in modulating moment-to-moment vigilance in such situations. In addition, and as expected, modulation of activity was also found in areas associated with processing musical syntax such as the superior temporal gyrus and inferior frontal gyrus. Findings contribute to recent iEEG and functional magnetic response imaging (fMRI) studies that have begun to elabo-rate on the dynamics, causes, and neural specificity of musical emotions.


372

P3.31 Feelings Associated With Romaphobia

Lisa Pagotto, Anna Maria MeneghiniUniversity of Verona

The Roma are a stigmatized group of people who have suffered discrimination throughout Europe for centuries. However, the recent massive migrations of Roma from Romania to Western Europe have exacerbated the so called Romapho-bia and Antiziganism (Piasere 2012) in host countries. Empirical data (Ljujic et al., 2012) support the notion of Romaphobia as a qualitatively distinct type of preju-dice. As part of an articulated investigation involving five EU countries (“MigRom: “The immigration of Romanian Roma to Western Europe: Causes, effects, and future engagement strategies”), this study aims to map Italian citizens’ feelings towards Romanian Roma (RR) and analyse how these emotions are associated with:1) Perceived threats in terms of physical safety, public health, private property, the job market and economic resources; 2) attitudes towards RR; 3) stereotypes that the participants attribute to RR with reference to the warmth-competence model (Fiske et al., 2002). An on-line questionnaire was administered to 221 Ita-lian residents. It included a list of 16 emotions, measures of attitudes, stereotypes and perceived threats. Participants reported a more negative attitude towards RR as compared to other groups of immigrants. They expressed more negative than positive feelings, with contempt and irritation being strongly associated with negative attitudes, while interest and sympathy were moderately correlated with positive attitudes. The stereotypes that were most frequently attributed to RR were sly, dirty, criminal, and poor and the only positive adjective was musical. Similarly, the most intense emotions elicited by RR were suspicion, anxiety and fear which was highly correlated with physical threat and danger. However, the emotions that showed the highest correlations with perceived threats and nega-tive adjectives were anger and disgust. Interestingly, the participants were also curious about the RR. To date, few studies have investigated the emotions elicited by Roma people and the specific threats associated with them. Knowledge about the feelings that shape attitudes towards RR could help policy makers to address the social problems associated with multi-cultural coexistence and to choose the best acculturation strategies for both migrants and hosting communities.


373

P3.32 Revisiting the role of both ability and trait emotional intelligence as predictors of well-being and health

Juan Carlos Perez-Gonzalez1, Javier Cejudo2, Debora Rodrigo-Ruiz1, Jose M. Mestre3, Rocio Guil3

UNED, Madrid1, Faculty of Education, Universidad de Castilla La Mancha, Ciudad Real2, Universidad de Cadiz3

A distinction between ability EI and trait EI has been established along the last years (e.g., Matthews et al., 2012; Pérez-González & Sanchez-Ruiz, 2014). According to the meta-analysis by Martins et al. (2010), the positive association between EI and health has already reached sufficiency and stability, specially for the case of trait EI which was more strongly associated with health than ability EI. Likewise, Martins et al. (2010) found the TEIQue had the strongest association with men-tal health. Nevertheless, in the meta-analysis by Martins et al. (2010) the only included measures of ability EI were the MSCEIT and the MEIS. But recently a couple of tests of ability EI based on theories of emotion (i.e., STEU and STEM) have been developed (MacCann & Roberts, 2008; MacCann, 2010). Both tests have been unevenly associated with indicators of health and well-being (e.g., MacCann & Roberts, 2008). We present the results of two studies exploring the relationship between ability EI (measured by the STEU & the STEM) and trait EI (measured by the TEIQue) with health (MH-5) and well-being (SWLS). In the first study the sample was composed by 196 adults and we used the short forms of the STEU and the STEM, together the short form of the TEIQue as predictors. In the second study the sample consists of 225 adolescents and we used the short adolescent forms of the STEU, the STEM and the TEIQue. The findings indicate that trait EI is a consistent predictor of health and well-being in both adults and adolescents samples. The associations between ability EI (STEU & STEM) and both health and well-being were also consistent but negligible. Implications for the construct vali-dity of both constructs of ability EI and trait EI are discussed.


374

P3.33 The Expression Of Fear In Russian And Italian: The Role Of Metonymy Over Time

Erica PinelliUniversity of Pavia

The notion of embodiement (Rohrer 2007) is basic in Cognitive Linguistics and implies that our conceptualization of reality is mediated by our experience and perception of the world, by our senses and our body. Emotions are one of the most typical embodied concepts, because they usually have strong physiological impact on our body and our mind. Consequently, they are often understood metonymical-ly. Metonymy is defined as a cognitive process that relates two entities belonging to the same conceptual domain, for example, cause-effect or container-content (Kövecses 2004, 2010). The concept of fear is very often expressed linguistically by referring to its uncontrollable effects on our bodies such as trembling, pallor and loss of consciousness. The body reaction can be combined with direct reference to the emotion, for example ‘trembling with fear’ or, in some specific contexts, it can stand alone for the emotion without any further references as in (1). 1.U menja droχali koleni. My knees were trembling. In phraseologism and specific metonymi-cal expressions the reference to fear is direct also without any specific context as the Italian rabbrividire ‘shudder’ in (2). 2.Quella vista lo fece rabbrividire. That sight made him shudder. Moreover, metonymy is a process that can lead to lexicaliza-tion. The etymological analysis of the most prototypical noun and verb expressing fear, the Russian strach ‘fear’ and bojat’sja ‘to fear’ and the Italian paura ‘fear’ and temere ‘to fear’, shows that those words are themselves a result of metonymical processes. For example, the word strach it was originally related to words whose meaning was “become torpid, turn into ice”. This paper wants to show how the same metonymies can play a relevant role at different degrees of lexicalization. Moreover, the comparison between Italian and Russian data shows that in these two languages the embodied concept of fear can be expressed by similar metony-mies but, at the same time, there are culture specific features that can interfere in the emotion conceptualization.


375

P3.34 Relations between Emotion Regulation and Co-Rumination in Youths’ Friendships

Natalee Price, Kara Braunstein, Naomi Parr, Kat Fleckenstein, Janice ZemanCollege of William & Mary, Virginia

Emotional competencies play an integral role in peer relations (von Salisch, 2001), through a variety of theorized mechanisms, most of which have not yet been tested. The current study evaluates one such mechanism, co-rumination that re-fers to excessive problem talk within friendships, characterized by mutual encou-ragement of problem talk, problem rehashing, speculation about future effects of the problem, and dwelling on negative affect (Rose, 2002). We examined the rela-tions between co-rumination and two facets of emotion competence—expres-sive reluctance and poor awareness of emotional experience. It was hypothesized that increased emotion expression and awareness would predict increased co-rumination among adolescent friendships and that these relations would differ by gender. Participants were 174 middle school youth (55.2% girls; 74% European-American, ages 10-15; M = 12.67). Youth participated with a reciprocated same-sex best friend. They each completed the Emotion Expression Scale for Children (EESC; Penza-Clyve & Zeman, 2002), the Friendship Quality Questionnaire (FQQ; Parker & Asher, 1994), and the Co-rumination Questionnaire (Co-R; Rose, 2002). In a 15-mi-nute discussion task, the best friend dyads each discussed a problem while being videotaped. The videos were coded for co-ruminating behaviors. Actor-Partner Interdependence Modeling (APIM; Cook & Kenny, 2005) was used to account for mutual influence in dyadic data. Actor refers to the participant who brought in their best friend, the partner. Expressive reluctance was correlated with friendship quality (r = -0.19, p = 0.005). In all analyses, gender and positive friendship quality were entered into the model as covariates. There were no significant main effects for poor emotional awareness. Expressive reluctance had a significant main (par-tner) effect (b = -.18, p = 0.005) such that partner’s expressive reluctance predic-ted lower actor co-rumination during the discussion task. There was a significant gender x partner interaction (b = -.45, p = 0.01). Analyses were then conducted for each gender to interpret this effect. When predicting total Co-R, the partner effect remained significant for boys (b = -.21, p = 0.02) and girls (b = -.17, p = 0.04). When predicting specific Co-R behaviors, a significant gender x partner interaction was found for rehashing (b = -.29, p = 0.08). Expressive reluctance significantly predic-ted rehashing among girls (b = -.24, p = 0.02), but not boys (b = -.13, p = 0.12). These results suggest that emotional expression and co-ruminating behaviors may have bidirectional effects within adolescent friendships. Reluctance to express emotion may lessen a best friend’s tendency to engage in problem talk (particularly re-hashing of the problem). Alternatively, one’s minimal co-ruminating may lead to less expressed emotion by a friend.


376

P3.35 Ephemeral emotions and unforgettable words - fMRI study of associative long-term memory

Monika Riegel, Malgorzata Wierzba, Katarzyna Jednoróg, Anna Grabowska, Artur Marchewka

Nencki Institute of Experimental Biology, Varsovie

Emotional events have a privileged status in human memory. Emotion-memory interactions are present at various stages of information processing, from the ini-tial encoding to their long-term retrieval [1]. However, little is known about the in-fluence of specific emotional dimensions [2] and basic emotions [3] on the storage of emotionally-charged verbal stimuli. Goals: Our goal was to study the influence of emotional dimensions (valence and arousal) and basic emotions (happiness, sadness, fear, anger, disgust) on the long-term memory (LTM) of words, with a fo-cus on the brain activation patterns revealed by functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) during encoding and associative memory test. Methods: During scanning in the encoding phase, participants were presented with word pairs consisting of one neutral word and a second word with the manipulated emotio-nal content. After 10 seconds, the word pairs were tested in a probe phase. In the second scanning session, long-term memory was tested in a single item LTM task, and associative LTM task of word pairs. Results: As expected [4,5,6], our prelimi-nary results show that negative affect impaired associative long-term memory, as reflected in lower accuracy for the recognition of word pairs. The observed effects were reflected by specific patterns of brain activation. Conclusions: Our study pro-vides additional evidence that processes during encoding and retrieval, as well as affective content (characterized by emotional dimensions and basic emotions) might modulate the effects of emotion on relational memory, which is reflected in the brain activation patterns.


377

P3.36 Passionate Emotions

Ira Roseman, Patricia Gordon, Alex FlitterRutgers University

Passion has often been investigated in relation to romantic love (e.g., Hatfield, Bensman, & Rapson, 2012). But people report being passionate about other ac-tivities, such as vocations and avocations, politics, religion, and causes (see, e.g., Ho, Wong, & Lee, 2011). Vallerand et al. (2003) define passion broadly, as strong inclination toward any activity that people like, find important, and invest time and energy. So is passion an emotion--a type of love? joy in activity? hope for an outcome? The relationship between feelings of passion and particular emo-tions is an understudied topic. We investigated two varieties of passion: toward a relationship partner and one’s work. Undergraduates (n=152, 67% female) filled out questionnaires about a current romantic relationship, and a current job. They completed the Passionate Love Scale (Hatfield & Sprecher, 2011) and an analogous job-related scale; a single item measure of passion applicable to relationships and jobs; items from the Passion Scale (Vallerand et al., 2003); measures of individual positive and negative emotions (such as joy, hope, affection, pride, fear, and anger); and questions measuring positive and negative emotion actually and potentially obtained from, or reduced by, the relationship or job. Passion was associated with increased positive emotion and decreased negative emotion. Hope was the emo-tion most highly correlated with scores on the PLS, and was also rated highly on the job-related scale (interest was non-significantly higher in relation to jobs). Joy was rated higher on the single item measure. Results argue against arousal + cognition, general positive affect, and love-oriented models. They suggest that passion corresponds to a particular emotion or set of emotions and/or motiva-tions that can be experienced toward a variety of activities and people.


378

P3.37 How emotional coloring of stimuli influences working memory: an fMRI study

Renata Rozovskaya, Regina Machinskaya, Valentin Sinitsin, Ekaterina Pechenkova

University of Moscow

The interaction between emotion and cognition remains one of the most exciting and complicated research areas in both psychology and neuroscience. Is it colla-boration or competition? One facet of this question is how emotional valence of information modulates memory. While there is a substantial body of research on the long-term memory for emotional stimuli, studies that consider the interplay between emotion and working memory are not numerous, and only few of them address the neural correlates of working memory for emotionally colored mate-rial (Gray, Braver, & Raichle, 2002). Our event-related functional MRI (fMRI) study aimed to clarify whether maintenance of pleasant, unpleasant and emotionally neutral visual material in the working memory recruits distinct neural substrates. Forty five healthy subjects (18 females, 27 males) aged 20-60 years (mean = 30, SD = 6.2) performed change detection task in the scanner while being showed the photographs (40 pleasant, 40 unpleasant and 40 neutral) from IAPS (Bradley & Lang, 2007) and GAPED (Dan-Glauser & Scherer, 2011) databases. Initial stimulus was presented for 4 s, a test stimulus was displayed for 3 s and contained a change to an original image on half of the trials. Participants had to indicate with a but-ton press whether they had noticed any change between the initial and the test photograph. Presentation of the test stimulus was delayed by an interval of 9.5-11 s (the retention period). Change detection is widely used in studies of working memory because accurate performance of this task requires that the participant maintains information in the working memory for the retention period. In order to reveal neural correlates of memory per se rather than perception of emotional stimuli, our data analysis was also focused on the retention period. Functional MR images were collected on 1.5 T Siemens Avanto scanner at the rate of 2 s per volume. The behavioral results show a significant difference between emotional and neutral conditions in percent of correct responses and reaction time respec-tively. Functional MRI data also show the different topography of activated brain areas during first 4 seconds of the retention period of working memory. The most significant differences were found for the negatively colored and neutral stimuli. Taken together, behavioral and fMRI data suggest that processing of negative information results in different (as compared to neutral) brain basis for working memory and such basis seems to be less optimal for this type of cognitive task.


379

P3.38 Memory for emotional faces and voices vary as a function of expressed emotion

Diana Sanchez Cortes, Christina Lindahl, Petri Laukka, Håkan FischerStockholm University

Socioemotional memory plays a key role in daily interactions, for example because people often need to remember whether they have met a person before or not. Previous research has been inconclusive regarding the effect of emotional expres-sions on memory function, and this type of socioemotional memory has barely been examined in expression modalities other than faces. The aim of the current study was to investigate whether certain emotions are recalled more accurately than others and if this depends on the sensory modality. At study, the incidental memory task was to recognize the expressed emotion in photographs of facial ex-pressions, followed by vocalizations (e.g., cries, laughter), and finally audio-visual stimuli (combinations of photographs and vocalizations) in a forced-choice task. All modalities included expressions of anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and neutral expressions. During recognition participants were presented with the old items together with new items for each presentation modality in a Remember/Know task. Results from 600 participants showed that memory (hits minus false alarm) for emotional faces and/or voices varied as a function of expressed emo-tions and sensory modality. Regardless of sensory modality, neutral expressions were remembered most accurately, but for other expressions memory varied across modalities. For the visual and audio-visual modalities, fearful expressions were best remembered, whereas happiness expressions were best remembered in the auditory modality. This suggests that neither visual nor vocal emotional ex-pressions facilitate memory accuracy in person perception, possibly due to diffe-rentiated processes underlying memory for facial/vocal identity and memory for facial/vocal expressions. To summarize, our results show that emotional expres-sions do not necessarily enhance memory, and that faces and voices expressing different emotions are not equally easy to remember. The psychological mecha-nisms and neural substrates underlying these cross-modal effects deserve more attention.


380

P3.39 The role of relevance to sexual concerns of individuals in wanting underlying variations in sexual desire

Vanessa Sennwald, Eva Pool, Tobias Brosch, Sylvain Delplanque, David Sander


Recently, a model developed in affective neuroscience (Berridge & Robinson, 2003) has posited that reward processing involves two components: (a) wanting, the effort individuals are willing to mobilize to obtain a reward and (b) liking, the he-donic pleasure felt during the consumption of a reward. Studies have shown that intensity of wanting (Balleine, 1994) and involuntary attentional orienting (Brosch, Sander, Pourtois & Scherer, 2008) depends on the relevance of the stimulus for the concerns, goals and values of individuals. Accordingly, if sexual desire can be considered a specific case of reward processing (Toates, 2009), relevance should be crucial in wanting and attention orienting during sexual stimuli processing. In the present study, we aimed at investigating whether relevance can trigger wan-ting for sexual stimuli and involuntary attentional stimuli toward sexual stimuli. More precisely, sexual relevance was manipulated by choosing heterosexual and homosexual male participants and using sexual stimuli representing erotic men or women. We hypothesized that stimuli associated with sexual reward would trigger wanting and attract attention depending on the participants’ sexual orientation. The selection of the reward was based on reported liking of various erotic images, then the amount of effort they were willing to mobilize to obtain a stimulus associated with the reward was measured through the number of presses during a Pavlovian Instrumental Transfer task and finally to test attention orientation, they performed a dot probe task. Preliminary results for heterosexual participants have been promising. Particularly, heterosexual participants had a tendency to be faster during the dot probe task and to mobilize more effort by pressing on a handgrip more times when the cue associated with the image of the erotic woman was displayed compared to the cues associated with a neutral image and an image of an erotic man. These findings would add to the model of reward processing. Specifically, highlighting relevance as a crucial psychological mechanism in wanting and attention orienting.


381

P3.40 Impact of mood on decision-making routines

Yury Shevchenko Mannheim University, Germany

We investigate the role of mood in the process of alteration of decision-making strategies. There are two theories explaining impact of positive and negative mood on the strategy selection process. The first one, “attention-broadening theo-ry”, argues that a positive mood should broaden attention, and, therefore, lead to compensatory strategy that includes more information in decision-making pro-cess (Fredrickson & Branigan, 2005). Sad mood, on the contrary, narrows attention, and results in non-compensatory strategy that concentrates on less amount of information. The second, “dominant response theory”, is based on the interaction between a mood and previously established strategy: people in a positive mood should rely on the routine, because a positive mood signals that situation is safe and benign. People in a sad mood, on the contrary, should change their strategy, as far as sad mood serves as a signal of problematic situation (Bless et al., 1996). We argue that the presence of environmental cues pointing to the possibilities of changes impacts which of the two mechanisms will come in sight. To test the hypothesis, we conducted the experimental study where we manipulated the mood and the decision-strategy routines of participants. The participants were randomly assigned to either positive or negative mood condition and had to make 105 decisions in multi-attribute decision task. We manipulated participants’ mood state by showing them short movie clips (Schaefer, Nils, Sanchez, & Phi-lippot, 2010), and measured choices, decision time, and information acquisition behavior to infer decision-making strategies. The results of preliminary analysis did not support the first hypothesis that people in a positive mood should broa-den their attention and, therefore, incorporate more information in their decision. The difference between our study and the studies which found that happy mood leads to more information acquisition (Scheibehenne & von Helversen, 2014), that in our case the participants followed decision-making routines, whereas previous study induced happy mood before people started with a decision task. However, the second hypothesis that people in a sad mood should less rely on a dominant response if there is a cue about potential changes was partially approved for the users of compensatory strategy. The results will be presented and discussed more thoroughly in the poster.


382

P3.41 Examining the Roles of Emotion and Language in Theory of Mind

Stephen Smith1, Michelle Di Nella2

University of Winnipeg1 (Canada), University of Manitoba2

Background: Theory of Mind (ToM) refers to the capacity to recognize and make judgments about the mental states of other individuals, including their beliefs, desires, intentions, knowledge, and emotions. However, many of the measures used to assess ToM are highly dependent upon linguistic abilities, thus making it difficult to separate difficulties in understanding others’ thoughts and emotions (i.e., ToM) from language-based impairments. In the current study, we developed a non-verbal test of ToM, the Affective Visual Theory of Mind Task (AVToM), and compared it to existing ToM-assessment tools. Methods: Seventy-four healthy undergraduate participants (37 female) completed the AVToM, an image-based test of ToM; on each experimental trial, participants were asked to identify which of five photographs contained a correct match between the protagonist’s facial expression and the social context. Participants also completed five existing mea-sures of ToM: the Faux Pas Recognition Task (Baron-Cohen et al., 1999), the Reading the Mind in the Eyes task (Baron-Cohen et al.,2001), the Reading the Mind in Films Task (Rutherford et al., 2002), the Reading the Mind in the Voice Task (Golan et al.,2006), and the “Yoni Task”, in which participants interpret the mental states of a cartoon-like character (Shamay-Tsoory et al., 2007). They also completed tests of linguistic abilities: the North American Adult Reading Test (Nelson, 1982) and six components of the Woodcock-Johnson Achievement Tests III (Woodcock et al., 2004). Results: Accuracy levels on the AVToM task ranged from 70% (sadness) to 86% (happiness). Interestingly, performance on the AVToM task only correlated with performance on one other measure: the Yoni task. The other measures of ToM were all weakly positively correlated (r = 0.23 – r = 0.38). When linguistic abi-lities were factored out, the only remaining significant correlations were between the Yoni task and the AVToM and Reading the Mind in the Voice tasks. Discus-sion: The results suggest that ToM is not a single ability but is instead a number of interrelated abilities including emotional perception and linguistic skills. They also suggest that many of the existing measures of ToM are reliant on language, thus making it more difficult to assess individuals’ ability to understand others’ thoughts and emotions.


383

P3.42 Learning to fear depends on emotion and gaze interaction: The role of self-relevance in fear learning

Yoann Stussi, Tobias Brosch, David SanderUniversity of Geneva

Emotional learning is a crucial adaptive function enabling an organism to predict and detect aversive and appetitive stimuli with high importance in the environ-ment, and therefore to prepare an appropriate response to these stimuli. Howe-ver, psychological determinants of emotional learning remain unclear. According to preparedness (Seligman, 1970, 1971) and fear module (Öhman & Mineka, 2001) theories, threatening stimuli encountered by the species during its evolution would benefit from enhanced learning relative to threatening stimuli from on-togenetic origin or non-threatening stimuli. Here we offer a different view by pro-posing a new theoretical framework based on appraisal theories of emotion, which holds that emotional learning is modulated by a process of relevance detection. Testing the model, we predicted faster, larger acquisition and greater resistance to extinction of the conditioned response to highly self-relevant stimuli relative to stimuli with less relevance. We manipulated self-relevance through emotion and gaze direction of synthetic dynamic facial expressions during differential aver-sive conditioning. Results provided mixed evidence for our hypotheses. Critically, we revealed faster acquisition of the conditioned response to angry faces when they were higher in self-relevance (i.e., with direct gaze as compared with averted gaze) and greater resistance to extinction to fearful faces when they were higher in self-relevance (i.e., with averted gaze relative to direct gaze). We conclude that the relevance detection hypothesis offers an appropriate theoretical framework allowing to (re)interpret existing evidence, incorporate our results, and propose a new research perspective in the study of emotional learning.


384

P3.43 A small-world network model of facial emotion recognition

Takuma Takehara, Fumio Ochiai, Naoto SuzukiDoshisha University

Facial emotion recognition has generally been discussed in terms of two models. In the categorical model, many facial emotions, including computer-generated morphs, could be effectively categorized into six basic emotion categories. In the dimensional model, valence and intensity are defined as the two fundamental dimensions that locate facially expressed emotions in emotion space. However, both models have not explored collective behaviors relating to each facial em-otion as part of the comprehensive cognitive system. If it is possible to apply a small-world network model, such as is famous for the “six degrees of separation” (Watts & Strogatz, 1998), that has both close connectivity and extremely short dis-tance between any two nodes, one may capture the collective behaviors of facial emotion recognition, as well as the efficient processing of facial emotions. This study shows that facial emotion recognition can be characterized in terms of a small-world network. We specified fifteen possible continua between pairs of the six basic facial emotions, and generated five morphs for each continuum under an equal transformation ratio. In total, 81 images were prepared. We asked parti-cipants to use a 4-point Likert-type scale with anchors of 0 (not similar at all) to 3 (very similar) to rate degrees of similarity of all 3,240 pairs of faces at their own pace. We averaged rating scores for each face pair across participants. If means were less than the median value of 1.5, face pairs were disconnected due to dissi-milarity, whereas if means were greater than the median, face pairs were linked due to similarity. We made these judgments for all face pairs and then construc-ted the network. Consequently, the average distance and clustering coefficient of the network were 1.78 and 0.78, indicating that the distance between any two facial emotions was extremely short and the network was hyper-clustered. Addi-tionally, nodes that were crucial to the maintenance of the network were morphs, not prototypes. Results indicate that facial emotion network clearly forms a small-world network, suggesting the existence of collective behaviors in facial emotion recognition. This describes why we can efficiently recognize facial emotions, in terms of enhancement of signal-propagation and spreading activation speed, and indicates the importance of morphs. Moreover, these results are new to the lite-rature of cognition and emotion, showing that the framework of the small-world network is effective in this application.


385

P3.44 How children’s emotional experience and expression in classroom affect their classroom adjustment

Akiko TonegawaThe University of Tokyo

Goals: Recently, significance of emotion in classroom has been suggested. For ins-tance, emotional expressions and the sharing of emotions in the classroom were related to high master goals at a class level (Turner et al., 2002), and higher quality of one-on-one discourse (Zembylas, 2004), as well as higher quality of classroom level interactions (Meyer & Turner, 2007). However, individual differences in child-ren’s emotional experiences/expressions and the uniqueness of the classroom context have been overlooked. The purpose of this study is to examine how child-ren experience and express their emotions in the classroom context, and how they are related to children’s engagement in learning and the interpersonal relation-ships in classroom. Method: Participants were 4th to 6th grade Japanese elemen-tary school children. Used questionnaires were as follows; Emotional Experience/Expression in Classroom Scale ( joy, interest, sadness, fear, and anger; Sakagami, 1996), Relationships with Teacher Scale and Peer Relation Scale, and Children’s En-gagement in Learning in Class Scale (Okubo & Aoyagi, 2004). Result Children’s em-otional experience between during and outside class were compared, and results of the t-test showed that children experienced more joy (t (74)=-4.897, p=.000, r=.50) and anger (t (73)=-2.704, p=.009, r=.30) outside class. Partial correlation analysis showed that children’s experience of interest during class was positively related to all variables, namely, relationships with teacher and peers, engagement in learning. Furthermore, experiences of anger (r=-.360,p=.003) and sadness (r=-.304, p=.013) were negatively related to relationships with teacher. On the other hand, expressions of anger (r=-.388, p=.006) and sadness (r=-.367, p=.008) were negatively related to peer relation. Discussion: Low frequency of emotional expe-riences during class may be the reflection of the uniqueness of the context, where cognitive aspect is regarded more important than emotional aspect (Mayall, 2006). Results: implied that experience of interest has a possibility of promoting both positive relationships and engagement in learning. Also, negative emotional experiences and expressions were related to different dimensions of relationships in classroom. Further research on interaction between individual differences and classroom climate is needed.


386

P3.45 Aggressive anger management and friendship involvement among adolescents- a cross-lagged panel study

on selection and socializat

Maria von Salisch, Janice ZemanLeuphana University Lueneburg, College of William and Mary

Managing anger at a friend within the context of a close friendship places youth in a bind. On the one hand they may feel obliged to tell their friend about their angry feelings but on the other hand, such disclosures can result in the deterio-ration and ultimately in the dissolution of the friendship. Thus, adolescents who regularly engage in aggressive forms of anger management likely have fewer re-ciprocal friendships over time. This is the selection perspective. The socialization perspective predicts that within the context of close friendships, friends teach each other how to use socially acceptable ways of managing angry feelings that do not include aggressive management strategies. Thus, adolescents with more reciprocal friendships should engage less often in aggressive forms of anger ma-nagement. It is possible that both perspectives operate in friendships. In order to solve this question on the direction of effects, 287 German adolescents completed the SAR-A, a questionnaire on strategies of anger regulation for adolescents in the beginning and end of grade 7 (T1 and T2) and in grade 9 (T3). At all times, adoles-cents completed an interview about their supportive peer network that provided the number of reciprocal friends. Autoregressive cross-lagged panel models were calculated in Mplus that used either peer ratings (Model 1) or teacher ratings (Mo-del 2) of physically aggressive behavior and number of reciprocal friendships while controlling for gender and peer acceptance. Model 3 used adolescents’ self-reports of their aggressive anger management. Model 1 and 2 (with good fit characteris-tics) both resulted in large gender effects and non-significant socialization paths. Selection paths were significant in both models: adolescents who were known to be physically aggressive had fewer reciprocal friends at T3. Specifically, physically aggressive adolescents had a difficult time maintaining friendships over longer periods of time. Model 3 (with equally good fit indices) provided support for a socialization perspective. Adolescents with more reciprocal friends reported using aggressive forms of anger management less often at the next time point. Results were marginally significant from T1 to T2 (i.e. in friendships in the first year after a change into a new school), but more pronounced from T2 to T3 (i.e. in the 20-mon-th period from early to middle adolescence when adolescent friends tend to know each other better). Results will be discussed from the selection and socialization perspectives as well as the influence of the reporter.


387

P3.46 Dynamic recognition of basic and complex emotions at varying intensities in high-functioning Autism Spectrum Disorders

Tanja Wingenbach, Chris Ashwin, Mark Brosnan University of Bath

Background : Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) are defined by impairments in social communication and interaction, including non-verbal communication such as emotional expressions. However, not all behavioural studies comparing ASD to controls on facial emotion recognition have shown group differences. This might be attributed to the methodology applied, with many investigations including only full-blown static displays of certain basic emotions, small numbers of trials and stimuli. Subtler and complex emotion expressions are experienced on a daily basis and important to correctly recognise for functioning social interactions. To date, no published work exists on recognition of varying intensity expressions of both basic and complex emotions based on dynamic videos in individuals with ASD compared to controls. Objectives : To investigate facial emotion recognition in ASD from videos including basic and complex emotions across three expression intensities. It was expected those with ASD would show reduced accuracy espe-cially at high expression intensity due to a diminished ability to use the additional emotional information available for more intense expressions. Methods : Twelve individuals with a current diagnosis of high-functioning ASD (9 male; M(age) = 16.92, SD = .29) and 12 age-matched controls (9 male; M(age) = 17.25, SD= .75) com-pleted a facial emotion recognition task (360 trials) including six basic emotions (anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, surprise) and three complex emotions (contempt, embarrassment, pride) at three intensities of the expressions (low, intermediate, high). Unbiased hit rates (Hu) were the DV and entered in a linear mixed model.Results : Both groups showed significantly higher accuracy for the high than the intermediate intensity expressions, and for intermediate compared to low. Controls significantly outperformed the ASD group in the higher intensi-ties of anger, fear, and pride. Controls recognised low intensity anger significantly better than the ASD group, suggesting the contained emotional information was insufficient for the ASD group. The ASD group outperformed the controls at low intensity surprise recognition; a clear representation of surprise expressions see-med to be present in ASD independent of expression intensity. Conclusions : Ove-rall, both groups benefitted from the greater emotional information available in the higher intensities compared to low intensity expressions. However, an emo-tion-specific facial emotion recognition deficit for anger, fear, and pride suggests the control group displayed superior ability to utilise this greater emotional infor-mation for these emotions. These findings add to the literature on dynamic facial emotion recognition across basic and complex emotions at varying expression intensity in ASD.


388

P3.47 How emotion experience affects cardiovascular responses to competitive stress?

Daisuke Yamaguchi, Naoto SuzukiDoshisha University

Competitive stress is generally regarded as eliciting negative emotion. Thereby, it is well known that a competition evokes increased cardiovascular response (e.g., Shahidi, Henley, Willows & Furnham, 1991). However, competition sometimes induces positive emotion because winning a competition means that we gain benefits (e.g., promotion). Nevertheless, it is little known how emotion experience during a competition affects physiological responses. To investigate how an expe-rience of emotion during a competition affects physiological responses, the pres-ent study divided all participants into the win group or the lose group depending on a task performance. 15 pairs (30 students) independently participated in this study. Participants engaged in one-on-one competition using the computer-based mirror drawing task. This task was consisted of three trials. Each participant was required to compete for winning more trials than the other participant of pair. Af-ter a complete of each trial, outcome of each trial (Win or Lose) was fed back to par-ticipants. Physiological responses (Heart rate, Blood pressure, cardiac output, total peripheral resistance) were continuously recorded during rest and task. On the other hand, the General Affect Scales (Ogawa, Monchi, Kikuya and Suzuki, 2000) was employed to assess emotion during a competition. Self-reports were assessed at four points (pre task and after 1st trial, 2nd trial, 3rd trial ). Results showed that through competition, negative emotion in both the win group and the lose group was no difference, whereas positive emotion in the win group was higher than that in the lose group. In physiological responses, the win group showed higher cardiac output than the lose group, conversely, the lose group showed increased total peripheral resistance than win group. These findings suggest one possibility that an experience of positive emotion during competition induces a difference of physiological responses to competitive stress.


389

P3.48 Video based continuous measurement and classification of emotional facial expression

Axel Zinkernagel1, Rainer Alexandrowicz2, Manfred Schmitt1

University of Koblenz-Landau1, University of Klagenfurt2

Measurement of emotional facial expressions has so far been derived by FACS-Co-ding, deduction of muscle activation via EMG, or by commercially available facial emotion expression recognition programs. The disadvantages of FACS are, (1) that a continuous rating of a longer emotional sequence is very time-consuming, and (2) it is a rating (no measurement) by trained observers. The disadvantage of fa-cial EMG is that only a few muscles for a specific emotion can be measured. The disadvantage of commercially available recognition programs is that the emotion recognition model is unknown and therefore the results are not straight forward to interpret.In the present two studies (N = 39, N = 72) we present an open source software based procedure, which circumvents these disadvantages by adapting a motion tracking technique for facial markers as used in the film industry, e.g., for animating avatars in a life-like manner. The aim was to obtain uninterpreted raw data of facial movements. Participants were provided with up to 60 facial-, and 12 head-movement markers and were instructed to (a) pose emotional faces to ob-tain a consciously elicited facial expression and (b) to view emotion eliciting films to obtain an automatic facial expression, each for the basic emotions joy, fear, and disgust. During these tasks participants were recorded on video for approximately 12 min each. Movements of facial markers were tracked, corrected for head move-ments, and standardized for individual head size in a three dimensional space. Parameters for distinction between posed and automatic facial expression (Speed and Timing of Phases, Duration, Distance and Amplitude, Symmetry) were pres-ented and discussed.


390

Symposium S6.1The rapid processing of motivationally relevant information:

Psychological, neurophysiological and endocrinological mechanisms

ConvenersJanek Lobmaier, Tobias Brosch

University of Bern, University of Geneva

Our environment constantly confronts us with large amounts of incoming stimulus infor-mation out of which we have to rapidly select the most important information in order to prepare appropriate behavioural responses. Stimuli that are important for our motivatio-nal and affective concerns, such as stimuli indicating potential rewards or dangers, stimuli relevant for our current or permanent goals, as well as social stimuli that facilitate social interactions are prioritized in the processing stream and can thus more easily influence our behaviour. Importantly, this selection process may vary considerably between and even within individuals, as it depends on the individual’s learning history, motivational struc-ture, and the contextual circumstances. In this symposium we bring together interdisci-plinary work investigating how psychological, neurophysiological, and endocrinological mechanisms can account for inter- and intra- individual differences in the rapid processing of motivationally relevant information and its downstream impact on behaviour. Eva Pool will present behavioural evidence showing that stimuli which have been associated with reward capture attentional resources, independently of their low-level perceptual salience and of voluntary processes. Dissociating the hedonic and motivational components that comprise reward value, she will argue that motivational relevance, but not hedonic plea-sure, determines the attentional bias toward the reward-associated stimulus. Matthias Wieser will present electrophysiological research investigating whether faces that have been associated with different types of aversive events lead to enhanced electrocortical responses, and whether this depends on social features in faces (facial expressions and gaze direction). He will argue that aversive learning mechanisms play an important role in social perception, but that the role of cues such as facial expressions and gaze is less prominent in transient experience-dependent cortical plasticity. Ryan Murray will present fMRI evidence pointing out the amygdala as a detection system for motivational concern relevance at the neural level. Participants with high intrinsic academic motivation showed stronger amygdala activation during the detection of targets than participants with low motivation when the task was described as predictive of academic success. He will argue that these results suggest that the default functional profile of the amygdala is the de-tection of stimuli that are appraised as relevant given the motivational concerns of the individual. Janek Lobmaier will present EMG evidence showing that women during their luteal phase, when progesterone levels are high, show more and faster automatic mimicry of emotional expressions than when they are near ovulation. Given that increased proges-terone levels during the luteal phase underlie increased social monitoring, he will argue that increases in progesterone may be linked functionally with automatic and fast social mirroring. Bhismadev Chakrabarti will present data showing bidirectional links between facial mimicry and reward, using eye gaze tracking studies. He will argue that both mimic-king and being mimicked alter the reward value of social targets. These findings provide promising prospects for research into conditions marked by deficits in social reward per-ception and spontaneous mimicry, such as for example autism. Take together, the research presented in this symposium will illustrate how different types of motivational concerns (reward, punishment, achievement motivation, affiliative motivation) can influence the rapid processing of motivationally relevant information and will shed some light on the underlying psychological, neurophysiological and endocrinological mechanisms. By com-bining various approaches and methods (fMRI, EEG, fEMG, eye tracking, and behavioural paradigms), the contributions to this symposium will add to a better understanding of the different factors that shape our perception of our (social) environment.


391

Attentional Bias For Sweet Reward: The Role of motivational Salience and Hedonic Pleasure

Eva Pool, Tobias Brosch, Sylvain Delplanque, David SanderUniversity of Geneva

Reward-associated stimuli orient attentional resources independently of their low-level perceptual salience and of voluntary processes. Previous research has demonstrated that the attentional bias toward reward-associated stimuli critical-ly depends upon the reward value. However, the reward value is composed of he-donic and motivational components. Here, we aim at investigating which of these two components determines the attentional bias reward-associated stimuli.We selected 50 participants who loved chocolate that learned to associate an arbitrary neutral perceptual stimulus with a sweet reward (i.e., a chocolate odor) in a Pavlovian conditioning paradigm. The attentional bias toward this chocolate associated stimulus was assessed in a spatial cuing task. Moreover, we measured the motivational relevance of chocolate was assessed using a Go/noGo associa-tion task and the sensory hedonic pleasure felt during the consumption of the chocolate odorResults revealed that after conditioning attentional resources were rapidly oriented toward the stimulus that was previously associated with the sweet reward. Interestingly, motivational relevance, but not hedonic pleasure, predicted the magnitude of the attentional bias toward the stimulus associated with the sweet reward.These findings suggest that the attentional bias toward reward-associated sti-muli depends upon the motivational, rather than the hedonic, component of the reward.


392

Fear that face – Studies on the electrocortical facilitation of faces in (social) conditioning

Matthias WieserUniversity of Würzburg

Sensory facilitation of cues that predict harm is a useful mechanism for efficient detection of threat in the environment. Recent studies employing steady-state vi-sual evoked potentials (ssVEPs) demonstrated that low-level visual cues previous-ly paired with aversive events lead to enhanced sensory gain in early visual cor-tex. From a social affective neuroscience perspective, faces constitute a social cue which may lead to different reactions and impressions due to simple associative learning mechanisms. Therefore, in a series of studies we investigated whether faces when paired with different aversive events lead to enhanced electrocortical responses, and whether this depends on social features in faces (facial expres-sions and gaze direction). Amplitudes of the face-evoked ssVEP revealed larger cortical mass activity in response to faces paired with negative social cues indica-ting successful affective learning and concomitant short-term plasticity in visual cortex depending on the learning experience. This effect was replicated using ver-bal comments as US in low socially anxious participants, but high socially anxious subjects did not differentiate cortically between the three types of CS faces. Gaze cues seem to play a subordinate role in fear acquisition, but may lead to different time courses in visuocortical learning, as single-trial analysis of ssVEP amplitudes revealed. Together, these results point at the significance of learning mechanisms in social contexts, but suggest that the role of cues such as facial expressions and gaze is less prominent in transient experience-dependent cortical plasticity.


393

The appraising brain: The amygdala detects individual concern-relevance

Ryan Murray, Tobias Brosch, Hana Kutlikova, David SanderUniversity of Geneva

Neurocognitive appraisal theory of emotion claims that the amygdala is a de-tector of individual concern relevance. To test this hypothesis, participants with varying levels of intrinsic academic achievement motivation performed several target detection tasks using affectively neutral letter stimuli as targets. To endow stimuli with concern-relevance, the tasks were described as “predictive of acade-mic success”, “determining the payment for participation”, or “control task”, res-pectively. Congruent with our hypothesis, participants with high intrinsic acade-mic motivation showed stronger amygdala activation during target detection than participants with low motivation, but only in the task described as predic-tive of academic success. Our data are highly consistent with a perspective that sees the computational profile of the amygdala not as restricted to one or several basic emotions, nor to the mental representation of arousal, but characterizes it as default detection of stimuli that are appraised as relevant given the concerns of the individual.


394

Increased affiliation motivation during the luteal menstrual cycle phase: evidence from a fEMG study

Janek Lobmaier, Vanda Lory, Fabian ProbstUniversity of Bern

Facial mimicry describes the unintentional imitation of another person’s non-verbal displays. Facial mimicry assists in understanding how others feel and at the same time it can signal empathy and compassion of an observer towards a counterpart. We tested whether the female menstrual cycle affects the amount and willingness to exhibit facial mimicry. The menstrual cycle has been shown to affect many socially relevant behaviours. For example, women have been shown to dress, dance and walk in more attractive ways during days of high compared to low fertility. Conversely, evidence has accumulated that emotion recognition performance is highest during the luteal phase, a phase during which women’s bodies prepare themselves for possible pregnancy. Evolutionary informed scho-lars have explained such phase-specific behavioural changes as serving to maxi-mize reproduction success. According to such ideas women should show less risky behaviour and instead adopt a more affiliative attitude during the luteal cycle phase. In accordance with these evolutionary claims we hypothesized that women would mimic more during the non-fertile luteal phase than during the late follicular phase. We measured zygomaticus activity in 50 naturally cycling women while they viewed short video clips of 8 male and 8 female actors each showing happy, angry, and neutral expressions. Each woman was tested twice, once near ovulation and once during the luteal cycle phase. The order of testing sessions was counterbalanced across participants and ovulation was determined using ovulation test strips. We additionally measured salivary estradiol, progeste-rone and testosterone levels to ascertain whether hormone levels could predict facial mimicry. We found that during the luteal phase (when progesterone levels are high) women mimicked more than near ovulation. We suggest that increased mimicry of (positive) emotions during the luteal phase may be part of an adaptive biological mechanism to protect foetal development. Increased facial mimicry may result from more affiliative motives during the luteal phase, which may be linked with increased progesterone levels. Increased facial mimicry may in turn explain why women are better at emotion processing during the luteal phase.


395

Reward on both sides of the mirror: Testing the rewarding effects of mimicking and being mimicked using eye-gaze tracking

Bhismadev Chakrabarti, Janina NeufeldUniversity of Reading

Social psychological studies have shown that people like those who mimic them, suggesting that mimicry may alter the reward value of social targets. To directly test the reward value of mimicry, we investigated the impact of mimicking and being mimicked on preferential looking, using 2 implicit conditioning experiments.In study 1 conditioning phase, 30 adults made happy, sad, or neutral expressions: crucially, <1s after they started making the expression, they saw a video of a per-son making the same expression (Mimicking face) or another person making a different expression (AntiMimicking face). In the test phase, “Mimicking face” and “AntiMimicking face” were presented side-by-side on a gaze-tracking monitor, and participants showed longer gaze duration for Mimicking faces than AntiMimic-king faces (controlling for baseline difference in gaze duration between faces) (t=2.99, p=.005). In study 2 conditioning phase, a separate sample of 37 adults mimicked expressions of certain faces (Mimicked faces) and performed the oppo-site expression when seeing other faces (NoMimicked faces). In the test phase, Mimicked face and NoMimicked face were presented side-by-side, and people loo-ked longer at Mimicked faces than NoMimicked faces (t=2.18, p=.018). This effect is unlikely to be driven by greater response conflict associated with certain faces, as no effect of spatial congruency on gaze duration was detected in a separate expe-riment. These findings provide direct evidence that both mimicking and being mi-micked alter the reward value of social targets and provides avenues for research into conditions such as autism, marked by deficits in social reward perception and spontaneous mimicry.


396

Symposium S6.2 Emotions across Adulthood: The Role of Cognition,

Motivation, and Culture

ConvenersAlexandra M. Freund, Igor GrossmannUniversity of Zurich, University of Waterloo

Seniors are the fastest growing population worldwide. In countries such as Germany, Japan or South Korea, the percentage of the population over 65 is predicted to represent ¼ of the total population by the year 2025. For the first time in human history older adults will outnumber children. Despite these forecasts, social scientists know relatively little about the emotional aspects of aging in different cultures. How do emotional experiences unfold across adulthood? The currently symposium brings together an interdisciplinary team of researchers from four countries – Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and the U.S. – to systematically address this question across multiple levels of analysis. The common theme surrounding each talk concerns the interplay between aging-related losses (e.g., biological decline) and a wide range of (positive and negative) emotional experiences. Katharina Schnitzspahn (University of Geneva, Switzerland) will start the symposium by exploring the basic neurocognitive processes involved in emotional experiences among younger vs. older adults; stress and cognitive control. Specifically, Schutzspahn’s research team explored age differences in acute stress effects on cognitive control, comparing performance in a cognitive control task in 66 young (19-34 years) and 57 older adults (60-82 years) exposed either to an established psychosocial stress procedure or an active control condition. Stress responses were measured on a fine-grained level across the entire procedure using subjective and physiological stress markers. While cognitive control was reduced under stress in the young adults, cognitive performance in the older adults was not influenced by acute stress. Moving from basic cognitive processes to the domain of autobiographic memories, Ute Kunzmann & Margund Rohr (University of Leipzig, Germany) presents research exploring whether aging-related processes in recall of autobiographic memory unfold differently across specific negative emotions. Specifically, Kunzmann & Rohr asked younger and older adults to relive and think aloud about two situations in which they felt particularly sad or angry. Their results indicated that the signs of anger decreased with age, whereas the signs of sadness remained stable or increased. In the next talk, Alexandra M. Freund (University of Zurich, Switzerland) and Andreas Keil (University of Florida, USA) will expand the study of emotional experiences across adulthood to the study of motivated cognition (i.e., learning from gains vs. losses). Using this perspective, Freund & Keil will report an experiment investigating if older adults react more strongly to positive events (i.e., monetary gain for an actual donation) or to negative ones (i.e., monetary loss for a donation). In their study, younger, middle-aged, and older adults experienced repeated gains and losses that were paired with different (formerly neutral) visual patterns, and reported valence and arousal ratings of respective (gain vs. loss-related) stimuli. Prelimi-nary results from their research suggest that late middle-aged and older adults react more strongly to stimuli associated with losses compared to gains. In the last talk, Igor Grossmann (University of Waterloo, Canada) and his colleagues will utilize a cultural psychological perspective to understand the interplay between culture and aging-related differences in emotional experiences. Grossmann and colleagues collected random samples of adult Americans (a culture characterized by focus on positive and distancing from negative experiences) and Japanese (a culture characterized by its endorsement of dialectical experiences) to test whether aging-related differences in preference for maintaining po-sitive experiences and distancing from negative experiences is more pronounced in Western cultures that encourage linear approaches to well-being compared with Eastern cultures that encourage more dialectic approaches to well-being. Results indicated that older Americans reported significantly less negative emotions across a variety of trait-, and state-level-indicators, whereas aging-related effects were absent in the Japanese respondents. Instead, older Japanese reported more positive emotions in the unpleasant situations, whereas there were no corresponding aging-related differences among the Americans. Finally, Angela Gutchess (Brandeis University, USA) will provide a discussion and inte-gration of the presented findings into her perspective on emotional development across adulthood, highlighting the role of basic cognition, motivation and culture for betting understanding of how emotional experiences unfold across adulthood.


397

Acute stress impairs cognitive control in young, but not in older adults

Katharina Schnitzspahn1, Franziska Plessow2, Clemens Kirschbaum2, Matthias Kliegel1

University of Geneva1, Technische Universität Dresden2

While a wide variety of cognitive functions decline with age, emotional experience and emotion regulation remain largely intact or even improve across adulthood. Given these different developmental trajectories, there has been a growing inte-rest in the interactions between cognition and emotion in aging. Studies suggest that emotional task material can enhance cognitive performance in older adults (Carstensen & Mikels, 2005). Furthermore, it seems as if older adults are better able than young adults to deal with an affective state and a cognitive task at the same time (Schnitzspahn et al., 2014). Thus, older adults may have an advantage over young adults when it comes to emotion-cognition interplays. The goal of the present study was to examine if this age advantage holds true for a specific affec-tive state, namely stress and its effect on cognitive control. Given the omnipre-sence of stress in modern society and the importance of an intact cognitive func-tioning for the maintenance of independence, it is surprising that only very little empirical research is available concerning possible age differences in acute stress effects on cognition in general and cognitive control in particular. Accordingly, the present study set out to test these effects in a controlled laboratory setting com-paring performance in a cognitive control task in 66 young (19-34 years) and 57 older adults (60-82 years) exposed either to an established psychosocial stress procedure or an active control condition. Stress responses were measured on a fine-grained level across the entire procedure using subjective and physiological stress markers. Results suggest that the stress induction was equally successful in both age groups. Interestingly, while cognitive control was reduced under stress in the young adults, cognitive performance in the older adults was not influenced by acute stress. This missing stress effect in the older adults may be due to more effective and cognitive less effortful emotion regulation (Scheibe & Blanchard-Fields, 2009) and age-related changes in the frontal lobes possibly reducing the responsiveness to acute cortisol elevations (Wolf et al., 2001). Results will be dis-cussed in the context of current neurocognitive models on emotion-cognition interactions in aging.


398

Anger and Sadness in Autobiographical Memories

Ute Kunzmann, Margund RohrUniversity of Leipzig

The successful modulation of negative affect has been regarded as an impor-tant facet of successful aging. Given that negative affect is a multidimensional concept, however, questions regarding age differences in specific negative emo-tions remain. In individual sessions, we asked young (n = 85) and older (n = 79) adults to relive and think aloud about two situations in which they felt particu-larly sad or angry. The intensity of anger and sadness was assessed on two levels: subjective feelings during reliving phase and verbal expressions during the think-aloud interview. Our analyses suggest that the signs of anger decrease with age, whereas the signs of sadness remain stable or increase. We propose that these multidirectional age differences in anger and sadness have important implica-tions for our understanding of successful development during adulthood and old age.


399

Emotional reactions to gains and losses across adulthood

Alexandra M. Freund, Andreas KeilUniversity of Zurich, University of Florida

The currently dominant view on emotional development across adulthood is that older adults demonstrate a «positivity bias» such that they weigh positive emo-tional information and experiences more heavily than negative ones. At the same time, the literature on psychology and aging suggests that negative events (i.e., losses) become more prevalent with increasing age. One of the consequences of the increase in losses seems to be that older adults are more motivated to avoid and counteract losses than younger adults, who are more motivated by potential gains. The central question of the current study is if older adults react more stron-gly to positive events (i.e., a gain in a monetary game) or to negative ones (i.e., a loss in a monetary game). Younger, middle-aged, and older adults experienced repeated gains and losses that were paired with different (formerly neutral) visual patterns. After each trial, participants provided ratings of the valence (positive vs. negative) and the arousal associated with the stimuli signaling gains and losses. Moreover, throughout the experiment we assessed the heart-rate of participants. First data analyses (data collection is still ongoing) suggest that late middle-aged and older adults react more strongly to stimuli associated with losses compared to gains. Data from the full study will be presented and discussed regarding their implications for emotional development across adulthood.


400

A Cultural Perspective on Emotional Experiences Across the Life Span

Igor Grossmann, Mayumi Karasawa, Shinobu KitayamaUniversity of Waterloo, Tokyo Woman’s Christian University,

University of Michigan

Past research suggests that older adults place a greater priority on goals of maintaining positive experiences and distancing from negative experiences. We hypothesized that these aging-related differences in emotional experiences are more pronounced in Western cultures that encourage linear approaches to well-being compared with Eastern cultures that encourage more dialectic approaches to well-being. We compared reports of positive and negative emotional expe-riences from stratified random samples of Americans (a culture characterized by focus on positive and distancing from negative experiences; samples collected in the Midwest) and Japanese (a culture characterized by its endorsement of dialec-tical experiences; samples collected in the Tokyo Metropolitan area). In support of our hypothesis, older Americans reported significantly less negative emotions in unpleasant situations, relative to their younger counterparts. Furthermore, both trait-level negativity (i.e., rumination) and interpersonal negativity (i.e., recall of unpleasant relationships and intensity of an unpleasant interpersonal experience) were lower among older compared with younger Americans. However, such aging-related effects were absent in the Japanese respondents. Further, though older and younger Japanese reported the same amount of negative emotions in unpleasant situations, older Japanese also reported more positive emotions in the same unpleasant situations. Yet, we did not observe corresponding aging-related differences among the Americans. Together, these findings highlight the role of culture for understanding how emotional experiences unfold across adulthood.


401

Adult Development and Aging - An Integrative Discussion

Angela GutchessBrandeis University

In this final talk, Angela Gutchess will provide a discussion and integration of the presented findings into her perspective on emotional development across adul-thood, highlighting the role of basic cognition, motivation and culture for betting understanding of how emotional experiences unfold across adulthood.


402

Symposium S6.3 Emotion Reactivity and Regulation in Individuals with

Autism Spectrum Disorder

ConvenersAntonio Hardan

Stanford University School of Medicine

Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is a pervasive neurodevelopmental disorder that is characterized by abnormalities in social and communication abilities, as well as restricted interests, repetitive behavior, and sensory deficits. In addition, there is growing awareness of severe emotional disturbances as well as maladaptive behavior including irritability, poor anger control, temper tantrums, self-injurious behavior, and aggression in individuals with ASD (Mazefsky et al., 2013; Rieffe et al., 2014; Samson et al., 2014a). Recent studies suggest that more than 50% of children and adolescents exhibit one or more of these symptoms (Samson et al., 2014b). Therefore, there is a great need to increase our understanding of the pathophy-siological mechanisms underlying aberrant emotional reactivity and emotion dysregulation and related behaviors, since maladaptive emotional responses may contribute to impaired functioning and could affect long-term outcome. The goal of this symposium is to examine emotional reactivity and regulation in individuals with ASD in comparison to typically developing controls, to assess their impact on core features, and to discuss available therapeutic approaches for the treatment of irritability and aggression. First, a general overview will be given on emotional reactivity and regulation in individuals with ASD, compared to typically developing (TD) controls. Using data from a large multi-method study in children and adolescents with ASD, parent- and self-reports on emotional reactivity and regulation will be presented and its impact on problematic and maladaptive behavior will be examined. Another focus will be on emotional reactivity in the social context, which will be systema-tically examined with eye-tracking pupillometry in a series of studies, as well as the impact of anger in contrast to guilt as one moral emotion on externalizing behaviors (i.e., bullying and aggression) in individuals with ASD. Another study will present emotion regulation in 5 to 12 year old children using a multi-methods approach. Behavioral codings from a frustration-eliciting situation, parent reports, and physiological measures will be discussed. Finally, a review of the therapeuic approaches to treat irritability, and aggression will be discussed with a focus on pharmacological agents. Evidence from randomized controlled trials will be re-viewed including data from a meta-analysis. Taken together, emotional difficulties, including the difficulty to process emotions in the social context, as well as the lower ability to regulate own emotions are pro-minent in individuals with ASD. Individuals with ASD seem to use more frequently maladaptive and less frequently adaptive emotion regulation strategies, which impacts functioning and adaptive behavior. Future research directions will be dis-cussed to further document and understand emotional difficulties in individuals with ASD to formulate directions for effective interventions targeting emotional reactivity and regulation to increase long-term outcome.


403

Emotion Regulation Difficulties in Individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorder and its Impact on Maladaptive Behavior

Andrea C. Samson12, Antonio Hardan1, Yael Enav1, James Gross1

Stanford University - CA - USA1, University of Geneva2

Background: Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is characterized by social and com-munication deficits and repetitive behaviors, however, emotional difficulties are common in individuals with ASD. Tantrum behaviors and general irritability are key motivating factors for seeking treatment (Robb, 2010). Therefore, a better understanding of the mechanisms that increase problematic behavior in ASD is required to improve interventions and associated outcomes. As the questions of whether and how different emotional components are related to maladap-tive behavior in this disorder remain largely unanswered, the goal of the pres-ent study was to examine whether components of emotions, such as emotion experience and emotion dysregulation, might serve as explanatory constructs for maladaptive behaviors in ASD. More specifically, we wanted to better understand whether patterns in positive and negative emotion experience as well as adaptive and maladaptive emotion regulation function as a link between group (ASD vs. typically developing participants, TD) and maladaptive behavior. As part of a large multi-method study, thirty-one individuals with ASD and 28 TD participants and their parents completed questionnaires assessing emotion experience (Positive and Negative Affect Schedule), regulation (Emotion Regulation Questionnaire), and maladaptive behavior (subscale of the Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales, 2nd Edition). The relationships among group, emotion experience, emotion regula-tion, and maladaptive behavior were examined via path analyses of 2- and 3-path mediation designs. Four 2-path models were tested to examine whether group membership was linked to maladaptive behaviors via positive emotion, nega-tive emotion, cognitive reappraisal, and expressive suppression. In addition, two 3-path models were tested to examine the sequence of effects as indicated from the 2-path model results.

Results: The findings suggest that individuals with ASD use cognitive reapprai-sal less frequently, which is an adaptive emotion regulation strategy, resulting in increased negative emotions, and in turn leading to elevated levels of maladaptive behavior.

Conclusions: The current study in line with previous research (Samson et al., 2014) suggests that interventions targeting the ability to use cognitive reappraisal may improve emotion experience as well as decrease maladaptive behavior in indivi-duals with ASD. Novel interventions that target emotional experience and regu-lation are crucial to decrease maladaptive behaviors and improve long-term out-come.


404

Emotional Reactivity in Autism Works Differently: Insights from Studies using Eye-Tracking Pupillometry

Heather J. Nuske, Giacomo Vivanti, Kristelle Hudry, Cheryl Dissanayake

La Trobe University

Background and Aims: Often people with autism have difficulty reading and res-ponding to others’ emotions (Begeer, Koot, Rieffe, Meerumterwogt, & Stegge, 2008; Nuske, Vivanti, & Dissanayake, 2013; Uljarevic & Hamilton, 2012). Much research in autism has been conducted on the processing of emotion in others, however im-portant questions remain: 1) Do people with autism respond more normatively to emotion in familiar (vs. unfamiliar) people? 2) Do people with autism need more time to process emotion in others? 3) Do emotional reactivity difficulties impact on learning from others’ emotions? In a series of three studies we aimed to ans-wer these research questions.Methods: We showed video and photo emotion-inducing stimuli using eye-trac-king technology to 27 children with autism and 21 matched typically developing children and recorded their pupil dilations as an index of emotional reactivity. Results: Pupil dilation results for the three studies were as follows: 1) Children with autism had the same magnitude of pupillary response to emotion in fami-liar people, but a reduced response to emotion in unfamiliar people, relative to comparison children. However, across familiarity conditions, children with autism had a delayed pupillary response (approx. 800ms longer latency). 2) Children with autism had greater pupil dilation to emotion shown for 2000ms vs. 30ms, but the typically developing children had the same magnitude of pupil dilations across the timing conditions. 3) Children with autism did not react to a previously-neu-tral object (a white box) more emotionally (greater pupil dilation) after seeing an actor respond emotionally to its contents (occluded from the viewer), whereas the typically developing children did.Conclusions: Results indicated that preschoolers with autism react to emotions in a different way relative to comparison children, which appears to require more explicit attention, take more time (both in terms of exposure and response), de-pend on person familiarity (with less difficulty to emotions of familiar people) and impact on their learning.


405

The Regulating Role of Moral Emotions in Children with ASD and Controls

Carolien Rieffe1, Marieke de Bruine1, Marieke Bos1, Mark de Rooij1, Lex Stockmann2

Leiden University1, Center for Autism - Leiden2

Moral emotion guide children into behaving as requested by their social environ-ment, adapting to the norms and values of the different subcultures they belong to. Feelings of guilt prevent one to cause harm to another person. Whereas more anger can bring children to behave more aggressively towards others, the media-ting role of guilt should prevent externalizing behaviors. Yet, children with ASD fall behind their TD (typically developing) peers in the development of moral emo-tions, and the question is to what extent this also negatively affects their aggres-sive and other externalizing behaviors towards their social environment. To date, however, cross-sectional data showed that more guilt and less anger were related to fewer externalizing behavior (bullying) in TD and ASD children alike (Rieffe et al., 2012). The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between anger and guilt with externalizing behaviors longitudinally in ASD and TD children separately, and compare the changes over time. A total of 125 children participated in this study. The sample included 67 high functioning boys with ASD at T1 (Mean age around 12 years old) and an age-matched control group consisting of 59 boys drawn from primary and secondary schools in the Netherlands. All children had IQ>80 and no known additional diagnosed developmental disorders. Children filled out self-re-ports on their levels of guilt, anger, and externalizing behaviors. Parents also filled out parent reports on externalizing symptoms in their children. All questionnaires were filled out 3 times, with 9-month intervals.Regression analyses were computed using new statistical procedures like impu-ting and bootstrapping that enables to decrease bias and deal with longitudinal data in smaller samples in a more appropriate way than the traditional ways of analyzing data (Rieffe et al, 2014). Although we expected that guilt would increase more strongly in TD children than in children with ASD, which would consequently be related to a stronger decrease of externalizing behaviors (e.g. bullying and ag-gression), preliminary outcomes show a compatible increase in both the ASD and TD group for guilt.


406

A Multimethod Assessment of Emotion Regulation in Children with Autism Spectrum Disorder

Andreia Costa, Georges SteffgenUniversity of Luxembourg

Emotion regulation (ER) is an important aspect of emotional and social deve-lopment. ER is particularly relevant for children with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Children with ASD have frequent emotional and conduct problems that are believed to derive from difficulties with ER (Mazefsky & White, 2014). ER is a mul-ticomponent process (Thompson, Lewis, & Calkins, 2008) that should be studied as such. However, only a small proportion of studies have used more than one method to assess ER in children with ASD (Weiss, Thomson, & Chan, 2014). The main purpose of the present study was to, using a multimethod assessment, com-pare ER in children with ASD and typically developing (TD) children. Participants were 29 children aged from 5 to 12 years old. 17 children were diagnosed with ASD and 12 were TD children. ER was assessed by behavioural codings during a frus-tration-eliciting situation, parents’ reports of their child’s ER (Emotion Regulation Checklist – ERC; Shields & Cicchetti, 1997), and through the assessment of heart rate variability (HRV). Behavioural codings demonstrated that children with ASD used significantly less active self-regulation (U=58, p<.05), and significantly more disruptive behaviours (U=39.5, p<.01) as ER strategies than TD children. Parents of children with ASD reported their children as having a lower score on the ERC than parents of children with TD (U=22.5, p<.001). Finally, children with ASD had a significantly lower HRV than TD children (U=40, p<.01). Although the present study has a small sample, all three measures point towards more ER difficulties in children with ASD compared to TD children. These results are in agreement with the literature and point to a difficulty that is expressed at the behavioural and physiological levels and that is reported by parents. The present results can be relevant to developing interventions aiming at improving ER in children with ASD.


407

Evidence-Based Therapeutic Approaches for Treating Emotion Dysregulation and Irritability in ASD

Antonio Y. Hardan, Lawrence K. FungStanford University School of Medicine, CA, USA

Background: Children with ASD have core deficits in social communication and reciprocity as well as restricted and repetitive behaviors. They often experience irritability which underlie emotion dysregulation frequently associated with tem-per tantrums, and aggression toward others or to self, agitation, and self-injurious behaviors (Matson et al., 2011). These symptoms cause significant distress to the children themselves, and may be a burden on their families and others involved in their care. Behavioral approaches have been used to target these behaviors with variable success. A wide range of pharmacologic agents have also been used tar-geting various mechanisms of action, with many potential adverse events (Elbe & Lalani, 2012). Goals: The focus of this presentation is to review evidence-based data supporting the use of medications in the treatment of irritability and associated behaviors.Methods: Randomized controlled trials will be discussed and results from a meta-analysis will be reviewed. Results: Risperidone and aripiprazole are, perhaps, the most commonly used me-dications for the treatment of irritability, agitation and aggression in individuals with ASD. Other agents have been studies including N-acetylcysteine, clonidine, methylphenidate, valproic acid, guanfacine, and tianeptine. Current literature suggests that risperidone and aripiprazole have the strongest evidence for redu-cing irritability and associated symptoms in children and adolescents with ASD. However, these compounds have potential adverse events including somnolence/sedation, weight gain and extra-pyramidal symptoms. Methylphenidate may be a useful agent when inattention, hyperactivity, and/or impulsivity are co-morbid symptoms. Other medications such as N-acetylcysteine, clonidine, and tianeptine may be potentially effective agents to reduce IAA with fewer adverse events, but replication of these findings is warranted. Conclusions: Findings will be discussed with the goal of providing clinicians and researchers with a useful, individualized approach to assessing and treating emo-tion regulation and irritability in youth with ASD. It is hoped that guidelines will emerge one day to help in the management of these individuals while integrating medical and behavioral approaches in the assessment and treatment of the beha-vioral manifestation of these emotions to optimize long-term outcome.


408

Symposium S6.4What do language patterns reveal about emotion concepts?

ConvenersAnna Ogarkova

University of Geneva, University of Heidelberg

The importance of language in emotion research can hardly be overestimated. Most emotion research at least partially relies on language, either due to the use of linguistic labels to name emotion states in a language, or because of the frequent recourse to speakers’ verbal accounts of emotional experience. However, historically, psychology and linguistics have entertained little communication, mostly due to a view of language and cognition where emotions and their linguistic symbolizations were considered separate domains and no inference was drawn in either field about the findings in the other. The land-scape has started to gradually change with the emergence of the cognitive view of meaning, where language is seen as embodied, i.e. fundamentally grounded on physical and sensorial experience. At the same time, since experiences are also inextricably cultural, language is also assumed to reflect important concerns for a lingual/cultural group. One of the most encompassing and prolific linguistic traditions endorsing the cognitive view of mea-ning is Cognitive Linguistics. In this tradition, meaning is assumed to extend beyond necessary and sufficient featureχbased semantics to encompass all world knowledge, thus equating (or at least ap-proximating) semantic and conceptual representation. One of the reasons why Cognitive Linguistics is particularly attractive for the affective sciences is that it is embedded in cognitive science at large and, thus, shares the methods and integrates the findings of other domains, like psychological studies on categorization and conceptual representation. An additional advantage of Cognitive Linguistics is that it facilitates research on linguistic phenomena as artifacts of human experience and of the salient practices of a particular lingual group, building a bridge between linguistic and cultural studies.This symposium brings together cutting-edge methodologies in corpus-based Cognitive Linguistics research on emotion concepts. Two broad approaches will be presented. The first is illustrated by the first two contributions to the symposium. They illustrate the ‘behavioral profile’ approach (e.g., [1]), a corpus-based method in cognitive semantics in which the meaning of an emotion word (and the concept behind that word) is established on the basis of ‘behavioral’ information about the term. This is done through the manual coding and statistical treatment of semantic, grammatical, and pragmatic features of a representative number of instances of the investigated lexeme in context. The second tradition will be illustrated by the last two contributions. It can be referred to as the ‘metaphorical profile’ approach (e.g., [2]), which stems from Conceptual Metaphor Theory and adopts a corpus-based methodology to characterize an emotion concept on the basis of the metaphorical lexico-grammatical constructions regularly entertained by the lexemes that name that emotion in a language (e.g. the English nouns ‘anger’, ‘fury’ or ‘irritation’ for the emotion concept “ANGER”). While differing in the type of linguistic patterns included in the analysis, all these studies share a num-ber of methodological characteristics, namely: (1) They are based on extensive and representative corpus data; (2) They employ a statistical assessment of the distribution of linguistic uses; (3) They adopt a cross-lingual comparative approach, (4) They are interdisciplinarily oriented: explicit effort is made to relate the findings to relevant re-search in the affective sciences. Additionally, they illustrate different orientations in temporal scope, adopting either a synchronic or a diachronic approach in the study of emotion concepts.A discussion session at the end of the symposium will summarize the results and insights of the four talks. The specific aims will be:(i) To discuss the similarities, limitations, and mutual complementarity of these methods for the des-cription of emotion concepts; (ii) To compare them with semantic profiling methodologies of a more psycho-linguistic nature, like the GRID approach [3]; (iii) To showcase how the outcomes of the linguistic profiling can be related to findings in fields like emotion or cross-cultural psychology; (iv) To discuss the added value of profiling methods in Cognitive Linguistics for the affective sciences at large, for example by illustrating how they can test claims made in emotion psychology, or, conversely, how their findings can lead to hypothesis generation or construct formation in a different discipline.


409

Contextually sensitive evidence for conceptual structuring: A corpus-driven study of ANGER in Czech,

English and Portuguese

Dylan Glynn, Juliana ZmetákováUniversity of Paris VIII, Palacký University

Arguably, situational, social, and cultural context plays an important role in struc-turing our emotional responses. However, most psychological research has fo-cused on stimulus and response largely ignoring contextual factors, and linguis-tics has focused on how lexical categories structure emotion conceptualization. By contrast, this study seeks to integrate contextual dimensions into the description of emotions, using novel methods in corpus linguistics to that end. The study exa-mines ANGER in Czech, English, and Portuguese. The primary hypothesis is that we will observe significant contextual effects on the representation of the ANGER eliciting stimulus (the cause) and subsequent response. The aim is to model quan-titatively these contextually sensitive patterns. The study involves three stages. The first is data collection. Personal diaries are used in all languages to control for stylistic variation, and because diaries frequently in-clude descriptions of emotional causes and responses. 600 occurrences of ANGER events are extracted through keyword searches, using the most frequent lexemes in each language to control for part-of-speech effects.The second stage is sentiment analysis. This method, developed in Cognitive Lin-guistics [1, 2], has recently been adopted in computational linguistics [3]. Based on the linguistic [4] and psychological [5] literature, an annotation schema is devised to manually annotate the characteristics of the ANGER event in the full dataset (a Kappa score of inter-rater reliability is also calculated). This produces a large set of meta-data on the contextualised use of the lexemes designating ANGER.The third stage is the quantitative investigation of the meta-data. Due to their high dimensionality, exploratory multivariate analysis is used to identify usage patterns. A combination of multiple correspondence analysis and k-medoid clus-ter analysis is used to identify correlations and underlying structures. Prelimina-ry results indicate that type of cause, norm violation, and social engagement in response are amongst the crucial factors structuring the emotion. Confirmatory modelling, in the form of mixed-effects multinomial logistic regression, confirms statistically significant contextual effects and permit some degree of predictive modelling with regard to the three languages concerned.


410

Self-evaluative emotions across languages and cultures: A multifactorial profile-based approach to SHAME

Karolina KrawczakAdam Mickiewicz University

Object & goals: This study investigates the concept of SHAME from a cross-lin-guistic perspective. The concept is operationalized through four lexical categories: ‘shame’, ‘embarrassment’, ‘humiliation’ and ‘guilt’, analyzed in their most frequent lexical instantiations in British English, American English and Polish. The study has two goals, one descriptive, the other methodological. Firstly, it aims to identify the conceptual structuring of the categories under analysis relative to their respec-tive socio-cultural contexts. Secondly, it further advances a corpus-driven quan-titative methodology for the description of intersubjectively-grounded abstract concepts [1]. In this, it is complementary to approaches like the elicitation-based GRID method [2].Hypotheses: Two hypotheses are formulated: one on the lexical structuring of the SHAME domain, the other on cross-cultural divergences. Firstly, it is expected that a continuum will emerge from ‘embarrassment’, through ‘humiliation’ and ‘shame’, to ‘guilt’ relative to the gravity of the cause and its temporal frame. Secondly, indi-vidualism and collectivism [3] are hypothesized to affect the conceptualization of SHAME. Two descriptive dimensions, i.e., audience and emotion type, are predicted to be particularly informative here. Method, data & analysis: The study employs a usage-based methodology: usage-feature analysis [4]. This method permits the identification of frequency-based usage-patterns of the investigated lexemes, affording indirect access to concep-tual and cultural tendencies in emotion representation. Equal numbers of the most frequent lexical instantiations per category/language were extracted from online diaries. 1000 observations were manually analyzed for usage characteris-tics, including cause of the emotion, temporal scope of the cause, emotion type, audience, emotion status, and intentionality. The data were then modelled with exploratory (correspondence analysis) and confirmatory (logistic regression ana-lysis) techniques. Results: Among the revealed patterns of use is the approximation between Polish ‘shame’ and ‘embarrassment’ relative to the interactive situation, and of the Bri-tish and American English ‘shame’ and ‘guilt’ relative to morally-grounded causes. Overall, the study demonstrates that the culturally-sensitive usage-tendencies of lexemes designating emotion concepts can be identified through a multivariate corpus-driven profiling methodology.


411

Metaphorical profiles of ANGER nouns in three languages: Converging evidence with cross-cultural emotion psychology

Anna Ogarkova, Cristina SorianoUniversity of Geneva

While studies on the metaphoric representation of emotion concepts continue to proliferate in Cognitive Linguistics, the question of their broader impact and in-terdisciplinary value remains largely unaddressed. One of the problematic issues here is that neither the more introspective (e.g. [1]), nor the more data-driven (e.g. [2]) emotion metaphor research systematically relates the findings to those from (cross-cultural) emotion psychology. The present study aims to bridge this gap by investigating whether the outcomes of one of the recent profiling methodologies, the metaphorical profile approach (MPA) [3], cohere with the characteristics of anger reported in emotion psycho-logy. The MPA is a corpus-based method in which a concept (e.g., ANGER) is cha-racterized on the basis of the metaphorical patterns (regular lexico-grammatical constructions) entertained by the lexemes naming that emotion (e.g., ‘anger’, ‘fury’). Variance across lexemes in the distribution of metaphorical patterns is assumed to reflect differences across emotion types in the various emotional as-pects captured by the metaphors.The analysis unfolds in three steps. First, from 20’000 occurrences of anger lexe-mes in the British National Corpus, Corpus del Español, and the Russian National Corpus we establish the metaphorical profiles of 20 anger lexemes in English, Russian, and Spanish. Second, based on previous research in emotion psychology, five hypotheses are formulated, some tapping into allegedly universal features in the internal organization of the anger category, others predicting cross-cultural differences in regulation, somatization, and the degree of prototypicality of see-mingly equivalent anger concepts. Finally, these predictions are tested against the metaphor data. The results of several statistical analyses (distribution statistics, clustering, and multidimensional scaling) support most of the formulated hypotheses and sug-gest a high degree of convergence between the findings in the two disciplines.


412

Emotions in motion. Towards a corpus-based methodology for describing the evolution of emotion conceptualisation over time

Ulrike OsterUniversitat Jaume I

This paper proposes the semantic and pragmatic profiling of emotion concepts combining fundamental notions from cognitive semantics, like conceptual meta-phor and metonymy, with a corpus-based methodology employing key corpus-lin-guistic notions like semantic preference and semantic prosody [1]. The approach provides quantitative data on figurative conceptualisations, as well as insight on conceptual proximity (i.e. the relative position of the emotion word in the concep-tual domain and with respect to other emotion concepts), syntagmatic relations (with information on prototypical causes, consequences or experiencers of the emotion) and the way the emotion is described and evaluated.So far the studies within this approach have provided synchronic descriptions of emotion concepts, but cognitive semantics recognises the intrinsic historicity of language [2] and thus the evolution of grammatical structures and concept configurations. This has been shown for metaphor and metonymy [3,4] and first attempts have been made to analyse the evolution of emotion concepts over time [5-7]. This paper aims to outline some of the challenges and possibilities of extending our profiling approach to a diachronic view on emotions and their evolution; to present first results achieved with existing freely accessible corpora, to propose ways to overcome some of the shortcomings of these corpora for this purpose; and to explore ways in which the quantitatively oriented corpus-based approach can tie in with the qualitative methods of neighbouring fields such as the history of concepts or the Discourse Historic Approach.


413

Symposium S6.5In Defense of William James

ConvenerJenefer Robinson

University of Cincinnati

What is an emotion? Emotion is a ‘feeling of bodily changes’ writes William James in a now famous ar-ticle in Mind (1884). ‘My theory is that the bodily changes follow directly the perception of the exciting fact, and that our feeling of the same changes as they occur IS the emotion.’ James’s theory has probably provoked more critical response than any other view in the history of psy-chology. Subsequent writers have criticized him for reducing the emotion to a physiological process, thereby ignoring the crucial role of evaluative judgment and making the object of emotion disappear. In the heyday of cognitivism, psychologists declared themselves outright anti-Jamesians; psychologi-cal textbooks referred to his theory as an outdated approach that had been refuted by the results of experimental research. Two decades ago however, things started to change considerably. Phoebe Ellsworth published her influential essay defending James from those who intentionally or unintentionally misconstrued him (Ellsworth 1994). The neuroscientist Antonio Damasio developed a Jamesian view of emotion and feeling (e.g. in Damasio 1994). Neo-Jamesian philosophers, such as Jesse Prinz (2004) and Jenefer Robinson (2005), defended updated versions of James’s view. More than a century after his death, James’s theory seemed to be undergoing a revival. But the controversy is not over yet; the revival has spurred a new wave of attacks, not only against the neo-Jamesian view of emotion (see e.g. Jones 2006) but also against James himself, as he gets viewed through the lens of neo-Jamesians. For example, in a recent paper John Deigh has argued that for James emotions are not motives for action but merely states of bodily arousal. He concludes that the prospects for reviving James’s theory are dim, and that the theory cannot be sustained (Deigh 2014; see also Deonna & Scherer 2010, Deonna & Teroni 2012, Reisenzein & Stephan 2014). In short, James’s view of emotions continues to be both hot and controversial. In this panel we will join the new discussion, assess whether the neo-Jamesians are as Jamesian as they claim, and whether the critiques of the neo-Jamesians carry over to James himself. In particu-lar, we will examine the dynamics of the emotional process: what initiates an emotional episode in James’s view – the “perception of the exciting fact” that starts an emotion - and how feelings of bodily changes relate to behavior and action. We will defend James as still today more up to date and stimulating than other classical theorists of emotion. Speaker 1 will discuss both issues mentioned above. She will examine what James meant by «the perception of the exciting fact» from which bodily changes follow, arguing that this phrase suggests 1) that James believed that cognitive processes were as important as physiological ones in emotion; 2) that the variety of emotions is as great as the variety of exciting facts. She also argues that James’s view is compatible with the idea of emotion as a motivating force. Speaker 2 will discuss some criticisms of Jesse Prinz’s Neo-Jamesian account and argue that James himself does not hold the views that get criticized. She also proposes an interpretation of James’s “perception of the exciting fact” as a perception of Gibsonian affordances. She suggests that if we think of emotions in this way we have a better chance of explaining the connection between emo-tions and how they motivate actions. Speaker 3 will elaborate on James’s remark that the body in emotion can be “acutely and obscurely felt” to argue that in order for an emotion to involve bodily feelings, the body need not be an intentio-nal object of awareness, but can also be that through which the world is experienced in a certain way. She will introduce the related notions of background bodily feelings and pre-reflective bodily self-awa-reness, and reflect on how these notions relate to James’s account of the emotions. Finally, Speaker 4 will examine the claim that there are actually not just one, but two theories to be found in James’ writings on emotion (Averill 1992; e.g. Reisenzein & Stephan 2014) - an early phy-siological theory that sees emotions as arousals, and a later one that implies some agreement with appraisal theory. She will defend the unity of James’s thought, and show how an interpretation of Jamesian feelings in terms of experiences of ‘action readiness’ (Frijda 1986, 2007) will allow us to close the gap between the two seemingly incompatible versions of James’s theory.


414

James’s Innumerable Gradations

Phoebe EllsworthUniversity of Michigan

What did James mean by «the perception of the exciting fact» from which bodily changes follow? I will argue that this phrase suggests that 1) James believed that cognitive processes were as important as physiological ones in emotion and 2) that the variety of emotions is as great as the variety of exciting facts. Because motives and behaviors are also probabilistic, without fixed boundaries, James’s view of emotion is compatible with the idea of emotion as a motivating force. Just as there are very few stimuli that invariably elicit the same emotion in all humans, so there are very few emotional states that invariably elicit specific behaviors.


415

Emotions as Perceptions of Affordances

Jenefer RobinsonUniversity of Cincinnati

The leading Neo-Jamesian, Jesse Prinz, has been accused of ignoring the “theore-tical divide between initiation pathways and emotional response” (Salmela 2011), of failing to “connect the evaluative property [e.g. dangerous or offensive] and the perceived object” [the dangerous or offensive item] (Deonna and Teroni 2012), and of wrongly claiming that cognition is never a part of emotion but only a cau-sal factor (Jones 2006). I will argue that James himself does not hold the views that get criticized, and that James in fact differs from Prinz in some important respects. For James an emotion is a causal process beginning in the perception of the exciting fact and typically ending in action. Like Speaker 1, I will discuss both “the perception of the exciting fact” and the link between emotion and action, but I have a different view of the perception that initiates an emotion episode. I sug-gest that we should take James literally when he says that a perception initiated an emotion episode, but that the relevant type of perception is best construed as a perception of Gibsonian affordances, the terrifying, the caressable and so on. I argue that if we think of emotions in this way we may have a better chance of explaining the connection between emotions and how they motivate actions.


416

Background bodily feelings in emotion experience

Giovanna ColombettiUniversity of Exeter

Critics of James sometimes remark that not all emotion experiences involve bo-dily feelings. Goldie (2000: 52) for instance noted that “it surely seems correct to say that there are certain sorts of emotion which might have associated feelings, but which do not have associated bodily feelings”. In my talk I shall not defend the view that bodily feelings are necessary for emotion experience. Rather, I will argue that for a feeling to be a bodily feeling, it need not be about the body (namely, it need not take the body as an intentional object—as when one notices one’s trembling legs or one’s tight shoulders); the body can also enter awareness as that through which one experiences something else. If this is correct, it becomes pos-sible to claim that even when an emotion experience is about the world, it is still a bodily experience. Drawing on the phenomenological notion of pre-reflective bodily self-awareness, I shall advance the notion of background bodily feelings to refer to bodily feelings that are not in the foreground of awareness as feelings of the body, but that nevertheless determine the quality of emotion experience. Fi-nally I will reflect on how these background phenomena relate to James’s account of emotions.


417

Did James defend two theories of emotion?

Heleen PottErasmus University Rotterdam

Some theorists (e.g. Averill 1992) have suggested that James defends not one but two theories of emotion: a ‘tough minded’ empiricist theory in his early psychological writings and a more ‘tender minded’ cognitive one in his later work. The first theory sees emotions as states of arousal and fits what James called the ‘coarser’ responses; however, it fails to account for the object directedness, the cognitive dimension, and the motivational role of most emotions (Solomon 2003; Deonna & Scherer 2010; Deonna & Teroni 2012; Deigh 2014). The second theory can be interpreted as implying agreement with appraisal views of emo-tion. Obviously the two theories can’t both be right; therefore, James’s writings on emotion are inconsistent. (Reisenzein & Stephan 2014) Is there a way out for James? I argue that there is. If we interpret his psycho-logical writings as anticipating the pragmatism of his later work, particularly the view that consciousness is a practical tool for dealing with the world, we may end up with an original account of Jamesian feelings as experiences of ‘action readiness’ (Frijda 1986, 2007), and a relational model of emotion that is consistent with both the causal and the cognitive version of James’s theory.


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Symposium S6.6 Gender Beyond Difference: Gender Constructs Emotion,

Emotion Constructs Gender

ConvenersStephanie Shields, Heather MacArthur

The Pennsylvania State University, USA

Emotion researchers increasingly emphasize the interpersonal nature of emotion (e.g., Van Kleef, 2009), the idea that emotion is not a self-contained, private experiential event, but emerges from inte-raction (or imagined interaction) with others. This perspective is useful for gender-emotion research in that it helps to move the field beyond focus on cataloging differences/similarities to a consideration of why gender matters at all in the experience, perception, or performance of emotion. Most of the work on gender and emotion has been conducted as a search for differences and similarities in emotion between women and men, which both limits the type of research questions about gender that are asked, and influences how people think about gender (e.g., Shields, 2013).The purpose of the proposed symposium is to examine when, why, and how gender matters in beliefs about and perceptions of one’s own and others’ emotion. The first paper, “Too Much Emotion: Gender, Group Membership and Perception of Emotional Appro-priateness,” demonstrates that gender, as well as ingroup/outgroup status, matters in perceptions of others’ emotional appropriateness. Results of an experimental study in which female and male targets’ in-group/outgroup status was manipulated revealed that judgments of appropriate emotio-nal display shift depending on whose emotion is being perceived. As predicted, emotion of outgroup members was seen as less appropriate than that of ingroup members,’ and, furthermore, this effect was exaggerated for female outgroup members. The significance of group membership is developed further in “How Culture and Gender Affect the Perception of Tears.” Across three experimental studies, the authors found that presence of tears on photos of faces yielded higher ratings of perceived sadness for male targets than for female targets. Importantly, the ethnicity of the target moderated the effects of gender, such that gender mattered more for ingroup targets than outgroup targets. This work raises the question of how the intensity of ingroup men’s emotion is interpreted.Although “powerful” emotions are stereotypically associated with men, “Doing Emotion the “Manly” Way: When Does Emotional Expressivity Signal Masculinity?” suggests that men’s masculine legiti-macy can actually benefit from exhibiting “weak” emotion. Results of Study 1 indicated that targets were downgraded for their emotion only when they represented a subordinate (e.g., feminized) form of masculinity. Study 2 showed that a male protagonist described as feeling and expressing moral emotion was viewed as more masculine than male protagonists who did not. Taken together, these results suggest that supposedly counter-stereotypical displays of emotion can be indicative of mascu-linity in some contexts.“Communicating and Sharing Emotions on Facebook: A Study with Adolescents” summarizes results of a survey study of adolescent expression of emotion via social media (Facebook), focusing on how emotional self-presentation is used in the performance of a gendered self. Results show that Face-book does not displace in-person interactions, but offers an alternate space for sharing emotions that adolescents are more guarded about sharing in person. As with other aspects of adolescent social development, Facebook is an arena for practicing significant aspects of the gendered social self. Fur-ther, it shows that the gendered emotion practice is nuanced and not representative of the overblown stereotypes as characterized by the gender differences approach. “Boying the Boy and Girling the Girl: Affective Interpellation and the Heterosexualisation of Emotion” develops the theme of the gendered self through presenting a theoretical account of the how beliefs about gender and beliefs about emotion mutually influence the experience and performance of each. Drawing on contributions to the social media blog site, Genderfork, the author demonstrates how gender is affectively re-interpreted and performed by individuals who see themselves as beyond the conventional female-male gender binary. Unconfined to binaries, the blog reveals how gender is an affective process that is constantly imagined, embodied, re-imagined and re-embodied.Our symposium significantly contributes to the study of gender and emotion: it critiques the limits of cataloguing difference and encourages innovative ways to frame meaningful research questions concerned with when, how, and why emotion and gender are linked in evaluation of own and others’ emotion.


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Too Much Emotion: Gender, Group Membership and Perception of Emotional Appropriateness

Marianne LaFrance, Jacqueline SmithYale University, USA

Expressions of emotion are everyday occurrences but so too are judgments by others about whether any particular emotional reaction is regarded as appro-priate given who the target is and the nature of the context where the emotion occurred (Ekman et al., 1987; Mayer, 2009). As to the target, whether he or she is categorized as an in-group or out-group member profoundly influences how that person is perceived and evaluated by others (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2010). For example, people less accurately perceive the emotions of out-group compared to in-group members (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002) and believe that out-group mem-bers are less capable of expressing uniquely human emotions (Leyens, Demoulin, Vaes, Gaunt, & Paladino, 2007). In the present research, participants read scenarios in which male and female members of minimal groups or existing political groups expressed high intensity anger or happiness in a workplace context. The question concerned the degree to which the reaction was judged to be appropriate. Results showed that emotional reactions were perceived to be less appropriate if displayed by out-group com-pared to in-group members and especially if the out-group member was female.The results extend existing research in three overlapping areas: gender-based ste-reotypes about emotionality, the role of emotion in intergroup contexts, and shif-ting judgments of appropriate emotional display.


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How Culture and Gender Affect the Perception of Tears

Eric Vanman, Leah, Sharman, Jenna ScamblerUniversity of Queensland Australia

We know that cultural norms influence the extent to which men and women dis-play tears when crying, but do such norms also affect whether we perceive tears differently by gender? Across three experiments participants viewed still photos of crying men and women who displayed visible tears or not. In Experiment 1, par-ticipants viewed the photos and made ratings of genuineness and sadness. In Ex-periment 2, participants viewed the photos in a backwards masking task for either 50 or 100 msec and rated them again for sadness. In Experiment 3 we also exami-ned the ethnicity (i.e., Caucasian or Asian) of both the participant and the target to investigate the role of culture and group bias in perceived gender differences in crying. Analyses revealed across all three experiments that the presence of tears yielded greater effects on perceived sadness for male targets than for female tar-gets, regardless of the participant’s gender and ethnicity. In addition, the ethnicity of the target moderated the effects of gender, such that gender mattered more for ingroup targets than outgroup targets. We will discuss how these findings can be considered in the context of gender roles and emotion.


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Doing Emotion the “Manly” Way: When Does Emotional Expressivity Signal Masculinity?

Stephanie Shields, Heather MacArthur, Jonathan GallegosThe Pennsylvania State University, USA

The study of masculinity has grown substantially in recent years and a core as-sumption of major theories of masculinity is that men must distance themselves from all that is considered feminine to successfully assert a masculine image to themselves and to others (e.g., Pleck, 1995). So-called weak emotions are seen as particularly antithetical to masculinity (Wong & Rochlen, 2005). In this paper we report the results of two studies that challenge the view that caring or “weak” emotions are incompatible with masculinity, and propose that such emotions can actually be consistent with masculinity when expressed in the “right” (masculine) way and by the right (masculine) individual. In the first study participants read scenarios that described either a woman or man in a female-majority occupation (nursing) or male-majority occupation (firefighting) tear-up in response to working with an injured child. The question concerned whether per-ceived masculinity of the occupation (and by extension, target) would influence ratings of emotional appropriateness. In the second study participants read scenarios that described a high status male experience and/or express a moral emotion or neither express/experience in response to a community tragedy. The question concerned how appropriate and how masculine he was perceived to be. Results from Study 1 indicated that targets were downgraded for their emotion only when they represented a subordinate (e.g., feminized) form of masculinity (male nurses); firefighters were not viewed as less appropriate as a result of their crying. Further, the second study showed that the protagonist described as feeling and expressing moral emotion was viewed as the most masculine. Taken together, these results suggest that supposedly counter-stereotypical displays of emotion are not, in fact, inconsistent with masculinity, but rather depend on the identity of the target and how the emotion is displayed.Results have implications for (1) understanding how performance of emotion is linked to perceptions of gender-appropriate behavior, (2) theories of masculinity, and morality as a defining element of masculinity, and, (3) the study of moral emo-tions.


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Communicating and sharing emotions on Facebook. A study with adolescents

Vanda Zammuner, Alice BandinoUniversity of Padova

The study focused on adolescents’ use of Facebook (FB), especially with respect to whether and how they communicate and share their emotions on FB. About 1350 adolescents (14 to 21 yrs), from Sardinia, Italy, took part in the study. Adolescents answered a survey that included many specific questions on FB usage, as well as judged 5 reak FB posts of people sharing an event and their thoughts and emo-tions on it. They also filled a loneliness scale that was employed as a well-being criterion.The main results are that adolescents generally speaking use FB on daily on ave-rage, but they see their friends too, and there is no relation between using FB and loneliness level. In general, adolescents do not share much their emotions, espe-cially not the negative ones, and believe that one must be careful with whom you share things. In general the adolescents have not shared with anyone either an emotionally positive or a negative event. Girls have somewhat fewer friends and fewer FB accounts than boys, but report using FB more often than boys to express their emotions, especially sadness, through sharing and commenting on them by posting links that express them. The sample is generally ‘healthy’, with girls repor-ting less loneliness than boys (both socially and emotionally, and UCLA measure. In sum, the study shows that the tested Italian adolescents use FB ‘cum grano salis’. That is, they do not use FB because they lack friends, but - especially if feeling lonely - do tend to use FB to express their emotions ( joy especially), and be conso-led when down (much as they use FB for many other purposes, such as keeping updated on politics and sports, sharing videos and music, keeping in contact with people who are away, etc.). Gender is an important variable in differentiating FB usage in many respects, overall indicating that adolescents follow at least to some extent emotionally gender-congruent implicit norms.


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‘Boying’ the Boy and ‘Girling’ the Girl’: - Affective Interpellation and The Heterosexualisation of Emotion

Lyndsey MoonUniversity of Warwick, University of Roehampton

I propose that in the ‘boying’ of the ‘boy’ and the ‘girling’ of the ‘girl’ (Butler 1990) an affective subjectivity is implicated and conferred onto the body at the point of naming gender. I suggest that the citation and re-citation of emotion words and meanings assigned to sentient bodies is conducted in such a way that once inter-pellated as either ‘boy’ or ‘girl’ they are expected to convey, communicate, relate and/or display named emotions that reflect socialisation as ‘gender normals’ (Gar-finkel 1967). In an on-going reflexive process, emotions are configured through thoughts (conversation, self-talk, imagination) aligning certain ‘feelings’ to hete-rosexualised gender meanings, while gender is represented by the interior and exterior output of these configurations and emotions remain heterosexualised. Attempts to resist or remove these citations expose how the materiality of gender depends upon the constant hailing of certain emotions to ensure bodies remain uncontestably cis-gendered and heterosexual. (Cisgender refers to individuals whose assigned gender, personal identity, and bodies match.)This perspective suggests that knowledge of gender and its relationship to emotion is understood and made recognisable in order to explain the body, while the ‘being’ of gender has been ontologized into the binary system presently taken for granted by using epistemic logic that reflects hegemonic social and cultural meanings. In effect, bodies are framed according to feeling based meanings and these meanings are gendered according to social systems and cultural codes. Gender is embedded in feeling led meanings, and if the meaning for feelings change, then meanings for gender change. Using quotes from those who are part of a non-binary gendered community over a period of 6 months (2014) on the social media blog site, Genderfork, I analyse the way gender is being re-interpreted and performed and how feeling-led inter-pretations form ‘liminal genders’ where there is the space to rearticulate bodies and feelings and re-cite their shifting interiority. Unconfined to binaries, the blog reveals how gender is an affective process that is constantly imagined, embodied, re-imagined and re-embodied.


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O3.1 When Emotion Changes: A Dynamic Approach to the Cultural Differences in the Perception of Facial Expressions

Xia Fang, Gerben Van Kleef, Disa SauterUniversity of Amsterdam

A dynamic display of emotional change was adopted to investigate the cultural differences in the perception of facial expressions. Since facial expressions in real life are highly dynamic rather than static, our perception of others’ emotions is always in a continuous display and inevitably influenced by the preceding emo-tions. This influence may distort perception of the target emotion contrasted to the anchor emotion (contrast effects) or assimilated to the anchor emotion (assi-milation effects). Which effects occur is determined by many factors, and one of them is the similarity between target and anchor. We predicted that assimilation effects occur in morphologically and perceptually similar emotional change (e.g., anger-disgust) while contrast effects occur in morphologically and perceptually different emotional changes (e.g., anger-fear). The effects may also vary between different cultures, since individuals from collectivistic cultures (e.g., Eastern Asia) focus more on the contextual information than ones from individualistic cultures (e.g., Western Europe) and Easterners experience more dialectical emotions than Westerners, we predicted Easterners would perceive the target emotion more mixed (assimilated to the anchor emotion) while Westerners would perceive the target emotion more specific (contrasted to the anchor emotion). In Experiment 1, anger, disgust and fear were chosen as the emotional stimuli and six emotion morphs were created. Participants were required to evaluate the intensity of the last facial expression shown on the morph on three scales (anger, disgust and fear). Consistent with our hypothesis, the target emotion was perceived assimi-lated to the anchor emotion in similar emotion morphs (i.e., anger-disgust) while the target emotion was perceived contrasted to the anchor emotion in different emotion morphs (i.e., anger-fear and disgust-fear), and Easterners perceived emo-tions more mixed while Westerners perceived emotions more specific. In order to test the robustness of this result in different emotions, anger, fear and surprise were used in Experiment 2, with fear-surprise as similar emotion morphs and anger-fear and anger-surprise as different emotion morphs, and the same result was also found. The current research extended previous research on emotional changes between neutral to an emotional state (e.g., neutral-anger) to emotional changes between two emotional states (e.g., anger-disgust), and implied whether assimilation or contrast effects occur in perceiving dynamic emotions is modu-lated by anchor-target emotion similarity and cultural background of perceivers.


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O3.1 Construal Level influences Emotional Face Recognition

Martina KaufmannUniversity of Trier

Research shows that emotion recognition accuracy varies from individual to indi-vidual and even sometimes within the same individual. In an attempt to explain such variability, this research investigated the role of categorisation processes and mental construal level in accurate emotion recognition. Results of three stu-dies show that the activation of high-level construals resulted in better perfor-mance on emotion recognition tasks than the activation of low-level construals. Participants who generated superordinate categories in an ostensibly unrelated task (high-level construal condition), compared with those who had to find su-bordinate exemplars for the same objects (low-level construal condition, based on Fujita, Trope, Liberman, & Levin-Sagi, 2006), subsequently were better at reco-gnising emotions from facial configurations even when presented with the part around the eye region only (i.e. “Reading the Mind in the Eyes” test, Baron-Cohen, Wheelwright, Hill, Raste & Plumb, 2001: Study 1), when no emotion words were pre-given (i.e. Eyes-test with open response format: Study 2) and when emotion words were not explicitly necessary for performing the task (i.e. reaction time when primed with emotional face cues, based on Gendron, Lindquist, Barsalou, & Barrett, 2012: Study 3). By showing a positive link between high-level construal level and emotion recognition accuracy this research provides further evidence for constructionist view of emotion.


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O3.1 Effects of Intranasal Oxytocin on Facial Mimicry

Sebastian Korb1, Jennifer Malsert2, Didier Grandjean2, Lane Strathearn3, Patrik Vuilleumier2, Paula Niedenthal4

International School for Advanced Studies (SISSA)1, University of Geneva2 Baylor College of Medicine3, University of Wisconsin4

There has been a recent surge in the study of the effects of oxytocin (OT) in the brain in relation to social cognition. Among other things, intranasal administration of OT was shown to improve the recognition of emotional facial expressions, and to increase gazing to the eye regions. Of clinical relevance, individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) avoid eye contact, have impaired emotion recognition, and are generally impaired in aspects of social cognition. Similarly, spontaneous facial mimicry (FM), i.e. the automatic imitation of perceived facial expressions, is also thought to underlie facial emotion recognition in healthy individuals, and to be deficient in people with ASD. To test the hypothesis that relatively increased levels of brain OT lead to greater FM, 60 healthy male participants were given in a double-blind between-subjects design 24 international units (IUs) of nasal spray containing either OT or placebo (PLA). FM and emotion judgments were recorded in response to movie clips depicting changing facial expressions. As expected, FM of angry faces was significantly increased in the OT group. No effects were found for FM of happy face stimuli. The results provide further evidence of the importance of OT for social cognition skills, and suggest that FM could mediate the effects of OT on improved emotion recognition.


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O3.1 The Importance of Low Spatial Frequency Information for Emotional Processing

Martial Mermillod, Brice Beffara, Amélie BretUniversité de Grenoble

At a perceptual level, the magnocellular layers at the level of the lateral genicu-late nucleus act as a high-pass temporal frequency filter and a low-pass spatial frequency filter, whereas the parvocellular layers correspond to a low-pass tempo-ral filter but process high spatial frequency information. The question at a func-tional level is to determine why the human cognitive system has a preferential access to low (and not high) spatial frequencies. The response could lie at the level of emotional processes. Across different behavioral (Mermillod, Droit-Volet, Devaux, Schaefer, & Vermeulen, 2010), neurocomputational results (Mermillod, Vuilleumier, Peyrin, Alleysson, & Marendaz, 2009; Mermillod, Bonin, Mondillon, Alleysson, & Vermeulen, 2010) and psychopathological results (Mermillod et al., 2013; Mermillod et al., 2014) we have shown that low spatial frequency informa-tion is (i) more useful for recognition of emotional facial expression at a computa-tional level but also (ii) preferentially involved during fear conditioning compared to high spatial frequency information.


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O3.1 Angry Soldiers, Fearless Doctors: The Influence of Outfits on the Perceived Emotion

Christian Mumenthaler, David SanderUniversity of Geneva

The study of isolated emotional faces dominated emotion perception research since the second half of the 20th century (Barrett, Mesquita, & Gendron, 2011). In recent decades, numerous lines of research have shown that congruent contex-tual information that is physically presented along with the face facilitates the recognition of emotional facial expressions, while incongruent information inter-feres with it. Based on the premise that emotional facial expressions are seen as indicators of the ongoing cognitive appraisal process (de Melo, Carnevale, Read & Gratch, 2014), we hypothesize that face-context integration process relies on the congruency between the appraisal outcomes supposed by the emotional facial expression and the contextual information. Therefore, in this study, we investi-gated how contextual information reflecting a high ability to deal with a situa-tion influences the recognition of emotional facial expressions that share similar physical features but suppose different coping potential. Participants were asked to judge facial expression blends of anger and disgust, and of fear and surprise. These faces were combined with four body outfits, two representing a profession with high coping potential (a grey swiss military uniform and a white doctor coat), and two outfits that serve as control conditions (a grey and white t-shirt). Results of Experiment 1 revealed that facial expression blends of fear and surprise were perceived as expressing less fear (which suppose a low coping potential) when they were combined with a military uniform or a doctor coat than with a grey or white t-shirt. However, facial expression blends of anger and disgust were only perceived as expressing more anger (which suppose a high coping poten-tial) when they were combined with the military uniform. We replicated these effects in Experiment 2, where facial expression blends of fear and surprise were less often categorized as expressing fear when they were combined with the two outfits representing a high coping potential. Moreover, facial expression blends of anger and disgust were more often and more rapidly categorized as expressing anger when they were combined with the military uniform than with the control condition. Our findings suggest for the first time that the face-context integra-tion process relies on the detection of appraisal dimensions.


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O3.2 Local and distant amygdalo-orbitofrontal cortex cross-frequency coupling during emotion perception

Andy Christen1, Avgusta Shestyuk2, Lucas Tamarit1, Margitta Seeck3 Robert T. Knight2, Didier Grandjean1

University of Geneva - Geneva1, University of California - Berkeley2 Hôpitaux Universitaires Genevois - Geneva3

The amygdala and orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) are strongly involved in the proces-sing of motivationally significant signals conveying socially threatening informa-tion critical to flexible behavioral adjustment. To investigate the mechanisms of information integration and functional interactions between the amygdala and OFC, we recorded electrical signals from eight patients implanted with intracranial subdural electrodes in the right and/or left amygdala and OFC regions, while they were presented with angry and neutral facial or vocal expressions. We tested the degree of functional coupling through a measure of low-frequency phase-locking synchronization, physiologically well suited to account for distant neural inputs and outputs exchanges. In addition, we used phase-amplitude coupling to assess the extent to which amygdala and OFC high-frequency activities were organized as a function of slower phase rhythms. We observed that low frequency phase-locking was enhanced between the amygdala and the medial OFC in response to both facial and vocal anger as compared to neutral expressions. Furthermore, the degree of phase coupling in response to angry facial expressions predicted faster behavioral responses in the emotion categorization task. Moreover, local phase-amplitude coupling was enhanced in the medial OFC during explicit recognition of angry facial expressions. The results show that cross-frequency coupling me-chanisms within the amygdalo-medial OFC network supports distinct facets of anger processing in humans.


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O3.2 Gujarati-English bilinguals’ responses to aurally presented emotional words

Tiina M. Eilola, Jelena HavelkaQueen Mary University of London, University of Leeds

Current evidence on the processing of emotional words in bilingual speakers’ first (L1) and second (L2) language suggests that early bilinguals and highly proficient speakers of L2 respond equally strongly to the emotional words in their L1 and L2 (e.g., Ferré et al., 2010). However, this evidence is based on studies using writ-ten words as stimuli. Given that spoken words may lead to stronger emotional responses that written words, the aim of the present study was to investigate the processing of emotional words in early, highly proficient bilinguals using a Stroop-like task where the words were presented aurally. The experiment was conducted with Gujarati-English bilinguals how had started learning both of their two languages early in life and reported speaking them with a high level of proficiency. They were presented with L1 (Gujarati) and L2 (English) positive, nega-tive and neutral words, which were spoken either in a male or a female voice. The participants were instructed to identify whether the words were pronounced in a male or female voice as quickly and accurately as possible while ignoring the mea-nings of the words. The responses were given manually by pressing one of two keys. After the experiment participants were also asked to complete a language history questionnaire and to rate the word stimuli in respect to their perceived familiarity and personal relevance. The results showed significantly slower RTs in response to positive and negative words when compared to neutral words in both L1 and L2, but the interference effect to negative words was found to be reduced in the bilinguals’ L1 (Gujarati) when compared to L2 (English). Furthermore, the word ratings showed that the participants perceived L2 words overall as more familiar and personally relevant than L1 words, but these differences were not specific to negative words. The key novel contribution of the study was to provide evidence of reduced emotional impact of early bilinguals’ L1 when the speakers live in the L2 environment. The language history data and ratings of the stimuli suggest that the effect observed was due to L2 dominance leading to stronger emotionality effects in that language.


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O3.2 The macro- and micro-neural network underlying the decoding of affective voices

Sascha Fruehholz, Didier GrandjeanCISA, University of Geneva

Vocally expressed emotions are a rich source from which listeners can infer the emotional state of the speaker. The human brain incorporates a distributed and specialized network of cortical and subcortical regions to decode the emotional information conveyed by the affective tone of a voice. Cortical regions mainly comprise the superior temporal and the inferior frontal cortex serving audi-tory processing and categorization of emotional vocalizations, while subcortical regions mainly involve limbic brain regions and the basal ganglia serving the emotional and temporal decoding of affective vocalizations. Though some of the functional roles of these brain region have been already described on a general level, recent high-resolution (f)MRI scanning approaches revealed that besides a macro-network of these cortical and subcortical regions, their seem to be intrare-gional micro-networks of subregions within each of these target regions. Rather than a general functional role, these intra-regional subregions obviously serve different and specific functional roles for the decoding of affective voices. In this talk I will outline the intraregional architecture and functions of subregions in the superior temporal cortex, the inferior frontal cortex, the amygdala and the basal ganglia, which underlie the processing of vocal emotions. Furthermore, based on the micro-structural architecture I will outline the macro-structural network of these cortical and subcortical brain regions, which shows a critical dependency on stimulus- and task-specific factors.


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O3.2 Structural and Functional Connectivity of the Subthalamic Nucleus During Vocal Emotion Decoding

Julie Péron, Sascha Frühholz, Leonardo Ceravolo, Didier GrandjeanUniversity of Geneva

Our understanding of the role played by the subthalamic nucleus (STN) in human emotion has recently advanced with STN deep brain stimulation, a neurosurgical treatment for Parkinson’s disease and obsessive-compulsive disorder. However, the potential presence of several confounds related to pathological models raises the question of how much they affect the relevance of observations regarding the physiological function of the STN itself. This underscores the crucial impor-tance of obtaining evidence from healthy participants. In this study, we tested the structural and functional connectivity between the STN and other brain re-gions related to vocal emotion in a healthy population by combining diffusion tensor imaging and psychophysiological interaction analysis from a high-resolu-tion functional magnetic resonance imaging study. As expected, we showed that the STN is functionally connected to the structures involved in emotional prosody decoding, notably the orbitofrontal cortices (OFCs), inferior frontal gyri, auditory cortices, pallidum, and amygdala. These functional results were corroborated by probabilistic fiber tracking, which revealed that the left STN is structurally connec-ted to the amygdala and the OFC. These results confirm, in healthy participants, the role played by the STN in human emotion and its structural and functional connectivity with the brain network involved in vocal emotions.


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O3.2 Emotional vocalisations are recognised across cultures regardless of distractor valence

Disa Sauter, Frank Eisner, Paul Ekman, Sophie ScottUniversity of Amsterdam, Radboud University, Paul Ekman Group

University College London

The question of whether emotional expressions have universal meanings - and if so what these are - has been at the centre of heated debates for many decades. Re-cently the discussion has moved beyond facial expressions, with researchers also addressing other types of signals, such as vocalisations. In an earlier study, the au-thors demonstrated that nonverbal vocalisations such as laughs and grunts, com-municate emotional states across cultures. However, a recent paper questioned whether this conclusion was valid, proposing instead that only broad affective di-mensions such as valence, but not specific emotions, can be communicated across cultures via vocalisations. We present a re-analysis of our data, which allows for a direct test of whether nonverbal vocalisations communicate specific emotions or only valence across cultures. Specifically, we re-analysed the data from the Himba participants in our original study who had heard British vocalisations (n=29). All trials were re-coded in terms of the valence relationship of the distractor to the target (Same Valence or Different Valence). Participants’ performance was signi-ficantly above chance both when distractors were of the opposite valence to the target and when distractors were of the same valence as the target. These results confirm our original conclusion that nonverbal vocalisations communicate speci-fic emotions across cultures, extending our previous results by showing that this is the case also when distractor and target are of the same valence.


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O3.3 The intentionality of bodily feelings

Tom CochraneUniversity of Sheffield, UK

Bodily responses are often taken to be essential features of emotional states. Less clear is the role played by the feeling of these bodily responses. I will argue that while bodily feelings are not necessary for emotions, they do contribute distinc-tive intentional content to emotions when they occur.The additional intentional content provided by emotional bodily feelings is a pre-dictable consequence of the capacity for self-monitoring. Emotions involve a fairly complex causal process, and it is typical for us to be able to attend to the different aspects of our bodily processes, particularly as we learn more about how our bo-dies function. It also makes sense from an evolutionary point of view that we are endowed with the ability to monitor our bodily responses (as opposed to sheer bodily sensation). By giving us a sense of our bodily capacities or powers, such monitoring contributes to planning.For this reason we should not regard the intentional content provided by bodily feelings as merely a pattern of sensations but as providing representational infor-mation that is relevant to the status of the subject. I articulate the nature of this representation by appeal to a notion of ‘emotional space’ which is a sense of the general affordances offered by one’s body towards interactions with the world.


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O3.3 Emotions as Embodied Action-Oriented Representations

Rebekka HufendiekUniversity of Basel

Current philosophical theories tend to criticize not only cognitivist approaches to emotions but also theories that take emotions principally to be representations. Mainly among embodied and enactive approaches, there is a growing anti-re-presentationalist consensus (e.g., Hutto 2012, Colombetti 2014). Authors describe emotions as “embodied attitudes” (Teroni, Deonna 2012) or as “enacting meaning” (Colombetti 2014). Such embodied accounts are highly promising when it comes to explaining how emotions feel, how they motivate for action, and how they have evolved. Yet, in my talk I will argue that embodied accounts fail to acknowledge the many arguments that speak in favor of emotions being representations. Conceptualizing emotions as representations a) allows us to explain our talk of emotions as being adequate or inadequate, b) it helps us to explain how emo-tions relate to other mental states and c) it also facilitates an explanation of how emotions can be about complex states of affairs, such as, the violation of social rules and norms. I will argue that no current embodied or enactive account that denies the representational status of emotions can account for these features. On the other hand, assuming that emotions are representations does not necessarily imply an over-intellectualization of the emotions. I propose instead to conceive of emotions as embodied action-oriented representations. Such representations are simple non-conceptual representations, they are constituted by patterns of bodily reactions and directly guide our behavior.


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O3.3 A criterion for the fitting attitude analysis of affective values

Stephane LemaireUniversité de Rennes 1

According to fitting attitude analyses of values (see recently Scanlon, 1998), an object is, say, admirable if and only if admiration fits the object. These analyses of value face the wrong kind of reasons problem (Rabinowicz & RønnowχRasmussen, 2004) insofar as one may have an overriding reason to admire an object (a demon threatens to inflict us severe pain if we do not admire him) although the object (the deamon) is not admirable. All existing attempts to overcome the problem (except Kauppinen, 2014) have concluded from such cases that the relevant no-tion of fittingness must not encompass prudential and moral reasons (d’Arms & Jacobson, 2000). I disagree (Author, 2012). However, in defending that this notion must be understood in terms of prudential and moral reasons, I need to provide a criterion that sets apart the prudential and moral reasons that explain the notion of fittingness. My suggestion is that an emotion E fits an object O if and only if it is prudentially and morally better from the point of view of an entire life, to have a disposition to experience E in front of O. In other words, the set of the right kind of reason is not a subset of the reasons that are present in a given context but the larger set of reasons that may be rele-vant in all the encounters of O within a lifespan. However, this criterion is still inadequate in the context of a tyrany insofar as it may be preferable to admire the tyrant from a prudential or even moral point of view. To overcome this objection, I argue that the context in which emotional dispositions are assessed must be morally idealized and I explain how this should be done. I finally argue that this criterion concurs both with our intuition about our true sensibility as a sensibility unaffected by perverse contexts and with the regulating ideal of a State or social context that would allow us to live the best moral lifes possible.


437

O3.3 Are Sensory Pleasures Happiness-Constituting States?

Mauro RossiUniversite du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

In The Pursuit of Unhappiness (2008), Daniel Haybron has defended an emotio-nal state theory of happiness, according to which happiness consists in a broadly positive balance of (primarily) emotions and moods. One interesting aspect of Haybron’s theory is that it regards some pleasures – i.e. most notably, sensory pleasures – to be too shallow and superficial to be happiness-constituting states. In fact, according to Haybron, sensory pleasures can only be sources of happiness, but never constituents of it.The goal of my paper is to reconsider the role of sensory pleasures for happiness. More specifically, I shall offer two arguments to think that sensory pleasures are happiness-constituting states, alongside emotions and moods.The first, and more direct, argument consists in showing that sensory pleasures possess the relevant features for counting as constituents of happiness. According to Haybron, the essential characteristic of happiness-constituting states is that they dispose an individual to experience certain affects rather than others. In this paper, I argue that this is precisely how the most plausible contemporary accounts (including the conative account, e.g. Heathwood 2007; the psycho-functional ac-count, e.g. Aydede 2014; and the perceptualist account, e.g. Bain 2013) characterise sensory pleasures.The second, more indirect, argument consists in showing that sensory pleasures are sufficiently similar to emotions to be regarded as happiness-constituting states in the same way as emotions. In order to defend this position, I shall consi-der the five criteria used in philosophy and psychology for thinking that an affec-tive state counts as an emotion, identified by Deonna and Scherer (2010) and Cova and Deonna (2014), and argue that sensory pleasures satisfy all these criteria.


438

O3.3 Emotional experience, affect and the representation of Value

Daniel VanelloUniversity of Warwick

In her paper “Evaluative Phenomenology” (2014), Michelle Montague argues for an account of evaluative property ascription in emotional experience where self-awareness takes centre stage. Montague argues that in emotional experience we are intentionally aware both of the phenomenal character of the experience and of the object or state of affairs represented evaluatively. Montague then gives the following account of evaluative property ascription: during the emotional expe-rience of, for instance, sadness we are intentionally aware of both the disvalue inherent in the affective phenomenology characteristic of sadness and of the dis-value experienced as inherent in the object or state of affairs. We then notice the resemblance between the intentional contents of the two instances of awareness as both instantiating the disvalue “sad” and we consequently conclude that the close resemblance means that the object instantiates the disvalue “sadness”. In this paper I argue that Montague’s account distorts the evaluative phenomeno-logy of emotional experience due to its inability to account for one of its essential experiential aspects: disclosure. Disclosure refers to the non-inferential ascrip-tion of an evaluative property to an intentional object (see Scheler 1973; Goldie 2007). Montague’s account, by contrast, entails an inferential conception of eva-luative property ascription as the upshot of a comparison between the intentio-nal contents of the two instances of intentional awareness. Crucially, I argue that Montague is inevitably led to this impasse by her mistaken conception, adopted by other theories of emotion, of self-awareness (see Slaby and Stephan 2008). The sort of self-awareness in play in emotional experience should not be construed as an intentional about-ness directed towards one’s ongoing experience but rather as a non-reflective, phenomenal awareness of the intentional object (Sartre 2004). Thus I suggest that any account of emotional experience that fails to distinguish between these two sorts of self-awareness is phenomenologically deficient.


439

O3.4 The development of emotion recognition during childhood

Georgia Chronaki1, Julie Hadwin2, Matthew Garger2, Pierre Maurage3, Edmund Sonuga-Barke2

University of Manchester1, University of Southampton2 Catholic University of Louvain3

Sensitivity to facial and vocal emotion is fundamental to children’s social compe-tence. Previous research has focused on children’s facial emotion recognition, and few studies have investigated non-linguistic vocal emotion processing in child-hood. We compared facial and vocal emotion recognition and processing biases in 4- to 11-year-olds and adults. Eighty-eight 4- to 11-year-olds and 21 adults parti-cipated. Participants viewed/listened to faces and voices (angry, happy, and sad) at three intensity levels (50%, 75%, and 100%). Non-linguistic tones were used. For each modality, participants completed an emotion identification task. Accuracy and bias for each emotion and modality were comparedacross 4- to 5-, 6- to 9- and 10- to 11-year-olds and adults. The results showed that children’s emotion recognition improved with age; preschoolers were less accurate than other groups. Facial emotion recognition reached adult levels by 11 years, whereas vocal emotion recognition continued to develop in late childhood. Response bias decreased with age. For both modalities, sadness recognition was delayed across development relative to anger and happiness. The results demons-trate that developmental trajectories of emotion processing differ as a function of emotion type and stimulus modality. In addition, vocal emotion processing showed a more protracted developmental trajectory,compared to facial emotion processing. The results have important implications for programmes aiming to improve children’s socio-emotional competence.


440

O3.4 Emotion socialization at nursery school: An evidence-based research adopting a conversational approach

Ilaria Grazzani, Veronica Ornaghi, Alessia AgliatiUniversita di Milano-Bicocca

The present study was carried out into the theoretical background of the emotio-nal development and emotional socialization constructs (Denham, 1998). Recent years have seen the implementation of a range of training programs aimed at im-proving children’s socio-emotional skills (e.g., Izard, Trentacosta, King & Mostow, 2004). Nevertheless, few studies have been conducted with toddlers at nursery school. In this training study, we adopted observational and experimental para-digms to examine the efficacy of an intervention based on conversation about emotions in small group, from shared book-reading of emotionally laden brief sto-ries. The conversational approach (Siegal, 1999) gives children the opportunity to discuss, reflect on and reason about the themes introduced by the adult, helping them to develop verbal abilities and to access the viewpoints of others.The two-month innovative intervention for young children was designed to promote tod-dlers’ emotional talk, emotion understanding (EU) and prosocial behaviour. This study consisted of three phases: pre-test, intervention, and post-test for both the training and the control group.Participants were 110 children (68 girls; overall mean age at pre-test: 29 months), divided into two groups as a function of age, from seven nurseries located in a northern region of Italy. Before and after the intervention phase, on one hand pa-rents were asked to fill three instruments related to their children’s verbal and em-pathic competences, on the other hand toddlers were individually administered four tasks of emotion understanding and were videotaped during spontaneous interactions. A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) for repeated measures was run. Results showed that the training group significantly outperformed the control group on measures of knowledge and use of emotional-state language, EU competence and prosocial behaviour towards peers. There was also a signifi-cant group x age interaction, with the older training group participants displaying greater gains in EU than the younger ones. We discuss the theoretical and prac-tical implications of these findings in terms of emotion socialization activities in educational contexts.


441

O3.4 Who and What are Envied and Does it Change with Age?

Christine Harris, Nicole HennigerUniversity of California, San Diego

Envy has bred enough psychological pain to be listed among the “seven deadly sins” yet empirical exploration of envy has been relatively limited. Who do people envy, and about what? One hypothesis is that similar, close others who are su-perior in self-relevant domains elicit the most envy (e.g. Smith & Kim, 2007; Tes-ser, 1988), although other researchers have argued for envy being the product of comparisons with distant outgroup members (Fiske, Cuddy, & Glick 2007). Studies exploring these factors have generally been limited to college student samples or have not assessed different domains of envy. In the present studies, we inves-tigate experiences of envy in two large diverse adult samples (primarily from the US) exploring both the perspective of the envier and the perspective of the per-son envied. Study 1 (n = 987) examined reported experiences of feeling envy while Study 2 (n = 843) focused on situations in which participants had been (in their judgment) the target of someone else’s envy. Both views of envy confirmed that across the lifespan, people predominantly reported envying and being envied by same-gender and similarly-aged others, supporting the hypothesis that people envy those who are like them. We asked whether the preponderance of same-gender and age envy was likely due to people spending more time among others of the same gender and age, rather than directly due to similarity per se. The envy similarity effect seems only partially explained by greater exposure to similar others. Both studies found that the likelihood of envying certain domains shifted across the lifespan. Scholastic success, social success, looks, and romantic success were less envied with age; money was more envied with age; envy of occupation and family peaked in the 40s; while an overall better life, talents, health were fairly consistently envied across age groups. Generally, the genders reported envying similar things, although there were some notable differences (e.g., looks). Both evolutionary and social cognitive theories of envy have strong implications for the envy-targeting issues illuminated by our data; these connections will be explored in our talk.


442

O3.4 Quantifying visual information use for facial expression recognition during development

Helen Rodger, Roberto CaldaraUniversity of Fribourg

Behavioral studies of facial expression recognition during development have ap-plied various methods to establish by which age expressions can be recognized. Most commonly these methods employ static images either showing expressions at their highest intensity (apex) or morphed expressions of reduced intensity. Consistently, unique recognition trajectories have been found for the basic emo-tional expressions. However, the diverse methods used to index expression reco-gnition have reported differences in these trajectories and only one study (Rodger, Vizioli, Ouyang & Caldara, in press) has investigated the continuous development of all 6 basic emotional expressions together under the same paradigm up to adulthood. In this previous study we identified a fined grained mapping of the continued development of facial expression recognition for all six basic emotions and a neutral expression by manipulating the signal alone (Rodger et al., in press). Here, our aim was to quantify visual information use for recognition of the 6 basic emotional expressions using two distinct measures in a unified framework: from early childhood (5 years) up to adulthood (8 age groups of 16 participants each). We thus isolated both (1) the quantity of signal necessary to recognize an emo-tional expression at the apex normalized for contrast and luminance, and (2) the expression intensity (using neutral-expression image morphs) necessary for each observer to recognize the 6 basic emotions while maintaining accuracy at 75% cor-rect. Both measures revealed that fear and happiness were the most difficult and easiest expressions to recognize across age groups. During early childhood both measures significantly correlated for all expressions except surprise. Interestin-gly, this correspondence between measures broke down at the ages of 11-12 years, while recognition thresholds for both signal and intensity continued to improve with age. Early adolescence thus marks a crucial developmental transition, where visual information use for facial expressions becomes more discriminative and de-velops into dedicated processing systems: one coding for signal and the other for intensity. Our results also show that data obtained with morphed or expressions at the apex cannot be straightforwardly compared, offering novel insights and tools for the investigation of the development of the affective system.


443

O3.4 The Development of Infant Responding to Discrete Emotions: Differential responses in 16- and 24-month-old infants

Eric Walle1, Peter Reschke1, Joseph Campos2, Linda Camras3

University of California, Merced1, University of California, Berkeley2 DePaul University3

Research to date has investigated infant discrimination of discrete displays of emotion (e.g., Flom & Bahrick, 2007), approach and avoidant behaviors to positive and negative emotions (e.g., Walden & Ogan, 1988), and the presence of distinct emotion categories in early childhood (Widen & Russell, 2008). However, a dis-tinct gap in the literature exists in identifying at what age infants demonstrate differential behavioral responding to discrete emotions (Walle & Campos, 2013). The present study explored the development of infants’ responding to discrete emotions. Sixteen- and 24-month-old infants (observations = 120 and 156, respectively) observed an experimenter express one of five emotions ( joy, anger, sadness, fear, and disgust) through the face, voice and posture toward a stimulus. Infants were allowed to freely respond to the emotional context. Researchers coded specific in-fant behavioral responses to identify patterns of behavioral variables constituting a coordinated response (all kappas >.70). Latent-class analysis (LCA) identified four distinct classes of coordinated functional behaviors (3-class BIC=3492.30; 4-class BIC=3484.80; 5-class BIC=3502.96), characterized as: Security Seeking, Prosocial, Exploring, and Relaxed. A fifth group was also identified to describe infants who displayed no instrumental behaviors and only engaged in social referencing. Subsequent analyses compared the frequency of infant response patterns in each emotion condition. A number of interesting differences emerged from the data, some of which are highlighted here. Age-related differences indicate that older infants were more likely to seek security (χ2=5.14, p=.02) than younger infants, particularly in response to Anger. Older infants also trended toward responding prosocially more than younger infants (χ2=2.19, p=.14), particularly in the Sadness condition. Younger infants, on the other hand, were more often relaxed than older infants (χ2=16.10, p>.00), particularly in response to Joy. Specific to 24-month-old infants, Security Seeking was more likely to occur in Anger than in Joy (χ2=17.68, p<.00) or Sadness (χ2=5.43, p=.02). Also, Prosocial responding trended toward being more likely in Sadness than in Joy (χ2=2.49, p=.11), Fear (χ2=2.49, p=.11), or Anger (χ2=3.47, p=.06). Additional differences across emotion conditions, both wit-hin and between age groups, will be elaborated upon in the presentation. To our knowledge, this is the first study to identify functional behavioral response patterns to discrete emotions in infancy and examine their development. Further-more, the inclusion of multiple discrete negative emotions makes clear that in-fants do not merely approach or avoid stimuli based on the valence of emotional communication, but rather demonstrate more nuanced patterns of responding specific to discrete emotions.


444

O3.5 Examining the robustness of Mixed Emotions: A Meta-Analysis

Raul Berrios, Peter Totterdell, Steve KellettUniversity of Sheffield

The idea that people can experience two oppositely valenced emotions simul-taneously has been controversial ever since early attempts to investigate the construct of mixed emotions. Over time, research interest has grown but controver-sies in the field survive. Thus, most of the research has been dedicated to demons-trate that mixed emotions would not be product of demand effects, lay theories of mixed emotions, vacillation or measurement problems. However, the extant research investigating mixed emotions has not addressed appropriately whether the variety of designs, models of affect, and methods used consistently support the experience of mixed emotions. In other words, the accrued evidence investiga-ting mixed emotions has not been systematised. In the present meta-analysis we examined the robustness with which mixed emotions have been elicited experi-mentally. A systematic literature search identified 63 experimental studies that have sought to instigate the experience of mixed emotions. These studies were distinguished according to the structure of the underlying affect model – dimen-sional or discrete – as well as according to the type of mixed emotions studied (e.g., happy-sad, fearful-happy, positive-negative). Meta-analysis using a random-effects model revealed a moderate to high effect size for the elicitation of mixed emotions (dIG+ = .77), which remained consistent regardless of the structure of the affect model, and across different types of mixed emotions. Several metho-dological and design moderators were tested. Studies using the minimum index (i.e., the minimum value between a pair of opposite valenced affects) resulted in smaller effect sizes, whereas subjective measures of mixed emotions increased the effect sizes. The presence of more women in the samples was also associated with larger effect sizes. The current evidence indicates that mixed emotions are a robust measurable and non-artifactual experience. Implications of these findings point to the understanding of affect as a versatile and flexible system which per-mit multiple activation patterns, ranging from bipolar affect reactions to different blends of mixed emotions.


445

O3.5 Emotion profiles in anger- and shame-eliciting situations: Using latent class analysis to examine emotion differentiation

Tanja Lischetzke1, Michael Eid2, Martin Wertenbruch2 Birgitt Roettger-Roessler2, Haci-Halil Uslucan3

Universität Koblenz-Landau1, Freie Universität Berlin2 Universitat Duisburg-Essen3

The ability to differentiate between discrete emotions with precision has been termed emotion differentiation or emotional granularity and is assumed to faci-litate affect regulation. “High differentiators” distinguish between emotions such as anger, sadness, or shame when describing their emotional experience whereas “low differentiators” describe their feelings along a broad pleasant-unpleasant continuum. To assess individual differences in emotion differentiation, emotional experience is typically measured repeatedly (e.g., via experience sampling), and a within-persons intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) is calculated that captures the degree to which individuals rate emotion terms consistently across situations. A drawback of the ICC is that it does not inform us about the specific profiles of emotions that individuals experience in different situations. Knowledge about emotion profiles might shed more light on qualitative differences between indi-viduals with respect to the specificity of emotional experience and their relation to regulation behavior and well-being. Therefore, our aim was to use latent class analysis as a novel way to examine individual differences in emotion differen-tiation. To control for the situations that individuals encounter, we chose a sce-nario-based method and focused on anger- and shame-inducing situations. We hypothesized that at least two classes (types) of individuals could be differentia-ted based on their profiles of emotional experience (high vs. low differentiators) and that these classes of individuals report different levels of behavioral reactions (e.g., rumination, aggressive behavior) and well-being. Eighty-one German adoles-cents completed a scenario task, in which they rated their anger, shame, and pride experience and their behavioral reactions to four hypothetical situations (two an-ger-inducing and two shame-inducing situations). A latent class model with three latent classes fit the data best. One class had high probabilities to experience high levels of both anger and shame across situations, but not pride (“low negative differentiation”), whereas a second class reported less intense and more specific emotion experience (congruent with the situation). The smallest class had high probabilities to experience both anger and shame, but also pride, in anger and shame situations (“low general differentiation”). In a subsequent analysis testing for hypothesized differences between classes in covariates, the “low general dif-ferentiation” class reported higher rumination responses and lower dispositional well-being (self- and parent-reported) than the other two classes. Taken together, the results show that latent class analysis can be a useful tool to examine emo-tion differentiation and that the focus on specific emotion profiles might possibly lead to a refined emotion differentiation concept.


446

O3.5 On Implicit Affect and Trying Harder: New insights

Guido GendollaUniversity of Geneva

Recently published research on the implicit-affect-primes-effort (IAPE) model (Gendolla, 2012) has revealed ample evidence for the systematic impact of impli-citly processed affective cues on resource mobilization during cognitive tasks (e.g., Freydefont, Gendolla, & Silvestrini, 2012; Gendolla & Silvestrini, 2012; Lasauskaite, Gendolla, & Silvestrini, 2013). Extending the already available evidence, I report a series of new yet unpublished studies on the systematic influence of implicitly processed affective cues on effort mobilization—the intensity aspect of motiva-tion. Those studies contrasted the effects of implicitly and explicitly presented and processed affect primes (facial expressions) and the impact of different types of negative affect—sadness, anger, and fear—on effort-related cardiac response during the performance of cognitive tasks. In further support of the IAPE model, those studies revealed that implicit fear, anger, and sadness have different sys-tematic effects on effort mobilization: Implicit fear and sadness cues that are processed online during performance render tasks subjectively more difficult, resulting in relatively high effort as long as success is possible and justified. By contrast, anger cues’ effect is facilitating, resembling that of happiness. Moreover it was found that the effects of explicitly presented affective stimuli have oppo-site effects on resource mobilization than implicitly processed affective cues (La-sauskaite, Gendolla, & Silvestrini, 2014). Implications of these findings for theories about self-regulation, implicit affect, and implicit motivation are discussed.


447

O3.5 The emergence of valence under active inference

Mateus Joffily, Giorgio CoricelliGroupe d’Analyse et de Theorie Economique, CNRS

University of Southern California

We will present an innovative perspective on emotion that rests on mathematical formalism and biological plausibility (Joffily and Coricelli, 2013). The approach pur-sued stands on the free energy principle, which is a Bayesian formulation about how adaptive agents, such as living organisms, resist a natural tendency to disor-der (Friston, 2010). Active inference refers to the selective sampling of observa-tions/sensations that maximizes the evidence for the agent’s generative model of the causes of their sensations. This speaks directly to the brain mechanisms underlying perception, learning and action (Clark, 2013). Our formulation of va-lence (i.e., the positive and the negative character of emotions and feelings) from purely information-theoretic quantities also offers a computational explanation of how emotion and learning interacts during decision-making. We will suggest that valence can be formally defined as the negative rate of change of free energy (or surprise) over time. When free energy is increasing (decreasing) over time, ne-gative (positive) emotions are elicited. Moreover, when higher-order dynamics of free energy are also taken into account (e.g., the second time-derivative), a family of discrete emotions can be accounted, such as happiness, unhappiness, hope, fear, disappointment and relief (Reisenzein, 2009). According to this perspective, an important function of valence turns out to regulate the uncertainty about the causes of sensations. When sensations increasingly violate the agent’s expecta-tions, valence is negative and increases the uncertainty of beliefs about their hid-den causes. Conversely, when sensations increasingly fulfill the agent’s expecta-tions, valence is positive and decreases the uncertainty of beliefs. Such changes in uncertainty are directly related to the weighting of past and recent information during learning, that is the leaning rate. The dynamic interaction between va-lence, uncertainty and learning rate highlights the crucial role played by emotions in biological agents’ adaptation to unexpected changes in their world.


448

O3.6 Self-deception as Affective Coping - An Emotional Approach

Federico Lauria1,2, Delphine Preissmann2,3, Fabrice Clement2

University of Geneva1, University of Neuchâtel2, University of Lausanne3

People usually believe that they are good drivers, professors typically believe that they are well above average and seriously ill patients often believe that they will recover. As reality is less flattering, it appears that we deceive ourselves. How is this possible? In the philosophical literature, the main issues concern the paradoxes of the state one is in when self-deceived and of the very process leading to it. Do self-deceived subjects entertain contradictory beliefs [1]? Do they only form the self-deceived belief [2]? Is self-deception intentional [1] or can we explain it without intentions [2]?Despite these controversies, it is agreed that self-deception is motivated by pro-tection from distress. Yet, suprisingly, few accounts take this idea and its affective dimension seriously. In this paper, we argue, with the help of findings from cogni-tive neuroscience and psychology, that self-deception is a mechanism of affective coping.First, we show how affect is implicitly part of all philosophical accounts. Second, we present a model which recruits three appraisals of the distressful evidence: appraisal of the strength of evidence as uncertain [3], low coping potential and negative anticipation of one’s affective state along the same lines as Damasio’s somatic marker hypothesis [4, 5, 6]. At the same time, the desire motivating self-deception impacts the treatment of the flattering evidence via dopamine, as do-pamine increases the anticipation of reward [7]. Our main proposal is that self de-ception involves emotional mechanisms similar to the ones described for decision making by provoking a preference for immediate reward. In conclusion, we use this model to disentangle the philosophical paradoxes with the help of emotions.


449

O3.6 Emotional future-oriented thoughts in daily life

Catherine Barsics1, Martial Van der Linden1, Arnaud D’Argembeau2

University of Geneva, University of Liège

Important progress has recently been made in understanding the representations and processes underlying our ability to mentally explore possible futures [Schacter et al., 2012, Neuron, 76(4), 677-694]. While many thoughts and mental images that we form about our personal future refer to emotionally significant events, either positive situations that we strive to achieve or negative situations that we would rather avoid [D’Argembeau et al., 2011, Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25(1), 96-103], little is known about the frequency and nature of emotional future-oriented thoughts (EFTs) that occur in natural settings. Hence, the main goal of the present study was to examine thoroughly the conditions of occurrence, characteristics, and perceived functions of EFTs arising in daily life. In the first part of the study, participants recorded the number of EFTs that they experienced during three typi-cal days of their lives. In the second part of the study, they recorded 10 EFTs as they occurred during their daily activities, and rated their characteristics, context of occurrence, associated emotional states, and perceived functions. Results show that EFTs are frequent in daily life, occur in various contexts, and take on different representational formats. Investigating the affective dimension of EFTs, two emo-tional components of EFTs were distinguished: anticipatory emotions, which refer to the emotions experienced in the present in response to the prospect of future events, and anticipated emotions, which refer to the emotions that are expected to be experienced in the future, if and when imagined events occur [Baumgartner et al., 2008, European Journal of Social Psychology, 38(4), 68-696]. A positivity bias in the frequency of reported EFTs was found to be restricted to anticipated emo-tions. The representational format and perceived functions of EFTs varied accor-ding to the valence of both anticipatory and anticipated emotions, whose intensi-ties were influenced by the personal importance and amount of visual imagery of EFTs. Furthermore, anticipatory and anticipated emotions impacted significantly on post-EFT mood states. Finally, EFTs were perceived as serving a range of impor-tant functions related to goal pursuit (i.e., planning, intention formation, and deci-sion making) and emotion regulation. In sum, these results shed further light on the emotional properties of EFTs that are experienced in daily life.


450

O3.6 An Exploratory Analysis of Dynamic Emotional Communica-tion Between Parents and Adolescents During Conflict Discussions

Alexandra Main, Rick Dale, Alexandra PaxtonUniversity of California, Merced

Adolescence is a developmental period when parent-child relationships undergo transformations that can increase conflict and negative emotion during parent-child interactions (Smetana, 2011), often resulting in poor adolescent adjustment (Moed et al., 2014). However, research on parent-adolescent conflict has largely ignored the role of positive emotions in the outcomes of such interactions and has relied on global measures of behavior at the expense of examining moment-to-moment fluctuations in emotion between parents and adolescents. The pres-ent investigation explored the dynamic coordination of parents’ and adolescents’ emotions during conflict discussions across level of reported satisfaction with the outcome of the discussions. In a sample of 50 parent-adolescent dyads (M adolescent age=14.84 years), the Specific Affect Coding System (SPAFF; Coan & Gottman, 2007) was used to code parent and adolescent emotions in real time during a 10-minute conflict discus-sion. Codes were divided into negative (e.g., contempt, anger, sadness) and posi-tive emotion (affection, humor, validation, and interest). Parents’ and adolescents’ emotions were coded separately resulting in two synchronized streams of data. Data were analyzed using cross-recurrence quantification analysis (CRQA; Coco & Dale, 2014), a method for comparing two time series’ evolution over time to unco-ver patterns of influence. Parents and adolescents separately rated their satisfac-tion with the discussion after the conclusion of the interaction.Dyads were split into two groups: low and high satisfaction with the discussion. High-satisfaction dyads had lower incidence and distinctly absent synchrony in negative emotion. Conversely, low-satisfaction dyads showed higher levels and stronger synchrony in their negativity. The interaction between time lag and sa-tisfaction was significant (t=-2.4, p=.016). For positive emotions, high-satisfaction dyads showed higher levels of synchrony, but this did not reach significance; both groups show some synchrony in positivity. Perhaps most interesting is that low- and high-satisfaction dyads show different dynamics in their patterns of validation (i.e., conveying an understanding of the others’ point of view). Low-satisfaction dyads showed lower validation, but this was in a distinct direction: when parents displayed validation, adolescents were less likely to reciprocate compared with high-satisfaction dyads. On the other hand, high-satisfaction dyads showed strong turn-taking dynamics (t=2.92, p=.003). Results are consistent with a view that timing in parent-child emotional com-munication is important (Harrist et al., 2006). However, much past work has hi-ghlighted strongly synchronous patterns of interaction, whereas our exploratory analysis suggests that subtle differences in interactional timing, such as in turn-taking patterns, may be more diagnostic of positive interactions during adoles-cence.


451

O3.6 The impact of customer relationship quality, perceived injustice and betrayal on consumer revenge

Wilco van DijkLeiden University

Is it a thin line between love and hate?The impact of customer relationship quality, perceived injustice and betrayal on consumer revenge.In the literature on consumer revenge there is still a debate on how the quality of the relationship between a customer and a company affects the customer’s vindictive behavior after a service failure of the company. Some studies support a “love is blind” hypothesis—loyal customers are less likely to retaliate against a firm after a service failure (Hess, Ganesan, & Klein, 2003)—,whereas others sup-port a “love becomes hate” hypothesis—loyal customers are more likely to reta-liate (Gregoire & Fisher, 2006, 2008). With the present research we aim to contri-bute to this debate by examining the impact of customer relationship quality, perceived injustice and betrayal on consumer revenge and thereby advancing a better understanding of consumer revenge. A total of 166 respondents from different European countries took part in an on-line study and were asked to recall an event that led them to display vengeful be-havior towards a company. Subsequently, they answered questions that assessed: (1) relationship quality with the company, (2) appraised injustice of the event, (3) feelings of betrayal, (4) direct revenge behaviors (market place aggression, vindic-tive complaining), and (5) indirect revenge behaviors (negative word-of-mouth, third-party complaining, patronage reduction). Overall, results supported a “loves becomes hate” hypothesis. More specifically, results showed that customers with a better relationship with the company were more likely to take revenge after a service failure, especially when the service fai-lure was appraised as very unfair. Moreover, results indicated that these effects were—at least in part—mediated by feelings of betrayal. That is, loyal customers felt more betrayed by the company and these feelings, in turn, motivated their re-venge behaviors. These findings add importantly to our understanding of consu-mer revenge and underline the importance of relationship quality in customers’ reactions to a service failure.


453

AAbisheva Adiya, 50, 89, 155Adamos Maria, 199Adams Olivia, 218Adina Chis Romana Vulturar, 180af Klinteberg Britt, 216Agliati Alessia, 440Ahuja Navdeep, 342Alexandrowicz Rainer, 389Antico Lia, 226Antonesei Alexandra, 51Antonietti Jean-Philippe, 295Antosz Anna, 362Arnaud Sarah, 159Arndt Charlotte, 134Ashkanasy Neal M., 110, 113Ashwin Chris, 387Asselin David, 200Asutay Erkin, 343Audrin Catherine, 62Avry Sunny, 52Ay Büsra, 48Ayoko Oluremi B., 113

BBabayan Anahit, 235Bachmann Manuel, 342Baciu Monica, 57, 180Baldini Amélie, 203Balsters Martijn J. H., 46 Baltazar Margarida, 201Bandes Susan, 40Bandino Alice, 422Bänziger Tanja, 136, 344Barsics Catherine, 449Bartsch Anne, 123Basedow Christina A., 53Bavelier Daphne, 226Bayer Mareike, 202, 289Bayot Marie, 345Beatty Andrew, 4, 287Beaudoin Luc, 54Bediou Benoit, 143

Author index

454

Beermann Ursula, 5, 339Beffara Brice, 203, 349, 427Beijer Ulla, 216Belkaid Marwen, 346Benedek Mathias, 270Ben-Ze’ev Aaron, 299Berardi Daniele, 227Berens Ann, 162Berrios Raul, 444Betrancourt Mireille, 52, 213Blaison Christophe, 204Böckler Anne, 102, 104Boeren Andrea, 49Boiger Michael, 105, 106Bombari Dario, 347Bonet Maxime, 61Bonfiglioli Luisa, 55Boone R. Thomas, 115Booth Rob, 82, 205Boros Smaranda, 114 Borowski Sarah, 246Bos Marieke, 405Botero Maria, 348Bower Jo, 56Brady Michael, 333Brake Elizabeth, 300Brancatisano Olivia, 29Brase Julia, 206Braunstein Kara, 375Bret Amélie, 203, 349, 427Broersma Mirjam, 67Brooks Ann, 275, 276Brosch Tobias, 5, 330, 380, 383, 390, 391, 393Brose Annette, 310Brosnan Mark, 387Brown Charity, 293Buck Ross, 17, 115Buodo Giulia, 369Burke Peter, 25Burkitt Ian, 131

CCacciari Cristina, 291

455

Cacioppo Stephanie, 35Caclin Anne, 142Caldara Roberto, 442Callewaert Siebren, 312Campagne Aurélie, 57Campos Joseph, 443Camras Linda, 443Canadas Elena, 5, 207Cangia’ Flavia, 350Canini Frederic, 182Canli Turhan, 160Carbognin Cristina, 58Carman Mary, 208Carnuta Mihai, 180Carrus Giuseppe, 227Castaman Valentina, 228Caston Ruth Rothaus, 301Cejudo Javier, 78, 373Celiz-Yap Heather, 210Celle Agnes, 5, 161Celse Jérémy, 322Ceravolo Leonardo, 5, 432Cerven Chrissy, 25Ceulemans Eva, 19, 108Chakrabarti Bhismadev, 395 Chambers Chris, 79Chanel Guillaume, 5, 52, 213, 222Chatzakou Despoina, 158Chen Ceilia Z., 294Christakou Anastasia, 56Christen Andy, 429Chronaki Georgia, 439Chung Min-gi, 351Citron Francesca, 291Claes Laurence, 162Clay-Warner Jody, 26Clement Fabrice, 4, 448Cochrane Tom, 434Cohen-Charash Yochi, 325Coll Sélim, 59Colombetti Giovanna, 416Constantinescu Alexandra Caterina, 209Conway Neil, 112

456

Coricelli Giorgio, 4, 447Corneille Olivier, 98Cortes Diana S., 136, 379Costa Andreia, 406Cousin Emilie, 99Coutinho Eduardo, 144Cova Florian, 5, 272Crayen Claudia, 134Crivelli Carlos, 167, 169Crusius Jan, 320, 323Cunningham William, 183, 185 Cuperlier Nicolas, 346

DDa Camara Nuno, 352Dael Nele, 295, 363Dale Rick, 450Dalgleish Tim, 309Dallaire Danielle, 246Danuser Brigitta, 215, 230D’Argembeau Arnaud, 449Daughters Katie, 60, 280David Shlomo, 265, 268Davidson Denise, 69, 210de Bruin Hanka, 274de Bruine Marieke, 405de Groot Timon, 189De Leersnyder Jozefien, 105, 108, 177 de Rooij Mark, 405De Roover Kim, 108de Ruiter Linde, 274de Smet Pieter, 20de Wit Sanne, 147Debrot Anik, 353Delmas Hugues, 61Delplanque Sylvain, 5, 380, 391Delvaux Ellen, 176Demarchi Samuel, 61Demeyer Ineke, 312Desmidt Thomas, 161Devillers Laurence, 154Di Nella Michelle, 382DiGirolamo Marissa, 168

457

Dingle Genevieve, 96, 354Dissanayake Cheryl, 404Droit-Volet Sylvie, 118Droulers Olivier, 224Dub Richard, 5, 249Dukes Daniel, 62Dulewicz Victor, 352Dunsmore Julie, 211Dupré Damien, 355

EEid Michael, 134, 339, 445Eilola Tiina M., 430Eisenkraft Noah, 114Eisner Frank, 433Ekman Paul, 433El-Deredy Wael, 218Elfenbein Hillary Anger, 114, 173Elkabetz Shimon, 266, 268Ellis Andrew, 233Ellsworth Phoebe C, 148, 414 Enav Yael, 403Endo Hiroko, 63, 65Engert Veronika, 103Eoh Yookyung, 212Erbas Yasemin, 19Erbey Miray, 235Eyben Florian, 144

FFaltacas Anne-Marie, 200, 356, 359Famelart Nawelle, 64Fancourt Amy, 29Fang Xia, 424Fayolle Sophie, 118Feldman Barrett Lisa, 109 Fernández-Dols José Miguel, 170Ferrarini Roberto, 58Fessler Eli, 156Fingerhut Joerg, 140Fiorentini Chiara, 90Fiori Marina, 260Fischer Håkan, 136, 379

458

Fischer Agneta, 18, 175, 281, 307Fiske Alan, 273Fleckenstein Kat, 375Flitter Alex, 377Flom Ross, 234Flower Lisa, 42Flykt Anders, 344Fokkinga Steven, 20Fontaine Johnny, 258, 261,338Forlani Elisa, 55Fradcourt Benoit, 57Francis Linda, 317Freund Alexandra M., 396, 399Fritz Mattia A., 213Frommer Joerg, 223Fronhofer Nina-Maria, 357Fruehholz Sascha, 5, 66, 431Fuji Kei, 63, 65Fukushima Shintaro, 107 Fung Lawrence K., 407

GGaebler Michael, 235Galan-Díaz Carlos, 288Gallegos Jonathan, 421Garcia David, 50, 89, 155Garger Matthew, 439Gari Perez Roser, 214Gaussier Philippe, 348Gendolla Guido, 446Gendron Maria, 109Gentaz Edouard, 5, 242Gentsch Kornelia, 5, 144, 340Gil Sandrine, 118Gillioz Christelle, 338, 358Giordano Michael, 210Giovannelli Ilaria, 227Giuliani Valentina, 227Glowinski Donald, 66Glynn Dylan, 409Gomez Patrick, 215, 230Gonzalez Philippe, 130Gordon Patricia, 377

459

Gosselin Pierre, 200, 356, 359Goudbeek Martijn, 67Grabowska Anna, 376Gracanin Asmir, 45, 49Grandjean Didier, 4, 31, 59, 66, 426, 429, 431, 432Granskaya Juliana, 216Grass Annika, 202Gratch Jon, 17, 156Grau Christopher, 36Gray Patrick, 277Grazzani Ilaria, 440Greenaway Katharine, 72Griffioen Amber, 127Gross James, 403Grossmann Igor, 396, 400Grynberg Delphine, 73, 360Guidetti Michèle, 64Guil Rocio, 78, 373Gundogdu Nurdan, 82 Gutchess Angela, 401Gygax Pascal, 358

HHaase Matthias, 223Hadwin Julie, 439Haendler Philipp, 223Hagman William, 68Hall Alexandra, 149Halperin Eran, 254Hanari Takashi, 364Hardan Antonio Y., 402, 403, 407Hareli Shlomo, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268Harm Jonathan, 181, 217Harris Christine R., 361, 441Havelka Jelena, 430, 293Henniger Nicole E., 361, 441Hess Ursula, 157, 204, 264, 266, 267, 268Higgs Malcolm, 352Hildebrandt Andrea, 289Hilvert Elizabeth, 69, 210Hird Emily, 218Hodges Joseph, 354Hoekstra Elisabeth, 327

460

Hoey Jesse, 319Hommel Bernhard, 147Hoogland Charles E., 321Hoorelbeke Kristof, 312Hoorn Johan F., 240Horic-Asselin David, 356Hoskin Robert, 286Hosoya Georg, 339Hot Pascal, 99, 178Houben Marlies, 162Hubble Kelly, 60, 280Hudry Kristelle, 404Hufendiek Rebekka, 435Huijts Nicole, 326, 329Hutter Russell, 293

IImbir Kamil, 362Isaacowitz Derek, 30Ito Kimio, 364

JJack Rachael, 171Jacobs Arthur, 291Jacobsen Thomas, 271Jäger Christoph, 122, 125Jarillo Sergio, 169Jasielska Aleksandra, 70Jasini Alba, 177Jednoróg Katarzyna, 376Jehn Karen A., 113Jetten Jolanda, 96Jiménez Rodríguez Berenice, 71Joe Eun Young, 219Joffily Mateus, 447Johar Omesh, 135Jonas Kai, 281Jonauskaite Domicele, 363Jonkers Wouter, 274

KKaernbach Christian, 270Kafetsios Konstantinos, 158, 267, 268

461

Kalokerinos Elise, 72Kanai Masato, 220Kanske Philipp, 100, 104Kappas Arvid, 17, 53, 155, 241Karasawa Mayumi, 400Karpinski, Franziska Anna, 190Kaufmann Laurence, 130Kaufmann Martina, 425Kawano Kazuaki, 364Keil Andreas, 399Kellett Steve, 444Kever Anne, 73Khaled Fazia, 221Kiefer Tina, 112Kim Min-Hee, 351Kim Heejung, 108Kirchner Alexander, 106Kirschbaum Clemens, 397Kitayama Shinobu, 400Kleinert Jens, 97Klein-Koerkamp Yanica, 99Kliegel Matthias, 397Klimecki Olga, 5, 253, 257Knight Robert T., 429Koban Leonie, 143Kobylinska Dorota, 76Koenig Olivier, 284, 285Kok Bethany, 101, 103Kommattam Pum, 281Komoto Aiko, 365Komrsková Zuzana, 74Konijn Elly A., 240Korb Sebastian, 426Koster Ernst, 312Kostoulas Theodoros, 222Kozhukhova Yulia, 366Kozlova Maria, 75Krautz Gerrit, 223Krawczak Karolina, 410Krebs Angelika, 141Krippl Martin, 223Kristina Efrata, 338Królewiak Klara, 245

462

Krüger Julia, 223Krueger Joel, 198Kuester Dennis, 241Kunde Ashleigh, 354Kunzmann Ute, 398Kuppens Peter, 19, 162, 308, 310, 311Kutlikova Hana, 393

LLaBar Kevin, 119Lacewing Michael, 124Lacoste-Badie Sophie, 224LaFrance Marianne, 419Lajante Mathieu, 224Lake Jessica, 119Landmann Helen, 150Lange Jens, 320, 324Lansari Laure, 161Larson Elliott, 325Lauer Gerhard, 289Laukka Petri, 114, 136,379Lauria Federico, 5, 448Lawrence Andrew, 79Lawrence Natalia, 79Lee Steven, 30Lee Eun-ji, 225Lei Man, 27Lejeune Fleur, 242Lelieveld Gert-Jan, 256Lemaire Stephane, 436Lemmings David, 278Leveque Yohana, 142Lewczuk Karol, 76Ligeza Tomasz S, 283Lima César, 29Lindahl Christina, 136, 379Lischetzke Tanja, 134, 445Lively Kathryn, 315Lobmaier Janek, 390, 394Loderer Kristina, 340Lombardo Patrizia, 4, 222, 334Lory Vanda, 394Lowe-Brown Kirsty, 367

463

Lucas Gale, 156Lulham Rohan, 318Luminet Olivier, 22, 98, 188Lyusin Dmitry, 77, 366

MMacArthur Heather, 418, 421Machinskaya Regina, 378Mackintosh Bundy, 205MacPherson Sarah E., 209Main Alexandra, 450Mäki Uskali, 197Malandrakis Nikolaos, 156Malsert Jennifer, 242, 426Mani Nivedita, 206Manstead Antony, 4, 60, 88, 280, 307Marchand Cynthia, 295Marchewka Artur, 376Maricchiolo Fridanna, 227Martin Alexandra R., 321Martins Bruna, 145Mast Fred, 233Mastandrea Stefano, 227Mather Mara, 145, 313Maurage Pierre, 439Mazy Mathieu, 244Mazzietti Audric, 284, 285McCabe Ciara, 51McLeod Shane, 288Meck Warren, 119Meeussen Loes, 176Mehu Marc, 143Melkonian Susanna, 368Memillod Martial, 203Mendonca Dina, 126Meneghini Anna Maria, 228Mennella Rocco, 369Menninghaus Winfried, 271, 339Mermillod Martial, 427, 349Mesquita Batja, 106, 108, 172, 176, 177, 307Messerotti Benvenuti Simone, 369Mestre Jose M., 373, 378Meuleman Ben, 90, 183, 187

464

Meyer Marcel, 79Mikolajczak Moïra, 179, 345Miller Rachel, 211Min Kyung Hwan, 351Minner Frédéric, 128, 133Misiunaite Ieva, 69Missoni Ivan, 229Miu Andrei, 180Mo Di, 120Mohr Christine, 295, 363Molinari Gaëlle, 52, 213Monaci Maria Grazia, 370Montagrin Alison, 145Montes Sanchez Alba, 151Moon Lyndsey, 423Moors Agnes, 17, 187, 247, 252Mortillaro Marcello, 4, 62, 262Mumenthaler Christian, 428Murayama Kou, 51Murray Ryan, 393Muszynski Michal, 222Muto Sera, 146

NNaar Hichem, 34, 38Nakamura Makoto, 80Nelson Nicole, 168Neufeld Janina, 395Niedenthal Paula, 426Nielsen Carole, 230Niznikiewicz Margaret, 33Norasakkunkit Vinai, 106Nuske Heather J., 404Nys Laura, 191

OOberfeld Daniel, 296Ochiai Fumio, 384Ogarkova Anna, 341, 408, 411Ogihara Yuji, 107Omberg Linda, 344Omigie Diana, 371Oosterwijk Suzanne, 297

465

Ornaghi Veronica, 440Oster Ulrike, 412

PPagani Camilla, 350Pagotto Lisa, 372Palomba Daniela, 369Park Eun-joo, 231Park Soo Hyun, 212, 219, 225Parkinson Brian, 174, 251Parr Naomi, 375Parrott W. Gerrod, 137Pavarini Gabriela, 282Paxton Alexandra, 450Pe Madeline, 308, 310, 311Pearce Marcus, 371Pechenkova Ekaterina, 278Pegwal Nishi, 81Peker Mujde, 82Pekrun Reinhard, 340Pell Marc D., 32Penney Trevor, 116, 120Perak Benedikt, 232Pérez Pérez Alejandra Elizabeth, 71Perez-Gonzalez Juan Carlos, 373Perlaviciute Goda, 326Péron Julie, 432Perseguers Marie-Noelle, 295Petratou Irene, 83Peyrin Carole, 57Pichat Cédric, 57, 99Pichon Swann, 226Pinelli Erica, 374Pinheiro Ana, 28, 33Pismenny Arina, 37Pitteloud Isabelle, 302Plessow Franziska, 397Pliskin Ruthie, 254Pollatos Olga, 360Ponsonnet Maïa, 292Pool Eva, 380, 390Portch Emma, 293Pott Heleen, 417

466

Prade Claire, 84Preissmann Delphine, 448Preuss Nora, 233Price Natalee, 375Probst Fabian, 394Pryakhina Tatiana, 85Pun Thierry, 4, 52, 213, 222

RRafaeli Anat, 110Rappaz Marc-André, 66Rees Aled, 60, 280Renaud Olivier, 187Reschke Peter, 234, 443Ricci Bitti Pio Enrico, 55Richardson Daniel, 138Rieffe Carolien, 404Riegel Monika, 376Riese Katrin, 289Riley Bryce, 211Roberts Richard, 259Robinson Jenefer, 413, 415Robinson Dawn, 26Rodger Helen, 442Rodrigo-Ruiz Debora, 373Rodriguez Alejandra, 86, 181Rodriguez-Cordon Jose, 78Roebbig Josefin, 235Roeser Sabine, 329, 331Roettger-Roessler Birgitt, 445Rogers Kimberly, 319Rohr Margund, 398Roseman Ira, 377Rosenblum Hily, 87Rossi Mauro, 437Rotondi Irene, 262Rotteveel Mark, 236Rozovskaya Renata, 378Russell James A., 21, 167, 168, 252Rychlowska Magdalena, 88

S

467

Saarikallio Suvi, 201Sahi Razia, 237Sakai Nobuyuki, 80Salmela Mikko, 194, 197Samson Andrea C., 5, 402 Samson Severine, 371Sánchez Aragón Rozzana, 71Sanchez Cortes Diana, 379Sander David, 4, 145, 257, 380, 383, 391, 393, 428Saroglou Vassilis, 84Sartori Riccardo, 58Sauter Disa, 18, 424, 433Scacchi Luca, 370Scambler Jenna, 420Scarantino Andrea, 17, 250Schacht Annekathrin, 202, 289Scheffel Birath Christina, 216Schei Thea, 152Scherer Klaus R., 90, 136, 144, 184, 187, 307, 337, 338, 339, 340Schindler Ines, 339Schirmer Annett, 30, 116, 120Schlegel Katja, 143, 262, 263Schmid Mast Marianne, 4, 207, 347Schmidt Susanna, 90Schmitt Manfred, 389Schnädelbach Sandra, 41Schnall Simone, 152, 282Schneider Andreas, 314, 316Schnitzspahn Katharina, 396Schoebi Dominik, 353Schröder Tobias, 314, 319Schubert Thomas, 273Schuller Bjorn, 144Schweighofer Simon, 89Schweitzer Frank, 50, 89, 155Schweizer Susanne, 309Scott Sophie, 433Seeck Margitta, 429Seibt Beate, 269, 273Sekwena Eva, 261Sellem Virginie, 284, 285Sels Laura, 19Sen Antarika, 30

468

Sennwald Vanessa, 380Sergi Ilaria, 90Shank Daniel, 318Shanker Katie, 238Shankland Rebecca, 345Sharma Dinkar, 205 Sharma Ratna, 81, 342Sharman Leah, 420Shestyuk Avgusta, 429Shevchenko Yury, 381Shields Stephanie, 418, 421Shirai Mariko, 91Shore Danielle, 174Shuman Vera, 143Siegrist Michael, 328Simonova Olga, 75Simons Leslie, 27Simons Ronald, 27Sinaceur Marwan, 255Singer Tania, 101, 102, 103, 104, 165, 226Sinitsin Valentin, 378Skolnick Alexander, 239Sleuwaegen Ellen, 162Smith Richard, 321Smith Stephen, 382Smith Jacqueline, 419Smith-Lovin Lynn, 26Sonuga-Barke Edmund, 439Soriano Cristina, 4, 338, 341, 411Sotgiu Igor, 92Soury Mariette, 154Spekman Marloes L.C., 240Spijkerman Rose, 188, 192Steel Craig, 56Steffgen Georges, 406Steg Linda, 326Steiler Dominique, 182Stephan Achim, 248Stets Jan, 4, 23, 24Stewart Lauren, 29Stockmann Lex, 405Stodulka Thomas, 132Strathearn Lane, 426

469

Strick Madelijn, 274Studer Regina, 230Stussi Yoann, 383Sütterlin Bernadette, 328Sullivan Gavin Brent, 93, 195Sung Billy, 298Suzuki Naoto, 91, 231, 384, 388Swiderska Aleksandra, 241Szablowski Evan, 156Szanto Thomas, 198Szentagotai-Tatar Aurora, 180

TTakehara Takuma, 384Talmi Deborah, 286Tamarit Lucas, 429Tappolet Christine, 335Tarantino Giovanni, 279Tay Peter KC, 94Tcherkassof Anna, 355Teroni Fabrice, 332, 336Thapar Anita, 60, 280Theurel Anne, 242Thingujam Nutankumar S., 114Tijus Charles, 61Tillmann Barbara, 142Tipples Jason, 116Todd Cain, 139Tonegawa Akiko, 385Totterdell Peter, 444Tran Veronique, 95Trautwein Fynn-Mathis, 104Trettevik Ryan, 24Trost Wiebke, 121Trousselard Marion, 182Tsvetkova Larisa, 216Tusche Anita, 102

UUchida Yukiko, 106, 107Urdapilleta Isabel, 61Uslucan Haci-Halil, 445

470

VVakali Athena, 158Valentin Sophie, 61Van der Linden Martial, 449van der Schalk Job, 88van Dijk Wilco, 451Van Dijk Hans, 176van Dillen Lotte, 153van Goozen Stephanie, 60, 280Van Kleef Gerben, 424Van Osselaer Tine, 193Van Peer Jacobien, 143van Steenbergen Henk, 147van Stekelenburg Jacqueline, 196van Troost Dunya, 196Vandekerckhove Joachim, 243Vanderhasselt Marie-Anne, 312Vanderveen Gabry, 153Vanegas Sandra, 69Vanello Daniel, 438Vanman Eric, 149, 420Vansteelandt Kristof, 162Vasiljevic Dimitri, 255Vasilyev Pavel, 43Västfjäll Daniel, 343Vermeulen Nicolas, 73, 203, 244, 345Veronesi Francesca, 370Vidor Gian Marco, 39, 44Vieillard Sandrine, 86, 181, 217Villringer Arno, 235Vingerhoets Ad J. J. M., 48, 49Vivanti Giacomo, 404von Gunten Armin, 215von Salisch Maria, 386von Scheve Christian, 128, 129, 194Vuilleumier Patrik, 4, 257, 426

WWagner Valentin, 271, 339Wai Yuen Heng, 30Walle Eric, 234, 443Walsh Elena, 186Walter Zoe, 96

471

Wassiliwizky Eugen, 271Watson Poppy, 147Wegener Martin, 223Weisgerber Anne, 244Wertenbruch Martin, 445Wiers Reinout, 147Wierzba Malgorzata, 376Wieser Matthias, 397Wilkins Frances, 288Wilms Lisa, 296Wingenbach Tanja, 387Wolf Svenja Anna, 97Wolters Maria, 209Wondra Joshua D, 148Wróbel Monika, 245Wyczesany Miroslaw, 283

YYamaguchi Daisuke, 388Yang Hwajin, 94Yih Jennifer, 298Yik Michelle, 294Yukawa Shintaro, 220

ZZahavi Dan, 151Zamariola Giorgia, 98Zammuner Vanda, 422Zanetta Julien, 290Zeman Janice, 246, 375, 386Zickfeld Janis, 273Zinkernagel Axel, 389Zloteanu Mircea, 138Zmetáková Juliana, 409Zsoldos Isabella, 99

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