churchill - the unlikely ally
TRANSCRIPT
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WINSTON L. S. CHURCHILL:
THE UNLIKELY ALLY,
1919-1939
by
WILLIAM MICHAEL WA TTS , B.A.
A THESIS
IN
HISTORY
Submitted to the Graduate Facultyof Texas Tech University in
Partial Fulfillment ofthe Requirements for
the Degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Approved
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7 5
No, 59 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
dop'^ I sincerely appreciate the time, effort andguidance of the members of my thesis committee. Dr.
James W. Harper and Dr. Brian L. Blakeley.
1 1
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CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
INTRODUCTION
I. CHURCHILL: THE MAN AND HIS CAREER
II . CHURCHILL: IN HARMONY WITH THEAMERICAN PEOPLE
III. CHURCHILL: AT ENMITY WITH THE
AMERICAN PEOPLEIV. CHURCHILL: THE AUTHOR
V. CONCLUSIONS: THE UNLIKELY ALLY
SELECTED SOURCES
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4
16
46
74
100
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INTRODUCTION
Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill received on the
ninth of April,1963, the only honorary grant of United
States citizenship that the Congress has ever given. '-
This was a singular outpouring of feeling and honor for
the then ailing leader of Britain during World War II,
a person who was probably the most famous and popular
foreigner in United States' history. At this time it
could be easily recorded that Churchill had a warm and
positive relationship with the American people . '
This thesis will attempt to ascertain the image
Churchill cast in the American mind during the period
1919-1939. During this period Churchill gained great
exposure in the American press. He cast a complex, but
predominately unfavorable impression. He appeared to be
a mos t unlikely ally of the American people.
In selecting the time period 1919-1939, the utmost
consideration was to view Churchill's activities before
the Second World War began. After the war errupted and
Churchill became Prime Minister, his influence in the
Writers and Editorial Staff of the New York Tim es,Winston S. Churchill: The Man of the Century (New York:Barton Books , 1965), p. 141.
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United States grew immensely. It is beyond the scope of
the present research to ascertain the wartime influence
of the British Prime Minister in any depth. Al so, an
extended coverage of the pre-1919 era would call into play
the war relations of the United States and its allies,
clouding Churchill's personal influence. Thus, this time
period was selected as a limited epoch, largely ignored
in Churchill's life, in which to view the influence he
garnered in the minds of Americans.
The problems with "finding the American mind" on
any subject were readily discernible. It was difficult to
determine one generally distinguishable attitude of the
American people toward Churchill. However, within limits
one could obtain a feeling of the majority of American
people by reading the comments of leading periodicals and
studying monographs on the issues that arose. Als o, one
could discern certain intellectual and political groups
which had kindred feelings for many of Churchill's policies
and actions .
A second problem was the selection of publications
that were read by the general public of that age, and were
readily available for research. In selecting the New York
Times and the periodicals, the idea of general circulation
and mass appeal was uppermost in consideration. The New
York Times was perhaps the leading eastern newspaper; and
the head of a large chain of paper s, that reflected the
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attitudes of the parent paper. Also , the New York Times
was the paper mos t interested in European affairs . It
especially dealt with British news, thus Churchill would
appear in the Times more than other American papers.2 The
periodicals were selected from the Reader's Guide to Peri
odical Literature, the best source of general reading
periodicals.
As with all research and reporting, a large number
of individuals must be acknowledged for their contributions
to this thesis. First, I would thank my wife for her patience, understand ing, and long hours of labor in typing
and proofreading this undertaking.
Also, I appreciate the time, effort and direction
offered by Dr. James Harper and Dr. Brian Blakeley. It
was their experience in helping in research that led me
through the long hours of labor in completing this work .Finally, I wish to express my appreciation to the
libraries at S t. Mary's University, Trinity University,
The Public Library of San Antonio, as well as the Texas
Tech University facilities for the use of their materials.
It is only with the assistance of those aforementioned that
this project reached completion.
^Oswald Garrison Villard, Some Newspapers and Newspapermen (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1923), p. 4. OswaldVillard, editor of the Natio n, and the New York Evening Postdiscussed the accusation that the New York Times was controlled by British interests, but explained that the paperwas owned by Americans who had a great deal of interest inthe events of Europe and especially Britain.
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CHAPTER I
CHURCHILL: THE MAN AND HIS CAREER
Winston Churchill's heritage, beliefs, and the
offices he held all had profound influence upon his image
in the United States. The future Prime Minister was direct
ly related to John Churchill, the Duke of Marlborough, a
noted and honored hero to the English. This heritage placed
Winston in one of the aristocratic ruling families of the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The posi
tion of his father. Lord Randolph Churchill, also introduced
young Churchill to acquaintances in high places. His father
was the rising star of the Tory Party in the early 1880 's,
until he resigned his post as Chancellor of the Exchequer
over a cabinet dispute on the size of army estimates.
After his resignation Lord Randolph suffered deep depression2
and died early in life, a broken man. The death of
Churchill's father caused him to make his own way in life,3
in some cases in spite of his paternal heritage.
Winston Churchill's maternal heritage was equally
-'Robert Rhodes James, Churchil l: A Study in Failu re ,1900-1939 (Cleveland: World Publishing Co ., 1970), p. 8.
^Ibid., p. 7. Lord Randolph Churchill died inJanuary, 1895 at the age of 45 from paresis.
-^J.T. Wool f, "Feature Article" , New York Times ,July 20, 1930, sec. 5 , pp. 3 and 22.
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as influential, yet not as illustrious as his paternal
relationship. His mother was Jeanette (Jennie) Jerome,
the daughter of Leonard Jer ome , wealthy part-owner of the
New York T ime s. Winston's m.aternal grandfather was well
known in the political, social, and financial society of
the day. He served as consul at Trieste, was known as the
"King of Wall Street", and made horse racing an honorable
sport of the elite society, for which he was named "Father
of the American Turf".4 The maternal relationship made
Churchill half American and gave him entry into the leading
society in the United States; an access which a middle
aged Churchill would use to gain support for his views.^
After attending several public schools, Churchill
embarked on a military career, entering Sandhurst, the
British West Point.^ Graduating eighth in his class of
1894, he entered the twin careers of soldier and war corre
spondent, which provided him an income for the next few
years. ' Churchill took a commission in the Fourth Hussars
^Ralph G. Martin , Jennie: The Life of Lady RandlophChurchill, The Romantic Years, 1854-1895 (Englewood Clif fs;Prentice Hall, Inc., 1969), pp. 1 and 16.
^Philip Guedella, Harper's Ma gazine, June , 1927,
pp. 21-25. Churchill's maternal heritage, according toGuedella , a biographer of Churchill, gave him his pugnaciouspersonality.
^Winston S. Churchill , My Early Li fe, A RovingCommission (2nd. ed.. New York: Charles Scribners Sons,1958) p. 9. Churchill attended Saint James PreparatorySchool, Brighton and Harrow and did not distinguish himselfat any of the three schools.
7Ibid., pp. 10 and 5 0.
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and immediately went to Cuba to observe the Spanish
attempt to stop the revolt that had begun on the island.
To supplement his military pay young Churchill also reported
his observations to the Daily Graphic a London paper.^
From Cuba he went to Bangalore, India in 189 7, where he
joined in an expedition against the Pathans , a rebel Moslem
group in Northwest India. Denied permission to go in a
military capacity, Churchill once again turned to journal
ism and wrote as a war correspondent for the Daily Tele-Q
graph. His dispatches were later compiled into a book
on the expedition entitled the Malakand Field Force.
The book was very well received in America and in most
British circles; but because of its abundant suggestions
as to military strategy, not by the military.
In 1898 Churchill used his mother's influence to
obtain a commission in the Nile Expeditionary Force , over
the objections of the commander. General Sir Herbert
Kitchener. This episode also led to another book.
The River War , a history of the expedition, and a novelo
Randolph S. Churchill, Winston S. Churchill:Youth (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. , 1966), p. 256.
9lbid., p. 342
^^Winston Churchill, The Story of the MalakandField Force (Longmans, 1898).
llchurchill, W. S. Churchill: Youth, pp. 379-380Lady Churchill spoke to Prime Minister Salisbury and afriend in Parliament Sir Evelyn Wood, to arrange theappointment to the force.
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Savrola . Speaking engagements concerning these adven
tures and laudatory reviews of his books brought Churchill
his firs t not ice in the American press.-' Churchill 's
last youthful adventure was in another of the "glorious
little wars", the Boer War.^^ Once again sword and pen
became Churchill's companions as he took an active military
part in the war , as well as reported it for the Morning
Post. -' It was during this episode that he was captured
by Louis Botha, future general and Prime Minister of South
Afri ca. Also stemming from this escapade were more books
on the conduct of the war itself. The military exploits
of the young Chu rchil l, captured in his books and the
legend that he helped originate, served him well in the
United Sta tes . Persons reading his v/orks and hearing of
him were impressed with this young aristocrat and his love
12Winston Churchill, The River War (Longmans Green,
1902) and Savrola (Longmans, 1900).'R. Churchil l, W. S. Churchil l: Youth, p . 524 ,
New York Times Book Review, April 30, 1898, p. 296, January 6, 1900, p. 1. The River War was in such demandthat it ran through three separate editions by 1903.
Harold Callender, "When Churchill Thunders AllBritain Takes Heed", New York Times , November 22 , 1936,sec. 8, p. 5.
^^Winston S. Chur chill , My Early Life (2nd ed.,New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1958), p. 230.
Winston Chu rchill, London to Lady Smith ViaPretoria (Longmans Green, 1900) and Ian Hamilton'sMarch (Longmans Green, 1900).
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of action. 1*7 This was a time of military conquest in
United States' history, and the many accounts of a
Theodore Roosevelt charging up San Juan hill in Cuba
illustrate the popular passion for young military heroes.
Churchill's ability to play on this emotion through his
books at home and in America evoked awe and respect from
Britons and America ns.
Even before the Boer War, Churchill revealed a
boredom with soldiering and desire to enter politics.
Unsuccessful in his first campaign, he utilized his war
time notoriety to win as a Conservative candidate at
Oldham in 1900. ' He remained a Conservative only until
1904, when he "crossed the aisle" because of disagreement
with the protectionist trade policies of the Conservatives.
Leaving O ldham, Churchill ran for and won a seat as a
Liberal in the North West Manchester constituency in the
election of 1906 . Also in this year he published the
20memorial book to his father. Lord Randolph Churchill.
19
17Each of Churchill's military works during this
period received praise in the New York Book Review. Ineach case the powerful writing was lauded and the accuracyof military writing was mentioned. Also , the reviewersmentioned his personal exploits. New York Times BookReview, April 30, 1898, p. 296, January 6, 1900, p. 82,June 2, 1900, p. 35 4, January 12 , 1901, p. 19, and February 21, 1903, p. 115.
18w. Churchill, My Early Life, p. 360.
l^Randolph S. Churchill, Winston S. Churchill:Young Statesm.an (Boston: Hough
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Churchill also received in this same year an office in
Liberal Prime Minister Henry Campbell-Bannerman's cabinet,
as Under Secretary of the Colonies.^1
When in 1 908, the new Liberal Prime Minister
Herbert Asquith appointed Churchill to the Presidency of
the Board of Trade , Churchi ll h'ad to be endorsed in a
special election by his North West Manchester District.
He lost a close election, but was returned in a by-election
from the district of Dundee, insuring his new office in0 0
the cabinet.-^^ The youthful Churchill's aggressive person
ality and ability to work led him to the office of Home
Secretary in 19 10, and to the prestigious office of First
Lord of the Admiralty in 191 1, a time ripe for advancing
his career.23
In the year 1911 the first glimmer of war to come
had begun to appear and the First Lord was one who caught
sight of the approaching world crisis. With the aid of
Sea Lord Sir John Fisc her, Churchill began the improvement
of the British Royal N a v y . ^ Acting on his own authority
in preparing the fleet, and placing it in strategic posi
tions, Churchill initiated a series of actions that depicted
21James, Churchill: A Study in Failure, p. 25 .
22ibid., p. 25 .
23vice-Admiral Sir Peter Gretto n, Winston Churchilland the Royal Navy (New York: Coward McCann , Inc., 1968),p. 44.
24 Ibid., p. 44 .
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his brilliant though at times erratic military mi nd.
The war found the fleet ready, but Churchill
planning another master stroke did not find the execution
so propitious as the preparation of the fleet. The masterly planned but ill executed Gallipoli campaign began
Churchill's fall from power to depths from which most
politicians would never have recovered.^^ It was Church
ill's effort and failure to break the western deadlock by
an attack at Gallipoli that caused him unwanted exposure
and notoriety in Europe as well as in the United St ates.This episode illustrated a supposedly erratic military
strategy in a stubborn mind that would haunt Churchill at
home and abroad until he returned to the same office
twenty-four years later. This disaster and an earlier
futile attempt to hold the harbor at Antwerp led to his
removal as First Lord.
Leaving office Churchill took a variety of posi
tions in the government and played an active military part
in the war . However , the new Prime Minister of the
National Governmen t, David Lloyd G eorge, recalling the
abilities of Churchill from their association in Asquith's
25see Churchill's account in his history of WorldWar I, The World Cris is, for a defense of his actions.Robert Rhodes James gives a differing account in his work,Gallipoli.
2^Churchill was given the office of Chancellor ofthe Duchy of Lancaster and later served with the 6th RoyalFusiliers in France.
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govern ment, offered the former First Lord the office of
Minister of Munitions .^^ Churchill served there until
1918, when he was appointed Secretary of State for War
and for the Air Ministry , an important position due tothe demobilization and reorganization of the military
after the great war and the development of a military
policy toward Russia.^^ Still serving under Lloyd Geor ge,
Churchill was appointed Secretary of State for the Colonies
where he was part of the difficult negotiations with the. ^ 29
Irish.
In the 1920's and 1930's Churchill maneuvered in
and out of parties showing an independe nceor opp ort uni sm
that did not go unnoticed in the United Sta tes. The Liberal
Party decreasing in power, but still in a coalition govern
ment with Conservative support, began to move more toward
a Labour position. Churchill, an anti-socialist, split
with the Liberals and started the move that would eventually
bring him back into his old Tory Party. Still running as a
Liberal in 1 922 , he lost his seat in Dundee and a by-
election in Leichester during 1923. The movement by the
Liberals toward the Labour Party and his defeat in 1923
by a Socialist caused Churchill to run as an independent
27
28
James, Churchill: A Study in Failure, p. 102.
Lewis Broad, Winston Churchill: The Years ofPreparation (Westport: Greenwood Pres s, 1958) , p. 288.
2^Broad, Churchill: Years of Preparation , p. 306.
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anti-socialist in the Abbey Division of Westminister,
thus breaking his twenty year relationship with the
30Liberals. Even though he lost the election, Churchill
made a very good showing in this dominantly Conservativedistrict . It was no surprise that in the by-election in
Epping Fores t, Churchill, running as a Constitutionalist,
won a seat in Parliament, returning after a three year
absence. The movement between parties caused British and
American observers to doubt Churchill's loyalty and depend
ability. Howeve r, the maneuver to the right in Britishpolitics allowed Churchill to come back into association
with the Conservative Party, which won the general election
in November of 1924.
Upon the selection of the new cabinet of Stanley
Baldw in, Conservative Prime Minister, the nation was com
pletely surprised to find Churchill included with the31prestigous portfolio of Chancellor of the Exchequer.
From this post as the second most powerful man in the
govern ment, Churchill was to have great impact on the
United Stat es, both from the positions he took on major
issues and the exalted office he held.
^Qlbid., pp. 431-432.
New York Ti me s, November 7, 19 24 , p. 1:1.
Churchill would have great economic effect onthe United States as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He broughtBritain back to the gold standard and negotiated the debtsettlemen ts, as well as took part in the General Strikethat paralyzed Britain in 1926.
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Churchill occupied this office from 1924 through
1929, in the second government of Stanley Baldwin. After
the fall of the Conservatives and the coming to power of
the second Labour government under Ramsay MacDonald,
Churchill served in the shadow cabinet of the Tori es.
As MacDonald led Labour, the depression struck Britain
as it had the United States . MacDonald's government fell
in 1931 due to the financial crisis. At this point King
George V asked MacDonald to head a National government and
when the Conservatives agreed to join, Churchill began to
move toward an independent position. The final break with
the Conservative Party came with Churchill's opposition to
dominion status for India. The once rising star of a not
so youthful Churchill was once more in decline.33
The former Chancellor of the Exchequer was now
out of party; out of power . His role seemed destined to
be a "voice crying in the wilde rness ", a critic of all
who held power. Her e, in this back bench position,
Churchill fought the battles for the old ruling aristocracy,
over India, Edward VIII's abdication and the other issues
of the day. It was also from this lonely critic's position
that he began to prophecy the coming of World War II and
warn of German rearmament. This warning came at a desper
ate time for Britain and Churchill. For Britain it led to
a state of semi-preparedness, for Churchill a return to
33New York Times , January 31, 1930, p. 16:3.
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his old position as First Lord of the Admiralty. "
This background of Churchill's life would not be
complete without an attempt to capture the man's person
ality. A man wh o, as Lord Berkenhead described, was
"easily contented with the best of everything."^^ Churchill
was not satisfied only with the' best, but with being the
best at everything. His versatility read like the credits
of a combination of men. He wa s: an excellent painter,
a bricklaye r, an orator unequalled in modern British
Parliame nt, a prolific as well as lauded writer, and as
has been mentioned a soldier, journalist, and politician.
In each area of endeavor the attempt to excel drove
Winston Churchill.
This attempt to excel led to many misunderstand
ings and critical mistakes in his career. Churchill's
ability in making the complex, simple and in dogmatically
pursuing an idea led many to feel he was of shallow mind,
when in reality his was a genius far deeper than most men
comprehended.
The pugnacity and impetuosity with which Churchill
grasped an idea or thought, and the extremes he took to
carry it through , caused critics to infer that he wa s:
treacherous, he followed his own star, and he owed allegiance
" Ibid. , September 4, 1939 , p. 8:4.
^^Ibid., November 29 , 1931, sec. 9, p. 2:3.
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to no one but himself.^^ These were charges that followed
the entire Churchill family. Journa lists, in speaking of
Winston Church ill, constantly alluded to the treachery,
the militarism, and the depression that shadowed his
family; from the first Duke of Marlborough to his father.
Lord Randolph.
Churchill was at times a pugnacious advocate of
an aristocratic time passed, a fighter for an age that
had vanished. In other instances he contributed to social
change and reform in a "Tory democracy" tradition. He
was- an adventurer in the military during the "glorious
little wars" and this carried over into his political
affa irs, where he loved political fights. Zealous and
brilliant though sometimes erratic, Churchill often evoked
37
mistrust and criticism as a man of no character. How
ever, through all he was loyal to Britain as he imagined
her.
^^David John Marshall , "Winston Churchill: AStudy of England's Political Bad Boy", Living A ge , Apr il,1929, pp. 96-98.
- New York Ti mes, Apri l 4, 19 21 , p . 12:7. "Hiseffect on men is one of interest and curiosity not admiration and loyalty. His power is the power of gift s,not character."
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CHAPTER II
CHURCHILL: IN HARMONY WITH THE AMERICAN PUBLIC
One might readily assume that Churchill's tremen
dous popularity in the United States arose from his per
formance as a World War II ally. However, a study of
Churchill's image in the American press before 1939 reveals
that he had laid a base of popular support in the United
States. Churchill's American heritage and his visits to
the United States gave him a distinct advantage in appeal
ing for American support. Through the period 1919-1939,
he cultivated this advantage by calling for Anglo-American
amity and cooperation. Most important, Churchill mirrored
and in some cases anticipated American public opinion on
a variety of issues ranging from Zionism to economic policy.
Thus, the man who would become England's wartime leader won
a position of influence and affection among important seg
ments of American public opinion well before the formation
of the wartime alliance.
Churchill's personal relationship with the American
peop le, through his mother's birth, was a strong contact
with the populace of the United States. A review of Church
ill's book. The World C ris is, by Filson Young brought out
16
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the importance of this relationship. In his review Young
contended that the book was well received by the American
public because of the author's place in English politics
and his American heritage.-'- In an article for the New YorkTimes, J. L. Garvin of the Sunday Observer made the same
observation. When discussing the relations of Britain
and the United Sta tes , Garvin declared that it was well
for England and the Empire to have Churchill in offi ce.
Churchill, being half American, would be the man to keep
the United States and Britain together and keep a strong2
imperial and maritime policy.
The personal advantages of Churchill can be seen
in his visit to the United States in 1929. While in New
York he was entertained at the home of the arch-Anglophobe
William Randolph Hearst. Only Churchill's background as
a journalist and his American mother's family connections
could open the door to the home of the perpetual Britain-
baiter, Hearst.
When visiting in the United States, Churchill
called upon the leading society of the nation. The door
to dire ct, personal influence was open as early as 1901.
The social calls he made during this speaking tour included.
New York Times, November 18, 1923, sec. 3, p. 7:1.
^Ibid., January 30, 1921, p. 2:4.
^Ibid., October 19, 1929, p. 12:2 .
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then President William McKinley, Senator Chauncey Depew,
and the recently elected Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt.
Also, the speaking engagements were a social succ ess, the
highlight being an introduction by Mark Twai n, at a NewYork engage ment. The noted American author introduced him
by relating, "Churchill by his father is an Englishman, by
his mother he is an American, no doubt a blend that makes
the perfect man ." Later in the 1920's and 1930's Churchill
mixed with the same type of company. At the Hearst dinner
mentioned above , the guests included: the Asto rs, theVander bilts, Jay Gould, Jimmy Walker, and others of econom-
ic, poli tica l, and social importance.
Howev er, these gatherings did not draw a great
deal of interest from the press nor the general public
but rather from the social and economic elite to whom
Churchill mainly spoke. In an editorial on Churchill's
visit in 19 29, the New York Times mentioned that his visit
was overshadowed by the meeting of Prime Minister Ramsay
MacDonald and President Herbert Hoover. The article went
on to say that Churchill , "who loomed in vast affairs years
before either of them did, was inconspicuous in New York."
The quiet atmosphere of Churchill's trip in 1929
^R. Churchill, Winston Churchill: Youth, p. 524.
^New York Time s, October 19, 1929, p. 12:2.
^Ibid., November 10 , 1929. sec. 3, p. 4:6.
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was almost duplicated in a return visit in 1931. However,
in this instance the future Prime Minister was struck by
an automobile while crossing the street in New York."^ The
accident and the reports of his recovery kept Churchill's
name in the news, and it also called forth sympathetic
inquiries as to his health from the American people.
Churchi ll, who has been called "that great embodi
ment of the partnership" between Britain and the United
States, used his American visits to preach Anglo-American
cooperation and to bring the two English speaking nationsp
together. Long before he began to warn the world of Nazi
rearmament and the need for cooperation among the democ
racies of the world, he called for the close interworking
of British and American policies. In the two journeys
Churchill made to the United States during this time period,
he emphasized the need for international cooperation between
Britain and America on the economic problems of the day.
Howeve r, Churchill's exhortations were not always
a call for economic, political , or military cooperation as
evidenced in his speech to open an air show in England.
Here he noted that the seas divided the Anglo-American
people, but it was his belief in the future the air would
'ibid., December 14 , 1931, p. 1:7.D
William Clark, Less Than Kin (London: HamishHamilton, 1957) , p. 3.
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unite them.^ On another occasion he spoke at a dinner
honoring George Washington, whom he called a hero to all
Engli sh speaking people."*- The essence of Churchill 's
thoughts on Britain's and America's close relationshipwas found in his article, "The Union of English-Speaking
People", for News of the World, a London newspaper, on
May 15 , 1938.
The beginnings of American history are to befound, not across the Atlantic, but where theThames flows between green lawns and woodlandsdown to a grey sea.
Britain and America are joint sharers in agreat inheritance of law and letters. Ourpolitical institutions, under the mask of outwarddiffer ence, bear the marks of a common originand a common aim.
We are both democraciesand to-day our countriesare, with France, the last great strongholds ofParliamentary government and individual liberty.
It is the English-speaking nations who, almostalone, keep alight the torch of Freedom.
These things are a powerful incentive tocollaboration.
With nations, as with individuals, if you caredeeply for the same thing s, and these things arethreatened, it is natural to work together topreserve them.
Collaboration of this kind does not imply anyformal union of the English-speaking peop les. Itis a union of spirit, not of fo rms, that we seek.
There need not even be an alliance.All that is necessary is a willingness to
consult together, an understanding that Britainand America shall pursu e, side by side, theirmutual good and the good of the whole w o r l d . H
% e w York Times, May 2, 1919, p. 13:2.
IQibid., July 13, 193 2, p. 11:1.
-'-Kay H al le , ed. , Wins^or> r-hurchill on Americaand Britain (New York: Walker and Co ., 1970), pp 292-293 and 300.
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In an earlier speech in New York on February 8,
1932, Churchill called for the more practical symbol of
amity, economic cooperation to help pull the world out of
depression. He suggested that a close working partnership
between England and the United States would stimulate
international trade and the movement of currency, as well
as help bring other nations out of world wide economic. . 12crisis.
The militaristic speeches of Churchill were
directed most strongly against Germany in the 1930's,
and as early as 1 929 , he appealed for United States help
in naval armaments in a speech to the Iron and Steel Manu
facturers Association. In October, 1929, Churchill called
for understanding on both sides of the ocean, as each
nation attempted to build navies suitable for their indi-
13vidual needs . Finally, Churchill spoke about the needs
of the English-speaking people to band together against
Communism and the disintegration of Europe. At the time the
former Chancellor said that only the strong leadership
of the two English democracies could give guidance to
Europe and hold back the movement of Communism.
Churchill's themes of Anglo-American politic al.
-'- New York Ti me s, February 9, 19 32 , p. 44: 1.
'-' Ibid. , October 26, 1929, p. 3:3.
' Ibid. , February 8, 1932, p. 3:5.
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economic, and military cooperation presaged later diplo
matic developments and may have struck a responsive note
among certain Amer icans. Certainly animosity between the
United States and Great Britain had waned since 1900.Moreo ver, the fact that a prominent British political
figure seemed solicitous of the goodwill of the United
States pleased American egoes , as well as those who were
engaged in promoting an active international American
foreign policy . However, political isolationism and
economic nationalism ran strong in America from 1921-
1939 and any calls for an Anglo-American alliance or
"unique relationship" would have to await a serious crisis
for fulfillment.
Yet Churchill's multi-faceted activities and inter
ests took him into many other areas that evoked a much
broader appeal and a more deeply felt response from
Americans. His actions, statements, and policies on the
Bolshevik revolution, the resumption of the gold standard
by Brit ain, the anti-Nazi speeches of the 1930' s, and other
issues paralleled opinions of large numbers in the United
States.
One such concern of the American people and Church
ill was the Russian revolution and the power of the Bol
sheviks. This fear was to remain open and pronounced until
the attack by Hitler on the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics in 1941. At the end of World War I, as the
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Bolsheviks brought Russia out of the war with Germany,
some of the Allies (Japan, Great Brita in, and the United
States) sent troops into Russia. The reasons given were
to keep supplies at Archangel from falling into Germanhands, to help Czechoslovakian soldiers entrapped in the
interior of Russia, and primarily to reinstate the eastern
IS
front against Germany. -" The Communists disputed these
reasons and claimed the Allies were attempting to help
the White Russians in the Civil War then being waged.
Although denied by President Wilson and other allied
leaders, there was evidence to support the Moscow alle-^.. ^ 16gations.
The sending of troops into Russia seemed to be
well received by the American public until a number of
soldiers were killed in clashes with the Bolsheviks.
At this point the American populace demanded the removal
of American troo ps, which took place during the next few
months. The American people opposed and feared the
15Leonid T. Strakhovsky, The Origins of American
Intervention in Northern Russia (2nd ed.; New York: HowardFertig, 1972), p. 75 . The author concludes that it was thepolicy of the United States to reinstate the eastern front.Howev er, Britain and France wanted to overthrow the Bolsheviks, as well as continue against Germany.
Ibid., p. 75 , and Thomas A. Bailey, America Fac^sRussia (Ithaca: Cornell University Pres s, 1950) , pp. 242-243.
Peter G. F ilene, Americans and the Soviet Experi-men t (Cambridge: Harvard University Pre ss, 1967) , pp. 268-269
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Bolshevik government because of its communistic nature and
because of its advocacy of a world revolution. Als o, the
Communist government had concluded a separate peace with
Germany and in doing so had repudiated Russia's war debt.
These practical reasons were fused with the idealistic
American concepts of individual ownership of private
property and a belief in God, both of which the Bolshevik
government denounced. The American position, both public
and private, then became one of isolation toward Russia
and a purge of any Socialist or "foreign" influence with
in the United S tates. The American people, in a movement
toward isolation in world affairs, were not willing to
return to war to overturn the Communist government in
Russia.
At this time Churchill was the Secretary of War
and Air Ministry of Lloyd George's government, and inthis capacity he shared responsibility with the Prime
Minister for the actions of the British forces in Russia.
The Secretary of War and Air called the placing of troops
in the Soviet Union an "interallied action" taken to obtain
a government acceptable to the allies in Russia. This
concept of interallied action and the actual use of Americantroops was attacked by Senator William E. Borah, Republican
from Idaho, who was one of the leading critics of the
1 RLeonid I. Strakhovsky, Intervention at Archangel
(2nd ed. New York: Howard Fertig, 1971), pp. 169-170.
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United States' policy toward Russia. "'" Once the American
troops were recalled; however, the continued verbal attacks
of Churchill and his use of troops in Russia were greeted
in the United States with enthusiasm, as shown by the closeattention given to his actions in the New York Times. ^^
Many Americans opposed the Bolshevik government and wel
comed others who tried to end the control of the Communists
in Russia.21
During the period, 1919-1922, the American public
plunged into the "Red Scare", a condition perfect forChurchill to gain influence because of his strong stand
against Communism. Churchill's animosity toward Russia
was illustrated in journalistic debates with H. G. Wells,
the noted novelist and a prominent defender of the polit
ical left. Wells attacked Churchill's conservative phi
losophies, and accused the Secretary of having no alternatives to Communism, but was simply anti-everything. The
novelist claimed Churchill was against Communism because
it was new and Churchill was an aristocrat who could not
see the truth but only what he wished to see. For this
reason. Wells continued, Churchill had sent troops into
Russia and had almost brought Britain into a state of war .
l New York Ti mes , September 6, 191 9, p. 4:1.
20Fourteen articles concerning Churchill and hisinvolvement in Russia ran during the year 1919.
2lFilene, Americans and the Soviet Experiment,p. 272.
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with no authorization from the government. Churchill
argued that Communism was a cancer that would kill Russia.
The Bolsheviks should be stopped while the time was ripe,
before they spread over the world.22
Churchill rejoined that, "they (Bolsheviks) rep
resented the principles of death." Continuing, he stated,
" . . . they closed the gates both to the paths which make
life tolerable here below and to those which we hope lead
on to serener forms of existance." They "thrust on man
kind universal slavery, disguised as universal equality"23
This debate became the subject of two letters to
the edito r of the Nev7 York Tim es, which in both cases
backed Churchill' s argument.24 This close ideological
identification between Churchill and the public of the
United States continued until the 1930's. Robert Murray
in his book. Red Scar e, illustrated the opinion of the
American public during these later years.
22"winston Churchill v. Well s, Further Echoes ofthe Controversy over Russia", New York T imes, January 9,1921, sec. 8, p. 2. In conjunction with this debate theLabour Party in Britain had earlier charged that Churchill'sholding office was a national disgrace. New York Tim es,July 26, 1920 , p. 2:8. Als o, they had asked for his impeachment. New York Times, August 4, 1920, p. 1:2.
23"churchill v. Wells ," New York Tim es, January9, 1921, sec. 8, p. 2.
24lbid., January 16, 1921, sec. 6, p. 8:2 and sec.7, p. 3:3.
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. . . antiradical emotionalism emanating from theScare affected both governmental and privatethinking for almost a decade to come and left itsunmistakable imprint upon many phases of Americanlife. Continued insistance upon ideologicalconformi ty, suspicion of organized labor, public
intolerance toward a liens , and a hatred for SovietRussia . . . wer e, partially at least, outgrowthsof the Scare period. "
It was not until 1933 , under Franklin D. Roosevelt's admin
istration that the United States recognized Soviet Russia.
Churchill continued his attacks upon the Soviets until
he became more engrossed with Germany, and saw the need
for a counterbalance to Germany in the East , Russia.Thus, on this vital issue Churchill and the American people
saw eye to eye on the distrust and hatred of Russian Commu-
ism.
Another area of agreement between Churchill and
the American populace was closely connected to the fore
going discussion of Communism. This issue was the growth
of the socialistic Labour Party in Britain, which Churchill
considered a forerunner of Communism. The American people
in the midst of the Red Scare also made this invalid
assumption about American labor and Socialism.
In reading many of the comments that were made by
Churchil l, the American people found a champion for an
antisocialist position. In a speech to his Dundee constit
uency, Churchill declared that the Labour Party was "not
2^Robert K. Murray, Red Scare (Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 1955) , p. 263.
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fit to rule."26 This statement and later charges that the
Labour Party was part of a plot by Russia against England
were probably a part of the electioneering that was taking
place.27 However , the idea that Labour was a growing party
and that some Liberals were moving toward that group caused
Churchill in 1919 to suggest the formation of a Centre
Party. This party, led by Lloyd Ge orge, would actively
oppose Labour and consolidate gains made during World War
1.28 This idea of taking the moderates of both the Liberals
and Conservatives met with high praise in an editorial in
the New York Times . The article concluded that this new
party would fill a void in British politics and stop the
growth of the Labour Party.29
Although Churchill's hope of a Centre Party never
became reality, the American people of all political groups
continued to watch Churchill's stance against the Labour.o
Party . In running for re-election in Dundee in 192 2,
Churchill made the front page of the New York Times because
he was howled down by some Socialists at a campaign meeting.^0
In 1924 Churchill ran for Parliament as an Independent
Anti-Socialist in an election closely watched in the United
26New York Times , February 15 , 1920, p. 4:2.
27ibid., November 5, 1920, p. 17:7.
28ibid., July 17 , 1919, p. 1:4.
29ibid., July 18 , 1919, p. 10:3.
30ibid., November 14 , 1922 , p. 1:6.
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States. The coverage of speeches and tactics used by
all contestants was extensive. Finally, in defeat
Churchill once again made the front page of the New York31
Times. The defeated candidate, who lost to a Socialistin 19 23, and who was defeated twice while taking a strong
anti-socialist position had many conservative sympathizers
in the United States.
The American people, paralleling Churchill, had
their own purge of Socialism. This was best illustrated
by the removal of five duely elected Socialists from theNew York State Assembly on the grounds that they were
32
subversive. The politically conservative post-war United
States was as much against Socialism, Communism, and
other "radicalisms" as was Winston Churchill. This anti-
socialist stand lingered on in the United States into the
1930's. Chur chil l, commenting that Socialism would ruin
Brit ain, noted that he "pictured the United States as
the greatest and most admirable contrast to the Soviet33
System." The United States was a land that had totally
stopped any drift to the left in American politics. Thus,
one was able to see a close continuity in the actions of
Churchill and the powerful conservative Americans toward
the Socialist and Communist philosophies of government.
^^Ibid., March 21 , 1922, p. 1:2.
^F re de ri ck Lewis Alle n, Only Yesterday (New York:Harper and Brothers, 1931), p. 69.
^^New York Tim es, February 13, 1929, p. 8:1.
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This ideology held by Churchill and the American political
right was perhaps his strongest area of identity with the
American people and helped furnish Churchill a base upon
which he could build in the war years.Not only the broad appeal of anti-communism and
socialism attracted Americans to Churchill, but also his
support of var ious ethnic groups elicited the same response,
Churchill's advocation, as Secretary of State for the
Colonies, of a Jewish national homeland, and his role in
the settlement of the Irish question touched a responsivechord in the United States and won him the respect of two
influential group s.
In 1921 , Churchill, the new Secretary of the Colo
nies, took an investigating trip throughout the Middle East,
During this time he became closely involved in the Jewish
quest for a national home. While in Jerusalem in March and
Apri l of 1921 , Churchill announced that Britain would
34continue to back the Balfour Declaration. In 1930 ,
Churchill spoke against Ramsay MacDonald's White Paper,
which did away with the Balfour Declaration. This same
stand was continued in 1939 , when he called for increased
immigration of Jews into Palestine, protesting Neville35
Chamberlain's strict limitation on the influx of Jews.
^^New York Times , April 1, 1921, p. 2:5.
Rufus Lear si, The Jews in America: A History(New York: World Publishing Co ., 1954) , p. 286. New York
Times, November 25, 193 8, p. 13:2.
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Churchill's positions were close to the attitudes
within America of Gentiles and Jews alike. President
Wilson in the conference at Versailles was in favor of a
Jewish national state in Palestine. The American peoplewho were knowledgeable of the issue were for the formation
of a Jewish state. However, in 1919 no American pressure
on Britain to make a Jewish national homeland was found.
Later in 1930 and 1939, the American public berated
Britain for the two White Papers previously mentioned.
Also, by 193 9, most of the Jews in the United States had37come to support the idea of Zionism. The American
people, Jew and Gentile, had much the same vision for a
Jewish national home. Thus, by supporting the Balfour
Declaration, which called for a national home for Jews,
and by opposing the White Papers of 1930 and 1939,
Churchill mirrored the stance of many Americans , especially
the highly influential Jewish population.
The other ethnic group in America with which the
Secretary came into contact was the continual disrupters
of Anglo-American relations, the Irish. Churchill, as
Secretary of State for the Colonies was one of the prime
negotiators that undertook the settlement of the age-old
dispute between the Irish and Brita in, ultimately resulting
36 Learsi, Jews in America, p. 286.
37Nathan Glazer, American Judaism (Chicago:
University of Chicago, 1957), p. 104.
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in dominion status for Southern Ireland. "^
When discussing the relations between Ireland and
Bri tain, the overall sympathy and support of the American
peop le, both Irish and non-Gaelic, would lie on the side
of Eir e. That the American people could have a favorable
opinion of a Britisher on the Irish question was paradox
ical. However , the treaty of December 1921 gave Ireland
dominion status and interest in the Irish question de
clined within the United States. In fact some of the
editorial comment after the treaty was in support of the
British position and against the Republicans of Eamon de
Valera , who led them in a civil war in Ireland in 1922.
Churchill as Secretary of State for the Colonies
became chairman of a committee to work out the problems
of civil war that was being waged in Ireland. He also
was to attempt to settle the boundary dispute between
39Ulster and the recently formed Irish Free State.
Churchill's strong stand against de Valera and his support
of the Irish Constitution in Commons garnered praise in
the United States. In an editorial in the New York Times
the Irish Republicans were blamed for the problems of
3oEdward Norman, A History of Modern Ireland(Coral Gables : University of Miami Press, 1971), p. 284.
39Mary C. Bromaze, Churchill and Ireland (South
Bend: University of Notre Dame Press , 1964), p. 74."Neither before nor after did he (Churchill) fill thepowerful and influential role as far as Ireland wasconcerned that he did throughout most of 1922."
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Ireland, and the British and Churchill in particular were
praised for their fairness and patience.^^ Even the Irish-
American became disgusted with de Valera. As Carl Wittke
in The Irish in America wro te, "In the United States, evenDevoy and the Gaelic America became disgusted with the turn
of events, and blamed de Valera for continuing a civil war
over a quibble."^1
The Secretary also realized the importance of the
Irish question in Anglo-American relations. Speaking to
the English-Speaking Union before the treaty was signed,Churchill avowed that the Irish problem hurt British-
American relations; but if promptly solved, relations
would be closer than ever.^^ Thus, Churchill managed by
the strong stand he took on Ireland to once again reflect
the same opinion as did many Americans. Churchill worked
for and obtained dominion status for Ireland, an option
Irish-Americans favored. When civil war broke out in
Ireland, Churchill and the American people , both Irish
and non-Irish reacted in the same mannera complete
rejection of the goals of the Irish Republicans.
In 192 4, Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer
^^New York Times, June 2, 1922, p. 16:2.
' '"Carl Wi ttke , The Irish in America (Baton Rouge:Louisana State University Press, 1956), p. 292. The GaelicAmerica wa s the voice of the hard core Irish supporters inAmerica.
^^New York Times, December 17 , 1921, p. 6:6.
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took stands on policies that won both support and rebuke
in the United States. On the positive side his support of
the return of Great Britain to the gold standard won much
acclaim and goodwill in the conservative dominated Amer-43lean press. -
Britain during World War I had suspended the gold
standard that backed the British currency. After the
Treaty of Versailles was signed, there had been some pres
sure both in and out of Britain for a return to the prewar
standard. The generally poor economic conditions in Europe
had delayed the return under the Liberal, Labour, and
National governments.
The return to gold came in Churchill's first bud
get as Chancellor of the Exchequer and was received in
Britain with the "height of enthusiasm." ^ The return to
the gold standard came under attack in Britain at a later
date, but the American people and government were very
4 Spleased with the action of their chief trading partner.
The return of Britain to its old prewar rate of
exchange made the United States' goods less expensive in
the United Kingdom and caused the British export's cost to
The negative policy of Churchill concering America was his war debt decision , and will be discussed inthe next chapter.
^ % e w York Tim es, April 2, 1925, p. 1:8.
^--Ibid., May 5, 192 5 , p. 1:7.
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increase in world trade markets. Thus, the American public
and press felt that farmers as well as businessmen in the
United States would enjoy more prosperity. The public's
pleasure with Britain was illustrated in an editorial in
World 's Wor k. The article explained that Britain was one
of the most highly taxed nations in the world, and one who
had stood by her debt payments. Now Britain with courage
and endurance had returned to the gold standard and taken
its place as one of the banking centers of the world. The
British, led by Churchil l, had shown themselves to be cou
rageous and capable of sound economic planning and leader
ship.^^
The United States ' government was also in favor of
the gold standard resumption by Great Britain. John Parke
Young, Senate Investigator for the Committee on Gold and
Silver Investigation, wrote an article for the New York
Times discussing Britain's policy. He concluded that
Britain's return to the gold standard would lead Europe
out of economic distres s. He also stressed that the move
by Churchill was approved by the government of the United
States. The administration felt that not only the United
^^"The British Sovereign Back From the War ",Literary D igest, May 9, 1925 , p. 9.
47"The Result of Britain's Courage and Endurance",World's Work, June, 1925, pp. 123-]24.
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36
States ' , but the wor ld's economy would be improved."^^
The government also indirectly gave its approval with a
loan of gold to back the British in case a run was made
on the Pound.
The economic move by Churchill created a very
warm feeling for Britain and himself in the United States
during this period. The New York Times still editorial
ized on the genius of Churchill's budget and gold standard
actions in August of 1925.^^ This later editorial gaveexcellen t proof of the profound impression Churchill's
policy made on the United States. This aurora of good
will lasted until the debt payment problem erupted in 1926
Another issue in which the Chancellor agreed with
conservative Americans was in the area of labor relations.
During the Chancellor's four years of office, a number of
crippling strikes swept Britain. The rash of strikes
that broke out in 1926 were directly related to the eco
nomic problems of postwar Britain and Churchill's return
to the gold standard, which depressed British exports,
especially in the coal industry. Falling wages and
worsening working conditions caused the miners to walk
off their jobs on April 30 , 1926. This movement to pro
test the lowering of wages garnered support from fellow
^8John Parke Young, "Gold Extends Its Realm Overthe World", New York T imes, May 3, 1925, sec. 9, p. 3:1.
^^New York T imes , August 18, 1925 , p. 18:2.
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laborers and led to "sympathy strikes" in most of the
major industries.
Churchill, because of his aristocratic beliefs
and the precarious position of his budget, attacked the
strikers with his various skills. He was made editor
and publisher of the government controlled Gazette, the
51only newspaper published during the strike in Britain.
Churchil l's attack on the strikers in the paper and the
subsequent negotiations by the government led to the col
lapse of the General Strike by May 1 2, 1926. The majority
of people in Britain supported the actions the Baldwin52
government had taken. To illustrate this support, many
British people recognized and cheered Churchill for his
prominent role in the anti-strike leadership when he53appeared at the Empire Theatre.
Even though the General Strike ceased, the coal
miners continued their walkout through the summer and into
the fall mon ths . During this crisis, Churchill also
played a dramatic ro le. In strong negotiations and with
a show of force , he attempted to settle the issue, only
The services struck were : transportation, ga s,electricity, pri nting, construction, and heavy industry.The mass of industries struck caused this episode to becalled the General Strike.
51
New York Times , May 11 , 1926, p. 4:4.
^^Ibid., May 13 , 1926, p. 1:1.
^^Ibid., May 14 , 1926, p. 6:6.
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to have the mine owners balk at a final settlement. By
September the only other alternative would have been
nationali zation of the mines.^^ This course of action
was not philosophically attractive to Churchill. Once
again Churchill was praised by the people and even the
Labour Party, which conceeded Churchill was "erratic,
but is clever and courageous." He was the "only strong
man in the government."
This statement about Churchill may well have been
the feeling of the majority of Americans. Although no
editorial comment was discovered on Churchill's actions
during either strike, many of the American people were
definitely in favor of his stand on this issue. The
United Stat es, a few years before the General Strike, had
undergone a wave of strikes. These episodes in steel,coal, and other heavy industries helped lead to the "Red
Scare." Also, because of the unsuccessful nature of the
strike and the general prosperity in the United States,
56
the strike was on the decline. The labor unions in
America, who had attempted to gain higher wages and better
working conditions through walkouts and strikes, were now
decl ining . The American consumer public had never accepted54
Ibid., September 8, 1926, p. 4:4.
^^Ibid., October 10 , 1926, sec. 2, p. 1:2.
Allen, Only Yesterday, p. 176.
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3957the strike as a weapon to be used in America.
Once again Churchill was very close to the feeling
of conservative Americans on the labor issue. His stands
coincided with those of American consumers and industrial
ists. As mentioned concerning the Communist scare in the
United St ate s, there was a continued suspicion of organized
58labor that lasted.into the 1930's. The pro-business
nation of postwar United States was receptive ground for
the labor view s of the British Chancellor of the Exchequer.
After the resumption of the gold standard and the
breaking of the s trikes, Churchill did not make as great
an impression on the United States as he had in the pre
vious yea rs. In 1929 the Conservative Party was defeated
in the general election. It also was during this time that
Churchill split with the Tory Party over the question of
India's position in the Commonwealth. Being out of power
the former Chancellor did not have the opportunity to make
decisions that would favorably influence and effect the
United States. However, two minor issues did arise late
in the 1930's to help draw attention to Churchill and bring
him closer into harmony with America.
The first issue that won Churchill support among
romantically inclined Americans was his stand on the abdi-
^"^Ibid. , p. 176.
58Murray, Red Scare, p. 263.
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cation in December of 1936 of Edward VIII. The King
chose to step down from the throne to marry the twice
divorced M rs . Wallis Simpson of New York. This scandal
in English aristocracy and ruling society had its rever
berations in the relationship of Churchill and the Ameri
can public.
Edward VIII, who had just succeeded his father
and was about to be crowned, announced he wished to marry
Mrs. Simpson. This marr iage , deemed unworthy because
Mrs. Simpson was a commoner and not a British citizen,
was further hindered by her marital status and her pre
vious divo rce. The King renounced his crown because of
family and governmental pressure; but not before Churchill
had made a much larger political issue of the whole un
pleasant affair. Churchill's attempt to oust the Conser
vative government of Stanley Baldwin and retain the young
King was rejected by Edward and drove the former Chancellor59
further from power.
For whatever reason Churchill attempted his po
litical maneuvering, it helped him in the eyes of the
American people. American citizens felt, due to Mrs .
Simpson's nationality, the actions of Stanley Baldwin were
a direct snub at the American populace. This time on a
59New York T ime s, December 5, 1936, p. 1:8.William Clark, Less Than Kin (London: Hamish
Hamilton, 1957) , p. 57.
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highly emotional issue, the half American Churchill had
come to the defense of a disparaged American woman and a
slighted American peop le. Probably without realizing it ,
Churchill had made a very strong tie with the American
people.
The last appeal to the United Stat es, and perhaps
in retrospect the most important, was Churchill's prognos
tication of a conflict with Germany and the role the United
6 0States should play in averting such an event. Churchill
warned of the growth of the German air force and army,
along with his attack on Hitler's and Mussolini's intentions
in Europe . Churchill also advocated a strong unified mili
tary policy by Britain and France working through the League
of Nations to oppose the dictators. Finally, Churchill
called for the United States to begin military preparation
and take a position against the totalitarian leaders. This
outcry began Britain's preparation and affected America's
thoughts on the world situation.
The warnings began in 193 2, but they were not heeded
by the majority of people in Britain or abroad. However,
the actions of the Italians in the war with Ethiopia,
fascist support of Franco, and the reoccupation and rearming
'-Time, December 14 , 1936, p. 21.
^^Chapter III will deal with the adverse reactionin the United States that greeted Churchill's plea forcooperation against Germany.
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of the Rhineland began to cause governments as well as
their populaces to become concerned about Germany and
Italy.
As early as 1 935 , the people and press of Britain
were speculating as to the probability of Churchill's
return to Cabinet position, due to his accurate forecast
ing of the world situation. Personal clashes between
Churchill and the party leaders caused Stanley Baldwin
(1935-37) and later Neville Chamberlain (1937-40) not to
have the former Conservative Party member in the Cabinet.
Also, Germany's protests of Churchill's remarks and insinu
ations about her intentions in Europe influenced the party
leaders' decision. Thus, because of personal and political
disagree ments, the prophet of Germany's future military
actions remained out of a position of power. This ostra
cism was to end in September of 1939, when Churchill
returned to power as First Lord of the Admiralty.
This return was prompted by the accuracy of his
prophecy, the need for a strong organization in the navy,
and the pressure of the public on the Conservative Party.
After the failure of appeasement , Britain needed a man of
Churchi ll's personality and philosophy.^^ The reaction in
the United States was much the same as in Britain. The
United Stat es, as will be seen, heard and read Churchill's
6 3Harold Call ende r, "Now They Listen to Churchill'-,
New York Time s, August 13, 1939, sec. 7, p. 3.
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43
pronouncements; a few, mostly liberal internationalists,
agreed with his judgments; however, the country like
Britain did not respond to the call to arms until outside
events forced their actions.
The influence which Churchill had during this
period in America was immeasurable. The future and former
First Lord was virtually a one man propagandist. In the
years from 1931-1939, Winston Churchill visited the United
States o nc e, spoke over the radio to the American people
many times stressing the menace to the world in the form
of Fasc ism, and wrote fifty articles for magazines . Most
of the articles were for Colliers of which forty per cent
dealt wi th the renewal of militarism in the totalitarian
states.
In most cases Churchill was cognizant of the iso
lationist sentiment in the United States. In so being,
Churchill did not attempt to suggest overt actions to be
undertaken by the United State s; but rathe r, he stressed -
the bonds between the nations. From this relationship
Churchill attempted to relay a feeling of responsibility
to the American people for their actions in the world.
This attempt was well advised. Nevertheless, the
majority of American people both conservative and liberal
continued to feel their responsibility was at home and
not in Europe or Asia . The American public led by an iso-
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lationist C ong res s, as well as the internationally conser
vative newspapers of the midwest, did not want to become
involved in another European war . The disillusionment of
World War I was still evident in the attempts to remain
neutral through legislative acts. Most people, as shown
in a poll by American Institute of Public Opinion in
Sep tember , 1939 , were anti-Fascist and pro-British.^"^
Thus, they mirrored the attitude of Churchill toward the
totalitarian powers . The depth of their conviction,however, did not include any support for force to stop
the movements of Germany, Italy, or Japan.^^ Churchill,
while carrying the majority of Americans with him in his
judgments of the dicta tors, did not receive the response
from his transatlantic kinsmen that he had desired. As
world events propelled him to heights of power in Britain,
in the United States the Fall of France and Pearl Harbor
would transpire before Churchill's admonitions were totally
heeded.
In the interwar period Churchill's words and
actions placed him in the American public eye. Certain
Harold Lavine and James Wechsler, War Propagandaand the United States (New Haven: Yale University Pre ss,1940) , pp. 42-43. In 19 39, the United States favoredBritain 84% to 2% for Nazi Germany.
Ibid., p. 332. After the invasion of Scandinavia,the American people still did not favor the use of forceagainst Germany. 96.3% of the people were against war withGermany and 3.5% were for war.
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of his stands received considerable support. However,
his main appeal was to American conse rvativ esfo rces
driven into retreat with the coming of the Great Depres
sion. More importantly on many other issues the mani-
faceted Churchill evoked a hostile response from the
American side of the Atlantic.
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"unstable as water ."! With the former Chancellor's unpre
dictability a charge of treachery and deviousness was also
called forth . In an editorial for the New York Tim es,
Elmer Davis alleged that Churchill showed a sinister and
"manoeuvre" nature.2 He was also referred to as a "ter
rible enfant" in British politics.-^ P. W. Wilson , again
casting darts at Churchi ll, wrote that his "philosophy
is distilled poison. . . ."4 Another instance of the lack
of trust for Churchill was a review of his book The After-
niath. The Springfield Republican praised his writing and
imagination, but also related "Churchill is not always
trustworthy or even sincere."5 These articles gave the
American people the picture of a devious, untrustworthy
individual with very persuasive powers.
That Churchill followed his own star is open to
deba te. Robert Rhodes James in his book, Churchill: A_
Study in Failu re, 1900-1939, contended that Churchill was
continually attempting to achieve position and power with -
^New York Ti mes, January 31, 193 0, sec. 3, p. 16:3.
2Elmer Davis, "Churchill Holds a Post Mortem",New York Tim es, November 4, 1923, sec. 3, p. 1:1.
3"Mr. Winston Churchill, Secretary of War, theTerrible Enfant of the British Cabinet", New York Time s,August 10, 1920, p. 2.
^P. W. Wil son, "Mr. Churchill Plays With Fire ",New York Time s, March 17 , 1929, sec. 4, p. 1.
^Springfield Republican, April 28 , 1929, sec. E ,
p. 7.
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ou t respect to his individual philosophy. Howeve r, if
Churchill's career is closely observed his actions were
no t those that would raise an individual to powe r, but
drive him from it. In most cases his changes in party and
his movement away from his party's direction were called
for by loyalty to his own aristocratic idea of the role of
governmen t. He was not as unstable as others tended to
view him, but loyal to his own philosophy. The American
people, when reading of Churchill's actions and the com
ment on his unpredictability, could not see the loyalty
to his "cause." Reading the unfavorable comments, the
people of the United States would relegate Churchill to
a position of a hack politi cian, who was interested only
in himself. Only when a detailed study of the positions
Churchill took was completed, could one observe the con
sistency of Church ill. The American people had not reached
the point of looking back in depth at Churchill's career.
Thus, Churchill did not enhance his image in America with
his opportunism and his movement among pa rtie s, due to the
reporting of this aspect of his career.
The second aspect of Churchill's nature that dis
enchanted the United States was his aristocratic political
theory. Churchill 's hostility to democracy and his lean
ings toward aristocracy and strong man rule ran counter to
deep American tradition. His critique of democracy was
especially strong in the early 1930's. In November of 1930 ,
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Churchi ll asserted that Parliament was no longer able to
mee t the problems of the day. This opinion came during
the dark days of world depression, when he was speaking
of economic prob lems . The former Chancellor alleged that
the electorate was too large and did not consider the
grea t mat ter s of state. He fel't all they were interested
in was who won the Sweepstakes.^ Churchill continued in
this vein when he avowed that the governments of Britain
had overextended the right to vot e. When visiting the
United States on his speaking tour in 1932, he declared
that the people could not achieve economic success and that
a great man needed to step forth to lead the nation. Most
poli tici ans, he charged, were too worried about getting
into office and getting others out to be effective. A
review of his book Amid These Storms brought out this samepoint. Churchill claimed that the brilliant men were no
longer going into government, but into industry. He alleged
that democracy without leadership followed the course of
least resistanc e.
In an editorial on January 31 , 1932, the New York
Times asserted that Churchill's comments about the need for
New York Times, November 20, 1930, p. 13:3.7
Ibid., March 29, 1931, sec. 9, p. 2:2.g
Ibid., January 26, 1932, p. 2:5.
^Ibid., November 26, 193 2, p. 13:1.
^ * TECH UBR/lfly
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a great man were unfounded. The editorial alleged that
great leaders were only recognized years afterward, and
that the leaders were ones who led the people and did not
make decisions arbitrarily.
More important than Churchill's conservatism was
his outspokennes s on a number of disputes between Britain
and the United State s. These diplomatic conflicts included
problems arising from the failure of Wilson to bring the
United States into the League of Nations, the military con
flicts over naval armaments and a rearming Germany, and
most importantly the debt issue.
Churchill took office as Chancellor of the Exchequer
at a time when the debts that were incurred during World War
I were funded. The debate on both sides of the Atlantic
over this dispute was one of the most serious in Anglo-
American relations. Previous to 1924, Churchill had not
been too vocal on the debt issue. In 1921 , he had called
for a meeting of Britain and the United States on financial
matte rs, hoping that it would work out a debt settlement.
After the signing of the debt funding agreement between
Britain and the United Stat es, Churchill criticized the
Commission in Britain for not achieving better terms. Als o,
he said the Commission should have brought the United States
-'- New York Ti me s, January 31, 1 932, sec . 3, p . 1:2.
''Ibid., November 30 , 1921, p . 5 :5 .
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into European counsels to help work out the problems gen-12erated by war .
On Augus t 1, 19 22, after signing the agreement
with the United Sta tes, Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of
State for Foreign Aff air s, sent a notice to Britain's13
debtor nations. This note, which laid down the British
princip les for debt settlement, stated that Britain would:
(1) take into consideration the amount she owed the United
States, (2) take into consideration the ability of thenations to pay her d ebt , (3) not receive more than she had
14to repay. This statement of principle s, known as the
Balfour N ot e, was to be the guide for all future British
governments and their debt settlements. Thus, Britain,
which had argued for a general cancellation of de bts , now
placed the need for repayment by her debtors squarely on
the shoulders of the United States. As Churchill took
offi ce, the resentment toward the United States' debt
policy wa s growing.
' Ibid. , November 22 , 1923, p. 1:2.
13Harold G. Moulton and Leo Pasvolsky, War Debts
and World Prosperity (New York: The Century Co ., 1932),p. 84 . The agreement Churchill so readily deplored was tobe a repaymen t of "the whole amount of the loans made toher by the American Treasury and the unpaid accrued interest from April 15 and May 15 , 1919 to December 15 , 1922 in62 annual i nstal lment s, with interest at the rate of 3 percent per annum during the first ten years and 3.5 per centduring the remaining 52 years."
^^Ibid., pp. 111-113.
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The United States demanded full payment of the
British debt. The American people, led by the Coolidge
admini strati on, felt that the nations of Europe should
pay their d eb ts , or the American taxpayer would be the
one who paid for the war . Although there was some edi
torializing in the New York Times for a change in policy,
the vast majority of people were for the payment of debts
by the Europeans as called for in the Congressional Debt
15Act of February 9, 1922. The American populace viewed
the war debts as a business loan, and in the business
minded United States of the 1920's all loans were made with
the understanding they would be repaid in full, along wi th
the interest accrued. This attitude of repayment came from
the general business oriented philosophy of most Americans
during the "Roaring Twenties ." Business was supreme and
all were devoted followers of its supremacy. What was good
for business pr act ices , must likewise be good for govern
mental policy , both domestic and foreign.
After Britain proclaimed the Balfour Note and as
the United States continued to have meetings with other
nations, the new Chancellor announced that all nations
which paid the United States should proportionally pay
-'- New York Ti me s, January 29 , 1926 , p. 20:1,March 26, 1926, p. 20:1, Thomas A. Bailey, The Man in theStreet (New York: The MacMillan Co ., 1948), p. 249, andHarold G. Moulton and Leo Pasvolsky, World War Debt Settle-
men t (New York: The MacMillan Co ., 1926), p. 111.
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Britain. Thus, Britain would be assured of an income
from the European debtors to supply the needed money for
payment to the United States. Immediately, Missouri
Senator James A. Reed attacked Churchill for interfering
in Franco-American affairs . The Treasury Department, how
ever, felt that the statement was logical and obvious and1 n
no interference was intended.
In January of 1925 , as the allied nations met to
distribute the German reparations, Churchill sought a mee t
ing on inter-allied debts. In private talks American
officials granted lower debt payments to England, only to
have the United States Senate reject any scaling down of
18the amount owed. Although angry at his failure to achieve
a reduction, Churchill promised that England would still
make her paymen ts and the issue of debts seemed to die out .
A year later, in March of 1926, Churchill made
headlines in America by claiming the United States was a
"fabulously wealthy nation which was squeezing stricken19Europe." Churchill's outbur st, caused by financial and
labor problems in Britain, sparked a year long debate.
Churchill's budget was about to be prepared and the debt
New York T imes , December 11 , 1924, p. 1:8.
'- Ibid. , December 12 , 1924, p. 1:2.
18Ibid., January 6, 1925 , p. 3:4 and January 19,1926, p. 1:2.
1 QIbid., March 25 , 1926, p. 1:3.
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dispute would provide a release from the problems facing
him at home.
The editorial comment on this first outburst sur
prisingly favored Churchill's position. On March 26 , and
April 6, 1926, the New York Times ran editorials stating
that Churchill had a good point'. The American government
should look a long time at his position and not at the20
manner in which he stated it. However, as the summer
progressed and Churchill became more vocal in his attacks ,
editorial comment became more anti-Churchill. Even though
his basic idea of general debt reduction was acceptable
to the pa per , these aggressive attacks began to wear on
the newsmen. One article accused Churchill of "setting
21on edge the nerves of people both at home and abroad."
On July 20 , 1926 , the French government fell and
many blamed the United States debt policy for the French
demise. On this same date . Chancellor Churchill attacked
Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon for earlier state
men ts he had made about Britain. Secretary Mellon had
charged that Britain spent war loans on commercial activ-
22ities rather than the war . This accusation by Mellon
2^Ibid., March 2 6, 1926, p. 20:1 , and April 6,1926, p. 28:2.
'Ibid. , July 20 , 1926, p. 1:6.
22Stewart B each, "What the World Is Doing",
The Independent, August 7, 1926, p. 166.
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and a rejoinder by Churchill continued the debate over the
debt issue.
Through the summer, the argument proceeded between
Churchill and Mel lon . In the United States Churchill
continued to be berated for his lecturing and his claimed23
moral superiority. However, -the New York Times continued
its support of the basic British premise and criticized
the Treasury and Senate for their uncompromising ways.^^
By August of 1926, the uproar subsided and Britain was
praised for its return to a sound economic philosophy
and its return as the financial center of the world.^^
The next year Churchill and Secretary Mellon once
again exchanged verbal bl ows , this time over the Dawes
Plan. Mellon claimed that Britain was not following the
Balfour N ot e, as her payments from debtor nations werelarger than the payments to the United States. Churchill
denied the accusation and attacked the United States for26
its insistence on full payment. The New York Times in
an editorial of great insight alleged that Britain and
the Chancellor were playing for the people at home and in
Europe.27 They were acting as the spokesman for the frus-
- New York Tim es, July 21 , 1926, p. 18:1 .
^"^Ibid. , July 24 , 1926, p. 1:6.
2^Ibid., August 6, 1926, p. 14:5 .
2^Ibid., May 5, 1 927, p. 1:7.
2' Ibid. , May 6, 1927, p. 22:1.
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trations of the tax burdened Englishman and the resentful
economically depressed European. Thus, the attack by
Churchill was not what he wished, but when choosing be
tween his government and his relationship with the United
States, the former held sway.
The debt issue died out for Churchill after this
episode; howev er, he had damaged his image in the United
States. The American people were most definitely for full
paymen t. Churchill would declare when out of office that
Britain should not jeopardize relations with the United
28States by defaulting in her debt payments . Howeve r, the
taxpayer could not forget with a few sentences that man
who had denounced the United St ates' policy and had at
tempted to lower the debt payments . Earlier Churchill had
won support in his financial policies with the return to
the gold standard. This praise was greatly outweighed
in the United States by the debt issue. The debt payments
were more readily understood and a more emotional issue to
the American people than the nebulous economic advantages
of returning to the old standard.
Churchill also caused friction with his views on
the military activities of the 1920's and 30'snaval
disarmament and a rearming Germany. Churchill's life
28New York T ime s, February 9, 1 932 , p. 44: 1,and April 24, 1936, p. 10:2.
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previous to 1919 provided the background for his critics
to malig n him as a militarist. Churchill directed his
early life toward the military. It was a military school
he att ended, his first gainful employment was with themil ita ry, hi s fame as a writer first appeared in military
accounts, and his leadership in government came as a war
leader.
The militarism of the future Prime Minister evi
denced itself throughout the time period under investi
gation. Only in 1939, with the approaching war with
Germany, did Americans begin to welcome the presence of
this type of individual. Before 1939, a great amount of
comment attacked Churchill for his particular attitude
about war . In 19 23, P. V7. Wilso n, while reviewing
Churchill's The World Crisis for the New York Time s,
asserted that the former First Lord of the Admiralty
loved wa r. Wilson further observed that Churchill cast
himself in the role of his ancestor Marlborough, hoping,
Wilson claimed , to be able to save England as had his29illustrious forebearer. Also reviewing the same work
for the New Republic, the noted historian and diplomatC. J. H. Hayes called Churchill's mind that of a mili-
30tarist, and a dangerous one at that. In 1927, Ernest
2^P. W. Wi lson , "Churchill Casts Up His Account" ,New York Times , April 8, 1923, sec. 3, p. 1:1.
^^C. J. H. Ha yes, "The V7orld Cr isi s", New Republi c,November 6, 1923, p. 48.
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Marshall, also reviewing one of the volumes of Churchill's
history of Wor ld War I, stated that he "loves a fight. ""
P. W. Wil s