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Children's Perceptions of ‘Work’—an exploratory studyR. J. Roberts a & J. Dolan aa School of Education Derbyshire College of Higher EducationPublished online: 06 Jul 2006.

To cite this article: R. J. Roberts & J. Dolan (1989) Children's Perceptions of ‘Work’—an exploratory study, EducationalReview, 41:1, 19-28, DOI: 10.1080/0013191890410103

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Educational Review, Vol. 41, No. 1, 1989 19

Children's Perceptions of 'Work'—an exploratory study

R. J. ROBERTS & J. DOLAN, School of Education, Derbyshire College of HigherEducation

ABSTRACT While there is a growing case-study literature on school-industry linksin the primary school, most of it tends to be entrepreneurial or concerned withsimulating industrial processes. This article reports an attempt to ground a school-in-dustry curriculum in the primary school in the perceptions children already have of'work'and in their attempts to make sense of 'work' as an aspect of the world.

The perceptions of some 60 children were investigated using a variety of techniquesas a preliminary to a curriculum development project undertaken by collaboratingteachers. These showed that children do indeed have sophisticated conceptions andunderstandings of 'work' but that these are not without contradictions. Children seemconcerned, for example, that work of 'value' does not necessarily attract 'reward'. Thecurriculum phase of the project was developed by a practitioner/consultant group inresponse to issues raised by the children in the investigation phase. These issuesinclude the children's present understanding about 'work', their anxiety about thechanging nature of work, and their views on the relationship between schooling and'work'.

While the study reported here is limited in scope it does suggest that there are anumber of areas worthy of further, more detailed investigation.

Introduction

Although the literature on links between the primary school and industry hassignificantly increased in the years following 1986, formally designated 'IndustryYear' (e.g. SCDC, 1986; Ross, 1988; Smith, 1988), we find little within it that seemsconcerned with "unpacking the economic knapsack" (Fox, 1978) which youngpeople bring with them to school. This is unfortunate, for there is a growingopinion amongst many involved with the business of teaching that the personal,social and community learning which children bring with them to school is ofcrucial importance to the design and delivery of an effective curriculum withinschool (Rennie, 1986; HMI, 1988).

Our review of this literature leads us to conclude that the great majority of'school-industry' classroom initiatives have been characterised by two traditionaland, for us at least, unwelcome features. On the one hand, they have been used tojustify teacher-directed and predominantly teacher-informed topic work, usually byappeals to the need for children to become 'economically aware' (e.g. SCDC, 1986;Richards, 1988) and which seems in particular to mean children being informed

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20 R. J. Roberts & J. Dolan

about industry and its needs, rather than about themselves and their needs. On theother hand, classroom initiatives, especially simulations and visits to outside,school work locations, have been used as newly cast models of compensatoryeducation, justified as a means of enlivening or enriching a (presumably?) boringcurriculum (e.g. Green, 1987; Hales, 1988), usually resulting in a claimed profes-sional rejuvenation of the teachers involved.

We would rather agree, then, with Mercer (1988) that the curriculum planningprocess during the primary years should be concerned with helping young peoplemake sense of their immediate and broader social worlds through learning abouteconomic processes, as an effort to resist the traditionally prevalent 'anti-industryculture'. However, such learning must also allow children to express "opinions andviews about things that [are] part of their everyday lives. Their thoughts and ideas[must] be respected and valued" (Aspinall & Maher, 1986). We believe that the bestresponse to these concerns is for the design of children's learning experiences tobegin from a more secure basis than merely seeking to inform them about 'indus-try':

In order to do this, of course, we have to know what is in those knapsacksand to my knowledge this work has not been done. As a necessaryrequisite for curriculum development, such research should be undertakenas a matter of urgency. (Mercer, 1988)

We believe that the research work we are developing into the perceptions andunderstandings of the notion of'work' amongst older junior children, and which weoutline here, is a contribution to such proper curriculum development. It also seemsto us to offer a useful model for the development of approaches to INSET, in whichpractitioners and consultants work together in groups (practititioner/consultantgroups or PCGs) in order to collaboratively decide on classroom approaches in thelight of their jointly informed assessment of pupil knowledge and needs.

The Schools

Two J4 classes provided the population for these case studies of children's percep-tions of the world of 'work'. School E was in a dormitory village close to a mediumsized Midlands city. The village acted in a traditional way for the agricultural areaimmediately around it but in recent years had become substantially a residentialarea serving the local city and its industries and commerce. School N was situatedin the same city. The schools represented an opportunity sample and were notintended to be matched except by the approximate ages of the children. Sixtychildren were involved across the schools: 32 boys and 28 girls. Two teachers fromeach school, who normally worked with the classes, became members of the PCGtogether with the two college-based collaborators.

The Research Project

The research design was intended to follow a pattern whereby we investigated someof the perceptions held about 'work' by the children by a variety of means. Thefindings of this exercise were then to be discussed within the PCG. The intentionwas for this to focus the attention of the two teachers in each of the schools on someaspect of interest—either because it was similar to, or different from, the findings in

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Children's Perceptions of'Work' 21

the other school. Once an issue or series of issues had been selected by the PCGthey were to follow it up by means of an approximately six-week curriculumdevelopment topic in whatever way in their judgement best suited the needs of thechildren in the two class groups. To preserve the unity of the group and to exchangeideas and experiences, meetings were to be held during the curriculum developmentphase with the college staff acting as facilitating consultants and providing re-sources as necessary. At some point later it was possible that we would follow upthe children after they had experienced the topic. The starting point had the virtueof originating in the observations of children, their concerns and their means ofcoming to terms with this aspect of the adult world.

Our intention was to collect some data on children's perceptions of 'work' but tothen make use of this in a curriculum development project which carried with itexplicit aspects of staff development for the school staff based on mutual support.Presented here are some of the findings from the first stages of the programme.

The Children's Perceptions

Data on the perceptions the children held were obtained in three ways. Given thepaucity of research evidence it was intended that the different methods of datacollection would allow us to make some attempt to triangulate our results. Theclasses were recorded in a discussion lesson with the teacher using a prompt picturewhich contained a number of 'work themes' and a smaller group were interviewedusing a simplified repertory grid technique. Next a questionnaire was devisedsampling a number of areas that seemed significant in the definitions and under-standings of 'work'. The 'significance' was inevitably defined by us because theliterature was of little help here. It may well be that the findings of the current papergo some way towards establishing a notion of 'significance' based on the viewsexpressed by the children and that will then be available to researchers in thefuture. All of this took place within a few weeks in the first half of the autumn term,with the curriculum development activity timed for the second half of the termafter teachers had explored the outcomes and discussed approaches across theschools.

Discussions of Work

The discussions produced some lively and even unexpected responses from childrenwho seemed to genuinely be interested in the pictures and the themes they began todraw out. Some general points about 'work' began to emerge early on (note: in theextracts that follow 'T' is where the teacher is making a comment, 'NC' the childrenfrom school N and 'EC the children from school E).

T What's that a picture of?NC A town

People doing jobsPeople at workPeople doing usual things

EC It's a street; people working in the streetAnd inside, too—there's people inside

T What time of day is it?

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22 R. J. Roberts & J. Dolan

NC Morning because there's a milkmanChildren are going to school

NC Twenty-five people are doing jobsSome jobs are inside, in shops, dentists, newsagents the cashier in thesupermarket.

EC They aren't working, the people there [in the job centre]; they haven'tgot jobs

NC [in the bingo hall] you need someone to call out the numbers.Someone to take the money. A manager.

NC Customers aren't workingEC He's got the best job [the dustman]—he gets paid most

These comments, while general responses, give some indication of the sort ofdimensions the children were using to categorise and make sense of the picture. Sopeople in towns 'work', and 'work' is a usual thing. While the most obvious 'work'was in the street they were aware of other people inside the buildings also working.They were clearly aware of the job centre and that the unemployed were looking for'work'. Their concept did not run to the more sophisticated notion that theindividuals concerned could be 'working hard' at finding 'work'. They also did notsee shop customers as at 'work'. It is the case, however, that later discussions hint ata more sophisticated notion which seems to stand in confusing contradiction to theidentification of 'work' with pay and employment. They also realised that different'work' attracted differential rewards according to some criteria of worth.

Interestingly they identified the children as 'going to school' but it is not clear, atthis stage, whether or not they identified this a parallel to 'going to work'.

Individual Responses

In the one-to-one situations the children's ideas were explored by means of asimplified repertory technique where they were presented with cards on which werewritten a range of work categories and a range of people to identify. From this anumber of constructs were elicited relating to definitions of the parameters of'work'.

Many children indicated a dimension ofworks does not work

orworks retired

They also saw a temporal and spatial aspect to workworks longer works part-timeworks outside works inside

There was a marked identification of a dimension which compared being at schoolwith another situation. It might be possible to read into this some idea of 'school'being a parallel category to 'work' or to 'being at home' or 'married'.

not at school at schoolmarried at schoolhave children at school

In their discussions about the three people they were presented with the children

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Children's Perceptions of' Work' 23

talked about what were in reality 'work types' or factors closely connected with'paid work'. So one child identified 'someone who cooked' as different from otherswho did not

cooks does not cookmakes things you eat does notcleans things does nottype drivescan drive cannot drivehelp others does nothave interesting do not have interesting

jobs jobs

The Questionnaire Study

The questionnaire administered to the classes was devised around a number ofaspects of 'work' that we felt were potentially interesting and that might relate tothe ways in which adults see 'work'. These aspects, or clusters, were determined byus prior to the devising of the statements to sample them, and were: rewards from'work', the instrumental value of schooling, the changing nature of 'work', esteemfrom 'work', autonomy at 'work', differential gender experiences of 'work', 'work'location and 'work' definitions.

The children were asked to respond to a given statement (copies of the question-naire and results are available from the authors) in terms of whether or not theythought it was 'true', 'not true' or if they 'did not know'. Additionally they weregiven the option of writing in the fact that they 'did not understand' the meaning ofthe statement. This format was chosen, with regard to the ages of the children and asuspicion that a complex, scaled response might be unhelpful to them. In the eventthe last option was only very rarely taken and so the majority of statements wereresponded to by the 60 children in the sample.

Discussion

Despite the limitations to the levels of sophistication in our agreed enquiryprocedures, analysis of responses from our three methods of data collection stillseemed to allow the PCG collectively to identify shared key issues to be takenaccount of by ourselves and the class teachers in formulating curriculum projectsappropriate to the concerns and understandings of the children in each classroom.In addition, it was necessary for the curriculum planning to take account of whatseemed to be differentiated socio-spatial and economic contexts of the two schoolswhere these appeared to lead to differences in understanding between the children.

Children's Present Understandings of Work'

The children clearly had a body of 'knowledge' with regard to 'work'. In particularthey had an understanding of the ways in which the experience of 'work' and itsensuing rewards are hierarchically determined. Thus, for example, they were able todecide on which were the 'better' jobs. Questionnaire findings show that over halfthe children thought that it was not true that working harder produced more pay for

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24 R. J. Roberts & J. Dolan

the individual but most felt that people should not simply be paid more for doingmore but that they should rather receive additional rewards if what they were doingwas more 'valuable' or more 'unpleasant' in some way.

They were also, and equally, able to say which were the 'worst'. Such evaluationsoften rested on a knowledge of who exercised authority over whom at 'work'.

T Which is the least important person?NC Cleaners

They are pushed around most.I think he [manager] is most important. What would they do withouthim?He bosses the othersWithout the manager it would be disorganised

Yet for some there was a recognition that 'conditions of work' were as important asmere monetary 'rewards from work':

NC You can enjoy yourself at work...Getting dirty [like the dustman] is dead good fun.

This present level of knowledge regarding work amongst the children was partial. Itseemed, too, to be often vicarious, relying presumably as much as anything on thework experience of family and community members significant in the children'slives. Some would seem to be received from the popular culture:

EC It's their fault—they [the people in the job centre, shown in thepicture] should do something about it.

A further interesting insight into children's definition of 'work' was provided byresponses to questions about 'who works?'. Our sample children were overwhelmin-gly of the view that adults 'work', and that the great majority of adults wanted towork. At the same time, most showed a regard for the fact that children in school'work', though they appear to distinguish this unpaid, prevocational 'working' asbeing of a different order to the unpaid, domestic 'work' of mothers, and to thepaid employment of adults generally. Such findings seem to reinforce our earlierconclusion that it is the material and instrumental rewards of paid 'working' whichseem to be the centrally defining characteristic in young children's operativeconstruction of the notion of 'work'.

Even so, this background of insights and received wisdom seems to be part of asedimentary, developmental process of cognitive growth of knowledge about 'work'.This view accords with the evidence from the Goldstein & Oldham questionnairestudy of the work knowledge and orientations of 900 elementary-school-agedchildren in five schools in New Jersey.

Perhaps the single most important observation that may be gleaned fromour findings is that the vast majority of children's work orientations is wellunderway before the end of the elementary years. (Goldstein & Oldham,1979)

Children's Anxiety about the Changing Nature of 'Work'

Over 80% of salient responses to the questionnaire showed that children have someunderstanding about the changing historical nature of 'work'. However, girls were

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Children's Perceptions of 'Work' 25

less sure of this than were boys. It may be that this gender imbalance reflectscontinuities in the domestic, unpaid work experience of most women.

When children were asked to project their understanding of the nature of workinto the future, responses indicated much less certainty and perhaps some anxiety.Virtually all of the children (90%) felt that finding paid work for themselves afterschool might be difficult. In this they were perhaps being realistic but one-third ofresponses to questions relating to future continuities in work were 'do not know'.And yet 84% of the children held the possibly ambivalent view that they wouldneed to learn new knowledge and skills throughout their life-time in 'work'.

The sample responses also exhibited ambivalent, and possibly contradictory,attitudes towards what ought to be perceived as 'work', as distinct from what isperceived as valid 'work'. Thus, whilst 85% were clear in their questionnaireresponses that a distinguishing characteristic of 'work' activities was financialremuneration, in discussions based on the prompt illustration several childrenargued for recognition of unpaid 'work':

EC . . . the man pushing the lady in the wheelchair is working but hedoesn't get paidAnd the mother, too

EC The people who are in the shops, who own them, they don't work dothey? They just make money

NC You get paid for going to work, not like schoolWe found such insightful sensitivity towards the rendering 'visible' of otherwise'invisible' labour surprising. Though such comments—when they came—were notnecessarily or immediately shared by others in the class group, they did becomethemes and issues for exploration in the planning of curriculum follow-up. Theirspontaneous presentation in this early enquiry phase of the project shows, however,the textured complexity of children's existing knowledge and awareness in this field.

Children's Views of the Relationship between Schooling and 'Work'

The combination of the children's naive, secondhand understandings of 'work' andtheir views about the ways in which 'work' has changed and is likely to change overtime may account for their simplistic notions of the relationship between schoolingand 'work'. Ninety-six per cent of the children believed that there was a direct linkbetween working hard at school and getting 'good work' in the future. An equalnumber of the children felt that school learning would be of importance to themwhen they came to 'start work'.

In all of this the children seemed of a mind with those 30 top juniors in fourdifferent schools intensively interviewed by Cullingford (1986):

[They] held no illusions about the job market or about the whole contextin which their schooling is placed... as a mere preliminary to the largerschools and the wider world, (emphasis added)

Children's Differing Community Location

Any curriculum decisions reached in response to taking account of the particularand differing community locations of children must remain speculative and tenta-tive. Nonetheless, we did feel that the differing responses of children in the two

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26 R. J. Roberts & J. Dolan

schools required divergent curriculum implementations. For example, there weremore children in school N than in school E who believed that 'work' in the futurewould be very similar to work as it is at present. The PCG members interpreted thisas indicating the comparatively slowly changing nature of a working-class area withrestricted and declining 'work opportunities' but where the population remainsrelatively stable as compared with an area which experiences the changing popula-tion and other structures related to middle-class work and life patterns.

On the other hand, there was a significantly larger proportion of children whowished to follow the work paths of their parents in school E than in school N. Wesaw this as possibly reflecting the professional, relatively affluent and thereforesatisfactory careers of many parents there, whereas for some at least in school Npaid working lives might be characterised by low pay, difficult and unsocialconditions and limited opportunities.

Curriculum Development

The data generated from these three enquiry procedures were shared and analysedby practitioners and consultants in a series of joint discussions. The children'sunanimity of view and apparently common informed knowledge about 'work' wereinitially seen by the PCG as being an unexpected outcome of this phase of theresearch project. In turn, this led to some discussion of developing a singlecurriculum response for implementation in both schools. However, further reflec-tion suggested that those children's responses which indicated different knowledgebased on what the PCG inferred to be distinctive social and community experience,were finally seen as being of primary significance to the process of curriculumdesign. Consequently, each school modelled a curriculum response reflecting someof the particular awarenesses and learning needs exhibited by its own class group.Even so, the design of both responses remained a collaborative enterprise for thePCG as a whole. It remained the case that the length of time given for implementa-tion of curriculum responses should be the same in both schools.

In school N the lively, but partial, understanding of hierarchical structures andautonomy in 'work' amongst the children became the principal curriculum themes.Children examined the concept of'hierarchy' as applied to several social networksand 'work' locations, such as family, school and parents' place of work. Theinherent conflicts of the responsibilities, reciprocities and differentiated rewards ofhierarchical structures were 'unpacked' by the children using a combination ofsmall group discussion of case study material, and collaborative research enquiry ofworkforce structures in selected workplaces. The latter involved the children ininterviewing selected adults and recording these interviews in a variety of modes,including audio-tape and transcription. The analysis of comparable structureswithin the school itself excited considerable interest amongst the class group andled them to considering further the contribution of pupil 'work' to the overallschool enterprise. These collaborative examinations, drawing on the children's owndirect and broader community experiences, led to further appraisal and reappraisalof the legitimacy of differential rewards for 'work' as a result of status hierarchies,and led to a questioning of the definition of the key notion which continues.

The class group of school E seemed to be more aware of 'work' types andlocations than was the case in school N, and this aspect became the dominanttheme of the curriculum response developed and implemented there. As a dormi-

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Children's Perceptions of Work' 27

tory village for largely professional and managerial families, the children alreadyhad knowledge of a fairly broad range of work opportunities and contingent ideassuch as 'travel to work' considerations, and working conditions. However, thechildren offered little evidence in the data gathering phase of the project of thevillage itself being a location for 'work'; this became the descriptive content motifof their curriculum investigations.

A range of experiental learning activities were devised in consultation with theclass group itself. For example, small task groups of children each 'work-shadowed'a local person for half a day, such as a hairdresser, a farmer, a shopkeeper, acommunity police officer. The findings of such work-shadowing were recorded andpresented to the whole class group in a variety of ways determined upon by the taskgroups themselves. Photographs, audio-tapes, time observation schedules, chartsand written records of interviews were all used for this purpose.

These activities in turn led to the children focusing on issues of gender andgenerational differences in 'work' experience within the village itself. To informthese matters further, the children decided to profile the 'working day' ofhousewives and mothers in the village by means of an agreed short questionnairedevised by the class group and administered overnight by the children to familymembers and neighbours. Following collation of these findings, comparison wasattempted with the children's existing knowledge of male working days. However,the children realised that accurate and valid data on male 'work' was going to beneeded for proper comparison and so this became a future target for data collec-tion.

The children also organised an afternoon when the elders of the village wereinvited into school for tea and cakes (provided and served by the children), andduring which time children informally gathered the elders' recollections of theirown 'working lives'. These records were written up in class-book form by thechildren, complete with photographs of those whose testimony it contained.

Conclusions

Evaluative discussion of the outcomes of these varied curriculum responses by thePCG lead us to the conclusion that the half-term's work devised as a result of thedata gathering phase of the research project was a stimulating and educationallyworthwhile development to the practice of both classrooms.

In particular, the children's ownership of their individual and joint learning andwork became an increasingly pronounced and frequently commented upon featureof the overall project. Such learning was grounded in the children's own knowledgeand beliefs about 'work', and became the means by which they informed andreconstructed such paradigms for themselves as their learning was extended. Inaddition, the children's learning critically informed them of the changing natureand operations of 'work' experience and networks within their own communities,and began to illuminate to them their own relationship to such change andopportunities for involvements and direction of possible future changes. The PCGmembers agreed that the skills practised and knowledge evaluated through the shortprogramme contributed to the children's understanding of the forces which shapepeople's lives.

Of course half a term's work could not adequately inform all of the concernsidentified in the initial 'work' data gathered from the children. Uniquely though the

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28 R. J. Roberts & J. Dolan

primary years seem to us to offer opportunity for sustained and consistent spirallingapproaches to curriculum learning and the joint conclusion of the PCG was that thecritical informing of these concerns can reasonably constitute part of the curricu-lum agenda of all primary classrooms.

Such cohesion of curriculum investigation of 'work' through the primary yearsargues for sustained INSET support, so that classroom practitioners can properlyreflect on the significance of children's existing knowledge, and from this canidentify and formulate appropriate ideas for implementation as part of the curricu-lum process. We believe that the model of networking of practitioner/consultantgroups across federations of schools in different locations as demonstrated in asmall way by this first research project offers a fruitful way forward for establishingand maintaining such INSET support. In particular, the scope for critical identifica-tion of central notions within the experience of'work' across different social groupsin different spatial locations offered by federated INSET curriculum design wouldseem to be a valuable and stimulating resource for practitioners to draw on in orderto develop their own understandings and practical ideas about 'work' as it featuresin the everyday lives of their children.

Correspondence: R. J. Roberts and J. Dolan, Derbyshire College of Higher Educa-tion, Western Road, Mickleover, Derby DE3 5GX, United Kingdom.

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