darkside of the church

8/14/2019 Darkside of the Church

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HISTORY OF CATHOLIC ANTISEMITISM: DARK SIDE OF THE

CHURCH

By

Robert Michael

Professor Emeritus of European History

University of Massachusetts Dartmouth

Graduate Faculty, Florida Gulf Coast University

(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, April 2008)

2008 by Robert Michael

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Dedication

Preface

1


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Acknowledgements

Introduction: The Catholic Church and the Jews

1: Pagans and Early Catholics

2: Value Inversion and Vilification

3. Roman Law

4. Medieval Deterioration

5. Crusades and Defamations

6. Papal Policy

7. Germany

8. France

9. Poland

10. Papal Policy During the Holocaust

Postscript: Catholic Racism

2


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DEDICATION

I dedicate this book to the patience and inspiration of my

wife, Susan, and my children, Stephanie, Andrew, and Carolyn.

To my parents, Gilbert E. Friedberg and Jeanne Greene

Friedberg.

To my brother, Stephen H. Friedberg. When Steve and I were

children, our second mother was Ruth Mary Hubbard Miller, a

Roman Catholic. This loving person, married to a Protestant,

expressed no prejudice toward us or our Jewish family. Not until

researching the earliest origins of the Holocaust did I discover the

Church Fathers, and from there the whole sorry history of Catholic

antisemitism.

This book is also dedicated to Ruth Mary Hubbard Miller.

Finally, I want to dedicate my work to my late friend, the


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Reverend Father Edward Flannery, a human exemplar of the kind

of Catholic who followed the tradition of authentic love for Jews

his whole life long.


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PREFACE

The search for truth is imperative if Catholics and Jews are

to be reconciled. This search requires us to remember and not

forget the bitterest facts. For without memory, past evils will

replicate themselves in new forms. Without memory, we cannot

complete a healing process that requires us to understand the

dark side of things we cherish. Without memory, there can be no

solid foundation for a compassionate and productive relationship

between Catholics and Jews, in which human similarities override

human differences. As the Ba'al Shem Tov has indicated, without

memory there can be no redemption.


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INTRODUCTION: THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE JEWS:

"In the last analysis, antisemitism is not only an isue of physical life and

death for the Jews, it is also a spiritual problem for Christians."

Jacques Maritain

CATHOLIC ANTISEMITISM

It is almost impossible to find examples of antisemitism that are

exclusively racial, economic, or political, and free of religious

configuration. The infamous, secular, and "racial" Nuremberg Laws of

1935, for example, employed the religious affiliation of Jews in order to

identify them for discrimination. What else could they do? There is no

such thing as race and so there was no authentic scientific way to

detect the racial nature of a Jew.i

So the Nazis had to resort to using

birth and baptismal records (seven of them, for 4 grandparents, 2


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parents, the person him/herself) to establish who was a Jew, who was

not.

Many lay Catholics and widely respected Catholic writers still

hesitate to come to grips with the two millennia of Catholic antisemitism

that prepared Catholics not only to perceive Jews in a negative way,

but also primed them to accept the anti-Jewish aspects of secular

ideasand to take action on them. Catholic, as distinguished from

Orthodoxand Protestant, refers to those Christians in communion with

the Holy See of Rome, with the whole ecclesiastical structure of the

Church, with the popes at the top of an extensive episcopal hierarchy.ii

"Catholic antisemitism" refers to the anti-Jewish elements in the

theology of the Church Fathers, both Latin and Greek, the

pronouncements and actions of the papacy and Catholic orders, the

teachings and actions of clerics, the content of canon law, the laws and


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behaviors of secular Catholic princes, as well as the works and

behaviors of secular Catholic faithful, including writers and artists. This

definition does not deny that some Catholics have thought positively of,

and acted benificently toward, Jews--especially since Nostra Aetatein

1965 offered official sanction to such humane and philosemitic

behaviors. Nor does it deny that official Church doctrine, based on St.

Augustine, regarded the Jews as suffering witnesses, not to be

murdered--though this restriction was violated by Catholics time and

again. But until 1965, the Catholic Church's "dark side" in regard to the

Jews, Jewishness, and Judaism was predominant.

According to some authors, the early Church's hostility to Jews

grew out of a Gentile antisemitism that converted pagans carried into

the Church.iii These writers take into account neither the positive pagan

attitudes, nor pagan indifference, toward Jews, nor the qualitative


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differences between pagan and early Catholic antisemitism. Of the

approximately twenty-five percent of pagan writers who disliked the

Jews, almost all of them felt Jews were an annoying people who ate

differently, wasted time on the Sabbath, believed in a ridiculous

invisible God, and so forth.iv But the earliest and strongest Catholic

charge against the Jews was "Christ-killer" and the charge exploded

beyond Jesus of Nazareth's generation of Jews when Catholics cited

holy writ: "Let his blood be on our heads and the heads of our

children." (Matthew 27)

Other authors argue that Christianity taught contempt of Jews

only during the medieval period and that modern antisemitism is

essentially secular. Such writers find no definite connecting link or

continuity between Christian antisemitism and Nazism.v

Still other scholars dismiss the continuing power of Catholic


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antisemitism; instead, they believe modern antisemitism originated in

the "secular" Enlightenment period.vi

Robert Wistrich argued that if

modern Catholics were antisemitic, then Jews would never have been

granted any civil rights or other freedoms in modern Christian society.

Wistrich assumed that Christian antisemitism was unambiguous and

could not be hidden, disguised, or modified, and he ignored the fact

that, based on St. Augustine's Witness-People dictum, many Catholic

antisemites treated Jews like Cain, degraded them but did not set out

to kill them all. Wistrich also observed that Hitler's "either-or" policy of

destruction of the Jews did not reflect the essential beliefs of Catholic

orthodoxy but followed instead the path of Catholic heresy.vii But

Catholic anti-Jewishness has been the predominant position on the

Jews, as this book will show, not the product of heterodoxy. Michael

Marrus believes that the causes of the Holocaust have no roots earlier


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than the nineteenth century. In discussing Uriel Tal's analysis of

nineteenth-century antisemitism, for example, Marrus misses Tal's

point that even when racist antisemitism is theoretically anti-Catholic, it

involves crucial elements of Catholic beliefs and of Catholic culture.

Marrus mentions Peter Pulzer's analysis of Austrian antisemitism at the

turn of the century but omits Pulzer's recent appreciation of the

continuing importance of religious factors in modern antisemitism.

Pulzer's point is similar to that of Tal's: "I am more strongly convinced

than I was when I wrote the book that a tradition of religiously-inspired

Jew hatred . . . was a necessary condition for the success of

antisemitic propaganda, even when expressed in non-religious terms

and absorbed by those no longer religiously observant."viii

Marrus

writes as though the Nazis were the first to demonize the Jews and

ignores the crucial importance of Christian antisemitism in their


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mentality. St. Augustine, for example, called all Jews Cains, St. Jerome

saw all Jews as Judases, St. John Chrysostom regarded all Jews as

useless animals fit for slaughter. Catholic ideas such as these are not

the kind that exist in a detached Platonic realm, but ides forces

ideas with emotional punch affecting the real world.ix "Ideas, endlessly

repeated, furnished justification for the vilest acts."x

James Parkes, John Gager, Robert Willis, and Alan Davies have

all made provocative statements concerning the enduring negative

effects of Catholic-Christian theology. Robert Willis concluded that

"There are obviously, political, social, and economic factors that must

be taken into account in assessing the causes of the Holocaust. What

is at stake is a proper understanding of the contribution of theological

antisemitism to the creation of a social and moral climate that allowed

the 'final solution' to become a reality. . . . It is necessary . . . to


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appreciate the cumulative impact of a centuries-long tradition of

hostility towards Judaism and Jews within the church as a crucial

condition enabling [Hitler's] mobilization [of public opinion] to take

place."xi

Just as the Catholic attitude toward the Jews was bipolar, so

Catholic antisemitism was not without exception. Indeed, had the

Church attempted to eradicate all the Jews, as it did the heretics, Jews

would have disappeared by the fourth or fifth century, when

Catholicism came to dominate the Roman Empire, or certainly by the

High Middle Ages, when at times the Church's influence was almost

totalitarian. Let us briefly examine the contradictory attitudes and

actions of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (d.1153)xii--certainly the greatest

spiritual figure, and perhaps the greatest historical figure, of the twelfth


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century.He was the Church's most respected and influential cleric, the

leading figure of the Latin Church, its greatest writer and preacher, a

reformer of the powerful and prestigious Benedictine order, confidant of

Pope Innocent II, and teacher of Pope Eugenius III. Like the popes,

Bernard believed that religion should control every aspect of society.

He was one of the founders of the Cistercian monastic order,

encouraged the cult of Mary, and contributed to popular piety. We shall

see in chapters 4, 5, and 6 that Bernard wrote against the Jews as

deicides, slaves, and racially evil. But the case at hand is his

relationship to the French Cistercian monk Rodolphe and the Second

Crusade. Rodolphe was believed to perform miracles and attracted

enormous crowds; he preached that the Jewish enemies of God must

be punished.xiii His preaching was followed by massacres in

Strasbourg, Cologne, Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Wrzburg, and in other


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French and German citiesxiv to the Crusader cry of HEP, HEP

(Hierosolyma est perdita, Jerusalem Is Lost).xv His demagogy was

finally terminated by St. Bernard, who spoke out against the murder of

Jews in England, France, and Germany.Bernard warned the English

people that "the Jews are not to be persecuted, killed, or even put to

flight."xvi An adherent of St. Augustine's precept about the Jews as the

Witness People, Bernard traveled to Germany in late 1146 both to

preach Crusade and to hush Rodolphe, "It is good that you go off to

fight the Ishmaelites [Turks]. But whoever touches a Jew to take his life

is like one who had touched the apple of the eye of Jesus; for [Jews]

are his flesh and bone. My disciple Rodolphe has spoken in error--for it

is said in Psalms [59:11], 'Slay them not, lest my people forget.'"xvii

The

psalm continues, "My God will let me look in triumph on my enemies.

Do not kill them, or my people may forget; make them totter by your


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power, and bring them down, O Lord . . . consume them in wrath,

consume them until they are no more." [Psalm 59:11-13]--words

themselves quoted earlier by St. Augustine.

Yet Bernard's motives were not clearly mercy, charity, or human

decency. He told the Archbishop of Mainz that Rodolphe's murderous

preaching against the Jews was the leastof his three offenses, namely,

"unauthorized preaching, contempt for episcopal authority, and

incitation to murder."xviii Again following St. Augustine, Bernard held

that "the Jews ought not to die in consequence of the immensity of

their crimes, but rather to suffer the Diaspora."xix Bernard recalled to

his English audience that Jews must "remind us always of what our

Lord suffered." Bernard also noted that at the Second Coming of Christ

Jews already dead would remain in hell.xx Likewise, he called the Jews

hard-hearted and regarded the synagogue as a "cruel mother" who


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had crowned Jesus with thorns.xxi He used the servile condition of the

Jews ("no slavery is as demeaning as that of the Jews"xxii), along with

their lack of kingdom, priesthood, prophets, and temple, to

demonstrate that the Jews were being punished for history's greatest

sin, the crucifixion of Christ. For Bernard, the Jews were venomous

vipers whose bestial stupidity and blindness caused them to "lay

impious hands upon the Lord of Glory."xxiii Bernard also wrote that a

Christian who neglected Christ's sufferings was "a sharer in the

unparalleled sin of the Jews."xxiv He commended the Abbot Warren of

the Alps for attacking the indiscipline of churlish monks as "destroying

those synagogues of Satan"--a phrase from Revelation. Following St.

John Chrysostom, Bernard condemned the Jews as ever ungrateful to

God and as always resisting the holy spirit, calling them the minions of

Satan. He preached that "The Jews, ever mindful of the hatred


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wherewith they hate his Father, take this opportunity to vent it on the

Son . . . these wicked men . . .." and that "Judaea hates the Light."xxv

The intimate connection between Judaism and Catholicism has

motivated authentic Catholics--those who follow theologia crucisxxvi

within Catholic thought--to treat Jews decently, and in every generation

they have genuinely respected Jews. The Roman Catholic Church's

historical prohibitions against Catholic-Jewish fraternization presumed

the existence of social relationships between Catholics and Jews.

Catholic theologians continually complained about the faithful who

grew too close to Jews or treated them as human beings rather than as

theological types. In every era, some Catholics steadfastly taught their

children to respect other human beings, Jews included. "For most

rescuers [of Jews during the Holocaust,] helping Jews was an

expression of ethical principles that extended to all of humanity . . .."xxvii


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Even though the Church has often sought to preserve Jews--at

least a remnent thereof--and Judaism as historic forebears of

Christianity,xxviii

most Catholic writers, thinkers, theologians, politicians,

and prelates have expressed a profound hostility toward Jews, and

their attitudes have incontestably influenced average Catholics. In the

earliest centuries of the Christian era, a relatively bland pre-existing

pagan antagonism toward Jews was replaced by historical and

theological beliefs that the Jewish people were abhorrent and that any

injustice done to them, short of murder, was justified. Jews became the

archetypal evil-doers in Catholic societies. This anti-Jewish attitude

was a permanent element in the fundamental identity of western

Christian civilization--and, for the purposes of this book, in the national

identities of countries with large Catholic populations like Poland,

Austria, and France. Catholics who took this antagonistic position


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toward Jews adhered to triumphalism, or theologia gloriae.xxix

The Churches' predominant, normative theological position in

regard to the Jews has been called theologia gloriaeaccording to

James Parkes, an "inbred religious paranoia [that] has been a

perversion of everything Jesus meant."xxx This antisemitic theology of

glory, this dark side of the Church, generally holds that: 1. The

Christian Church, the new Israel"ordained and sanctioned by God

himself"has triumphantly succeeded the cursed and rejected old

Israel morally, historically, and metaphysically. 2. Jews denied the true

Messiah, the Christ, and murdered him, for which all Jews were forever

collectively guilty. 3. The Jews were paradigmatic evil-doers even

before their atrocious act of deicide 4. Jews were not to be totally

exterminated since they adhered to the Law and gave Christianity the

history that it needed to legitimize itself.


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Moral perception and behavior are shaped by the society into

which we have been socialized and even more by the community we

acknowledge as our own. What the Church thought about Christ and

itself as an institution determined what most Catholics believed about

Judaism and Jews. Anti-Jewish theological defamations, communi-

cated and empowered by the Church, justified most Catholics in their

antisemitic ideas. Moreover, this anti-Jewish repugnance has not been

restricted to the realm of ideas; like any ideology, it has boiled over into

contemptuous feelings and behaviors. Tragically, to love Christ for

many if not most Catholics came to mean hatred of his alleged mur-

derers. How could Catholics have ever learned to love the Jewish

people, asked Pierre Pierrard, when favorable religious ideas about

Jews "were lost in the blood of Calvary. 'The History of the Church'

made [Jews] appear only as an antithesis of the glorious epic of the


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Roman Church."xxxi

Until 1965 and beyond, the most significant ideology about Jews

within the Church, the theology of glory, has encouraged Catholics to

view Judaism as little more than the work of Satan and the Antichrist,

and to regard Jews with sacred horror. This anti-Jewish theology has

been so pervasive that even decent Christians have sometimes uttered

the most "factually untrue and grossly libelous" statements about

Jews.xxxii

Moreover, these negative perceptions have existed

independent of what Jews themselves have actually done, or, indeed,

of a Jewish presence at all. In their ideological assault on the Jews, the

Fathers of the Church, for example, never cited the misdeeds of their

contemporary Jewish neighbors. It was mythicalJewish actionstheir

alleged deicide and later medieval defamationsthat stood as the

basis of resentful Catholic misperceptions.xxxiii

God was always pictured


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as "in there punching" on the side of Catholicism and Catholics

against Jews and Judaism.xxxiv

These religious antagonisms, elaborated by the theological and

popular writings and preachings of the Church's great theologians and

popes, exploited by Catholic authorities, enhanced by the liturgy, art,

and literature of the Church, created in most of the faithful an automatic

hostility toward Jewishness. This diabolizing of the Jews has continued

into the modern period with only minor deviations.xxxv

Just as Catholic theology denied Jews salvation in the next life, so

it disqualified Jews from legitimate citizenship in Christendom. In a

sense, Jews were ostracized from full human status. Some protective

Roman legal traditions, some Catholic feelings of charity, and the Jews'

ambivalent role as suffering examples of the consequences of

offending God provided Jews with a precarious place within Catholic


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society. But until their emancipation in the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuriesand to this day, for someJews had only a very tenuous

legal and moral right to exist, let alone act as citizens. The Jews had to

plead with Catholic authoritieskings and princes, bishops and

dictators, popes and presidentsto protect them. Sometimes this

worked. Other times the authorities turned their backs on the Jews or

collaborated with those Catholics who were intent on cursing,

expropriating, expelling, or murdering them.

Despite the close theological relationship between Judaism and

Catholicism, despite Jesus' commandment about love of neighbor,

despite the modern Roman Catholic Church's insistence on "justice

and charity" in the treatment of Jews, despite the Church's emphasis

on caritas(love within families that extended outward toward

neighborhood, city, and nation) and agape(the self-sacrificial love


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taught by Jesus on the cross that extended to love of enemies), most

Catholics found it impossible to love Jews. When Catholicism was a

new religion and had to fight for its own individual identity, churchmen

and theologians found it necessary to distance themselves from Jews.

Furthermore, humane behavior toward Jews required Catholics to

follow the difficult moral precepts of Jesus as expressed in the

Gospels. Although the Church professed the same moral precepts, it

usually followed anti-Jewish policies. Some Catholic writers called on

the faithful to love Jews but only as a first step toward converting them,

that is, this kind of love was meant to precede the elimination of Jews

as Jews.

The Dark Side of the Churchwill summarize and analyze the


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history of Catholic antisemitism, a set of beliefs creating a climate of

opinion that led to untold suffering and millions of Jewish deaths before

the Holocaust,xxxvi

and not only made the Holocaust possible, but likely.

What does it take for a nation's workers, middle class, aristocracy,

artists, and intellectuals in a few years to collaborate in the slaughter of

hundreds of thousands of its Jewish neighbors and fellow citizens, and

millions of Jewish coreligionists outside the national borders? As

historian Walter Zwi Bacharach wrote, "no human being gets up one

fine morning and sets out to kill Jews, just because he is ordered to do

so."xxxvii This comment was mirrored decades later by James O'Gara,

editor of the Catholic Commonweal: "Could the Nazi horror have

sprung full-blown out of nowhere, without centuries of [Christian]

antisemitism to nourish it and give it strength."xxxviii

It takes centuries of

preparation, tradition, and religion to enable people to see others as


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inhuman monsters and act on this perception. Gordon Allport points

out that Christianity stands as the focus of prejudice because "it is the

pivot of the cultural tradition."xxxix

Catholic theological and Catholic

racist antisemitismxl

prepared, conditioned, and encouraged Catholic

antisemites, and others,xli

to collaborate actively and/or passively with

individual and institutional antisemitic behaviors--avoidance,

antilocution, discrimination, expropriation, physical assault and torture,

murder, and mass murder.xlii

This Catholic antisemitism paved the long

via dolorosathat led to Auschwitz and beyond.

Catholic antisemitism has been exported to the Middle East

where Christian Arabs were the conduit for entry, so that traditional

antisemitism has been grafted on to pre-existing Muslim Jew-hatred


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and portends a grave danger for Jews in the future. The Protocols of

the Elders of Zion(translated into Arabic by a Lebanese Christian) in

the early 1920s), Hitlers Mein Kampf, and Fords International Jeware

readily available all over the Muslim world. Mel Gibsons antisemitic

film, The Passion of the Christ, gained instant popularity in the Middle

East.xliii

Neither Arab immigrants to Europe nor reactions to the

Palestinian-Israeli conflict explains "the resurgence of European

antisemitism after the Holocaust." On the contrary, explains Manfred

Gerstenstein, the facts suggest that continuing antisemitism "is integral

to European [Christian] culture." Leftists, Rightists, and in between

express hatred of Jews. At the beginning of the twenty-first century,

most European nations are exhibiting significant levels of antisemitism.

The doublethinking European Union attacks Israel and at the same

time seems to oppose traditional antisemitism.xliv

(In 2005, the


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European Union Monitoring Center on Racism and Xenophobia

established a "Working Definition of Antisemitism."xlv

)

Unanswerable questions remain. Can the Churches truly

eliminate the anti-Jewish elements in their teachings? Can the

Church admit to the mythic nature of the Gospel stories, which

may contain some fact but more fully convey the authors' (anti-

Jewish) perspectives and the Church's (anti-Jewish)

interpretations--especially the Crucifixion story, which fixes on theJews eternal responsibility and collective guilt for the murder of

God?xlvi

A final question is whether the Catholic Church can give

up its anti-Jewish position and remain as an intact institution.


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iINTRODUCTION

Lolly O'Brien, quoting Shirley M. Tilghman, the director of the Lewis-Sigler Institute for

Integrative Genomics, in "Of Genetics, race, and evolution: What the director of Princeton's

new institute for genomics has to say" (Oct. 25, 2000)

ii In this book, "Catholic Church" and "Roman Catholic Church" refer to the "One, Holy,

Catholic and Apostolic Church" mentioned in the Nicean Creed and the "Holy Catholic

Church" [sanctam, ecclesiam, catholicam] referred to in the Apostles' Creed. Before the East-

West Schism of 1054, both Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic held that they belonged to

the same One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church. It was with the great schism of the 16th

century that the Protestant Churches broke away from the mainline Holy Catholic Church,

which became identified as the Catholic Church or the Roman Catholic Church (in full

communion with the Bishop of Rome), the single strongest, best organized, and most

influential of the Christian churches, with 1,098,366,000 members in 2004, one-sixth of the

world's population.

iiiMarcel Simon, Verus Israel(Oxford 1986), 231-2; also Robert Wistrich, Antisemitism: The

Longest Hatred(London 1991), xvii-xviii; F. Lovsky, Antismitisme et mystre d'Isral(Paris

1955); James Parkes, The Conflict of Church and Synagogue: A Study in the Origins of

Antisemitism(New York 1979); Jules Isaac, Gense de l'antismitisme(Paris 1956); and Jean


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Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire romain(Paris 1914), among others, who take the position that

Christian theology provided a quantum leap into a qualitatively new kind of antisemitism.

ivMenachem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism(Jerusalem 1984), 3 vols.,

has collected and translated all the relevant primary sources.

vSimon, Verus Israel, 397-8.

vi E.g., Arthur Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment and the Jews(New York 1968), 10, 313;

Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem A Report on the Banality of Evil(New York 1963),

297.

viiWistrich, Antisemitism, xvii; Wistrich, Hitler's Apocalypse: Jews and the Nazi Legacy(New

York 1985), 29. Manuel, Broken Staff, 296, also blames "rogue elements in Christianity" and

calls Nazism "a Christian heresy."

viiiPeter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Antisemitism in Germany and Austria(Cambridge, MA.,

1964, 1988), xxii.

ixAlfred Fouille, Morale des Ides-Forces(Paris 1908), 353.

xEugen Weber, Action Franaise: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth-Century France

(Stanford 1962), 463.

xiRobert Willis, "Christian Theology After Auschwitz," Journal of Ecumenical Studies(Fall

1975), 495. See also Parkes, The Conflict of Church and Synagogue, 376; John Gager, The

Origins of Antisemitism: Attitudes Toward Judaism in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (New York


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1983), 13; Davies, Antisemitism and the Christian Mind: The Crisis of Conscience After

Auschwitz(New York 1969), 39.

xiiOtto of Freising indicates that Bernard finally silenced Rodolphe by invoking monastic

discipline. Chazan, European Jewry, 177-8.

xiiiRabbi Ephraim bar Jacob of Bonn, in Neubauer and Stern, eds., Hebrische Berichte, 187-8.

Otto of Freising quoted in Chazan, European Jewry, 170.

xivCohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, 69-70.

xvGraetz, History of the Jews, 3:351-2; Vamberto Morais, A Short History of Antisemitism (New

York 1976), 104.

xviThe document is translated in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle Ages, 101-4.

xviiRabbi Ephraim bar Jacob of Bonn, in Neubauer and Stern, eds., Hebrische Berichte, 188.

See also Henry Hart Milman, History of the Jews (New York 1939), 2:310.

xviiiBernard's letter to the Archbishop of Mainz, in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the

Middle Ages, 104-5.

xixBernard of Clairvaux, "Epistola CCCLXIII (946)," in PL, 182:567.

xx"Bernard's Letter to the People of England," in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle

Ages, 101-4.

xxiBernard of Clairvaux, St. Bernard's Sermons for the Seasons and the Principal Festivals of

the Year (Westminster, MD, 1950), 1:379.


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xxiiDe Consideratione I, 4, quoted by Torrell, "Les juifs dans l'oeuvre de Pierre le Vnrable,"

342 n58.

xxiiiBernard, Sermones super Cantica Canticorum, 60.4, in David Berger, "The Attitude of St.

Bernard of Clairvaux Toward the Jews," American Academy for Jewish Research,

Proceedings (New York 1973), 96.

xxivBernard, St. Bernard's Sermons, 2:149, in Berger, "The Attitudes of St. Bernard of Clairvaux

Toward the Jews," 104.

xxvBerger, "The Attitude of St. Bernard of Clairvaux Toward the Jews," 101-2.

xxvi See below this chapter.

xxviiSamuel and Pearl Oliner, The Altruistic Personality: Rescuers of Jews in Nazi Europe(New

York 1988), 170.

xxviii See chs. 1 and 2, below.

xxixLuther, "Heidelberg Disputation," Article 21, in Luther's Works, 31: 40.

xxxJames Parkes, "Antisemitism and Theological Arrogance," Continuum(Autumn 1966), 413.

xxxi Pierre Pierrard, Juifs et Catholiques Franais (Paris 1970), p. 298.

xxxii James Parkes, "Attitude to Judaism," The Journal of Bible and Religion (October 1961), p.

300.

xxxiii Bernard Glassman, Antisemitic stereotypes without Jews: Images of the Jews in England,

1290-1700(Detroit 1975).


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xxxiv Rosemary Ruether, Faith and Fratricide (New York 19674), 147.

xxxvFrederick Schweitzer, "The Tap-Root of Antisemitism: The Demonization of the Jews,"

Remembering for the Future(Oxford 1988), 879-90.

xxxvi In The Last Three Popes and the Jews(New York 1967), Pinchas Lapide estimates that

more than six million Jews were murdered by Christians in the centuries before the Holocaust.

xxxvii Walter Zwi Bacharach, Anti-Jewish Prejudices in German-Catholic Sermons(Lewiston,

NY, 1993), 46.

xxxviii May 1961, quoted in Cohen, Christ Killers, 170.

xxxix Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, (New York 1988), 446.

xl See Postscript below.

xli Not just Protestants but Muslims as well.

xlii Based on Gordon Allport's list in his Nature of Prejudice(Cambridge, Mass., 1954), 14-15.

xliii See Robert Michael and Philip Rosen, Dictionary of Antisemitism(Lanham, MD, 2006); Cohen,

Christ Killers, 117.

xliv Manfred Gerstenfeld, "Antisemitism: Integral to European Culture," Jerusalem Center for

Public Affairs (30 March 2004).

xlv Working Definition of Antisemitism, EUMC. Discussion Papers--Racism, Xenophobia,

Antisemitism, March 16, 2005. See Robert Michael and Philip


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Rosen, "Introduction," Dictionary of Antisemitism(Lanham, MD, 2006).

xlvi See Jeremy Cohen, Christ-Killers(New York 2007).

darkside of the church

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