Cover: Postwatch Magazine No 002 May 18, 1998

Fru Ndi’s BurdenBy Ntemfac Aloysius Nkong Ofege

Update: The Impossible Opposition Single Candidate

Intro: Another presidential looms in Cameroon. With its own realities. Today, the country sports over 200 legalized political parties. That means that there are over 200 potential presidents out there; roaming the streets, village lanes and bureaucracy in Cameroon. Or, day dreaming about Etoudi within the ugly confines of their bedrooms.Now on Cameroon’s political turf this day, a collective of “rascals” claiming to be members of a designed-to-fail National Coalition for the Reconciliation and Reconstruction of Cameroon (CNRR) say that they will soon produce a “Single Candidate of the Opposition” for the rest of us, mortals, to vote for when the elections are announced sometime in October this year. In the meantime, the CNRR, a gung-ho which includes, for want of a better word, entertainers like Celestin Bedzegui, John Fru Ndi, Jean Jacques Ekindi, Issa Tchiroma, Ndam Njoya, etc., are busy organizing weekly street parades along the thoroughfares of major towns in Cameroon claiming that they want Mr. Biya to computerize the voting process in Cameroon. Mr. Biya will not. The reason is simply that Mr. Biya’s very survival depends on his capacity to keep the electoral process in Cameroon as murky as possible. That way the man can always heist elections with satanic alacrity.If Mr. Biya wanted to it would have been very easy for the man to delegate the Delegate of National Security, Minlo Medjo, to transform the already computerized National Identity Register into the National Voters Register. The logic is simply that all who have the National Identity Card deserve to have a Voting Card! Biya is Biya: A man given to fraud. Now the CNRR is also made up of an unsavoury medley of northerners like Issa Tchiroma and Antar Gassaguay. Issa Tchrima is a onetime Biya minister co-opted into government under dubious circumstances. Between them Antar and

Tchiroma are only now agitating within the opposition ranks because Biya dumped them. Tchiroma today tells all those who have ears that Sanda Oumarou, another former Biya Minister (more credible than most), will be the presidential candidate of the North. That gung-ho also includes Ndam Njoya, who, if press reports are correct, is being presented by SDF members like Mbah Ndam, Fru Ndi, Tazoacha Asonganyi, and Pierre Mouafo as the presidential candidate of the coalition. Within that basket of crabs is also Mr. John of Ntarinkon himself who, bless his heart, believes that every time they say “Single Candidate of the Opposition, they mean John Fru Ndi of Ntarinkon. And no other. Small wonder while hobnobbing with the CNRR, Mr. John is dispatching his ardent stooges within the SDF machinery to say that Ndam Njoya is a bigger clown. So, vote for Fru Ndi, the only Son of the Soil and King of the Birds!Within that basket of crabs is also the SDF party, whose “natural candidate,” per the militant, peripheral Ngemba-Baforchu-Baba-Widekum mafia, can only be Mr. John of Ntarinkon. Seasoned SDF members beg to differ. After 1992 and 1997, not Mr. John again, these closet speakers (Paulinus Jua, Andrew Akonteh, Jinka, Ngwasiri, etc.) declare with militant alacrity. Yet, another fringe, the Batibo-Moghamo-Momo fringe of the SDF thinks that Fru Ndi should move over and make way for Chris Formunyoh; another unofficially announced presidential candidate for 2004. But make no bones about it: Fru Ndi’s rampant and rapacious ambition is to be president of Cameroon. Remember Gbagbo?Aside the CNRR, other coalitions, and individuals are warming up for the big game. Current Agriculture Minister, Augustin Frederic Kodock has just announced a 20-party coalition to support Mr. Biya come October, while fellows like Barrister Emmanuel Ashu (ex of the SDF) Djeukam Tchameni (MDI), and without doubt, more to come, have said they are also running. A fluid situation in perspective.

Down Memory LaneJoining Mr. Biya at Table

Cover intro: On May 18, 1998 when this edition of Postwatch Magazine was published we wrote:“The laugh seems to be on Mr. Paul Biya’s side, especially now that the opposition is, or rather was, “not negotiating…(to join his government)…only talking about joining the said government. By so doing, the opposition has implicitly accepted Mr. Biya’s “moon slide victory” in the 1997 presidential elections. This development, however, puts a tremendous pressure, and public disdain, on the opposition, because, the opposition, and not Mr. Biya, promised change. By accepting to go to parliament and the councils and by accepting to talk to Mr. Biya about joining the government, the opposition,

especially the Social Democratic Front party, has failed, irremediably, irretrievably, irrefutably, irretrievable, irreparably and finally.”

Cover of May 18, 1998

The Biya Must Go Years!

The London-based magazine (The Economist of February 28th 1998) puts it very crassly when it

writes: “Mr. Biya gets support from the French. They cannot bear the idea of Mr. Fru Ndi, an English-

speaker, as president of a “French” country.”

In 1991, the gung-ho of fellows today passing around for Cameroon’s opposition collective inflamed rallies and huge gatherings of credulous Cameroonians with the loud-sounding war cry: “Sovereign National Conference”Four hundred Cameroonians shot later, the Sovereign National Conference failed to happen. Then the same opposition luminaries wracked their collective manic and warped brain and came up with another one: “Biya Must Go!” Biya never went. In fact, Mr. Biya not only settled down to a very fresh five year mandate but the man redid his falling hairline, took a new youthful and, without doubt fecund, versatile and energetic spouse, and then survived five more years (1992-1997) mismanaging the affairs of Cameroun. In between the soporific mantra of the Sovereign-National--Conference and the Biya-Must-Go! sloganeering, the main opposition parties (SDF, UFDC, UFDC) boycotted the 1991 parliamentary elections and, thanks to Mboa Massock, one of them, whipped up an unprecedented and fearsome craze called “Ghost Towns!” The idea behind this warfarist agenda was to bring Mr. Biya down to his knock-knees by garroting the man and his economy. While the terrifying Ghost Towns reigned, some fallible and gullible Cameroonians refused to pay their taxes. They also refused to pay their water and electricity bills. Smart Mr. Biya. The man did not bat an eyelid. He sat tight and let these fools accumulate unsettled taxes, water and electricity bills. Then he did his thing. Much to the bewilderment of the pro-opposition lunatics; fellows who had listened religiously to their leaders and declined to pay their bills, Mr. Biya nailed them. SONEL, SNEC and the taxmen dug up long printouts of unsettled state dues and arrived at the abodes and businesses of those who had refused to settle. While their so-called leaders — some of whom had been paying their bills in the first place — stayed mum, the poor devils paid up. Grudgingly, but promptly, they paid up.Even while all this was gong on, Mr. Bello Bouba Maigari, heretofore known as the “Beautiful Old Hag of Cameroonian politics” started his now famous Bafia Dance. Bello led out his NUDP (National Union for Democracy and progress) party for the 1991 legislative elections; and won 82 seats! Bello was later to say that his was a “responsible opposition.”Then the 1992 presidential elections came. Passing under the banner of the “Union for Change,” the main opposition front fielded the Social Democratic Front Chairman, Ni John Fru Ndi, as “The Mother of all Candidates.” In what will probably go down as the most astonishing lack of unity this side of the Great Divide, and second time around, Bello

Bouba’s NUDP party fielded a candidate while the Union for Democracy in Cameroon, UDC also fielded a candidate – Ndam Njoya!As predicted, Mr. Biya rigged the elections; made the score look very close and was declared winner. Even when Mr. Mr. Biya was sworn in and thus concluded a process that was to say the least seriously flawed, the opposition did not let up. These Gentlemen of the Reform Club joined the “Stolen Victory” swan song to kingdom come. As Mr. Biya presided.There were other sideshows to the grand episodes like the grand entry

of opposition posses Moustapha and Tchiroma into Mr. Biya’s government a.k.a the Legion of the Damned. Kodock from the UPC and Dakole Daissala of the MDR also joined the government. Ditto for Antar Gassaguay of the UPR.Many years later all these people who in the words of former US Ambassador Frances Cook “sought instant gratification” (belletics) have discovered, to their chagrin, that the best way to destroy a political career in Cameroon is to join the CPDM fly trap and clap trap. Even

the almighty SDF lost all credibility when it wandered into the councils and parliament to collect its own share of the “gombo.”Along the line as well, small opposition parties have, with bewildering constancy, committed the same hara-kiri by falling prey to shrewd manipulations by the Biya regime. Take the example, the sacking of Samuel Eboua as Chairman of the NUDP, for example, reduced that party to a “gang of northern merchants.” Also, many still argue to this day that the boycott of the 1991 legislative elections by the SDF was a blunder of leviathan proportions. The hidden story of the boycott will be written one day. Who chopped?The same SDF is also accused of a most mind-boggling glitch in 1992 when it withdrew a timely petition requesting the Supreme Court of Cameroon to cancel the 1992 presidential elections. In fact, at the time the petition went in, the Biya regime had panicked and was even considering canceling the elections. When the petition was tabled by, reportedly the Muna and Muna Chambers in Yaounde, the SDF candidate was in the lead. The SDF shot itself in the foot by charging that the Munas were trying to sabotage their victory. The Supreme Court later threw out the same petition from the SDF charging that the 1992 elections be cancelled on the grounds that the petition was late. The petition was withdrawn and Mr. Biya went on to rig the elections and declared himself winner. Mr. Fru Ndi was left sitting in his Ntarinkon pagoda declaring, “When nda Biya go put yi hand up fo say I do so swear, the hand go remain fo up!” Paul Biya put his hand up and brought it down again. And again in 1997! Pundits even add that the ongoing war against the so-called intellectuals in the SDF: Siga Asanga, Dorothee Kom, Kamdoum, Maidadi, Kale, Wakai, Fopoussi, Bernard Muna, and now Ngwasiri will just be the death of the SDF – until Fru Ndi retires as is currently rumoured.This recital goes to prove one thing. About the only opposition leaders who pretend that they have remained constant to the opposition ideas and ideals since 1990 is Fru Ndi and Ndam Njoya. “Bello Bouba,” says Fru Ndi has been a CPDM man all along.” The miracle about it all is that how exactly did Cameroon’s opposition collective come around to trust Bello. “A man who can never look you in the eye: exactly like a snake,” as the now defunct Lamido of Rey Bouba once said of Bello Bouba.Cameroon’s history may have been written differently had Bello Bouba Maigari cooperated with Fru Ndi 1992. After failing to show concern when reports came that the CPDM was scheming to massively rig the elections in his northern fief in 1997; after announcing that he will also boycott the 1997 elections because of fraud, Mr. Bello turned around and wheeled out the NUDP for the same elections. Then on Monday November 24, 1997 the same Bello announced that “his party had not ruled out the possibility of participating in a CPDM-led Government of National Unity.” Ahead of the announcement Bello Bouba Maigari had met with the then secretary general in presidency, Amadou Ali. Then on December 7th Mr. Bello ‘My Garri’ was made Minister of Commerce ad Industrial Development Bello has stayed in the position since then.However, there are many who say that Fru Ndi is also another shady character. They charge that he is Sans Domicile Fixe by day and CPDM by night. The 1991 boycott of parliamentary elections, the processes that led to the 1992 State of Emergency in the North West, the processes that led to grand entry of the SDF into parliament and later the Councils, the processes that led to the 1997 failed CPDM talks, the processes that led to all contacts made with the SDF to join the government especially a nighttime visit to the abode of Mr. John of Ntarinkon by a former-governor now minister, the many clandestine visits and contacts made by Mr. John with the Biya regime, are just some of the steps that make it obvious that Fru Ndi knows more than he claims to know. The exact source of Mr. Fru Ndi’s wealth remains, to say the least, suspect. The man is just not clean. If they would, former SDF Vice Chairman, Mahamat Souleymane and Maidadi Seidou would tell us more than we know at the moment.“The position of my party is that we are not interested in a Biya government,’ said Mr. Fru Ndi to radio France in 1997. “Entry into a Biya government is the surest way of destroying

the democratization process in Cameroon,’ the Chairman continued. The question that has always remained mind-boggling is: How the SDF can be in the councils and parliament while claiming not to be part of the government?Mr. Fru Ndi may have reached the position where he cannot continue saying no to government eternally. The man may have to weather a strong current within the SDF headed by the now-famous Yaounde Group, which was caught negotiating positions and lobbying to get into government. The size of those within the SDF seeking gratification now is, as Mr. Fru Ndi knows, bigger than imagined.The chaos in Cameroon’s opposition makes it clear that if the SDF and the CDU (and whatever remains of the opposition) are not careful, a meltdown into the sizzling CPDM pot of corruption stew is very possible. That improbability of yore is now a reality because of the generalized disillusionment within Cameroonians; not with the idea of getting rid of Mr. Biya as such, but disillusionment with the wrongness of the candidates and the strategies adopted. You see, the onus of changing Cameroon, especially its bad habits like fraud, corruption, tribalism, was never really with Mr. Biya. In fact, Mr. Biya never promised change to Cameroonians. The opposition promised the change with it touted with soporific alacrity. That opposition must deliver!The opposition promised a Sovereign National Conference. It did not deliver. The opposition said: Biya Must Go! Biya is still here. Mr. Fru Ndi promised Federalism. He did not deliver. It is a matter of honour and credibility. In fact, honour and credibility demand that the opposition brings the change it promised. “You cannot lead a people to the top of the mountain and then show them the Promised Land shinning in the distance without telling them how to get there,” says one SDF faithful for the attention of Mr Fru Ndi. Now the same opposition is promising a Grand Coalition for the Reconciliation and Reconstruction of Cameroon, which it knows it cannot deliver! However, Cameroon’s opposition must be suffering from a critical misreading not only of the processes of social change but also of the specific Cameroonian situation. Samuel P. Huntington it was who suggested that certain political structures can never be reformed. They can only be destroyed. When the structures are extra-strong and the forces of change are weak, a stalemate occurs. Cameroon has been in a stalemate since 1992. The social fabric of this Central African state can no longer be reformed. Only a revolution can change Cameroon. The onus of that revolution has never been with Mr. Biya, the incarnator of the system, but with the opposition. Revolutions are never fought through the ballot box! If Mr. Biya and all that he represents is preventing the Cameroonians revolution then the opposition ought to take out the roadblock by force to make sense.Speaking to CDPM hands in Monatele in 1992 Mr. Biya proffered the outrageous rhetoric “What do they want to change? Do they want to change Cameroon and Cameroonians? Or they only want my place?” Much later during a 1996 CPDM Congress Mr. Biya again teased: “Who are they?” Are we sure that they can take this boat that we have suffered so hard to build to a safe harbour?”Albeit skewed, the above statements capture the essential Cameroonian tragedy. If the opposition disagrees with Mr. Biya, his vision and his methods and if the opposition agrees that Mr. Biya has rigged the ballot box again and again in his favour then the problem is Mr. Biya, isn’t it? Take out the problem! Take out Mr. Biya! Simple logic. In fact, Cameroonians are fed up with Mr. Biya as president. The following words from Hameni Bieuleu (president of the Union des Forces du Democratiques du Cameroun) spoken with great sound and fury in 1992 are very indicative: “I cannot stand one more day with Mr. Biya as president,” Mr. Bieuleu declared in great fury.The days ahead will be most tricky for the opposition. Can Fru Ndi and Ndam Njoya hold the pace of disillusionment within the ranks of their respective parties? Can they redefine their vision for Cameroon? Can they state how exactly they hope to win power and apply that vision now that it is most clear that the ballot box is fraudulent?

Fru Ndi with Jospin: In quest of an ever-elusive French legitimacy

The opposition agenda

The French are fighting back now that it looks like the Anglo-Saxons, headed by the current US president, William Jefferson Clinton are throwing their weight behind an Anglo-Saxon takeover of Africa starting from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and eventually Burundi. For geo-strategic reasons the French would gladly want to keep Cameroon French because the collapse of Cameroon could mean the end of the French Empire in Central Africa. The only dilemma for the French is that, at times, Mr. Paul Biya is not exactly what the French define as president French economic interest is at stake especially now that the Italians and the Spaniards are proving to

be some major trading partners for Cameroon.The opposition agenda must also take stock of the fact that some Cameroonians may want to end conflict, confrontation and strife. This group wants to give peace a chance. Finally that agenda must also take stock of the fact that senatorial elections (wherein Mr. Biya will appoint 30% of the Senators) and regional council elections have practically been announced under the same conditions that led to the boycott.Already CDU leader Adamou Ndam Njoya believes that there is a “new dynamic’ within Cameroon’s opposition parties, one that claims that the SDF and the CDU are united around a common agenda: so much so that “Dover Yai, No Prove Ryai” (Russian – Trust but Verify) between the twosome can be shelved. The fine irony is that the CDU was born by some SDF hands who thought that members of Cameroon’s intelligentsia rather than booksellers should manage their party from Yaounde.Fru Ndi’s burden in the days ahead could be how exactly to guarantee democracy, prevent the return of the one-party state, manage SDF turncoats in parliament, manage his own vast appetite and narcissism, deliver change and prevent Cameroon’s opposition, even his own party, the SDF, from becoming contradictory and irrelevant.The task is even more herculean given Mr. John’s own admission that those he sent to parliament have been a total disgrace to everything his party stands for. If even the SDF leader, his parliamentarians and councilors can be a disappointment, could it just be (and this is infernal) that Cameroon can no longer be changed?