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Data Handout* for

A Cross-Linguistic Survey of Associated Motion and Directionals Daniel Ross

djross3@gmail.com / http://danielrosslinguist.com (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign)

International workshop on Associated Motion at the 12th Conference of the Association for Linguistic Typology (ALT 12),

Australian National University, Canberra, Australia December 2017

http://www.dynamicsoflanguage.edu.au/alt-conference-2017/

© Daniel Ross 2017*

*You are welcome to consult this data for your own research purposes. If you do so, please cite the conference presentation and if possible contact me to check for updates to the data or publications, as well as discussing your project. I also welcome collaboration. Additionally, I will be publishing an overview of this data, and I do not grant permission for others to publish a paper based entirely or primarily on this data without permission, nor that the data set be reproduced in full. Acceptable usage includes referring to the broad findings, including this data set along with your own for a comparative study as you would use http://wals.info/ (e.g., Associated Motion vs. word order cross-linguistically), or for the context and starting point for a study about an individual language or region. Additionally, this information is intended to be as accurate as possible at the time of writing (June 2017), but there may be errors.

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INTRODUCTION

This handout accompanies my presentation about the cross-linguistic distribution of Associated Motion and Directionals.

Definitions: “Directional (DIR) morphemes describe an inherent path in an existing motion event, and Associated Motion (AM) morphemes add a motion sub-event (and usually path) to another predicate. To maintain consistency, the scope of this survey is only for grammaticalized, morphological AM and DIR systems.” (from abstract)

The full conference abstract, including maps, can be found at the end of this handout.

The handout has two sections: 1. Notes summarizing AM/DIR in each of the 325 languages in the survey. (p.3) 2. A reference chart summarizing the data to facilitate comparisons. (p.55)

The summary for each language contains:

• The language name (as given on WALS) • The WALS language code • The total number of AM/DIR morphemes in the language • A summary of all AM/DIR morphemes (top of the text box) • A list of AM/DIR morphemes and their properties.

o Phonological transcriptions are not intended to be consistent or necessarily accurate, but only to facilitate identification in the original source; see sources for more information.

o All morphological contrasts are listed, even when the contrast is not in the domain of AM/DIR (e.g., 2 AM suffixes differing by tense).

• A rough sketch of the verb structure template, as context for AM/DIR morphemes. • The primary references consulted. A bibliography is given at the end.

If you have questions/comments about the details for a particular language or in general, please contact me.

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SECTION 1: Notes summarizing AM/DIR systems for each language in 325-language sample

Abbreviations: AM: Associated Motion, DIR: directional; VENT: ventive, ITV: itive; PRIOR/PR: prior AM, CONC: concurrent AM, SUBSEQ: subsequent AM; MOT: motion; LOC: locational, ELEV: elevational; DIST: distal, PROX: proximal; SVC = serial verb construction (cf. Ross et al. 2015); p.c. = personal communication.

Regarding the language sample, see Ross (2016a). I thank my co-authors from Ross et al. (2015) for their help identifying relevant data for the languages.

These notes may have errors/inconsistencies and are based on available data. Please see the cited sources or contact the author if you have questions!

LANGUAGE WALS # ASSOCIATED MOTION/DIRECTIONALS Abkhaz (Hewitt 1979)

abk 4+ 4 DIR VENT/ITV/up/down, prefixes (‘preverbs’) aa-: VENT DIR na-: ITV DIR (‘towards hearer’ but in a general sense and can be a third person too) yºa-: upwards DIR la-: downwards DIR Additional: There are also ‘locational preverbs’, see Hewitt.

Abun abu 0 -- (Berry & Berry 1999) Acehnese (Durie 1985)

ace 0+ AM via compound serialization including itive ‘go [and]’ but available for all motion and posture verbs.

Acoma (Miller 1965; Maring 1967)

aco 1 1 AM general MOT, suffix, PRIOR -qeeY~: ‘go/come to’ purposive motion AM, suffix

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verb structure: root-suffix Agarabi aga 0 -- (Goddard 1980) Ainu ain 0 -- (Refsing 1986; Bugaeva 2004) Alamblak (Bruce 1984)

ala 8+ 8 DIR elevationals in a paradigm based on elevation and direction toward/away, prefixes; plus 3 LOC elevational suffixes; they can optionally co-occur; compound roots can express AM productively yari(m)-: VENT/flat ri(m)-: ITV/flat yua-: VENT/sloping-up u-: ITV/up më-: sloping-up unspecified mi-, yhë(m)-: sloping-down (sometimes VENT vs. ITV?) wa-: straight-down unspecified plus elevational/LOC suffixes: -i(t)o: on.flat -ko: up -we/he: down Additional: There are also two toward/away suffixes on the verb ‘move’ (for ‘go/come’), non-productive Productive compound serialization of roots including motion verbs as AM verb structure: ELEV-root-infl-agr-ELEV

Alyawarra (Yallop 1977)

aly 1 AM ‘while moving’ suffix CONCURRENT; also compound aux ‘go’, ‘~return’ but with a ligature so not fully grammaticalized and with some other meanings -iyna: AM ‘while moving suffix concurrent also compound aux incl. just four verbs, two are motion (‘go’, and ‘go away/return’), but a joining ligature suggests these are more like separate elements than inflection

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verb structure: root-MOV-infl OR root-LIG-auxcmp-infl Ambae (Lolovoli Northeast) (Hyslop 2001)

aml 3- 3 fossilized DIR suffixes on 3 verb roots, forming a 9-way paradigm vano: go across thither hage: go up thither hivo: go down thither vanai: come across hither hamai: come up hither himei: come down hither vanatu: go across to 2ndP hagatu: go up to 2ndP hivatu: go down to 2ndPerson verb structure: root-dir

Amele ame 0 -- (Roberts 1987) Apurinã (Facundes 2000; Pickering 1973; Guillaume 2016)

apu 2 2 unconventional AM/DIR suffixes, CONCURRENT -poko: AM/DIR ‘do in a direction’, or distributive ‘do around’ -ãpo: AM/DIR ‘aimlessly’, ‘around’ verb structure: agr-root-mov-infl

Arabic (Egyptian)

aeg 0 -- (Gary & Gamal-Eldin 1982)

Araona (Pitman 1980; Guillaume 2016)

ana 7+ 7+ DIR suffixes, of which at least 5 can be used as AM, including Pr-C-Subs and PRIOR+SUBSEQ >not entirely certain all of these can be directionals but it seems like it -ti: ITV AM or GO&RETURN AM = PRIOR+SUBSEQ? -jajo: ITV AM PRIOR or CONCURRENT -shana: ‘while moving’ AM, CONCURRENT (possibly ‘around moving’, slightly before/after?) -iña: VENT AM (upon arriving or after arriving), PRIOR -shao: COME&LEAVE.AGAIN AM, PRIOR+ SUBSEQ -hui: ‘indirect’ DIR(?) combining in multiple suffixes as: -huiqui (+ti): ‘indirectly elsewhere, outside’, indirect ITV AM -huiyajao (+jajo?): ‘indirectly elsewhere, towards [there?]’, indirect ITV DIR? -huiatsoa (+?): ‘indirectly upwards’ DIR only? Additional: There are also some manner affixes like ‘quickly’ but not directly part of the AM system

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verb structure: root-dir-infl

Arapesh (Mountain) (Conrad & Wogiga 1991)

arp 3 3 DIR including 2 AM suffixes, all SUBSEQ only, absolutive alignment for one; itive, ventive, other -u: ITIVE; only DIR; -(l)i: VENT [speaker]; DIR and AM; SUBSEQ -úk: ‘permanent’: intrans.subj or trans.patient (not-in-control) remains elsewhere, trans.agent leaving – a ‘leaving’ AM marker > Absolutive (no case marking in the language so it is ‘neutral’ according to WALS ch.98); also SUBSEQ verb structure: subj-mood-obj1-root-obj2-ben-motion

Arawak (Pet 1987)

ara 2 2 DIR VENT/ITV, suffixes -ba: ITV DIR -the: VENT DIR >they can co-occur, -ba-the: ‘away and back’ (but apparently not ‘come and leave’) verb structure: agr-root-…-dir-…

Arop-Lokep alk 0 -- (D’Jernes 2002) Arrernte (Mparntwe) (Wilkins 1989, 1991, 2006)

amp 15- 15 AM suffixes, varying by direction, directedness, returningness, moving argument, etc. >Is direction really contrastive, or is it conflated with sequence, or irrelevant? >Further morphemic analysis might mean some of these modifiers could be considered to be separate (separable) from the AM system per se. CONCURRENT AM (8): Directed Deictic: -intye: ‘do coming’ = CONC, directed, VENT[?] -inty.alpe: ‘do coming back’ = CONC, directed, VENT[?], return -intye.lhe: ‘do coming through’ = CONC, directed, VENT[?], non-telic? -irtne: ‘reversive, do going back, or do back to’ = CONC, directed, ITV[?], return Oriented: -nhe: ‘do past’, CONC, oriented -ty.antye: ‘do upwards’, CONC, oriented, UP

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-ty.akerle: ‘do downwards’, CONC, oriented, DOWN -artn.akerl: ‘do downwards’, CONC, oriented, DOWN PRIOR AM: -ty.alhe: ‘go&do’ ITV PRIOR -ty.alpe: ‘goback &do’ ITV PRIOR, return SUBSEQ AM: -rl.alhe: ‘do&go’ ITV SUBSEQ -artn.alhe: ‘quickly do&go’ ITV SUBSEQ, fast -rl.alpe: ‘do&goback’ ITV SUBSEQ, return -artn.alpe: ‘quickly do&goback’ ITV SUBSEQ, return, fast OTHER AM: -ty.intye: “do on Y’s arrival’ = non-subject AM PRIOR Some of these morphemes seem segmentable: -alpe ‘back’? verb structure: root-AM-infl

Asmat (Voorhoeve 1965)

asm 1 1 AM, PRIOR ITV; limited lexical combinations formative em/om-: ITV AM; combines with only a few postional verbs; also can mean inchoative (‘sit’ > ‘sit down’ etc., as well as ‘go and sit’); PRIOR (root compounding also possible including AM-related meanings; unclear if it is systematic) verb structure: ROOT(-allomorphs)-formatives-rest

Babungo bab 0 -- (Schaub 1985) Badimaya bdm 0 -- (Dunn 1988) Bagirmi bag 0 -- (Stevenson 1969) Baka (in Cameroon)

bak 0 -- (Kilian-Hatz 1995)

Bali-Vitu bvi 0 -- (Ross 2002a; van den Berg & Bachet 2006)

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Banoni bnn 0 -- (Lynch & Ross 2002) Barasano (Jones & Jones 1991)

brs 3 1 AM [can be a general ‘toward a specific point’ DIR (‘directed motion’?) with motion verbs] combining with 2 DIR/LOC; PRIOR; motion and path/location specified independently; all suffixal -a: MOTION [general], PRIOR AM or just anywhere-directed DIR; may co-occur with motion verbs when a specific point is intended -di~ [various allomorphs]: PROX~VENT – indicates direction/location toward speaker or specific location -~ [various allomorphs]: DIST~ITV – indicates direction away, or location far away >The locationals have various allomorphs/combinations (nominalizers, imperative suffixes, tense-evidentials, etc.; -di is stand-alone, -Ø may be default for ITV) >As locationals they encode the location of the action; as directionals they encode the endpoint, so the motion is prior (possibly sometimes concurrent?) verb structure: ROOT-+-mot-dist-+-TAM

Basque bsq 0 -- (Saltarelli 1988; Hualde & Ortiz de Urbina 2003) Batak (Karo) bkr 0 -- (Woollams 1996) Bawm baw 0 -- (Reichle 1981) Berber (Middle Atlas) (Penchoen 1973; Belkadi 2015)

bma 2 2 DIR (ITV, VENT), of which 1 (VENT) can be used as SUBSEQ AM ‘[go] do and come [back]’; clitics that can be preposed or postposed, apparently mostly used as an enclitic d: VENT DIR, or ‘[go] do and come [back]’, mostly enclitic, can be a proclitic sometimes n: ITV DIR (less common) >unclear whether n can ever function as an AM marker like d There are differences in different Berber varieties, to be investigated further. verb structure: DIR=[root+infl] or [root+infl]=DIR

Bininj Gun-Wok (Evans 2003)

bbw 2+ 2 DIR prefixes that contrast with Ø-; 1 (VENT) can also be used as AM (PR, or CONC, or SUBS) Ø-: default no marking, may usually be itive m-: VENT ‘hither’ DIR, can also be AM and depending on context prior, concurrent or subseq

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bal-: ‘away, along’, a sort of extended ITV?, DIR, no examples of AM given Additional: AM can also be expressed by incorporated verb forms (with a linking suffix), not quite morphologized/grammaticalized like other cases of morphological AM. The verbs used this way appear to be limited to ‘go’, ‘return’, ‘turn around’, and ‘slide’. Interestingly it is the other verb that is incorporated into the verb because there is a linking gerundive suffix on that incorporated verb. verb structure: agr-dir-….-root-infl (or agr-incorp.verb-link-root-infl)

Bozo (Tigemaxo)

boz 0 -- (Blecke 1996)

Brahui brh 0 -- (Andronov 2001) Brokskat bkt 0 -- (Sharma 1998) Buduma bud 0 -- (Awagana 2001) Buma bum 0 -- (Tryon 2002) Burmese (DeLancey 1980; Soe 1999)

brm 4 2 AM & DIR and 2 DIR-only; AM is SUBSEQ -la: VENT AM/DIR -swa: ITV AM/DIR >with non-motion verbs ‘come/go and V’; directional with motion verbs >A different analysis would be that these are SVCs but DeLancey (1980:222) describes word-internal morphophonological rules applying -hkai: VENT/PROX DIR/LOC -luik: ITV/DIST DIR/LOC, also for location >with non-motion verbs ‘V here/there’; directional with motion verbs verb structure: ROOT-cmpdroot?/suffix

Burushaski bur 0 -- (Berger 1998) Busa bus 0 -- (Jones 1998) Cahuilla (Seiler 1977)

cah 5 5 DIR/AM(?) suffixes about the realization of movement, PRIOR, CONCURRENT -puli: PRIOR AM, default VENT (but can be any point of orientation), ‘upon arriving’

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-vaneken: goal-directed, CONCURRENT AM -iči: ‘while moving, on the way’ CONCURRENT AM -ŋi: ‘go around and’, undirected/distributive, CONCURRENT AM -ikaw: (proximal?) distributive, ‘go around here and…’, CONCURRENT AM [VENT/PROX?] >More information about AM vs. DIR uses would be helpful. verb structure: …-root-…-mot-…

Canela-Krahô ckr 0 -- (Popjes & Popjes 1986) Cantonese cnt 0 -- (Matthews & Yip 1994) Cayuga (Mithun & Henry 1982; Mithun 1999, 2000, p.c.; Lickers, Michelson & Price 2011)

cyg 3 2 prefixal DIR/LOC ITV/VENT; 1 suffixal AM ITV PRIOR ha’-: CISLOC DIR/LOC, with non-motion verbs indicating ‘there, at a specific location’, prefix ta-: TRANSLOC DIR/LOC, with non-motion verbs indicating ‘far off over there’, prefix -hna/hsa/ha: DISLOC AM, purposive suffix, PRIOR; may involve/include second purposive suffix verb structure: …-transloc-…-cisloc-…-root-…-disloc-…

Chamorro cha 0 -- (Topping 1973) Chechen chc 0 -- (Nichols 1994) Chemehuevi (Press 1979)

cmh 2 2 AM ITV,VENT PRIOR suffixes -wa?i: ITV AM PRIOR -rua: VENT AM PRIOR verb structure: root-mot-infl-agr

Chichewa (Bentley & Kulemeka 2001; Watkins 1933; Mchombo 2004)

cic 2 2 AM VENT,ITV PRIOR prefixes -ká: ITV AM PRIOR -dza: VENT AM PRIOR verb structure: agr-infl-mot-root-infl

Chocho cch 0 -- (Veerman-Leichsenring 2000) Chukchi chk 0+ AM is one function of verb compounding, but among other non-grammaticalized functions.

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(Dunn 1999) Coahuilteco (Troike 1996)

coa 1 1 AM ITV PRIOR enclitic/suffix -čo(n): AM ITV PRIOR, found only three times in the available text for the language; more info needed; suffix or enclitic? verb structure(?): [verb]=mot

Coos (Hanis) (Frachtenberg 1922a)

coo 1 1 DIR distributive suffix -änī: distributive (‘to and fro’ etc.) for motion verbs (and possibly other intransitives?) verb structure: root-dist

Coptic cop 0 -- (Lambdin 1983) Cree (Plains) (Wolfart 1973, 1996)

cre 2 2 AM/DIR; ITV, VENT; PRIOR; prefixes pe˙-: ‘hither’ VENT AM/DIR nitawi-: ‘go to’ ITV AM/DIR >although unclear if these entail completion of the second verb verb structure: …preverbs-…ROOT…

Daga dag 0 -- (Murane 1974) Dagbani (Olawsky 1999; Wilson 1970)

dgb 1 1 DIR VENT suffix -na: VENT DIR suffix verb structure: root-dir

Dani (Lower Grand Valley)

dni 0 -- (Bromley 1981; Barclay 2008)

Dargwa (Isaev 2004; van den Berg 2001)

drg 5+ 5 DIR prefixes ka1-: downwards DIR a-: upwards DIR sa-: VENT DIR

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et-: ITV DIR ka2-: ITV DIR [equivalent?] Note: sources differ on the specific forms, but they all seem to be DIR preverbs Additional: There are 4 LOC prefixes also, which can interact with the DIR prefixes verb structure: loc-dir-root

Degema deg 0 -- (Kari 1997, 2004) Dhaasanac dha 0 -- (Tosco 2001) Dhivehi dhi 0 -- (Cain & Gair 2000; Fritz 2002) Djabugay (Patz 1991; Dixon 2002)

dja 2- 2 AM VENT/ITV suffixes, PRIOR -galiy: ITV AM PRIOR -garray: VENT AM PRIOR >These could also be described as compound verbs (‘go’ and ‘come’) because there is a linking element but that appears to just be part of the stem of the verbs and therefore precede the suffixed AM markers; these may not be as fully morphologized as in other languages, though, as compared to related Yidiny for example, where the phonological form and usage is a little more distinct from the original verbs. verb struture: root-stemmarker-go/come-infl

Doyayo doy 0 -- (Wiering & Wiering 1994) Drehu dre 0 -- (Moyse-Faurie 1983; Tryon 1967) Dullay (Gollango)

dug 0 -- (Amborn, Minker & Sasse 1980)

English eng 0 -- (cf. Ross 2016b) Erromangan (Crowley 1998)

err 7- 7 DIR suffixes, some with limited usage -pelac: outwards (‘away’, distribute outwards, etc.) DIR -mpelom: VENT DIR, only combines with ‘get’ -mpe: ITV DIR, only combines with ‘get’ -sac: upwards DIR

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-sep: downwards DIR -ya: ‘off, away, until out of sight’ DIR, also used in questions ‘go [where]’ -go: misdirective DIR ‘away from expected direction’, ‘off to the side’ or ‘veer off’, etc. for posture/motion verbs verb structure: root-dir

Evenki (Nedjalkov 1997)

eve 1 1 ITV[general?] AM PRIOR suffix -nA: ITV AM PRIOR ‘go and/to [do]’, listed among other modal/volitional suffixes verb structure: root-suffix

Ewondo ewo 0 -- (Redden 1979) Fijian fij 0 -- (Dixon 1988; Schütz 1985) Finnish fin 0 -- (Karlsson 1999; Sulkala & Karjalainen 1992) Fongbe fon 0 -- (Lefebvre & Brousseau 2002) French fre 0 -- (cf. Bres & Labeau 2013; Celle & Lansari 2015) Gapapaiwa (McGuckin 2002)

gap 0+ AM via productive compound serialization is found. verb structure: infl-mot-root

Garo (Burling 1961, 2003)

gar 2 2 DIR ITV/VENT suffixes -ang: VENT DIR -ba: ITV DIR verb structure: root-dir-infl

Georgian (Hewitt 1995; Aronson 1982)

geo 9 9 DIR preverbs incl. ITV, VENT, up, down, etc. mi-: VENT DIR mo-: ITV DIR a(ġ)-: up DIR da-: down DIR ga(n)-: out DIR še-: in DIR

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ča-: down into DIR ga(r)da-: across, through DIR c’a(r)-: away DIR [maybe a more extreme ITV?] >Directional meaning preserved only with motion verbs, otherwise abstract verb structure: preverb-root-infl

German (Schenke & Seago 2004; Los et al. 2012; Liste-Lamas 2015)

ger 14?

DIR (separable) prefixes including especially ITV, VENT hin-: ITV DIR her-: VENT DIR Various others that usually have more abstract semantics; very often lexicalized verb structure: dir-root-infl or root-infl _ dir

Gola gol 0 -- (Koroma 1994) Gooniyandi goo 0 -- (McGregor 1990) Grebo (Innes 1966)

grb 4 DIR/LOC only; suffixes; one is emphatically specific -dɛ: ‘here’ PROX/VENT -de/dė: ‘there’ DIST/ITV -o: ‘there [particular]’ DIST/ITV.particular -dɛ2: ‘exactly [there]’, always combining with one of the others verb structure: root-dir

Greek (Modern) grk 0 -- (Holton, Mackridge & Philippaki-Warburton 1997, 2004) Greenlandic (West) (Fortescue 1984)

grw 1 1 general AM ‘go/come and’ PRIOR -riar/artu(r): AM, PRIOR, either ‘go/come and’ verb structure: root-mot-infl

Guaraní gua 0 -- (Gregores & Suárez 1967) Gujarati guj 0 -- (Cardona & Suthar 2003) Gunbalang (Dixon 2002;

gnb 3 3 DIR (possibly AM but no data on that)

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Harris 1969) mun-: ITV DIR Nanj-: VENT DIR man-: down DIR >Some or all of these may also function as AM but no data available to support that currently. verb structure: agr-dir-…-root-…

Gurr-goni grg 0 -- (Green 1995) Haida (Enrico 2003; Swanton 1911)

hai 15+

3 AM PRIOR ITV/ITV-vehicle/combining-‘return’ suffixes; 12 DIR suffixes 2 suffix AM PRIOR manner -ra: ‘go (on foot, fly off) to do’ AM ITV[?], PRIOR -7in: ‘go on vehicle to do’ AM ITV[?] w/manner, PRIOR 1 suffix AM PRIOR return combining with above -juu: ‘return from having gone’ [with one of above suffixes 12 DIR suffixes incl. ITV (on foot vs. aboard vehicle), up, down, and various others -ts’i ‘into’; -rwaah ‘out’; -sra ‘to center of clear space’; -gihl ‘to edge of clear space’; -sgyaan ‘across vertical barrier’; -t’as ‘across horizontal expanse; -t’ahl ‘down’; -hll ‘up’; -tl’lxa ‘out of concealment’; -gi ‘into liquid’; -dlll ‘(away) aboard vehicle’; -cid ‘away on foot’ There are also a number of positional/locational affixes listed in Enrico (2003:29). There are also various movement verb formatives based on the form classifier+formative listed in Enrico (2003:30). There’s also a special imperative ‘go do’ AM suffix -ralaa but that looks like a combination of -ra above. verb structure: …-root-suffix-…

Hamtai ham 0 -- (Oates & Oates 1968) Hatam hat 0 -- (Reesink 1999) Hausa (Newman 1983, 2000, 2007;

hau 5 5 templatic morphological forms for DIR incl. VENT, ITV, up, down Grade 5: ‘causative’ or ‘efferential’ is roughly ITV DIR, also abstractly ‘away’ (buy+away = ‘sell’)

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Jaggar 2001; Frajzyngier 1987)

Grade 6: ‘ventive’ VENT DIR; can combine with ITV when the ITV meaning is abstract Grade 7: ‘down’ DIR Grade 4: ‘up’ DIR Grade 1: ‘applicative’ or ‘on’ DIR The Hausa ‘grades’ are tone-and-suffix templatic patterns similar to Arabic templatic morphology. For meanings interpreted systematically in this way see Newman (1983:414-5). verb structure: root[+gradetones]-gradesuffix

Hawaiian (Hawkins 1982)

haw 0+ 4 post-verbal DIR particles, not morphological but grammaticalized mai: VENT aku: ITV iho: down a’e: up/oblique verb structure: [verb particle]

Hebrew (Modern)

heb 0 -- (Glinert 1989; La Sor 1979)

Hindi hin 0 -- (Koul 2008; Agnihotri 2007) Hixkaryana (Derbyshire 1979)

hix 4 4 AM suffixes, PRIOR, in imperatives only, varying based on person and collectivity, ITV default? -ta: 2ndPers, non-collective AM -tano: 1stPers, non-collective AM -tatxko: 2ndPers, collective AM -tanyeno: 1stPers, collective AM >‘collectivity’ refers to whether the members of the group act individually or collectively >these seem to be ITV by default, and that makes sense for imperatives There are also various clitics/particles/adverbs that can occur with other imperatives (and possibly some in general). verb structure: …-root-mot

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Hmong Njua hmo 0 -- (Harriehausen 1990) Hoava hoa 0 -- (Davis 2003) Hungarian (Kenesei, Vago & Fenyvesi 1998; Rounds 2009)

hun 8+ 8+ DIR ‘coverbs’, separable verb prefixes as in German, incl. ITV, VENT, up, down, etc. el- ‘away’ ITV, oda- ‘toward there’ directed ITV, ide ‘toward here’ VENT, vissza ‘back’, fel- ‘up’, le- ‘down’, be- ‘in’, ki- ‘out’ >There are more and they can be used with some other senses, although they seem to be maybe a little more often literal than in German, and more productive with motion verbs. verb structure: prev-root-infl

Hunzib hzb 0 -- (van den Berg 1995) Ika (Arhuaco) (Frank 1990)

ika 1 1 AM PRIOR+SUBSEQ ‘go/come and do and return’ suffix -bina: motion suffixing indicating either go/come in order to do something and then returning to the original ‘primary’ location; combines specifically with the imperfective aspect suffix (because this is a drawn out event and not an undifferentiated whole); the return may be anticipated (e.g., will ‘presumably’ return), so perhaps this is slightly more prior than subsequent. verb structure: root-infl-mot

Imonda (Seiler 1985, 1986)

imo 0+ There are some AM-like uses of compound serial verbs with classifiers, cf. Seiler (1986:201).

Indonesian ind 0 -- (Sneddon 1996) Iraqw (Mous 1993)

irq 4- 4 DIR suffixes, only in imperatives, same DIR information but contrastive to number/transitivity -áng: ITV DIR, singular.imp, intransitive -aré’: ITV DIR, plural.imp, intransitive -ang: ITV DIR, singular.imp, transitive (‘there is an object’) -are’: ITV DIR, plural.imp, transitive However, these can be partially further broken down: >Plural marking is –e’ (but why /r/>/ng/?) >Transitivity is indicated by a lack of tone [in terms of orthographic marking] (but which

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syllable?) verb structure: root-suffix

Irish iri 0 -- (Ó Siadhail 1989; Ó Dochartaigh 1992; Ó Baoill 2010; Mac Congáil 2004; Doyle 2001) Italian ita 0 -- (Cardinaletti & Giusti 2001, 2003; Levie 2013; Rohlfs 1966)

Note: in some southern varieties, an inflectionally-invariant va ‘go’ may be in the process of morphologizing with a lexical verb via periphrasis (Sorrisi 2010; Di Caro 2015; Ledgeway 2016).

Itzaj (Maya) itz 0 -- (Hofling 2000) Jabêm (Ross 2002b)

jab 3 3 DIR from grammaticalized/morphologized SVCs, corresponding to persons (1, 2, 3), prefixed mèŋ-: VENT -wàʔ: ITV to 2nd person -yà: ITV (to 3rd person) verb structure: (uncertainty)-dir-agr-root-infl

Jakaltek (Craig 1977, 1993)

jak 10+

10 DIR suffixes, which can also combine with each other to form complex directionals, incl. VENT, ITV, up, down 10 DIR suffixes transparently derived from motion verbs -toj ‘away from’ ITV; -tij ‘toward’ VENT; -(a)h ‘up’; -(a)y ‘down’; -(o/e/i)k ‘in’; -(e/i)l ‘out’; -(e/i)k ‘passing, through’; -pax ‘back, again’; -kan ‘remaining, still’; -kanh ‘up, suddenly’ >These can combine into complex directionals verb structure: [agr]root-dir(-dir)

Jaminjung jam 0 -- (Schultze-Berndt 2000, 2006; Hoffmann 2011) Japanese jpn 0 -- (Hinds 1986) Ju|'hoan juh 0 -- (Dickens 2005) Kairiru krr 0 -- (Ross 2002c; Wivell 1981) Kalkatungu (Blake 1979; Dixon 2002)

kgu 2 2 DIR suffixes, ITV and VENT, only documented in imperatives -ṉṯu: ITV DIR, only observed in imperatives -u: VENT DIR, only observed in imperatives >called ‘AM’ by Dixon2002:202 but no evidence of usage beyond DIR.

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verb structure: roo-infl-dir-agr

Kamaiurá kma 0 -- (Seki 2000) Kambera kam 0 --(Klamer 1998, 2005) Kana (Ikoro 1996)

kan 1 1 DIR ITV suffix, complicated semantics -lí: ITV DIR suffix, but complicated semantices, maybe not normal ITV: >combining as go-ITV ‘go away’, optional > subsequent DIR? >combining as come-ITV ‘come back from somewhere’, ‘come from away’ > prior DIR? verb structure: root-itv

Kannada knd 0 -- (Sridhar 1990) Kanuri knr 0 -- (Cyffer 1991; Hutchison 1981) Karen (Pwo) kpw 0 -- (Kato 2003) Karok (Bright 1957; Mithun 1999)

krk 44+

43+ DIR suffixes, including river-oriented ones! 1AM PRIOR suffix combining with DIRs -(a)r:̃ general AM ‘go/come and…’, PRIOR, can combine with DIR suffixes 34 DIR suffixes, ranging from ITV and VENT to specific things like ‘down from the height of a man or less’, ‘in through a tubular space’, etc. 9 more, river-based DIR suffixes, including ITV/VENT-like ‘hither from downriver’ types. >Details and examples Mithun1999:142-4 verb structure: agr-root-mot-dir

Kashmiri kas 0 -- (Wali & Koul 1997; Koul 2003) Kâte (Pilhofer 1933; Schneuker 1962)

kat 0 There are three lexicalized triplets of the verb ‘go’ for ITV/VENT/2ndPers and Ø/up/down (Pilhofer1933:70-1), but there is no separable morphology.

Kayardild kay 0 -- (Evans 1995) Kera (Ebert 1979, 2003)

ker 2 2 DIR VENT,ITV suffixes; VENT also used as AM (SUBSEQ!); unclear if ITV also used as AM -dà: VENT DIR & SUBSEQ AM ‘do and come’

20

-ná: ITV, less common, appears to be only directional meaning ‘away, far off’, possibly also subsequent AM but more data would be needed. >These interact with inflection; the optative, for example, is omitted when they are used. verb structure: root-mot

Ket (Vajda 2004; Werner 1997)

ket 3+ 3+ DIR prefixes incl. ITV, VENT, ‘around’ ~k(ʷ)-: ‘away’, ITV DIR prefix ~k-: ‘here’, VENT DIR/LOC prefix n-: ‘around an object, circularly’ DIR >A handful of other locatives/positionals are found, but not clearly DIR verb structure: …-dir-…root-…

Kewa (Franklin 1971; Yarapea 2006)

kew 2 DIR only; suffixes -niaa: ‘downward’ DIR -saa: ‘upward’ DIR >can indicate ‘burn hill upward/downward’, so motion of action not just subject verb structure: root-dir-agr

Khalkha (Mongolian)

kha 0 -- (Svantesson 2003; Kullmann & Tserenpil 2001; Janhunen 2012; Poppe 1964)

Kham (Watters 2002)

kmh 2 2 AM suffixes, ITV, VENT; PRIOR -na: ITV AM suffix -hu: VENT AM suffix >originally compounded SVCs (go, come) but now grammaticalized verb structure: infl-…-root-…-mot-…infl

Khanty (Nikolaeva 1999)

kty 12 12 DIR prefixes/proclitics (separable), incl. up, down, and other meanings 12 DIR preverbs = particles (not quite morphology, maybe clitics but can be separated from the verb) expressing down/up/out/ahead/across/up.from.river/etc. Often used to indicate perfectivity or other

21

abstract meanings. verb structure (unclear from source): preverb … …-root-…

Khasi khs 0 -- (Rabel 1961) Khmu' kmu 0 -- (Premsrirat 1987; Svantesson & Holmer 2014; Svantesson 1983) Khoekhoe (Hagman 1977; Haacke 2013a, 2013b)

kho 3 3 DIR suffixes incl. VENT, limited productivity -xà: VENT DIR suffix, only combining with three roots -rú: ‘along’ DIR, combining only with a few roots -maā: distributive ‘[go] around’ DIR, maybe LOC, almost AM in distributing an event implying motion; appears more frequent than the others verb structure: root-suff

Kiowa (Watkins 1984)

kio 3+ VENT AM/DIR; ITV DIR, ITV AM (related?); suffix; PRIOR -ą̀·: VENT AM/DIR -hí~hɔ̀·: ITV DIR -hó·: ‘go and’ ITV AM Additional: -gų̂·: active distributive ‘do about here and there’ DIR distributive -yɔ̀·: stative distributive ‘scattered about’ LOC distributive verb structure: root-root~aux~suffix…

Kiribati (Groves, Groves & Jacobs 1985; Cowell 1951; Bingham 1922; Trussel 1979)

krb 6 6 DIR suffixes ITV, VENT, 2ndPes, down, up, back -nako: ITV DIR (‘away from speaker’); itive also implied by lack of suffix on some verbs -mai: VENT[1stPers] DIR -wati: [to.2ndPers] DIR -rake: east/up/shore DIR -rio: west/down/sea DIR -rikaaki: backward DIR

22

>(Most of) these are related to Polynesian directional partiles in general, but these seem to be suffixing based on available data. verb structure: root-suff

Koasati (Kimball 1991)

koa 6 2 AM PRIOR ITV/VENT prefixes; 4 fossilized DIR prefixes oht/oh/o-: ITV AM PRIOR prefix i:t/it/i-: VENT AM PRIOR prefix Various locationals, plus 4 fossilized DIR prefixes that only occur with about a dozen verbs: ac-: ‘outward’ DIR cok-: ‘inward’ DIR ako-: down DIR ono(n)-: up DIR verb structure: pref-root-infl

Kobon (Davies 1981)

kob 1 1 DIR VENT suffix -u: VENT DIR, reverses default itive directional motion verbs verb structure: unclear, maybe root-suff-infl; possibly complex stem changes

Kolami kol 0 -- (Subrahmanyam 1998) Kombai (de Vries 1993)

kmb 0+ Productive compound SVCs with motion roots, not grammaticalized AM.

Korean kor 0 -- (Chang 1996) Korku kku 0 -- (Nagaraja 1999) Koromfe kfe 0 -- (Rennison 1997) Korowai (van Enk & de Vries 1997)

krw 0+ Productive compound SVCs with motion roots, not grammaticalized AM.

Koyraboro Senni (Heath 1999)

kse 1 1 DIR VENT suffix -kate: VENT DIR suffix, limited root combinations

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verb structure: root-suff

Krongo (Reh 1985)

kro 2 2 DIR VENT/ITV suffixes -kÁ/-´: VENT DIR suffix -(À)cÁ: ITV DIR suffix >There’s also another valency increasing use of these suffixes, but DIR only for motion verbs verb structure: …-root-suff-…

Kugu Nganhcara (Smith & Johnson 2000)

knc 0+ Preverbal enclitic (attaching to the word before the verb) adverbial -(pa)la ‘hither’ VENT and -(pu)yu ‘thither’ DIR markers. They appear grammaticalized but not as verbal affixes. Sometimes they can attach to the verb itself but it seems rare from the examples.

Kukú (Cohen 2000)

kuk 2 2 AM (CONCURRENT) + DIR suffixes, VENT, ITV -ún: VENT DIR/AM (CONCURRENT) -íríʔ: ITV DIR/AM (CONCURRENT) >the AM usage is along the lines of ‘shake’>‘shake in this direction’, or ‘while moving’, also can be abstract/metaphorical (benefactive, etc.). verb structure: root-mot

Kuot kuo 0 -- (Chung & Chung 1996; Lindström 2002) Kutenai kut 0+ Several DIR and AM ‘preverbs’ but they have a suffix (-ł) and are separate words.

(Dryer 1999; Morgan 1991; Canestrelli 1894; Canestrelli & Boas 1926; Boas 1926) Kwaio (Keesing 1985)

kwa 0+ Austronesian/Polynesian-style postverbal DIR (not AM) particles: mai VENT, kau ITV + la’a-kau ‘out there’; ‘a-la’a ‘up’, ‘ai-sifo ‘down’, ‘ai-tori ‘down’; also LOC lo-’oo ‘here’, no’o-na ‘there’

Lai (Peterson 2003; Peterson & VanBik 2004)

lai 7 3 AM incl. VENT, ITV, mostly PRIOR; 4 DIR (vertical? plus ITV/VENT information); there could be some overlap raa/rat-: VENT AM, (PRIOR?) va-: ITV AM, PRIOR hay-: ITV proximal AM, (PRIOR)

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von-: sudden, proximal ITV(?) DIR(?) ruŋ-: motion from above towards speaker DIR(?) huŋ-: motion upwards towards speaker DIR(?) vuŋ-: motion downwards away from speaker DIR(?); used almost interchangeably today with huŋ-. >Unclear which are AM/DIR and if there is overlap; description minimal in Peterson (2003). Some examples provided in Peterson & Van Bik (2004). verb structure: agr-dir-root-infl

Lak (Zhirkov 1955; Schulze 2007, p.c.)

lak 0+ Possibly some archaic fossilized preverbs like wi- indicating ‘upwards’ but lexicalized and not found literally with motion verbs today.

Lakhota (Buechel 1939; de Reuse 2006)

lkt 0+ Productive compound SVCs with motion roots, not clearly grammaticalized AM. >Almost an instance of 2-way AM with go/come, but there’s also additional inflection required in the root and it is considered to be a type of compound serialization.

Lamang (Wolff 1983)

lmg 9+ 8 DIR ITV,VENT,up,down (IMPF vs. non-IMPF), plus ‘into’ DIR 4 non-IMPF vs. IMPF pairs of verbal extensions: -v́v`, -´ghà: ~ITV -´b`, -´bè: ~VENT~ -´f`, -´fé: up -`gá´, -´ɗé: down >These combine with four verbal bases for motion verbs, varying by go/come vs. IMPF/non-IMPF, but they can also combine with some other verbs -´ŋ`: ‘into’ verbal extension, and several others may have spatial semantics verb structure: root-ext-infl

Lango (Noonan 1992)

lan 1 VENT DIR suffix -ô: VENT DIR verb strucutre: root-suff

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Latvian (Mathiassen 1997; Prauliņš 2012)

lat 10?~

DIR perfectivizing prefixes incl. ‘away’, ‘in’, ‘above’, etc., similar to German About 10 DIR prefixes listed, often with abstract meanings but sometimes concrete meanings with motion verbs, in Mathiassen1997:159-61; none obviously ITV/VENT like in German but some similar like ‘away’. Used for perfectivizing function as in Slavic. verb structure: pref-root-infl

Lavukaleve lav 0 -- (Terrill 2003) Laz (Holisky 1991)

laz 8 8 DIR preverbs (proclitics/prefixes) incl. VENT, ITV, up, down; similar to Georgian, maybe a little more morphologized. e=: up; ge=: down; me=: away (from speaker) ITV; mo=: toward (speaker) VENT; gama=: out, ama=: in, dolo=: in, go=: back and forth verb structure: …-prev-…-root-…-infl

Lele (Frajzyngier 2001)

lel 0+ There is a VENT DIR particle that is a separate word following the verb; corresponding ‘allative’ form seems to be an itive, but it is clearly an adverb.

Lepcha (Plaisier 2007; Mainwaring 1876)

lep 1 1 AM ITV PRIOR suffix -nón: ITV AM PRIOR suffix, mostly used now as resultative suffix but rarely sometimes retains literal meaning verb structure: root-suff

Lezgian lez 0 -- (Haspelmath 1993) Lillooet lil 0 -- (van Eijk 1997; Davis & Matthewson 1996; Davis 1999) Longgu lgu 0 -- (Hill 2002) Lugbara lug 0 -- (Crazzolara 1960) Luvale (Horton 1949; White 1947, 1949; Botne 1999)

luv 1 1 ITV AM (PRIOR) prefix, also LOC and temporal functions ka-: ITV AM (PRIOR) or DISTAL LOC, also temporal, possibly mostly used with imperatives, maybe also infinitives, and in other tenses has more of an aspectual function

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verb structure: dir-…-root-… Ma'di (Blackings & Fabb 2003)

mad 1 1 AM VENT (SUBSEQ) prefix; also lexicalized with a few motion verbs as DIR e-: VENT AM prefix, SUBSEQ (‘indicating that the action described took place elsewhere and that one of the participants, usually the agent, is [or is implied to be] now at or near the location of the speaker, usually by having come towards the speaker subsequent to the action’); also lexicalized (‘come’, ‘bring’) as DIR verb structure: mot-root

Maale mle 0 -- (Amha 2001) Madurese mdr 0 -- (Davies 1999, 2010; Stevens 1968) Maithili mai 0 -- (Yadav 1996, 2003) Makah (Jacobsen 1999; Davidson 2002, p.c.; (Davidson & Werle 2010; Werle p.c.; Gill & Renker 1992)

mak 1 AM ITV only in imperatives; suffix; PRIOR -či: ITV AM only imperatives verb structure: root-mot-agr

Malagasy mal 0 -- (Fugier 1999; Rasoloson & Carl 2005; Domenichini-Ramiaramanana 1977) Malayalam mym 0 -- (Asher & Kumari 1997) Mam (England 1983, 1976)

mam 2 2 DIR ITV/VENT suffixes -x: ITV DIR suffix -tz: VENT DIR suffix >only on intransitive motion verbs Additionally, there are 14 directional particles (separate words) used in general and frequently. verb structure: dir.particle …-root-…-dir-…

Mandarin mnd 0 -- (Li & Thompson 1981) Mangarrayi myi 0 -- (Merlan 1982) Mangghuer mgg 0 -- (Slater 2003a, 2003b)

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Maori (Bauer 1993)

mao 0+ There are 4 (typical Polynesian) postverbal DIR particles (mai VENT, atu ITV, ake up, iho down). These are lexicalized and suffixed to a few verbs, most commonly ‘give’ (all three) and ‘come’ includes VENT. These seeme exceptional, not considered a morphological strategy here.

Mapudungun (Smeets 2008)

map 3 2 AM/LOC suffixes; 1 DIR (‘around, about’) -pa: VENT LOC/AM (PRIOR) suffix -me: ITV LOC/AM suffix (a little later than -pa in the verb structure) -(k)iaw: ‘circular movement’ DIR suffix, meaning ‘around’ or ‘in no particular direction’ Additional: -pu: elsewhere LOC suffix, no motion implied verb structure: root-…-dir-(dir2-)…-infl

Marathi mhi 0 -- (Pandharipande 1997) Maricopa (Gordon 1986)

mar 2+ 2 DIR ITV,VENT, possibly also as LOC, and maybe one more ‘neutral/identificational’ 2 demonstrative DIR/LOC suffixes: s-: ITV (‘far’ DEM) DIR/LOC suffix; used to indicate the subject is away or seen at a distance v-: VENT (‘near DEM’) DIR/LOC suffix 1 additional DEM suffix, maybe used as LOC or DEF or identificational: ny-: ‘there’ in an anaphoric sense? (‘neutral, anaphoric’ DEM) verb structure: dem-agr-root-…-infl

Marquesan (Lynch 2002a; Cablitz 2006)

mrq 0+ 4 postverbal (typical Polynesian) DIR particles: mai VENT, atu ITV, iho down, a’e/ake down

Martuthunira mrt 0 -- (Dench 1995) Matsés (Fleck 2003; Guillaume 2016)

myr 16 14 AM suffixes distinguishing VENT/ITV, transitivity, PRIOR/CONCURRENT/P+SUBSEQ, and more; also 2 vertical DIR suffixes, possibly (ergative)-absolutive type 4 AM suffixes:

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-tan: ITV+return AM PRIOR(+SUBSEQ) -uan: VENT+return AM PRIOR(+SUBSEQ) -yo: imperative AM suffix (no go/come distinction, except for some verbs), archaic, used with very few verbs, PRIOR -tuid: ‘do upon arrival, stop to do verb’ PRIOR AM 10 more AM suffixes in pairs based on transitivity: -bidan: ‘go, stop, do, and continue going’ ITV AM interrupted PRIOR+SUBSEQ TRANS -cuidan: ‘go, stop, do, and continue going’ ITV AM interrupted PRIOR+SUBSEQ INTRANS/TRANS -bëtsen: ‘come, stop, do, and continue coming’ VENT AM interrupted PRIOR+SUBSEQ TRANS -cuëtsen: ‘come, stop, do, and continue coming’ VENT AM interrupted PRIOR+SUBSEQ INTRANS/TRANS -nid: ITV AM CONCURRENT INTRANS -ban: ITV AM CONCURRENT TRANS -cho: VENT AM CONCURRENT INTRANS -bë: VENT AM CONCURRENT TRANS -cuen: ‘do while passing (by/through)’ AM CONCURRENT INTRANS -ben: ‘do while passing (by/through)’ AM CONCURRENT TRANS 2 vertical DIR suffixes: -bud: downward -do: upward >Fleck (2003:373fn9) indicates there is no evidence of the directional referring to transitive agents, so these appear to be absolutive-modifying suffixes >In a way these are a lot like AM (compared to verticals in other languages), but they do seem to extend/describe existing paths rather than adding a path in most cases, so probably just DIR verb structure: root-…-mot-infl

Maung (Capell & Hinch 1970)

mau 2 DIR suffixes -wi/bi: VENT [speaker]

29

-ga/-ɣa: ITV >suffixes on verbs and other classes verb structure: root-suffix

Maybrat may 0 -- (Dol 2007) Mbay mby 0 -- (Keegan 1997) Mbili mbi 0 -- (Ayuninjam 1998) Meithei (Chelliah 1997, 2003)

mei 7 3 LOC suffixes, 2 of which are AM because they imply movement (PRIOR ITV, or CONCUR/SUBSEQ VENT); 4 DIR suffixes 4 DIR suffixes (suff1 position): -sin: in DIR -thok: out DIR -thə: down DIR -khət: up DIR 3 AM and/or LOC suffixes (suff2 position): -lə: ‘proximal’ PROX LOC, action occurs at location of speech event; not clearly AM -lək: ‘distal’ DIST LOC, action takes place or starts away from speaker, but then SUBSEQ/CONCURRENT VENT AM implied -lu ‘action away from speaker’ ITV PRIOR AM verb structure: root-suff1-suff2-…

Midob mid 0 -- (Werner 1993) Mixtec (Chalcatongo)

mxc 0 -- (Macaulay 1996)

Miya miy 0 -- (Schuh 1998) Mocoví (Grondona 1998a, 1998b)

mcv 15 1 VENT DIR prefix plus 14 LOC/DIR enclitics incl. ITV/VENT, up/down n-: VENT DIR prefix >can sometimes be used as a reflexive marker (‘I bathe hither/myself’) 14 LOC/DIR enclitics:

30

-ñi down, -šigim up, -ot under, -leg on, -(w)eg out, -wgi in, -ñigi inside, -(w)o inwards/hither, -kena VENT, -igi ITV (‘towards (there?)’), -aʔta ‘on’, -eʔe ‘with’, -igit ‘behind’, -pe(ge)ʔ ‘up to’ verb structure: agr-dir-root-asp-loc-obj

Mohawk (Mithun 1999, 2000, p.c.; Lickers, Michelson & Price 2011)

moh 3 1 ITV AM PRIOR suffix; 2 ITV/VENT DIR prefixes ta-: cisloc VENT DIR prefix ia’-: transloc ITV DIR prefix -ha: disloc ITV AM PRIOR suffix verb structure: …-dir-…root-…mot-infl

Monumbo (Vormann & Scharfenberger 1914)

mbo 0+ Productive compound(?) SVCs with motion roots, not grammaticalized AM.

Mosetén (Sakel 2004; Guillaume 2016)

mos 6 6 AM suffixes, ITV/VENT +, PRIOR & CONCUR -k(i): ITV AM PRIOR -ti/sh: VENT AM PRIOR -kho: ITV AM CONCUR -cchi: VENT AM CONCUR -ji: distributive AM CONCUR -min: interruptive AM (of other AM-marked verb!) PRIOR (upon interrupting, relatively CONCUR to original AM) verb structure: root-…-mot-…-agr

Mundari (Osada 1992, 2008)

mun 0+ Productive compound SVCs with motion roots, not grammaticalized AM. However, even with these, ‘go’ and ‘come’ are not used (though other verbs like ‘come out’ are).

Mupun mup 0 -- (Frajzyngier 1993) Musgu mgu 0 -- (Meyer-Bahlburg 1972) Mussau mus 2 2 DIR suffixes/enclitics, ITV,VENT

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(Ross 2002d; Brownie & Brownlie 2007)

-la: ITV DIR -sio: VENT DIR >these are technically enclitics rather than suffixes, seem to be fairly tightly bound to the verb verb structure: root-agr-dir

Nabak nab 0 -- (Fabian, Fabian & Waters 1998) Nagatman (Campbell & Campbell 1987)

nag 5+ Many (at least 5) DIR suffixes, unknown total number, including ITV,VENT DIR; also at least 1 LOC Some include: -(k)ak: ITV DIR -(k)wëi: VENT DIR -(k)ou: ‘movement along’ or(?) ‘back and forth’ DIR -[?]: ‘away from bush’ DIR -[?]: ‘towards bush’ DIR -eKef: PROX LOC >Campbell & Campbell (1987:60-1) specifically state they have not described/identified all of the suffixes. verb structure: root-agr-…-dir-…-infl

Nahuatl (Mecayapan Isthmus) (Wolgemuth 2002=2007)

nmi 12 Complicated, interesting AM system: 12 AM ITV vs. VENT suffixes distributed over PRIOR (also P+SUBSEQ), tense, and SG/PL agreement. 6 distinctions (plus plural forms, see below) -ti: pres/fut ‘goes to V’ ITV PRIOR NONPAST -to: preterite ‘went to V’ ITV PRIOR PAST -to:ya: preterite+return ‘went to V and returned’ ITV PRIOR+SUBSEQ PAST -ki: pres/fut ‘comes to V’ VENT PRIOR NONPAST -ko: preterite ‘came to V’ VENT PRIOR PAST -to:ya: preterite+return ‘came to V and returned’ VENT PRIOR+SUBSEQ PAST >-ya could be considered a distinct suffix for ‘and returned’ but it only combines in the past, so

32

this seems like a reasonable part of the paradigm as is. The explanation actually might be that the past-returned forms are plausible because it has already occurred, whereas the future ones would be a prediction and not observable except the preparation to leave. So there may be some effect of current temporal perspective on the use of these forms as well. >similarly t/k could be considered separable in the paradigm for ITV vs. VENT >Plural agreement is indicated by suffixing -h to the end of any of these forms, so the number of forms in the paradigm is doubled, because other tenses have distinct plural forms. >Typically these forms of the verb combine with auxiliary verbs of movement, thus double-marking AM (morphologically and syntactically). But it does not seem that these forms are completely dependent on the auxiliaries. An alternative morphological analysis would result in: t ITV (1) k VENT (1) i: PRES (2) o: PAST (2) -ya ‘and return’ (vs. Ø no return), only compatible with past (3) -h plural (vs. Ø singular) (4) >Any combination of these is possible: verb structure: replace ‘infl’ suffix below with choices above for 1-2-3-4 >However, this approach would leave unexplained why there are different plural and tense markers in the AM tenses, and also does not inherently explain the restriction of ‘return’ to past usage. Therefore this alternative analysis will not be adopted here. verb structure: (mot.aux _) root-infl [where infl is mot in the case of AM]

Nahuatl (Tetelcingo) (Tuggy 1979)

nht 13 11 AM suffixes with ITV vs VENT, PRIOR vs CONC, plural forms, etc.; 2 DIR prefixes ITV,VENT (possibly concurrent AM, but data is weak) 11 AM suffixes: -ti: PRES AM ITV PRIOR -ti-we: PRES AM ITV PRIOR PL -ki: PRES AM VENT PRIOR -ki-we: PRES AM VENT PRIOR PL

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-to: PAST AM ITV PRIOR -ko: PAST AM VENT PRIOR -t-ɔya: PAST AM CONCURRENT ‘was Ving while going’ -tiewa: ‘leave Ving’AM ITV CONCURRENT -tιnemι: ‘go around Ving’ AM dispersed CONCURRENT -tehko: ‘upon arrival there’ endpoint ITV PRIOR, only used in subjunctive and future -tιwic: ‘comes Ving’ AM VENT CONCURRENT, only used in present >As with the other variety above, some of these could be analyzed in more morphological detail but they seem to form a distinct paradigm with idiosyncrasies compared to others. 2 DIR prefixes wal-: VENT DIR, possibly also AM (CONCURRENT) on-: ITV DIR, possibly also AM (CONCURRENT) verb structure: agr-dir-root-infl[incl.mot]

Nambikuára (Southern)

nmb 0 -- (Kroeker 2001; Lowe 1999)

Navajo (Young & Morgan 1987)

nav 50+

Many (50+) DIR prefixes, ranging from simple VENT,ITV (‘away’), ~up, ~down or ‘aimlessly’ to complex like ‘into [patient]’s mouth’ and ‘away from fire’ Derivational DIR-related prefixes listed in Young & Morgan (1987:37-8) >there are various other e.g. LOC affixes too >no clear instances of AM >unclear how productive all of this is, but many prefixes so it is extensive in the lexicon at least verb structure: …-adv1-…-adv2-…root

Ndebele (in South Africa)

ndb 0 -- (Bowern & Lotridge 2002)

Ndjébbana (McKay 2000; Dixon 2002)

ndj 1 1 VENT DIR prefix bala-: VENT DIR prefix

34

verb structure: agr-dir-root-infl Nelemwa nel 0 -- (Bril 2002) Nepali nep 0 -- (Riccardi 2003; Acharya 1991) Newar (Dolakha)

nwd 0 -- (Genetti 1994, 2003)

Nez Perce (Rude 1985)

nez 2 2 DIR VENT/ITV suffixes -(i)m: cisloc VENT DIR suffix -ki(k): transloc ITV DIR suffix, rarer than cisloc >The cisloc is very frequent, although (different) combinatorial restrictions for both apply for certain tenses/moods verb structure: agr-root-dir-infl

Ngalakan ngl 0 -- (Merlan 1983) Ngiyambaa (Donaldson 1980)

ngi 2+ AM general motion, CONCURRENT; reversive DIR; suffixes -wa-y: MOT ‘while moving’ concurrent AM with non-stative verbs (‘eat while moving’), but with stative verbs it is strictly inchoative -buna-y/buri-y: ‘do back’ DIR (reverse direction, of an object of transitive ‘throw ball back’ or agent of motion verb), etc. Additional: -bi-y: ‘behind’ LOC/TEMP verb structure: root-suffixes

Nhanda (Blevins 2001)

nha 3 1 ambulative AM CONCURRENT suffix; 2 VENT DIR suffixes that are distinguished by tense -nggula: ambulative AM CONCURRENT, ‘while going along/about’ >[in inflectional paradigm, not like directional suffixes below] -yu: NONFUT VENT DIR suffix -yana: FUT VENT DIR suffix >Future distinction is probably from an original serial verb combination

35

verb structure: root-infl[incl.mot]-dir

Nias nia 0 -- (Brown 2001, 2005, p.c.) Nisgha (Tarpent 1987; Mithun 1999)

nsg 62+

Mithun (1999:144-7) lists 62 DIR/LOC proclitics/prefixes. Many are DIR or can be used that way, hard to separate them out. verb structure: dir-root

Niuafo'ou (Early 2002)

nif 0+ 6 postverbal DIR particles (as often found in Polynesian): mai VENT, atu ITV, ange ‘to side’, (h)ake ‘up’, ‘ifo/hijo ‘down’, holo ‘about’

Niuean (Seiter 1980; Massam 2013)

niu 0+ 5 postverbal DIR particles (as often found in Polynesian): mai VENT, atu ‘toward 2ndPers’, age ITV, hake ‘up’, hifo ‘down’

Nivkh niv 0 -- (Gruzdeva 1998) Nkore-Kiga nko 0 -- (Taylor 1985) Nsenga (Ranger 1928; Miti 2001, 2002; Madan 1905)

nse 2 2 AM prefixes, VENT,ITV PRIOR ka-: AM ITV PRIOR prefix za-: AM VENT PRIOR prefix >used especially in imperatives >there may be a difference in frequency or otherwise between vent vs. itv, not entirely clear information on this >these overlap with temporal and LOC functions to some degree verb structure: mot-…root-…

Nuaulu (Bolton 1990)

nua 0+ 10 postverbal DIR particles (as often found in Polynesian): mai VENT, roe ‘up’, poe ‘down’, nau ‘seaward’, ria ‘inland’, pani ‘across’, kua ‘in the area of’, noi ‘unspecified direction’, hahae ‘on the side of’, suru ‘toward’ >suru ‘toward’ can combine with others

O'odham (Saxton 1982)

ood 2 2 AM suffixes ITV(?) PRIOR, varying by SG/PL -mɨḍ: SG ITV(?) PRIOR AM -op: PL ITV(?) PRIOR AM >there is a linking element ‘gerundive suffix’ added before the AM suffix

36

>these do appear to be ITV in general but no clear contrast with ventive direction, could be generally ‘come/go and…’ verb structure (in this case): root-link-mot

Obolo obo 0 -- (Faraclas 1984) Ojibwa (Eastern) (Valentine 2001)

oji 4 4 DIR/AM prefixes incl. VENT,ITV and PRIOR,CONCURRENT AM biid/biij-: VENT AM PRIOR, DIR anim-: ITV AM PRIOR, DIR bim-: ‘along’ AM CONCURRENT, DIR bibaam/babaam-: ‘around’, distrib, AM CONCURRENT, DIR Additional: There are also (applicative?) prepositional-like ‘relative roots’ like ‘to’, ‘from’, including also ‘there, in that location’ LOC. verb structure: dir-root

Oneida (Abbott 1981, 2000, 2006)

ond 3 1 AM ITV[general?], PRIOR, suffix; 2 DIR ITV/VENT suffixes -h: disloc AM ITV suffix >motion or non-motion verbs, ‘go and…’ >as in other related languages, may be related to purposive function t-: cisloc DIR/LOC VENT [speaker or focus of attention] ye-: transloc DIR/LOC ITV >these indicate location with non-motion verbs >sometimes lexicalized; also sometimes temporal usage verb structure: prepronomprefixes[incl.dir]-pronomprefixes-root-[derivationalsuffixes>incl.AM]-aspect

Oromo (Harar) (Owens 1985)

orh 2 2 DIR prefixes oli-: up, away/ITV

37

gadi-: down, towards/VENT verb structure: dir-…-agr-root

Otomí (Mezquital) (Hess 1968)

otm 0+ No DIR or AM, but there are 2 LOC suffixes There are two LOC suffixes: -wa: PROX -ni: DIST

Paamese pms 0 -- (Crowley 1982) Páez (Slocum 1986)

pae 7 7 DIR pefixes s-: down DIR c/cu-: in DIR yu’-: back DIR a-: on top of DIR pu’-: facing DIR uy-: across DIR yats-: forward DIR verb structure: dir-root

Paiute (Northern) (Snapp, Anderson & Anderson 1982; Thornes 2011)

pno 5+ 5+ AM suffixes incl. ITV,VENT, PRIOR,CONCURRENT -mina: ITV PRIOR AM suffix -ki(na): VENT PRIOR AM suffix -kima: VENT CONCURRENT AM suffix -nɨmi: ‘random motion’ SG, AM CONC suffix -moo: ‘random motion’ DL/PL, AM CONC suffix 2 more possible AM suffixes: -wɨnai: ‘move aside/away/against’, [SG] -pibɨʔa: ‘move aside/away/against’, [PL] >unclear if these are AM or not

38

>Thornes2011:38 omitted SG/PL labels for these verb structure: agr-root-mot-infl

Paiwan pai 0 -- (Egli 1990) Palauan pal 0 -- (Josephs 1975) Passamaquoddy-Maliseet (Leavitt 1996; Dryer 1999, p.c.)

psm 10+

Various (10+) ‘preverbs’ (proclitics, semi-attachable), incl. 1 AM PRIOR ITV and mostly DIR (plus LOC not listed below), including: naci-: ‘go (there) to do V’ ITV PRIOR AM ckuwi-: ‘toward here’ VENT DIR olomi-: ‘away from here’ ITV DIR sakhi-: ‘do V into view’ VENT/approaching DIR peci-: ‘toward [anywhere]’ general VENT DIR mace-: ‘away [from anywhere]’ general ITV DIR sehta-: ‘backward’ DIR nute-: ‘out’ DIR oloqi-: ‘in a particular direction’ DIR sonuci-: ‘along an edge’ DIR verb structure: agr-preverb+root-infl; preverb may be a separate word or attach as a proclitic

Pech (Holt 1999)

pec 0+ Productive compound SVCs with motion roots, not grammaticalized AM.

Pero (Frajzyngier 1989)

per 2 2 VENT DIR/AM[SUBSEQ] suffixes varying by (in)completeness: -tù: completive aspect VENT DIR/AM SUBSEQ suffix -(í)nà: incompletive aspect VENT DIR/AM SUBSEQ suffix >AM function explained as an action that occurs elsewhere (i.e. DIST LOC) followed by coming Can often co-occur with SVCs or consecutive constructions. verb structure: root-mot

Persian prs 0 -- (Mahootian 1997)

39

Pirahã (Everett 1986)

prh 3 3 DIR suffixes, 2 of which also seem to be AM PRIOR suffixes, possibly productive compound SVCs but seems to be mostly motion roots and possibly not productive (in all combinations?) today -op: ITV DIR/AM PRIOR -hoag: VENT DIR/AM PRIOR -ab: ‘turn’ reverse DIR verb structure: root-mot-…

Pitjantjatjara (Glass & Hackett 1970; Bowe 1990; Goddard 1985; Pyle 2015)

pit 5 5 DIR prefixes ngalya-: ‘in this direction’ VENT DIR ma-: ‘away’ ITV DIR wati-: ‘across/spread’ DIR para-: ‘around’ DIR kuti-: ‘away’ ITV DIR (possibly limited productivity) >there is (at least) one example (Goddard 1985:148 ex. 9-80) that looks like AM with ITV ‘go ask’ but it may be outward directed asking vs. (inherently) ITV motion verb structure: dir-root

Popoloca (Metzontla) (Veerman-Leichsenring 1991)

pop 11(?+)

11(?+) AM PRIOR prefixes based on person (x3), tense (x3) and direction (ITV,VENT) ITV PRIOR AM paradigm: present thì- (1pers); thī- (2pers); thī- (3pers) past xuì- (1pers); xuí- (2pers); xuí- (3pers) future chì/sì- (1pers); chī/sī- (2pers); chī/sī- (3pers) >ITV also has an inchoative function VENT PRIOR AM paradigm: present tì- past kuì- >VENT might also have person distinctions (and a future?) but those aren’t explained; unclear.

40

verb structure: mot-…-root.agr Puluwat (Elbert 1974; Lynch 2002b)

pul 8 8 DIR suffixes incl. ITV, VENT, up, down, and other interesting meanings/nuances; 2 as patient(-comitative?) AM SUBSEQ 8 DIR suffixes: -to: this way, hither, to me: VENT DIR >Also acts as patient(-comitative?) AM SUBSEQ cut-VENT= ‘cut and bring/fetch’ -ló: away, that way, to the south, completely: ITV DIR >Also acts as patient(-comitative?) AM SUBSEQ cut-ITV= ‘cut and send away’ -tá: up, east, lee side of a canoe, completely: ‘up/east’ DIR -tiw: down, low down, west, weather side of a canoe: ‘down/west’ DIR -long: inside, into, inland, ashore, towards Truk [place]: ‘in’ DIR -wow: outside, out, seaward, away from Truk [place]: ‘out’ DIR -waw: towards the addressee: 2ndPers DIR; has limited usage today verb structure: root-dir

Purépecha (Capistrán Garza 2016; Chamoreau 2000; Friedrich 1969, 1971)

pur 6+ 4 DIR/AM PRIOR suffixes varying by VENT/ITV, IMPF vs PFCT aspect, plus 2 AM/DIR ITER suffixes varying by VENT/ITV -pu: VENT AM PRIOR imperfective -mu: VENT AM PRIOR perfective -pa: ITV AM PRIOR imperfective -ma: ITV AM PRIOR perfective >These seem to form a paradigm, but they could also be broken down into C+V for [ASP+DIR]. -nt’a ITV/NEUT AM PRIOR iterative -nkwa VENT AM PRIOR iterative > these can combine with the other AM suffixes either as iteratives or indicating that the path ends with a return to the base (‘went back’, ‘came back’). Also many LOC suffixes. verb structure: root-mot-infl

41

Qafar qaf 0 -- (Bliese 1981) Qiang (LaPolla & Huang 2003; LaPolla 2003; Huang 1997; Sun 1981; Thurgood 2017)

qia 8 8 DIR prefixes incl ITV/VENT/up/down+ As exemplified by lə ‘look at’ (the morphology is not too transparent): təl look upwards zəl look towards centre nəl look upstream əl look in ɑl look downwards dɑl look outwards from centre səl look downstream hɑl look out There is some dialectal variation, depending on which varieties are considered dialects/languages. verb structure: pref-root

Quechua (Huallaga) (Weber 1989; Guillaume 2016; van de Kerke & Muysken 1990; Bills 1972)

qhu 5 1 AM ITV PRIOR, also as VENT DIR; 4 DIR up/down/in/out; these can combine as DIR+AM in one verb -mu: DIR VENT; or DIST LOC ~ ITV AM; also DIR ‘send over great distance’ for sending verbs >The primary meaning seems to be LOC ‘afar’, related to ‘come from afar’, ‘go afar’, etc. 4 DIR suffixes: -rkU: up DIR -rpU: down DIR -rqU: out DIR -ykU: in DIR verb structure: root-dir-mot-infl

Quechua (Imbabura) (Cole 1982)

qim 1 1 AM either PRIOR VENT or SUBSEQ ITV, also as VENT DIR -mu: VENT DIR, or AM PRIOR VENT ‘come and’, or SUBSEQ(+PRIOR?) AM ITV ‘[come and] do V and then return’

42

No other directionals like ‘up’ in this variety, in contrast to others. verb structure: root-mot-infl

Rama (Craig 1990, 1991)

ram 2+ 2 DIR, suffixes; also allows suffixed compound/polysynthetic roots, but seems productive with motion verbs -nanaak: ‘toward’ VENT DIR -nanaik: ‘away’ ITV DIR AM compound/serial roots allowed with the motion verb second including ‘go’, ‘come’, ‘walk’, ‘reach’…; PRIOR verb structure: agr-root-root[mot]-dir-tense

Rapanui (Du Feu 1996; Kieviet 2017)

rap 0+ 2 post-verbal DIR particles, not morphological but grammaticalized, common Polynesian type mai: VENT atu: ITV verb structure: [verb particle]

Retuarã (Strom 1992)

ret 3 3 DIR suffixes: VENT, ITV, vertical; VENT/ITV can also be AM, possibly very limited, maybe CONCURRENT but not entirely clear -raʔa: ‘toward [usually speaker]’ VENT DIR -waʔ: ‘away’ ITV DIR -ta: vertical (up or down) DIR >One example of AM usage of DIR given ‘late+away’ = ‘went late’; also ‘get+toward’ = ‘bring’, so proably CONCURRENT? verb structure: agr-root-dir-infl

Rotuman (Schmidt 2002;

rot 2 2 DIR suffixes, VENT,ITV

43

Churchward 1940; Vamarasi 2002)

-me: VENT DIR -ạfu: ITV DIR There are also postverbal DIR particles for ‘up’, ‘down’. verb structure: root-dir

Russian (Timberlake 1993, 2004; Wade & Gillespie 2011; Endresen et al. 2012; Janda et al. 2013)

rus 8? Various aspectual prefixes act have originally DIR semantics although they are now lexicalized Prefixes include: u- ‘away, down’; v(o)z- ‘up’; v- ‘into, apart’; ot- ‘depart’; pri- ‘arrive’; vy~iz- ‘out of’; pere- ‘transfer’; pod- ‘~bottom/horizontal’ >Motion verbs have unprefixed unidirectional forms by default, versus prefixed DIR for roundtrip or aimless/undirected motion. verb structure: pref-root-infl

Saami (Kildin) ski 0 -- (Kert 1971; Reißler 2007, 2014, p.c.) Saami (Northern)

sno 0 -- (Sammallahti 1998a, 1998b)

Salt-Yui syu 0 -- (Irwin 1974) Sango san 0 -- (Samarin 1967; Pasch 1997)

Note: Sango is considered a contact language (or creole) by some, based on the lexicalizer Ngbandi, or as a variety of Ngbandi by others (cf. Pasch 1997 for discussion), but that distinction is irrelevant here because Ngbandi also lacks AM/DIR (Toronzoni 1989; Lekens 1923; Pasch 1997).

Sangu sgu 0+ -- (Idiata 1998a, 2006; Ondo-Mebiame 2000) Idiata (1998b:265) presents examples with an apparent prefixed root yé- ‘go’ before the main root, but following the normally occurring prefixes. It is possible this is an instance of ITV AM, but the usage of this morpheme is not discussed in any of the sources. Alternatively it could be a lexicalized compound yè-βɛ̂rə̀ (‘go-throw’) or even productive root compounding, although the form appears to be a truncation from the verbal root -yende (‘go’: Idiata 2006:208), suggesting grammaticalization.

Sanuma (Borgman 1990)

snm 3 3 DIR suffixes -lö/hölö: ITV DIR, most common -ima: ‘approaching’ VENT DIR

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-so/solö: ‘arriving’ VENT DIR Also some LOC suffixes. verb structure: root-…-dir-…

Selknam sel 0 -- (Najlis 1973; Tonelli 1926; Beauvoir 1915; Rojas Berscia 2014, p.c.) Selkup skp 0 -- (Helimski 1998; McNaughton 1976) Sentani (Cowan 1965; Hartzler 1976)

snt 6+ 6 DIR suffixes: -mə: VENT DIR -ə: ITV DIR -ho/so/fo: ‘across and away, over’ DIR -o: down DIR -me: ‘descending away, esp. inland to waterside’ down+ITV DIR -di: up DIR For AM, there is a sort of root compounding with a linking element (‘gerund prefixes’) but it appears productive rather than grammaticalized and occurs with other types than just motion. verb structure: root-dir-infl

Shoshone (Miller 1996; Crapo 1976)

sho 10+

3 AM PRIOR,CONCURRENT; 7 DIR suffixes 3 AM suffixes: -miah: ‘while moving’ AM CONCURRENT or ITV AM PRIOR -nukkih: ‘while moving fast’ AM CONCURRENT -nymi": ‘while wandering about’ AM CONCURRENT >called ‘secondary verbs’ but suffixed, and can grammaticalize and get semantically bleached 7 DIR suffixes: -ki": VENT DIR -kkwan: ITV DIR -kwaih: random movement DIR -kyih: ‘here and there’, about DIR

45

-ni": ITV+return DIR -noh: ‘while moving, incl. being moved in vehicle’ DIR -tikih: ‘downward, outward’ DIR [technically a secondary verb like the AM suffixes] There are some LOC suffixes also. verb structure: root-suff

Siar sir 0 -- (Ross 2002e; Rowe 2005) Siuslaw siu 0 -- (Frachtenberg 1922b) Slave (Rice 1989)

sla 50+

Various DIR prefixes on motion verbs (Rice 1989:703-16,etc.), about 50+. >About 47 DIR prefixes listed §24.13.2 in Rice (1989:703-16), and there are more. verb structure: pref-root

So (Carlin 1993)

so 2 2 DIR suffixes, VEN, ITV -ac: VEN DIR -ua: ITV DIR verb structure: infl-root-dir

Somali som 0+ DIR/AM (VENT, ITV) particles, apparently separate words not morphology though called clitics. (Bourdin 2005; Saeed 1999; Berchem 1991)

Southeast Ambrym (Crowley 2002; Parker 1968)

sea 1 1 AM ITV PRIOR ha-: ITV AM PRIOR, ‘the action is realised in some place other than where it is spoken of, or that some distance must be covered prior to the realisation of the action’ verb structure: mot-infl-root

Spanish spa 0 -- (cf. Arnaiz & Camacho 1999, Ross 2016b) Note: several Latin American dialects appear to be morphologizing -ve ‘go’ as an (ITV?) imperatival suffix (Alcázar & Saltarelli 2014:144–146).

Squamish (Kuipers 1967)

squ 2+ 2 DIR/AM PRIOR ITV,VENT proclitics/prefixes nam(ʔ)-: ITV DIR/AM PRIOR m(ʔ)i-: VENT DIR/AM PRIOR

46

Also some LOC proclitics/prefixes. verb structure: mot+…-root-…

Sudest (Anderson & Ross 2002)

sud 5+ 2 AM PRIOR or DIR prefixes; 3 DIR suffixes 2 AM prefixes: di-: ‘move and’ AM PRIOR or DIR yo-: ‘move quickly and’ AM PRIOR or DIR >there are also positional prefixes lke re- ‘stay and’, almost a non-motion-AM prefix >these are probably derived from earlier SVCs 3 DIR suffixes: -ma: VENT DIR -wo: ITV DIR -virï: up DIR verb structure: agr-mot-root-dir-…

Suena sue 0 -- (Wilson 1974) Sundanese sun 0 -- (Müller-Gotama 2001) Supyire sup 0 -- (Carlson 1994) Swahili swa 0 -- (Mohammed 2001; Loogman 1965) Taba tab 0 -- (Bowden 2001, 2005) Tagalog tag 0 -- (Schachter & Otanes 1972; Himmelmann 2005; Potet 2017) Taiof taf 0 -- (Ross 2002f) Tamabo tmm 0 -- (Jauncey 2002) Tamil tml 0 -- (Asher 1985) Tarao (Singh 2002)

tao 2 2 DIR up/down prefixes: həŋ-: up DIR yuŋ-: down DIR verb structure: dir-root

47

Tauya tau 0 -- (MacDonald 1990, 2013) Tepehuan (Southeastern) (Willett 1991)

tps 4+ 1 AM CONC suffix, +1 DIR/AM CONC suffix; 2 DIR prefixes VENT/ITV 1 AM suffix + 1 AM/DIR suffix: -chu': ‘while moving’ AM CONCURRENT -ica: ‘while moving’ transitive (comitative) AM/DIR CONC 2 DIR prefixes: ba-: VENT DIR, also higher/above LOC mu-: ITV DIR, also DIST LOC 2 more (4 total) LOC prefixes also (prox, dist, remote [all at same or lower level]; higher level), including ba/mu from above. verb structure: pref-root-suff

Teribe trb 0 -- (Quesada 2000) Tetun (van Klinken 1999)

ttn 0+ 3 postverbal (Polynesian style) DIR particles: mai VENT, bá non-VENT (distance, or movement elsewhere), and rarer tone ITV (‘away from speaker’ per se)

Thai tha 0 -- (Smyth 2002) Thompson (Thompson & Thompson 1992; Thompson, Thompson & Egesdal 1996)

tho 1 1 AM PRIOR suffix -úləwł: translocational ‘indicates a trip of some length… for a specific purpose’ AM ITV (DIST) PRIOR verb structure: root-…-mot

Tibetan (Shigatse) (Haller 2000)

tis 1 1 VENT AM PRIOR suffix in imperatives only -ɕoa: VENT AM PRIOR suffix verb structure: root-suff

Tidore tid 7 7 DIR/LOC enclitics, grammaticalizing as suffixes

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(van Staden 2000)

=tai: ‘seaward’ DIR =tina: ‘landward’ DIR =tau: up DIR =tahu/tau: down DIR =re (emph. =rena): ‘here’ LOC/DIR =ge (emph. =gena): ‘there’ LOC/DIR =ta: ‘over there’ LOC/DIR verb structure: varies, including root=dir

Tigrinya tig 0 -- (Kogan 1997) Tikar (Stanley 1991; Hagège 1969, 1993)

tik 2 2 DIR suffixes VENT,ITV -î: VENT DIR -ɔ̂ʔ: ITV DIR verb structure: root-dir

Tinrin (Osumi 1995)

tin 6 6 LOC/DIR suffixes -roa: up LOC/DIR -rù: same vertical level LOC/DIR -rùa: down LOC/DIR -ro: PROX LOC/DIR -koa: ‘apart, away’ = DIST or ITV LOC/DIR -aghorro: ‘dispersive, all over the place’ LOC/DIR >the LOC meaning appears primary but can imply DIR secondarily verb structure: root-dir

Tiwi (Osborne 1974)

tiw 3 1 AM CONCURRENT suffix; 1 imperative-only LOC/DIR/AM PRIOR ITV; 1 LOC/DIR prefix -ami: ‘moving’ AM CONCURRENT 1 imperative-only LOC suffix PROX, can imply DIR of motion or PRIOR AM:

49

-ua: DIST LOC, ITV DIR/AM PRIOR suffix 1 LOC/DIR non-imperative prefix: nə-: DIST LOC, ITV DIR (not clear that it also expresses AM like -ua) >The last two alternate based on whether the verb is an imperative or not, apparently. Possibly imperatives have AM in the same way as in other languages whereas the other marker is more of a locative for non-imperatives. verb structure: root-suff

Tobelo (Holton 2003)

tlo 6 6 DIR suffixes, VENT,ITV, up,down, seaward,landward -ika: ITV DIR -ino: VENT DIR -ilye: up DIR -úku: down DIR -óko: seaward DIR -iha: landward DIR verb structure: agr-root-dir

Tommo So tms 0 -- (McPherson 2013; Plungian 1995) Totonac (Xicotepec de Juárez) (Reid 1991)

txj 1+ 1 AM ITV+return PRIOR+SUBSEQ prefix quī-: ‘go and V and return’ ITV+return AM PRIOR+SUBSEQ prefix Additional: -cha': DIST LOC suffix verb structure: pref-root-suff

Trumai tru 0+ There is a syntactic/grammaticalized AM system using auxiliaries/particles that sometimes cliticize. (Guirardello 1999; Guirardello-Damian 2002, 2012, p.c.)

Tsat (=Hainan Cham)

tst 0 -- (Thurgood, Thurgood & Li 2014)

50

Tugun tgn 0 -- (Hinton 1991) Tukang Besi (Donohue 1999)

tuk 0+ Productive compound SVCs with motion roots, not grammaticalized AM.

Turkish tur 0 -- (Kornfilt 1997; Göksel & Kerslake 2005) Tuvaluan (Besnier 2000)

tvl 0+ 4 postverbal (Polynesian style) DIR particles: mai VENT, atu ITV, aka up, ifo down

Tzutujil (Dayley 1985)

tzu 2 2 AM PRIOR ITV,VENT prefixes (b’)ee-: ITV DIR/AM PRIOR prefix uj/jr-: VENT DIR/AM PRIOR suffix There are also separate word postverbal DIR particles. verb structure: infl-agr-mot-root-infl

Udihe (Nikolaeva & Tolskaya 2001)

udh 2 1 DIR/AM (ITV) PRIOR; 1 ‘reversive’ DIR/AM SUBSEQ suffix -nA: DIR/AM PRIOR, maybe general but at least often ITV ‘go and’ -sA: reversive DIR or secondary AM SUBSEQ, can combine with -nA (‘go and V and return’) verb structure: root-dir-rev-infl

Udmurt udm 0 -- (Csúcs 1998; Winkler 2001; Perevoshchikov 1962; Alatyreva 1970) Ulithian (Lynch 2002c; Sohn & Bender 1973)

uli 0+ Postverbal (Polynesian style) DIR particles, but not morphological: doxo VENT, loxo ITV; cardinal weya ‘north/south’, diye ‘west’, daxe ‘east’; logo ‘in’; additionally, other ‘directional adverbials’ used similarly

Upper Kuskokwim (Kibrik 2001, 2004, p.c.)

uku 25+

25+ DIR prefixes (listed in unpublished materials in Kibrik 2001) verb structure: pref-root (approx)

Urubú-Kaapor urk 0 -- (Kakumasu 1986) Usan usa 0 -- (Reesink 1987) Vafsi vaf 0 -- (Stilo & Marzolph 2004; Stilo 1971, 2004, 2005, p.c.) Vietnamese vie 0 -- (Nguyễn 1997; Brunelle 2014; Nguyen 1992)

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Walman wal 0 -- (Schmidt & Vormann 1900; Spölgen & Schmidt 1901; Brown & Dryer 2008; Dryer p.c.) Warao wra 0 -- (Romero-Figueroa 1997) Wardaman wrd 0 -- (Merlan 1994) Wari' (Everett & Kern 1997; Guillaume 2016)

war 2 2 DIR enclitics ITV/VENT -qui’: VENT DIR enclitic -mao/mama’: ITV DIR enclitic >these are presented as ‘postverbal modifier’ particles by Everett&Kern1997:341, but they insert additional orthographic spaces between morphemes in the same word elsewhere (compound SVCs, for example). verb structure: root=dir

Wichí (Mataca) (Terraza 2009; Viñas Urquiza 1974; Hunt 1940)

wch 3 3 DIR suffixes -po: up DIR -kyo: down DIR -lo: forth/forward, ~ITV DIR verb structure: agr-root-dir

Wichita (Rood 1976, 1996, p.c.)

wic 0+ AM apparently expressed via root compounding but seems productive, and it also seems that it is the non-motion verb that is (polysynthetically) incorporated into the non-motion verb

Wolof (Voisin 2010, 2013; Njie 1982; Ngom 2003; Diouf 2009)

wlf 2 2 AM PRIOR suffixes, ITV,VENT -i: ITV PRIOR AM -si: VENT PRIOR AM >These are PRIOR AM for motion verbs also ‘go to/and [then] walk’ etc. (Voisin 2013:142) verb structure: root-mot

Yagua (Payne & Payne 1990; Guillaume

yag 6+ 6 AM suffixes, PRIOR/CONC/SUBSEQ, ITV/VENT, manner: 3 CONCURRENT AM suffixes: -títyiiy: AM CONCURRENT suffix, while ‘directed at destination’

52

2016) -naayąą: AM CONCURRENT suffix, while going ‘aimlessly’ -rįį: AM CONCURRENT, ‘action done en route’ >combining -rįį-títyiiy means ‘stops multiple times to do V en route while going along’ 2 PRIOR, 1 SUBSEQ AM suffixes: -nuvįį: AM PRIOR suffix, VENT ‘action done upon arrival at the currently activated scene’ -nuvee: AM PRIOR suffix, ITV ‘action done upon arrival at some location away from [there]’ -siy: AM SUBSEQ suffix, ITV ‘action done upon departure’ Additional: 3 vertical LOC suffixes: -sa: up/upriver LOC -imu: down/downriver LOC -ja: ‘across from’/across river (not up or down) LOC >These cannot co-occur with the unbounded AM suffixes, suggesting they can with bounded AM suffixes Movement verbs can also appear as compounded roots. verb structure: agr-root-(cmpd.root-)infl-loc-mot

Yaqui (Guerrero Valenzuela 2004a, 2004b; Tubino Blanco, Harley & Haugen 2014; Lindenfeld 1973)

yaq 4 4 general (ITV~VENT) AM suffixes: 2 PRIOR, 2 CONCURRENT; both sets vary by tense -siim(e): AM CONCURRENT SG -saaka: AM CONCURRENT PL -se: AM PRIOR SG -bo: AM PRIOR PL >The suppletive plural forms are consistent with the lexical verb ‘go’. verb structure: root-mot-infl

Yawelmani ywl 0 -- (Newman 1946; Kroeber 1907; Rhodes 2013, p.c.) Yawuru ywr 0 -- (Hosokawa 2011) Yidiny (Dixon 1977,

yid 2 2 AM suffixes (VENT, ITV) that can be either PRIOR or CONCURRENT

53

2002) (ŋa)li-y-: ITV AM PRIOR or CONCURRENT (ŋa)da-y-: VENT AM PRIOR or CONCURRENT verb struture: mot-link-root-infl

Yimas (Foley 1991)

yim 7+ 7 DIR/LOC/ELEV prefixes 5 DIR/LOC prefixes: ma-: in (bush, lakes, house) DIR/LOC kaw-: in (canoe, canal, house) DIR/LOC tu-: out DIR/LOC kawku-: straight/across DIR/LOC tra-: about, many places at once DIR/LOC 2 ELEV/DIR prefixes: wi-: up ELEV/DIR l-: down ELEV/DIR Compound SVCs can also occur for go/come AM, but not grammaticalized specifically. verb structure: agr-...-dir-root-infl

Yoruba yor 0 -- (Rowlands 1969; Bamgboṣe 1966) Yukaghir (Kolyma)

yko 0 -- (Maslova 2003)

Zapotec (Quiegolani) (Black 2000)

zaq 0+ Syntactic AM exists with ‘motion auxiliaries’, and they can in fact be compounded by a participle marker (-y) is retained and for the most part this seems syntactic rather than morphologized AM.

Zoque (Chimalapa) (Johnson 2000)

zch 7 7 DIR/LOC prefixes: kə- ‘away, elsewhere’ (ITV?), yuk- ‘up’, ʔok- ‘down/south’, ho- ‘in’, həš ‘behind or on back’, win- ‘in front of or on or near the face’, ʔaŋ- ‘near/at the mouth’; (some others only LOC with no obvious directional sense) verb structure: agr-dir-root-infl…

54

Zulu (Ziervogel, Louw & Taljaard 1981; Taljaard & Bosch 1988; Poulos & Bosch 1997; Gowlett 2003)

zul 2 2 AM PRIOR/LOC prefixes zo-: ITV AM PRIOR prefix, also DIST LOC yo-: VENT AM PRIOR suffix, also PROX LOC >These also participate in temporal usage with a distinction of near VENT and far ITV future verb structure: agr-mot/infl-…-root-…

Zuni (Bunzel 1935; Newman 1996)

zun 1 1 DIR distributive suffix -tcel: distributive ‘back and forth, one after another’ DIR suffix >Several other distributive suffixes listed in Bunzel (1935:445-6), but they seem to be less related to motion/space per se and instead to repetition. Additionally: Productive compound SVCs with motion roots, not grammaticalized AM. verb structure: root-dist-…

These results are summarized in the chart below in Section 2.

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SECTION 2: Reference chart of results for comparison for AM/DIR in 325 languages

The following chart represents the main data points for each language in the 325-language sample. Data based AM/DIR descriptions for each language in Section 1.

This table includes the following information:

(1) the name of the language; (2) the WALS code for the language; (3) the total number of AM/DIR morphemes identified; (4) the number of DIR morphemes; (5) whether any of the DIR morphemes have vertical (up/down) semantics; (6) whether there are any morphemes that function as both DIR and AM; (7) the number of AM morphemes; (8) the number of itive AM morphemes; (9) the number of ventive AM morphemes; (10) the number of general horizontal AM morphemes not specified for direction but otherwise like itive/ventive; (11) the number of roundtrip (go-and-come-back) morphemes; (12) the number of prior AM morphemes; (13) the number of concurrent AM morphemes; (14) the number of subsequent AM morphemes; and (15) the number of non-subject AM morphemes.

Column 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Language WALS # DIR #

DIR vert?

AM/DIR overlap?

AM #

AM itv

AM vent

AM gen. horiz.

AM roundtrip

AM prior

AM concur

AM subseq

Non Subj

Abkhaz abk 4+ 4 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Abun abu 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Acehnese ace 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Acoma aco 1 0 N N 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 Agarabi aga 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ainu ain 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Alamblak ala 8+ 8 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Alyawarra aly 1 0 N N 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 Ambae (Lolovoli Northeast) aml 3- 3 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Amele ame 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Apurinã apu 2 2 N Y 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 Arabic (Egyptian) aeg 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Araona ana 7+ 7 Y Y 5 2 2 0 2 4 2 2 0 Arapesh (Mountain) arp 3 3 N Y 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 1

56

Arawak ara 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Arop-Lokep alk 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Arrernte (Mparntwe) amp 15- 0 N N 15 7 3 0 3? 3 8 4 1 Asmat asm 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Babungo bab 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Badimaya bdm 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Bagirmi bag 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Baka (in Cameroon) bak 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Bali-Vitu bvi 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Banoni bnn 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Barasano brs 3 2 N N 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 Basque bsq 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Batak (Karo) bkr 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Bawm baw 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Berber (Middle Atlas) bma 2 2 N Y 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 Bininj Gun-Wok bbw 2+ 2 N Y 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 Bozo (Tigemaxo) boz 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Brahui brh 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Brokskat bkt 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Buduma bud 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Buma bum 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Burmese brm 4 4 N Y 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 Burushaski bur 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Busa bus 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cahuilla cah 5 5 N Y 5 0 0 5 0 1 4 0 0 Canela-Krahô ckr 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cantonese cnt 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cayuga cyg 3 2 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Chamorro cha 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Chechen chc 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

57

Chemehuevi cmh 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Chichewa cic 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Chocho cch 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Chukchi chk 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Coahuilteco coa 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Coos (Hanis) coo 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Coptic cop 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cree (Plains) cre 2 2 N Y 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Daga dag 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dagbani dgb 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dani (Lower Grand Valley) dni 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dargwa drg 5+ 5 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Degema deg 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dhaasanac dha 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dhivehi dhi 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Djabugay dja 2- 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Doyayo doy 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Drehu dre 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dullay (Gollango) dug 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 English eng 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Erromangan err 7- 7 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Evenki eve 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Ewondo ewo 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Fijian fij 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Finnish fin 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Fongbe fon 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 French fre 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Gapapaiwa gap 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Garo gar 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Georgian geo 9 9 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

58

German ger 14? 14 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Gola gol 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Gooniyandi goo 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Grebo grb 4 4 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Greek (Modern) grk 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Greenlandic (West) grw 1 0 N N 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 Guaraní gua 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Gujarati guj 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Gunbalang gnb 3 3 Y N? 0? 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Gurr-goni grg 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Haida hai 15+ 12 Y N 3 2 0 0 1? 3 0 0 0 Hamtai ham 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hatam hat 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hausa hau 5 5 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hawaiian haw 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hebrew (Modern) heb 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hindi hin 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hixkaryana hix 4 0 N N 4 4 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 Hmong Njua hmo 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hoava hoa 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hungarian hun 8+ 8 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hunzib hzb 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ika (Arhuaco) ika 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 Imonda imo 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Indonesian ind 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Iraqw irq 4- 4 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Irish iri 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Italian ita 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Itzaj (Maya) itz 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Jabêm jab 3 3 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

59

Jakaltek jak 10+ 10 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Jaminjung jam 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Japanese jpn 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ju|'hoan juh 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kairiru krr 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kalkatungu kgu 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kamaiurá kma 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kambera kam 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kana kan 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kannada knd 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kanuri knr 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Karen (Pwo) kpw 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Karok krk 44+ 43 Y N 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 Kashmiri kas 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kâte kat 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kayardild kay 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kera ker 2 2 N Y 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 Ket ket 3+ 3 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kewa kew 2 2 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Khalkha (Mongolian) kha 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kham kmh 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Khanty kty 12 12 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Khasi khs 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Khmu' kmu 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Khoekhoe kho 3 3 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kiowa kio 3+ 2 N Y 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Kiribati krb 6 6 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Koasati koa 6 4 Y N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Kobon kob 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kolami kol 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

60

Kombai kmb 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Korean kor 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Korku kku 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Koromfe kfe 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Korowai krw 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Koyraboro Senni kse 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Krongo kro 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kugu Nganhcara knc 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kukú kuk 2 2 N Y 2 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 Kuot kuo 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kutenai kut 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kwaio kwa 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lai lai 7 4 Y N? 3 2 1 0 0 3 0 0 0 Lak lak 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lakhota lkt 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lamang lmg 9 9 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lango lan 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Latvian lat 10? 10 Y? N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lavukaleve lav 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Laz laz 8 8 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lele lel 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lepcha lep 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Lezgian lez 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lillooet lil 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Longgu lgu 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Lugbara lug 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Luvale luv 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Ma'di mad 1 0 N N 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 Maale mle 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Madurese mdr 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

61

Maithili mai 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Makah mak 1 0 N Y 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Malagasy mal 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Malayalam mym 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mam mam 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mandarin mnd 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mangarrayi myi 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mangghuer mgg 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Maori mao 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mapudungun map 3 1 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Marathi mhi 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Maricopa mar 2+ 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Marquesan mrq 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Martuthunira mrt 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Matsés myr 16 2 Y N 14 5 5 0 2 8 6 6 0 Maung mau 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Maybrat may 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mbay mby 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mbili mbi 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Meithei mei 7 4 Y Y 2 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 Midob mid 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mixtec (Chalcatongo) mxc 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Miya miy 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mocoví mcv 15 15 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mohawk moh 3 2 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Monumbo mbo 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mosetén mos 6 0 N N 6 2 2 0 0 3 3 0 0 Mundari mun 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mupun mup 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Musgu mgu 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

62

Mussau mus 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nabak nab 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nagatman nag 5+ 5 N? N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nahuatl (Mecayapan Isthmus) nmi 12 0 N N 12 6 6 0 4 12 0 4 0 Nahuatl (Tetelcingo) nht 13 2 N N? 11+ 5 4 0 0 7 4 0 0 Nambikuára (Southern) nmb 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Navajo nav 50+ 50 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ndebele (in South Africa) ndb 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ndjébbana ndj 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nelemwa nel 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nepali nep 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Newar (Dolakha) nwd 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nez Perce nez 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ngalakan ngl 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ngiyambaa ngi 2+ 1 N N 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 Nhanda nha 3 2 N N 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 Nias nia 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nisgha nsg 62+ 62 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Niuafo'ou nif 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Niuean niu 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nivkh niv 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nkore-Kiga nko 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Nsenga nse 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Nuaulu nua 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 O'odham ood 2 0 N N 2 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 Obolo obo 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ojibwa (Eastern) oji 4 4 N Y 4 1 1 0 0 2 2 0 0 Oneida ond 3 2 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Oromo (Harar) orh 2 2 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Otomí (Mezquital) otm 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

63

Paamese pms 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Páez pae 7 7 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Paiute (Northern) pno 5+ 0 N N 5 1 2 0 0 2 3 0 0 Paiwan pai 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Palauan pal 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Passamaquoddy-Maliseet psm 10+ 9 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Pech pec 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pero per 2 0 N N 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 0 Persian prs 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pirahã prh 3 3 N Y 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0

Pitjantjatjara pit 5 5 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Popoloca (Metzontla) pop 11?+ 0 N N 11 9 2 0 0 11 0 0 0 Puluwat pul 8 8 Y Y 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 Purépecha pur 4+ 4 N Y 4 2 2 0 0 4 0 0 0 Qafar qaf 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Qiang qia 8 8 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Quechua (Huallaga) qhu 5 5 Y Y 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Quechua (Imbabura) qim 1 1 N Y 1 1 1 0 1? 1 0 1 0 Rama ram 2+ 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Rapanui rap 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Retuarã ret 3 3 Y Y 2 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 Rotuman rot 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Russian rus 8? 8 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Saami (Kildin) ski 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Saami (Northern) sno 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Salt-Yui syu 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sango san 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sangu sgu 0? 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sanuma snm 3 3 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

64

Selknam sel 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Selkup skp 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sentani snt 6+ 6 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Shoshone sho 10+ 7 Y N 3 1 0 2 0 1 3 0 0 Siar sir 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Siuslaw siu 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Slave sla 50+ 50 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 So so 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Somali som 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Southeast Ambrym sea 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Spanish spa 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Squamish squ 2+ 2 N Y 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Sudest sud 5+ 5 Y Y 2 0 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 Suena sue 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sundanese sun 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Supyire sup 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Swahili swa 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Taba tab 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tagalog tag 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Taiof taf 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tamabo tmm 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tamil tml 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tarao tao 2 2 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tauya tau 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tepehuan (Southeastern) tps 4+ 3 Y Y 2 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 Teribe trb 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tetun ttn 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Thai tha 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Thompson tho 1 0 N N 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Tibetan (Shigatse) tis 1 0 N N 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0

65

Tidore tid 7 7 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tigrinya tig 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tikar tik 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tinrin tin 6 6 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tiwi tiw 3 0 N N 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 Tobelo tlo 6 6 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tommo So tms 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Totonac (Xicotepec de Juárez) txj 1+ 0 N N 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 Trumai tru 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tsat (=Hainan Cham) tst 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tugun tgn 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tukang Besi tuk 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Turkish tur 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tuvaluan tvl 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tzutujil tzu 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Udihe udh 2 2 N Y 2 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 Udmurt udm 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ulithian uli 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Upper Kuskokwim uku 25+ 25 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Urubú-Kaapor urk 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Usan usa 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Vafsi vaf 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Vietnamese vie 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Walman wal 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Warao wra 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Wardaman wrd 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Wari' war 2 2 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Wichí (Mataca) wch 3 3 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Wichita wic 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Wolof wlf 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0

66

Yagua yag 6+ 0 N N 6 2 1 0 0 2 3 1 0 Yaqui yaq 4 0 N N 4 0 0 4 0 2 2 0 0 Yawelmani ywl 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Yawuru ywr 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Yidiny yid 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 2 0 0 Yimas yim 7+ 7 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Yoruba yor 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Yukaghir (Kolyma) yko 0 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Zapotec (Quiegolani) zaq 0+ 0 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Zoque (Chimalapa) zch 7 7 Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Zulu zul 2 0 N N 2 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 Zuni zun 1 1 N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

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A Cross-Linguistic Quantitative Survey of Associated Motion and Directionals

Daniel Ross (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign)

As a relatively new comparative concept, our knowledge of the distribution and variation of Associated Motion (AM) systems around the world is limited, and in descriptive grammars they are often mixed up with directionals (DIR), with a wide array of inconsistent terminology varying by regional descriptive traditions. This in turn makes generalizations non-transparent for typologists, and for that reason I provide a quantitative survey of morphological AM and DIR using standardized terminology based on data collected from primary sources (and where available secondary sources) for a balanced sample of 325 languages around the world, following the methodology of the World Atlas of Language Structures (Haspelmath et al. 2005).

This paper can be considered a worldwide survey of AM (and DIR) along the lines of Guillaume (2016) for AM in South America, and the resulting data can be used to compare and test the generalizations and hypotheses from that article more broadly. DIR morphemes describe an inherent path in an existing motion event, and AM morphemes add a motion sub-event (and usually path) to another predicate. To maintain consistency, the scope of this survey is only for grammaticalized, morphological AM and DIR systems. Each language in the sample was coded for several features including: the presence of morphological AM and/or DIR and number of contrastive morphemes; certain semantic distinctions such as the direction (itive, ventive, up, down, etc.); whether there is any overlap in function between AM and DIR morphemes; whether AM is prior, concurrent or subsequent; and interactions with other grammatical categories.

Among the 325 languages, 102 (31%) have DIR, and 73 (22%) have AM. 38 languages have both. In fact, it turns out that even with semantic similarities and the tendency for descriptive grammars to use the same terminology for both, AM and DIR are functionally independent in most cases, although there is some overlap and some regional distributions are alike. Regarding the specific morphemes, only 24 languages have one or more morphemes that can function as both DIR and AM. Semantically, 46% of the languages with DIR have at least one vertical directional, while only a single language was found to have vertical AM, suggesting distinct cultural usage, grammaticalization paths, and discourse functions. In a few languages, AM and DIR can interact, with DIR morphemes modifying an AM-marked verb.

Within the AM systems represented, itive is found in 73% of the languages, and ventive is found in 55%; only 18% have neither. The variation in timing of the motion with the lexical action is extreme, and languages representing every combinatorial possibility of prior, concurrent and subsequent motion were identified, from only one type to all three in a single language, except for the pair concurrent+subsequent (without prior); Guillaume’s implicational hierarchy (prior>concurrent>subsequent) is not supported beyond South America. Statistically, prior is most common (79%), followed by concurrent (30%) and subsequent (25%).

AM is found worldwide, outside of Europe. Although the presence of AM and DIR do appear to have regional or sprachbund effects, the specific systems in a given language can vary substantially even among closely-related varieties, suggesting specific AM markers may not be diachronically stable overall. The broadly similar distributions despite minimal overlap within individual languages between DIR and AM suggests that spatial encoding morphemes in general might be regional, not AM or DIR per se, nor particular manifestations of either.

Regarding the definition, AM often involves directional marking, but not always, and individual languages may have paradigms including AM that overlap with other categories such as aspect or subject agreement. Perhaps AM is an emergent category across semantic domains.

References Guillaume, Antoine. 2016. Associated motion in South America: Typological and areal

perspectives. Linguistic Typology 20(1). 81–177. doi:10.1515/lingty-2016-0003. Haspelmath, Martin, Matthew S. Dryer, David Gil & Bernard Comrie (eds.). 2005. World atlas

of language structures. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://wals.info/.

AM (black) in 73 (22%) of 325 languages.

DIR (black) in 102 (31%) of 325 languages.

Please see the digital handout summarizing AM/DIR in each language: http://tiny.cc/alt17am