dance in field. theory, methods and issues in dance ethnography - (fieldwork - drid williams)
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Theresa J. B
uc
kland
Ed
it
ed by
Theory, Methods and Issues
in Dance Ethnography
Dance in the Field
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J O
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1
L
ib
ra
r
y of Co
n
g
r
ess
C
a
talogi
n
g- i n -Pub li
c
ation Data
Dance in
th
e field: theo
r
y ,
m
e
th
ods
a
nd i ssues in
d
an ce e
th
n
ography
/ e
di
ted by There
s
a J . B
u
ck lan d .
p
c
m .
lncludes
bib
l i
og
raphi
c
a l
r
e
fer
e
n ces a
n
d i
n
dex.
I
SBN 0
12
22378-1
(
cloth)
D
a
n
ce nthrop
ol
o g ical aspe
c
ts. 2. D
a
nce s
e
a
r
ch-
Met
h
odology . 3. Da
n
ce
ross-cultural studies. Bu
c
kla
n
d,
T
heresa.
GV
l
5
88.
6
.
D
39
19
9
9
First pub
li
sh
e
d in the United States of A
mer
ica 19 99 by
Scholarly
a
nd
R
efer
e
n
ce Div isio
n
,
1 7 5 F
if
th Aven
u
e, New York, NY. 10010
I
S
B
N
0
312-2
23
78
A catal
og
ue re
c
ord for t
hi
s
bo
ok is
a
v
a
ilable from
th
e Br
il i
sh Libra
r
y .
IS
B
N 0-333 1913
Fir
s
t publi
s
hed in G
r
eat Britain 1
99
9 by
Hound
m
ills
,
B
asin gstoke, Ha
m
p
s
hire RG2
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6XS and
L
ondon
C
ompa
ni
es
a
n d
repr
es
entatives througho
u
t
th
e wo
r
ld
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For Elsie (1920-92) and Reg Buckland
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2 6
Fieldwork is not an end in itself. The
a
im of most
so
cial
a
nthropolo-
gical fieldwork i
s
completed doctoral work. At
post-doct
oral
levels,
the result of fieldwork is a
mono
graph or book. It is
im
portant to
connect field r
es
earch with
writin
g, because,
ultim
a
tel
y, that is why
LO C
AL
E
Stories about
fam
ous figures in social
anthropolo
gy
abou
nd
amon
g
new graduate students. At the
Ins
titute of
S o c
ial
Anthropolo
gy
(O
x
ford) in the ea
rl y 1 9
70s we
wer
e no diffe
re
nt
,
but
1
coul
d ve
rify
th
e
anecdote
s
about E.E. Evan
s-Pritch
ard
,
who (though
recen tl y
r
et
ired
i
n
197
0)
, w
as
availabl
e in his
room
s at the
Instit
ute, or
a
t a n
earby
pub
'
I
s
it
tru
e that the only
advic
e
y
ou
g i
ve to
stud
ent
s
about fieldwo
r
k i
s
th
a
t
th
ey
m
a
k
e
s
ur
e
th
e
y
hav
e a
fo
ldin
g
t
a
bl
e, a
l
amp,
an
d
pl
e
nty
of
writing
m
a
teria ls
w ith
them
?'
1 as
ked ,
whil
e
s
h
ari
ng a
dr
ink at the
Garde
n
er
'
s Arms. 'S ur
ely
the
re's
m
ore to
fie
ldwo
r
k than
that
'
H
e leaned back
s
miling
remini
scentl
y, a
nd
said, O
f course th
er
e
is,
but you
ca
n wa
st
e a lot of time on
y
our first trip (a
s 1
did) if
y
ou
ar
en t
pra
ctica . did fieldwork among
th
e Nuer and the Azande befare you
wer
e
born
. It
didn'
t occur to me
t
o
t
hink about
wh
e
th
er the
s
outhern
Sud
an had electricity, or that nomads
don
't
car
ry
tab
les
a
round w ith
th
e
m .
It
's
a
qu
es
tion
o
f h
o
r
ses
hoe
nails ,
i
s
n '
t
i
t
?'
'Y ou m
e
an "Ior want of a n
ai l th
e shoe
is lo
st"
a
nd all
that?
'
'No matter what the world may
s
a
y
about social
ant
h
ropologists
',
he
said,
they can 't accuse us of iv
ory
-towerism
B
ut make no
mis
take
:
practi
cali
ty doesn t
repl
ace imagination or
kee
n ob
s
erva
-
tion. Both
ar
e necessary.
Sometimes,
ali
1
can
remem
ber
is
how
t
ired
1
was - writing notes when
ever
yone
els
e was
aslee
p.
Peopl
e
for
ge
t
th
a
t
fi
e
ldwork
i
s
just
th
a
t:
fi
e
ld-WORK.
H
ardest
w o
rk
eve
r
d i
d
'
Our
c
on ve
rsation aste
d
fo
r
tw
o ho
ur
s .
Th
e
s
ubjects we covered
w
ere
l
o
ca l
e,
th
eo
ry ,
o
bs
ervation
a
nd
refte
xivi
ty.
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Jackson
continu
es, 'The exotic might be only five m iles away; it is,
indeed
, a
li
a
round one.
i
s a grave m ist
a
ke to think that the dist
a
n t
"savag
e"
h
ad
mor
e
t
o give
t
o a
nthropolog
is
t
s' (1987,
p
. 8).
1 soo
n dis-
covere
d that the Latin
Trid
entine
m
ass, the ballet ( involv-
in g
fi
eldwork with
th
e Roya
l B
a
ll
et
)
and
th
e Chinese
exe
r
c
ise
t
echnique T ai Chi Ch 'uan, plus work 1 had un
de
rtaken on
Ca
rmelite
nuns
(Will
iams, 1975)
,
were
mor
e
exo
tic' to m
a
n y European
s ,
Ca
nadians, Americans and Aus
tralian
s
th
an are p
eop
les who live in
the Pacific Is
land
s, the Amazon Basin, the Arctic or Africa. More to
the
point
,
perhap
s, is that one s
read
ers often
kno
w less about
balle
t
dancers, Catho
li
c priests
a
nd nuns an d T a i Chi m
aste
rs than
th
ey do
about p
eo
ples in faraw
a
y places.
one works in the field - wherever 'the fi
e ld
' may be. Ethnographic fact
supports
writing
, which (as I was
t
a
ug
ht) consists of
thre
e parts:
de
s
cription
,
2.
anal
ysis, 3.
interpreta
tion and
explan
ation of the group
o
f
people
inve
stigated . 1
When 1 was a graduate student in the early 1970s, fieldwork in
British
so ci
al anthropology was und
e
rgoing a
proc
ess of
c
h
a
nge (see
Willia
m
s,
1
982). After World
W
ar II,
th
e fieldwork p
roc
ess in the
Briti
s
h discipline gradually bro
a
dened from preo
c
cup
ation s w ith so-
ca
ll
ed 'primitive' societie
s
to include
w
o
rk
in the ant
hro
po
l
og
is
t's o
w
n
society or in a parallel
cultur
e (see Jack
so
n, 1987). 1 conducted
fi
e
ldwork in En g l
a
nd - a p
arall
el
cul
t
ur
e - but
thi
s
is
some
thing
th
at
,
t
ra
d
i
tionally
,
o
n l
y
s
ociologi
s
t
s
und
er
t
oo
k:
A
nthrop
olog
is
t
s
and
s
ociolog
is
ts in
E
urope have
s
triven h
a
rd to dis-
tingui
sh
th
em
se
lves
fr
om
eac
h
o
ther in
t
er
m
s of
t
heory and method-
ology when examining
th
eir own socie
t
ies; this is a recent
phenom
e
non
, however, since
mo
st a
nthropologi
sts stíll
ha
nker after
the
mor
e romantic, unex
plor
ed parts of the world - if they can get
there
a
nd
s
tay there ..
.
is poss
i
ble to
sa
y
. . .
that the basic differ
-
enc
e
b
e
tw
ee
n
so
ciolo
g
i
st
s
and a
nthrop
o
logi
s
t
s
i
s a ove
o
f
a
nd a
di
s-
taste for
m
od
e
rn so
ciet
y. A
nthrop
ologists
tr
y to escape it, along
with
folk
lori
s
tic and
arch
aeologi
ca
l co lleagues,
b
y going to the
remotest p
a
rts of the world it is possible to find - in imagination, if
not in fact. is also n
otic
eable that a
nthropolog
ists are
rapidl
y
abandoning their
form
erly
s
trong
inte
rest in social
organization
s in
favour of
s
tudying ritu
a l
, symboli
s
m , and
class
ification - a complete
r
eturn
t
o
th
e major int
erest
s of the
nin
e
t
eenth century. (Jackson ,
1
98 7
,pp 7-8)
27
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Field research in sociocultural anthropology always
in cl
udes partici-
pant-ob
s
er
va
tion.
'
Participation'
me
ans living
w
ith (or
a
s clase as
poss
ible to) o
ne'
s chosen people for at
le
ast 12
months
.
'
Participa
nt
field
research
'
me
ans condu
c
ting
one
's in ves
ti
gation in
t
he language
spok
en by the community - not the
anthrop
o
l
ogist
'
s language.2
My
teach
e
r
s and mentors assumed that one
's
read
i
ness to conduct
fie
ld
res
earch
a
l
s
o
mea
nt a
cquaintanc
e with
anthro
pol
ogi
cal
(
and a
good bit of philos
ophic
al)
theo
ry and
its rel
ation
t
o
ot
her
mode
s of
inquiry:
Without
th
eori
es and
hypoth
eses
a
nthropologica
l
resea
rch
c
ould
not be ca
rri
ed out, for one only find
s
things, or does not find them
,
i
f
on
e is
l
ookin
g
for the
m
. Often one
finds somet
hin
g
other
th
an
what one is looking for.
f
Ne
v
erthel
ess, one still hears it
s
aid of
anth
ro
p
o
log
i
s
ts
t
h
a
t
the
y
go
to stud
y
primitive peoples w ith a th
eo
retica
l bi
as
a
nd that this dis
-
torts
th
eir accounts of [other
peopl
es],
w h
ereas
th
e
pract
ic a l man of
affairs, having no such bia
s ,
gives an
im pa
rtial
recor
d of
t
he
facts
as
he
sees the
m . The diff
er
ence
bet
ween them is really of another
kind.
Th
e
s
tudent
mak
es his observ
a
tions to answer
questions
arising out of
th
e gen
eralizations
of
s
pe
ci
a l
iz
ed opin io n
,
and the
layman m
a
kes his to
an
swer questions
aris
in g out of
th
e gen
e
raliza-
ti
o
n of po
pul
a
r opinion.
(Ev
a
n
s-Pritc
h
a
rd, 196
9 [1951] ,
p. 64;
e
mphasi
s
add
e
d)
W ith
th
e indi
s
p
e
n
sa
ble help of memb
e
rs of their h
os
t g
roups
,
mod
e
rn a
nthrop
olog
ists a
ttempt
t
o
con s
truct indi
ge
n ous
t
he
ories
of
c
ultur
e and
event
s .
Th
ere is no
suc
h thing as
s
impl
y
'
telli
ng it
lik
e it
is .
T
h
er
e is no such
thin
g as
'
pure d
escripti
on';
t
hu
s t
h
eoret
ical
a
pproach
es
s
hould have
prid
e
of
place in
di
s
cu
ssio
n
s
a
bout
fi
e
ld
research
. 3
Without the
kind
s of
theor
etical
an
d philosophical soph
isticati
on
th
a
t,
for instan
c
e
,
Farnell
(
1994,
99
5a and 1995b) brings to
studies
of human mov
e
ment
,
the
fi
eld will not grow and i
mprove
. i
s
syst
ematic th
eore
tical grounding th
at, lit
era
ll
y, a
fi
eld of
st
ud
y
.
2 8
THEORY
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Eightee
n years
l
ater, Farnell produ
ce
d a collection
o
f essa
y
s
that a
r
e
compatibl
e with
theoretic
a
l
int
e
r
es
t
s
that
e
mpha
si
ze
act
i
o
ns
in
s
t
e
ad
of movement:
(
Fam
e
ll, 1995a). He
r
e ,
w
e find
a
ppro
a
ch
es that include
spok
en la
ng
uage among
action-
si
g
n
syste
ms:
The creation of meaning is
abo
ve
ali
embedd
e
d in hum
an
r
e
lation-
s
hip
s : people enact their selves to each
oth
er in
w
or
d
s , move
ment
s,
a
nd other modes of action. Ali selves
a
re
cultu
ra
ll
y
d
e
fin ed, as
t
ime
a
nd
s
p
a
ce themselves
are culturall
y defined.
T
im
e
an
d
s
p
ac
e
a
r
e
n
e
v
er simply there; they are
continuall
y cut to the agenda of
th
e
moment.
The property that language share
s
with ali sign
sys
tems i
s
its
indexical nature: its
maintena
n
c
e
a
nd creation of social connec-
tions,
ancho
red in
experi
e
n
ce and the se
ns
e of
th
e r
ea
l. (Urciuo
li
,
1995 ,pp. 1
8 9
9
0)
Seeing Actíons instead of Movements
What does an investigator observe in the field? In sorn e wa
ys
, it ali
seems obvious: human beings inhabit (or
'
have')
mo
ving bodies; yet,
western ways of seeing bodies have
b
ee
n
'
a serious
stumbl
i
n g
-block' with
re
gard to seeing movement. For e
x
ample
,
actions are reduced to a posi-
tion or to a
s
equence of positions,
'
such that a series of photograph
s
,
sketches, dia
grams
, or positions of limb
s
plotted on a two-d
i
m
e
nsional
graph are
p
resented as records of movement
' (Farnell
, 1994 , p. 929) . In
other
word
s, we tend to see not movement.
Two
book
s whose titles and
cont
ent support
thi
s
cont
e
n
tion are
(Blackin
g
,
1
9
77)
a
nd
(Po
lh
emus
, 1 9 7
8 ) .
Po lhe
mus
's col
-
l
ection on '
n o
n-verbal
beh
a
viour
' (a phrase semasiolo
g
i
s
t
s
aba
nd
on
e
d
y
ear
s a
go in favour of
'
non-vocal behav
iour
'
) includes
D
arwin
(
1
8
59
and 1 8 7 2) , Efron (1972),
H
ewes
(1 9
55 ) , Birdwhistell (197
0
) and Hall
(196
6
) - ali biologically oriented theories that are rooted in ideas
about social evolutionism. With
th
e
ex
ception of Hertz (1960) and
Maus
s (1935) in the Polhemus book and Ellen's work (1977) in the
B l
a
cking
colle
ction, these
book
s
ar
e
historic
a
ll
y
int
e
res
t
i
ng,
but
of
little
valu
e to current theoretical interests in the anthropology
o
f
human movement studies.
OBSERVATION
2
9
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Fi
g
ur
e
2 Sh
ou
l
d
e
r
m
ov
em
ent from
Karac
hu
on yo score
F i
gure
1
Phys
ical m
ovem
e
nt
of
shoulder-sh
akin
g
1
1
I
>
~
(
(
A
trained in ves
tigator
ask
s
, '
What
m
akes
thi
s ac
ti
on
-s
i
g
n system rec-
og
nizabl
e as
it
self and n o
oth
e
r
? '
Du
rr beca
m
e
a
wa
r
e of the diff
e
r-
enc
es
betwee
n
'j
ust seein g' and ob
serva
tion with reference
t
o
th
e
movem
e
nt-writi
ng
pro
cess
w
hich (for semasiologists) is
a
lw
a
ys
co
n-
n
e
ct
e
d with
fi
e
ld
w
ork:
w
as
evid e
nt from
th
e beginning th
a
t pure observa
ti
o
n
on
m y p
art
was not eno
u
gh . . . Of
t
en
,
it was necessary to ask ques
tions th
at
would p
rov
ide insig
hts in
to how
bes
t
t
o
w rit
e a move
m e
nt or a
phras
e of
m o veme
nts .
became
in
crea
sin
g
ly
o
bvious
that
L
aba
notati
on was the
mean
s
to record the
mes
sages
(th
e '
s-structures
'
)
ofmo
vem
e
nt,
but [it] did
not
c
o
nt
a
in
th
e
co
d
e
(th
e
'
p-
s
tructur
es
'
)
.
o
th
e
r
w
ord
s
,
o
n
e
ca
n
re
cord gross physical move
m
ents (Fig
ur
e 1) but
this
does not m
ea
n
that one has captured the
int
e
nde
d
movement
s of
nativ
e dancers
(Figure
2)
.
The Movement-Writing Process Can Be Revealing
What
tha
t
mea
n
s
from a prac
tic
a) standpoint was well ill
ustrat
ed b
y
Dixie Durr
(
198
1 , pp
. 132-8)
,
who r
ealize
d that in
t
he participant-
observation
method, '
obse
rving
'
involv
es much
mor
e than
ordina
ry
seeing.
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T
he two move
ment
s
ar
e not the
s
ame, although they invo
lv
e
th
e same
b
ody parts. F
ig
ure
1
is devoid of semantic co
nt
ent
.
Figure 2 possesses meaning only as it is i
nte
nded in the context of
the Karachuo
ny
o da
n
ce ....
[T]
o
r
ely on a pure ly observational
approa
c
h to
cross-cultura
l notation is to
r
ecord 'behavio r in
t
e
rm
s
of raw movement as seen
th
rough
th
e in ves
ti
gato
r'
s own set of
m
e
ntal
a
nd kinesic spec
t
acles . . ..
In the
li
ght of m y new leve
of
co
mpre
hen
sion , it
wo
uld be
dif
fic
ult to
t
ry to ju
s
t
ify
Labano
t
ation as be
in
g more than
w h
at
[i
n
fact
] it is: a sc
r
ipt. lt can d
em
ons
t
rate the 'how ' of a movement, but
not the This is n ot meant to be i
nt
erpre
t
e
d as any attempt to
dis c
r
edit
t
he
sy
st
e
m
,
but
me
r
e
l
y
a
s
a
n
attem
pt
t
o
cl
a
rify
i
ts usage
and
im
p
orta
n ce. Labanotation has the po
t
en
ti
al to provide c
r
edibil
-
i ty
t
o the
ar
eas of m
o veme
nt and d
a
nce
tha
t have l
o n
g and rig
htly
b
ee
n criticized far
th
eir lack of
r
esearch and documentation .. . .
Sa
u
ssure ..
.
notes that
'
th
e fi rst l inguis
t
s confused la
n
guage and
w
r
i
tin
g' (
1
9 59
:
24); that 'l
a
nguage is a storehouse of
sound-im
ages,
and
w
riting is
t
he tangible
fa
r
m of those
im
ages
' (1959: 1
5)
, and that
'we
ge
n
era
l ly learn
a
bout
l
anguages on ly
th ro
ugh writing' (1959
:
23 ) .
The
se
o
b
servat
i
ons
s
tre
n g
th
e
n
th
e n
ee
d
far
in
vestiga
t
ors of
b
od
y l
an-
g
uages to i
d
enti
fy
Laba
n
otation as a script. (Durr , 1 981, pp. 135-36
)
The sig
nifican
ce of
Durr
's discoveries regarding the use of movern ent-
writin
g in field research cann
o
t be overstressed,
She
fa
und that w
ritin
g
an
d writing are two di
ffe
r-
ent
th
ings
.
In addition
,
she fa
u
nd that wr ti
ng
mean
s t
hat
w
r
iters must exercise
c
h
oic
e. She had to
c
hoose whe
th
er to
writ
e
'
b
e
h
a
v
i
our
'
(
'
no
n
-
lin
g
ui
fied '
m
o ve
m
e
nts
s
e
p
ara
t
e
d
fro
m hum
a
n
int
e
n-
tio
n
s , context and mea
nin
g) or
'ac
tions' acts perfarm
e
d b
y
mov
in
g human
agen
ts that a
r
e
simulta
n
eo
us
w i
th and parallel to
signifyi
n g
speech acts
) .
In
a
n y case,
t
hat
crea tes o
bj
ects of
v
is ion
w
ell remo
v
ed from
th
e body of the
o bs
erver
. . .. The
pa
rti
cipa
n t-ob
serv
er
m
ay
part
icip ate in a gho stlike man
ne
r,
wa
nd
e
ring
th
ro
ug
h
th
e
e
thno
g
r
ap
h
ic
grov
es
,
makin
g
n
o
t
e
s
,
d
rawing
d
iagram
s, learning
t
o
ta
lk and ask qu
e
stio n
s,
but n
ot
, far the mo
s
t
p
a
r
t, learning how
t
o dance, how to gesture appropriately, how to
mak
e fires or build a
hut
, make
d
ry meat,
p
ound
grai
n or put a
bab
y
to s leep, and a
li
the oth er
m
y
ri
ads of activ
itie
s that constitute tacit
an d em b
od
ied knowled
g
e in cultural
practices . (
F
arne
ll
, 1994
,
p. 936)
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[T]he native anthropologist ... has to tran
sce
nd an ascribed
social position in the society in order, like the Outs ider, profession
-
ally to relate to the whole spectrum of
nativ
e social c
atego
ries. The
problem is compounded
wh
en
th
e native anthropologist is located
in a very complex society such as is found in Goa . ..
W
ithin
thi
s het
-
In 'The Native Anthropo
logi
s
t
:
Co
n s
t
ra
int
s and Strategies in
Research', M
asca
renhas-Keyes
(1
987, pp. 18
7-9
) produces a live ly
account of doing field research in her own culture that is flawed only
by borro
win
g
'
concepts of tran sference and countertransference
d
eve
loped by psychoanalysts
'
when she used herself as an in formant.
how ever, in spite of that problem , her insights are
i
n
s
tructi
ve:
THE IDEA OF A PERSONAL ANTHROPOLOGY:
REF
LEXIVITY
To my colleagues and me, observation is irrevocably connected w ith p
ar
-
ticipation in fundamenta l ways , '
becau
se, in being social, one can di
re
ct
oneself
t
o respond only insofar as one considers how
t
he other will
respond . .. to one's own response. The of the
i
ndividual is
th
e
.
.. ground
(Var
e
l
a, 1995, p.
27 8 ; emphasi
s
add
e
d)
.
We are not merely complex biological organ isms that move. Human
beings are the '
i
ndexical site[s] of p
ers
on[s] [and] human bodies are
what they are by virtue of the personhood of
th
e i
ndi
vidual'
(V
arela,
1 995 , p. 28 0).
Durr s ins
ight
s were
gen
erated when she discovered the fact that
'shoulder- s
hakin
g' is nota move that can be written only on e way ,
th
en
includ
e
d in
th
a
t
fo
rm in
a
ny
m
o
v
eme
n
t
t
e
xt wh
at
soeve
r
.
O
n
th
e
co
nt
rary,
The writing of a movement text can be no more 'purely descriptive'
than can that of a standard ethnographic tex t; both are beset w ith
problems of
tra
nslation and inte
rpret
ation. As with a standard
ethnography , one builds one s interpretations over time and makes
choice
s about descriptions as one
'
s knowledge increases. With a
movement
t
ex t, however, one is aiming at a performable script
th
at
en
c
od
es
indige
n
o
us
und
e
rst
a
nding
s.
(F
a
rn
e
ll
,
1994
,
p
.
964
)
One aims for descriptions of people in one 's own or ano
th
er society
th
at 'encodes indigenous understandings .
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A 'homemade model' of the soci
e
ty consists of the judgement
s
, ideas
and
p
erception s the investigator
t
akes
in
to the field. During the
research process, the folk mode l' of the socie
t
y emerge
s
. Thi
s
mo
d
el
c
on
sis
t
s of
wha
t
indigen
o
u
s membe
r
s of
t
he
soc
i
et
y perceive is
Models of Events
To sem
as
iologi
s
ts,
one
's
persona l anthropology comprises
'
a
w h
o
le
se
t
o
f jud
g
ments
abo
ut
huma
n
n
a
ture , a
uthorit
y ,
s
e
x
, m
o
n ey , fa
mily
,
nati
on
, etc.'
(Poc
ock, 199
4
[197
3
) ,
p
ara. 1.3).
Anth
ropologis t
s
go
int
o
the
fie
ld with these judgement
s.
but
th
ey be
modifi
ed or
ch
ange
d
.
Thi
s is
w h
y we talk about
'
hom
em
a
d
e mode l
s
' and
'
folk models
'
w
ith regard
to
fie
ld res
earch
.
erogeneous society, 1 was identified by native
s
in term
s
o
f a comple-
ment of immutable
characteristic
s :
interna
tional
Cath
olic
, Brahmín,
female, married, educated,
middle
-clas
s
(but
o
f re
ce
nt peasant
origins). However, 1 was extremely reluctant to conform to behav-
ioural patterns and modes of thought
culturall
y ex
pect
ed of
m
y
ascribed po
s
ition
becau
s
e of my respect for c
ultur
al
div
e
rs i
ty cultiv-
ate
d through anthropological training,
a
nd
m
y
inten
ti
o
n to
o
p
e
rate
as an anthropologist .... I was di
s
mayed to find
th
at I c
o
urted con-
sider
able critici
s
m
a
nd ridicule and it
be
c
a
me appa
re
nt th
a
t , as a
neophyte, 1 was unprepared 'for
th
e more sophistica
te
d task of
s
tudying [my] own society'
(Srin
i
v
as
1966 :
157). (Ma
s
c
ar
enha
s
-
K
eye
s,
1 9 8 7
,
pp
.
18 0
1)
Whether an
a
nthropologist
is a
n
outs
ider or a
n
ati
ve
,
'
thi
s out
side
o
ther
becom
es an object for my
knowl
e
d
ge
a
nd understanding
and what 1 call my understanding is a
report on that
r
elationship, not on the
essentia
l bei
n
g of
tha
t oth
er
'
(Pocock, 1994 [1973), para. 13.4; emphasis added).
In a brilliant essa
y
, Pocock describes the ethnographic process using
hi
s
id
e
a of a
p
e
r
s
onal
anthropolo
gy
:
is this making of a report, the offering of my under
s
tanding of
the
r
elationship as true, having universal
intent
, and the
refor
e
o
pen
to the acceptance, modification
o
r rejection of m
y
co
lleagu
es that
constitutes the difference
betwee
n
(Pocock
, 1
9 9
4 [1
97 3
) , pa
ra
. 13.4 ;
e
mphas
is
add
e
d)
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In my own case,
1
knew the Latín
m
ass from earl
y c
hildhood , but
kn
ew no
thin
g of
wha
t it was
l
ike from
t
h
e
view
p
o
int
s
of
th
e
pri
e
sts
w
ho celeb
rate
d it.
Th
e
awareness
of m
y
p
e
rsonal
ant
h
ropo
logy (the
'
dis
t
a
nc
in
g'
)
b
ega
n
w
ith a ques
t
io n put
t
o me by a pri
est: '
I
s
ee by
y
our le
tt
er of
int
ro
du
cti
on that you were a
teac
her
,
ch
ore
o
gra
pher and d
a
ncer for
m
a
n
y
years. Do you con
sid
er
th
e
Mass,
past or
prese
nt
,
to
b
e in sorn e
sen
se a d
ra
ma ora
da
n
c
e
?
' (
Willia
m
s ,
199
4
a, p.
vii)
.
G
estur
es such as
t
hose in vol
ve
d in ro
ut
e
di
rections and sp
atia l ori-
en
tati
on are u
s
uall
y
g
l
ossed in Engli
s
h b
y th
e
wo
rd
'pointin
g,' but
littl
e att
e
ntion has b
een
p
ai
d to
pot
e
n tia l co
mplexi
ti
es
a
nd cro
ss-
c
ultural
diffe
ren ces in
w
h
a
t
seem
s
,
on
th
e s
urfac
e,
t
o be the
m o s
t
s
imple, d
i
r
ect,
and proba
bly
universally understood
mea
ns of d
e
no
-
t
a
ti
ve r
ef
e
r
en ce . . ..
Whil
e
i
t m ight seem to be the case
th
at
pointin
g
to an
obj
ec
t with
a
n
ex
tende
d
ind
e
x
fi
n ge
r i
s
t
ranspare
nt in
it
s
meanin
g,
with
out
contex
tu
a l informa
tion the act i
s,
in
fac t ,
e
ntir
e
ly
a
mbi
g
u
ou
s:
how does one di
stin
gu
is
h betw
ee
n pointing
t
o the shape
rather
th
an to the
c
olo
r,
the
tex tu
re,
o
r
th
e
sme
ll for
exa
mple?
Neith
er
i
s it necessar
i
l
y
the case
tha
t po
int
in
g i
s una
mbigu
ou
sly
int
erpreted as
a
n in
t
ended
direct
i
onal
guide for
one
'
s ga
ze ....
[E]ducat
ors from the Crow
R
eserva
ti
on
i
n
M
ont
a
na
re
port a s
chool
situati
on in
w
hich a no
n -
Indian
t
eacher
use
d a poin
te
r o
n th
e black-
b
oa
rd.
No
n-India
n pupils
looked at
t
he
e
nd of
th
e poi
n
te
r. Ind
ian
pupils .
.. l
ooked at the face of the
teach
e
r,
ignoring the pointer . To
th
ese Crow stud
ents , w h
o
liv
e in a
cultur
e
w
here
t
he act
o
f
pointin
g
directl
y
i
s c
on
s
id
ere
d
rat
her rude, it was not at all obv
i
o
us
what
th
e
pointer was for. (F
arn
e
ll , 1995
b
,
pp.
1 58
9)
Farn
e
ll
could n ot have w ri
tt
en
th
is way if
s
he had not bee
n a
wa
r
e of
he
r own
homem
ade mod
e
l
s
of
eve
n ts.
S
he had
t
o
recog-
n i
ze
t
he
di
ffe
r
e
nc
es b
et
ween
h
e
r
int
er
p
reta
tions o
f
eve
nt
s
a
nd
t
he
fo
l
k
model of her
Assin
iboine
(Na
kota
)
h
ost
s
throu
ghout the research
process.
ha
ppe
ning in any
give
n si
t
u
ati
on: how
classi
fy and
categor
ize
fro
m their
eq
u
a
ll
y c
ultu
re-
bo
und v iew p
oint. O
ft
en
, t
hese mode
l
s of
events
do not
agree
.
F
a
rnell
p
rov
ides
evid
e
n
ce of possib le d
is
p
ariti
es between '
home-
m
ade'
a
nd
'
fo
l
k
'
m
ode
l
s
in
move
m
ent:
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Durin
g
re
hea
r
sa
l
s
of
Ma
k
a
rov
a
ask
e
d
m
a
ny
qu
esti
o
n
s
about the sequences of moveme
nt
s
she was r
e
quir
e
d to perform as
th
e
B l
ack Queen preceding
th
e
d
eath
o
f the Red
Kin
g .
'
Do 1 know
th
a
t I will
s
t
ab him
,
or am I not sure about
this
?'
'
Does the Que
e
n
that s
h
e is going to
win?
'
Depending upon what is
th
e case to the ch
or
eographer, the
movement
s M
ak
a
rova executes
s
ubt
ly
change - n ot in
the
ir form,
but
in
ch
ara
ct
er. She is
s
till
b
e
carrie
d on
b
y
h
e
r two black
kni
g
h
ts.
She hov
e
rs over the terror-stricken, f
e
eble old R
e
d King, but
influences the a
ctio
n of
st
abbing
him
i
s performed.
Likewise, Dupreil, as
the Red
Knight
(
at
the moment
wh
e
n he
s
tand
s
poise
d with sword d
raw
n over the defenceless Black
Queen) knows w hy he
hesita
tes
an
d turns
a
w
ay
. The red knight
r
epr
es
ents c
hi
valry ,
thu
s the dancer's h
es
ita
ti
on is c
onn
ected w ith
a
c
o
d
e
o
f
h
o
nour
which
ultim
at
e
l
y
dictat
es his
act
:
h
e kili a
wom
a
n
.
In a
chiv
alric code of honour, a re
quir
es tha t
opp
o
-
nents are male and arm
e
d . The R
e
d Knight'
s
act of restraint
m
akes
bis sub
se
quent murder by
th
e Queen and
h
er
st
abbing of
th
e Red
Kin
g (whi
c
h completes
th
e ball
et)
, doubly ruthless. They
ar
e unmiti-
gat
e
d ,
want
o
n
act
s of agg
r
essi
on
.
Modern students of human performance are
fortunate
: Pocock's essay
on the idea
of
a
p
erson
a
l
anthrop
o
l
ogy is
ea
sily
avail
a
b
l
e,
and
,
a
long
with it (in a special i
ss
ue
ofJASHM)
a valuable ess
a
y on the problem
o
f objectivity
(V
arela
, 1 9 9 4 ,
pp. 43
64)
and
a critica
ov
erv i
e
w of
se
lf-
reflex ivity
(Willi
ams, 1994b, pp. 1-10; see also Willia
ms
, 1 9 7 6b) .
However , for the purposes of this essay, I mu
s
t briefly d
e
fine
'r
efl
ex
ivity ' . To do
that
, I will ex
amin
e an e
x c
erpt from
th
e field
note
s
for
th
e b
a
lle
t
,
Reftexivity Defined
My an
s
wer was
th
at 1 think of the ma
s
s
a
s a drama or a
dance. Father Preston
re
plied th
a
t if 1 had an
sw
ered otherw i
s
e, the
community would not have consented to assist me with the r
ese
arch
(Williams, 1994a
,
p. viii).5 Like Mas
c
ar
e
nhas-Key
es, 1 had to 'tran-
s
c
end
a
n
ascrib
ed
soci
al
po
s
iti
o
n in
soci
e
ty'
(i.
e
.
be
in
g
femal
e,
a C
a
tholic, a dancer and so on) in o
rd
e
r success
full
y to r
e
l
a
te to
Dominican cat
e
gorie
s
and
classificati
o
ns.
35
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Example 2,
w
e are
confro
n
t
ed
w
i
t
h a s
e
lf
wh
o do
e
s not know
what moti
vat
es ano
the
r self
( me ),
plus
a
n who i
s
beside
a
n
ot
her
self.
Do
ubtless
p
sy
ch
iatri
st
s
wo
uld h
av
e
int
e
rpreta
tions
a
nd
ex
plana
-
t
io n
s
of
th
ese (and o
th
e
r)
corn
m
on
expr
essions of mu
ltip
le
se
l
ves ,
but
fa
r our purposes, the
y ar
e
irreleva
nt.
Su
ffice
t
o say
tha
t
reftex
ive
e
xpress ions rn
ay
be
s
o fa m i
lia
r that
w
e
fail
to
se
e their s i
gnific
an
ce
.
Reft
ex i
v
ity i
s
built in to
E
ngli
s
h l
a
n gu
age-
use in oth
e
r ways: consider
the (l
ega
l
)
attr ibution of r
es
pon
s
ib
il ity
in vol
vin
g sp
eec
h and
bodi
l
y
These exam
pl
es
illustr
a
t
e
t
he use of
r
e
ftex
ivity in
ordina
ry life and
s
p
e
ech . In Example
1 ,
the I
w
ho to
t
ell
t
he
e
mployee
s
he will
be s
acke
d and
t
he
w
ho (per
hap
s) occup
y
the
sa
me physi-
c
al body, but
th
ere are
s
ubtle
differ
ences in
th
ese
sel
ve
s t
h
a
t
inftuenc
e
tone of
v
oi
ce ,
actions
a
nd deme
an
our.
'I
don 't
k
now
w
hat got into me: sudden l
y
l was b
es
ide myself with
a
n g
e
r.'
'
I
h
ave
decid
e
d
tha
t
1
w
ill
te
ll h
er
t
h
at
s
he
w i
ll
be
s
ac
ked in two
week
s
time if
s
he can
'
t abide by
th
e
ru
le
s
of
c
o
n
duct a
ppropri
ate to i
nte
rper-
sona
l
re
l
a
tions in this
offic
e.'
What i
s
in volved
her
e? As 1 liste
n
ed to t
h
e Royal
Ball
et
dancc
r
s,
1
b
ecame acu
te
ly conscious of a common l
y use
d
lin
g
uis
tic
proce
ss,
alt
hough
1
h
a
d not been aware of its im p
orta
nce: the
sim
ul
tan e
ou
s
ex
istence of (a)
t
he social of a
performe
r
,
(b)
th
e
contro
ll ing
self of the performer (
s
o
cl
early
art
i
c
ul
ated
by Maka
ro
va ), an d (e) the
's
el
f'
of
t
h
e
t
h
eatrica
l
c
h
a
ract
e
r
th
e
per
former
p
la
ys
.
Thi
s n otion of
'
m
ult
iple
sel
ve
s
' is more obviou
s
in
t
h
ea
trical con
-
t
exts tha
n
it is in everyday
life;
how e
v
er
, w
h
e
n people
enac
t
t
heir
c
u
s-
tomary
, socia
l roles in o
rd
inary l i
f
e
, th
e
y
function in
th
e
s
ame w ay
s.
The idea of
m
ultiple selves is built into co
mm
on
express
ions.
Thc
fal· t
that
t lH ·
kim
M llll s 1 1 l 1 1 l · t i 1 1 1 1 rh 1 1 M 'l l
hy
t
h
l ·
d
1 1 1 r l ' 1 1 ·
g
raphl
· r
tor
hot
h Knight a
1 1 d
Olll'l'll whcn 1aisl'
t l
u-ir
sw
o
rds
ar
e v
irtu
u
l l
y
h
e s
a 1 1 1 1 : (as
'ru
w p
oiuts
ll1 l i
uguisuc.
cthica
a
mi m
oral diffcrcnccs
i n th
l'
t
wo action
s ign
s.
B o
lh
d
uuccrs
and c
h
oreographcrs
int
c
ntions
ar
e primury.
(Willia
m s
,
1
976
a
(Vo
l.
1
)
, pp 1
8 7
8)
/lrltl
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5 .
4.
A description of
fi
eldwork circa
1
951 can be found in Evans-Pritchard
,
1969
[1951)
,
pp.
7 5
85.
Although 1 li
ve
d in Ghana for three and a half
ye
ars befare go
in
g to
Oxford
, 1
did n ot speak
Tw i , Ew
e or any
Chani
an l
a
nguage w
ell ,
w
hi
ch
m
ea
nt
th
a
t
1
did not
re
turn
t
o
Afr
i
c
a to
c
ar
ry o
u
t
d
octora
l
r
e
sea
r
c
h.
There are, for example
,
severa extant
m
ethodologies
fo
r the study of
hum
an
m
ov
e
m
e
nt, w hich
mea
n
s
that
mode
rn
stude
nts h
a
ve a ran ge of
th
eoretical
c
hoices
t
o make: Kaepple
r
s emic/etic' app
ro
ach ( 1972),
kínesics
'
(B ir
dw h
iste
ll
, 197 0)
,
pro xe
rn
ics' (Hall , 1 9 66)
,
m
ot
if
-rnorpho
l-
ogy
'
(M
a
rtín
a
nd Pesovár
,
1961 ;
K ürti , 1
980
a
n d
E
u
ropea
n
folk
lor
i
stic
sty l
es
) , K e
nd
on's approach (19
9
5)
,
an
d sem as i
o
logy
(W
il l i
am
s
,
1 9 7 9
,
1981
,
1982 and 1 995 ; Farnell , 199 4 , 1995a and 1995b) . In con
tra
st to
these are a gaggle of statistical
ap
p
ro
a
ches
(see
Pros
t
, 1995
[1 97 5
]
an d
Ge
l
,
1
98
5, for
e
x
ampl
es
). Be
h
a
vi
o
ur
a
l
a
pp
roac
h
es
ar
e
w el l
r
e
pr
ese
nt
e
d
by Argyle (1975) and Peng (197 8).
In private communications
1
have h
ear
d he
r
say that her
firs
t
fie
ld
not
e-
books were at first full of what she was going
on
. was sorne
time before
sh
e could write
autho
ritatively about Nakota ways of think-
ing and b
ein
g from their
standpoin
t.
Unlike the Dominican
communit
y
,
w ho did not find it
st
range that I
w a
nt
ed to
s
tudy their rite
,
man y members of the Ro yal B allet found
m y effor
t
s
m
ystif
ying .
T
o
them
,
ballet
was
not
a
n
e
thn
i
c'
fo
rm
of
dan
ci
n
g
(K
ea
liin
o
h
om
ok
u,
1
997
[
1969
-
7
0
/
1
9
83
],
pp
.
1
5
3 6
)
, a
nd
they seemed
unabl
e to
imagin
e
wha
t
va
lue the arts
ha
d to
socia
l
anthrop
o
logy
.
al lions hy lhr plmlM ' i / 1 1 1 · 1 1
¡11m·111i.1
, sollll tllll arls 1 1 1 1 1 i1111·n11 s
/11 .
011·11
¡wr.101111.
1 1 1 1 1 1
' 1101
pun-n , in tvrrux ot' lhl' sorial
/) /SI/
//
/
uf unothcr. S c l l-
rc tlcxivity
is
rharal lnislil ol muny
(ulthough not
u
ll)
human languugcs . Sulfic
e
to
~ ay
in
think
ing)
m
a
y
be so
Luuili.u
' that wc may think thcy urc
n
atural' - cvcn
'
u
n
i
v
ersa
l
.
As
1
havc tricd
lo illustratc, rcflex
ive s
t
y
les of
a
nthropo
l
ogy have
with ordinary
socia
l and
recog
nition
uf unconscious operations in our c
o
mm
u
n ic
at
i
on
s
is
no al
i
bi or e
x
cuse
lur
irrcsponsibility
; one aims simply to be as
consciou
s as one
possibl
y
L
;
1 1 1 rccognizing the limitations
bu
il
t into the enterp
rise
s
' (Pocock
,
lJlJ4 para. 13 .3).
> r k
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Argyle, M.
19
7 5.
L
ondon
:
Methu
e
n .
Birdwhistell,
R
. 1
970.
Ph
il
adelphi
a:
Uni
v
er
sit
y
of
Pe
nn
sy
l
v
ani
a
Pr
e
ss.
Bl
ac
king,
J
. (ed.) . 197 7 .
AS
A Monograph
1 5
.
Lo
ndon: Academic
Pr
ess.
D
a
rw
i
n, C.
1 8
5
9 .
L
ondon
:
J
.
Mur
ray .
1 8 7 2
.
Lond
on
:
J. Murray .
Durr
,
D
. 1
981.
Labano
tation
: l
anguage or script
?
1 , 3
,
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.
E
ll
e
n
,
R
1
977.
An
a
t
omi
ca
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ass
ifi
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a
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t
he
se
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o
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c
s
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t
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, J. (ed
.
), pp.
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75.
Efron
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s
-Pritch
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[
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] ,
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Intro
duction
.
In
Farne
ll
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B . (ed . )
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etuch
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w
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,
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ni
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, E.T.
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st. Translat
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ee
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G
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orld
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[ n .s
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ea
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u
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W
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3
].
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n a
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ropo
l
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et
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rm of
et
hnic dan
ce
. In
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ll
ia
m s, D. (ed
.
)
,
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.
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y, s
oc
i
a
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inte
ra
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ti
on
,
a
nd
s
i
g
n
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a
n
gu
age in
Abori
g
i
n a
l
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s
tr
a
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.
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ll
, B
. (
ed
. )
,
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23
.
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ü
rti
, 198 0
.
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e
of
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tch.
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,
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7 6a. The role of
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ect
e
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c syst
e
m
s
(3
v
o
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).
DPhil
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,
Ox fo rd
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ersity .
1
976b.
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n exerc ise in applied per
so
nal anthropology
.
11
,
1 ,
pp
1
6-30. Reprint
e
d in
1
98
5
in
3
,
3 ,
pp 13
9
67
,
a
nd
as Appendix I in Willia
m
s, 199 1 , pp. 28 7- 3 2 1 .
-- 197 9 . The hum
a
n
ac
tion
s
ign
a
nd
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.A. and
Sto
d
e
lle,
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,
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es
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esear
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w York U
n
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