chapter iii trade development in adil shahi sultanate 1489

Chapter III

Trade Development in Adil Shahi Sultanate

1489-1686

This chapter traces out the three phases of trade development of the Adil

Shahi Sultanate, in keeping with the three main stages of the trade and commerce

during the period under study. An attempt has been made here to highlight the

political expansion, trade related events and activities, and the development of trade

and commerce during three main phases of Sultanate for the period, 1489 -1686. On

the basis of the trade development during the three phases an attempt has been made

here to analyse the trade pattern of the kingdom. A few maps have been included with

this chapter as well.

1. Establishment and Consolidation of Sultanate (1489-1558) This period saw the establishment of the Sultanate. As mentioned earlier,

shortly after the establishment of the kingdom, Goa was captured by the Portuguese.

This section therefore traces the consolidation of the kingdom under Sultan Yusuf

Adil Shah, Sultan Ismail Adil Shah, Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah I and attempts to focus

on the state of trade and commerce during this phase of consolidation of the kingdom.

1.1 Territory at the Establishment

When Yusuf ‘Adil Shah declared his independence he had only the province

of Bijapur conferred upon him as a jagir. It included the tract known as Raichur Doab

with its fort of Mudgal. In the north the territory of Bijapur extended up to the river

Bhima beyond which was the jagir of Khwajah Jahan Deccani, which included

Parenda and Solapur. Towards the north-west lay the newly founded kingdom of

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Ahmednagar and in the north-east lay the jagir of Dastur Dinar which included all the

territory from the river Bhima to Bidar and the towns of Belgaum, Gulbarga,

Anantgir, Aland, Ganjauti and Kaljan. West of the Bijapur kingdom lay the territory

of Bahadur Gilani, this included Goa, Dabhol, Chaul, Kalhar, Panhala, Kolhapur,

Salvala, Nilgawan and Mirch. In the south was the kingdom of Vijaynagar and in the

east was Bidar, the seat of the depleted Bahmani kingdom.

Map 5 shows the successor state of the Bahamani kingdom and their

neighbor. It also shows the territory under the particular kingdom during the first half

of the sixteenth century. The disputed territory between the Ahmednagar and Bijapur

was the Solapur, while Raichur was the bone of contention between the Bijapur and

the Vijaynagar Empire.

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1.2 Territorial Expansion of the Sultanate

1.2.1 Possession of Goa and Dabhol in 1498242

By the partition treaty which was concluded in 1498 between Nizam Shah,

Qutb Shah and ‘Adil Shah, Yusuf was left free to annex the territories of Dastur Dinar

and ‘Ain al-Mulk. ‘Ain-al-Mulk accepted the vassalage of Yusuf ‘Adil Shah while

Dastur Dinar put up a stout resistance. He was, however, subsequently killed in action

in 1504 and his territory was annexed to Bijapur. The boundaries of Bijapur kingdom

thereafter stretched between the Arabian Sea in the west and Bidar in the east.

On the west coast Goa, one of the most important ports of India in those

days, and Dabhol, second only to Goa in importance in the Deccan, came into Yusuf’s

possession in 1498. This meant a considerable income from customs revenue, and

what was perhaps more important in those days of incessant warfare, a continuous

import of horses into the kingdom unhindered by any other authority.243

a. Goa

Goa came into the possession of the Adil Shahi in the year 1498 and it was

conquered by the Portuguese in 1510 A.D. Since it was with the Adil Shahi Sultanate

for a very short period, it is difficult to assess its benefit to the sultanate. But, it was

certainly great loss to the Sultanate as it was very important from trade point of view.

“It was more favourably situated than Calicut or Cochin so far as the trade of the Red

Sea and Persian Gulf was concerned, and it was for this reason that Albuquerque

desired to possess it.”244 The detailed information about the trade carried out from

Goa given by Barbosa is enough to understand the degree of loss it caused to the

242 Firishta, John Briggs translation, op. cit., Vol III, pp.14-15. 243 H.K., Sherwani and P.M. Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit. Vol.I, p. 297. 244 Ibid. p.303.

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Sultanate. This information also provides an idea about the nature of trade in Goa

during Adil Shahi sultanate.

“Duties on the fruits and produce of the land yield the King

our lord yearly twenty thousand cruzados, in addition to the port dues.

In this port of Goa there is great trade in many kinds of

goods, from the whole of Malabar, Chaul, Dabul and the great

kingdom of Cambaia, which are consumed on the mainlands and from

the kingdom of Ormus come every year many ships laden with horses,

and great number of dealers from the great kingdom of Narsyngua and

from Daquem come hither to buy them. They pay for them at the rate

of two to three hundreds cruzados a piece, as the case may be, and take

them away to sell them to the kings and lords of their lands, and by

this means one and all they make great gains, and the King our Lord as

well, who receives a duty of forty cruzados on each horse. The Ormus

merchants take hence in their ships cargoes of rice (great store) sugar,

iron pepper, ginger and other spices of diverse kinds, and drugs, which

they carry thither: and in all their dealings they are by the order of the

King our Lord treated with greater mildness than by the Moorish

kings.”245

Even though Goa became Portuguese possession, but useful for

Bijapur and contributed in the trade and commerce of Adil Shahi Sultanate.

245 Barbosa, op.cit. Vol. I, p. 178.

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b. Dabhol

Barbosa also gives as detailed a description of the port of Dabhol, which he

said was “a great town of Moors and Heathen, preparing to the kingdom of Daquem,

named Dabul.” He said that the harbour was good, and many ships “of the Moors

from divers lands, to wit, from Meca, Adem and Ormus (which bring hither many

horses) and from Cambaya, Dio and Malbar,” came regularly. Trade from the port

inland included ‘copper, quicksilver and vermilion dye’, while cotton cloth and grain

were sent out from the port. Not surprisingly, the customs duties collected at the port

were very large. When the Portuguese landed here, the locals “defended them and

fought very stoutly.” However, the Portuguese succeeded in capturing the port, and

“wrought great destruction therein, wrecking and burning everything, and many ships

as well, which were moored in the river. Those who escaped the slaughter afterwards

returned to rebuild the city, which is now peopled and as prosperous as before, and

wealthy. They work as much mischief as they can to our people.”246

Map 6 shows the territorial possession of the Adil Shahi Sultanate in the year

1525.

1.2.2 Possession of Solapur and Kalyani

During the reign of Isma‘il ‘Adil Shah, Goa was finally lost to the

Portuguese. But Kamal Khan, the regent, was able to reduce the fort of Solapur with

five and half districts dependent on it. In 1547 Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I, got from ‘Ali

Barid Shah the fort of Kalyani as price of his help against Nizam Shah.

246 Ibid. pp.164-166.

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1.3 Establishment of Various Bazaars in the Bijapur City

As per the need of a capital city various Bazaars were established in Bijapur

during the period.

• Yusuf Adil Shah: Markovi Bazar, Thana Bazar, Nagthana Bazar, Dahan

Khan Bazar, Markur Bazar, Murad Khan Bazar, Palah Bazar, Mubarak

Bazar, and Shahpeth (old ) Bazar.

• Ismaeel Adil Shah: Kamal Khan Bazar, Naka Bazar, and Bare-Khudavand

Bazar.

• Ibrahim Adil Shah I:Jagtate Bazar, Rao Bazar, Sher Karkhana Bazar,

Rangeen Masjid Bazar, Fateh Zaman Bazar, Karanzah Bazar, Safa Bazar and

Shikar Khan Bazar.

The names of Bazaars indicate that during this phase of consolidation of

kingdom the nobles during the reign of Yusuf Adil Shah, Ismaeel Adil Shah, and

Ibrahim Adil Shah, played crucial role in the development of market in the capital of

the kingdom. In such market places food-grains and other goods were transported by

village baniyas from local markets or qasbas.

During this period Yusuf Adil Shah improved agriculture in Konkan area

and the means of revenue collection. Barbosa reported that the flourishing agriculture

gave bumper crops and his kingdom there was a prosperous inland trade.247

1.4 Territorial Loss to the Sultanate

This period of establishment and consolidation of the Adil Shahi kingdom

also saw the loss of Goa in 1510 and districts of Salsette and Bardesh around 1548 to

the Portuguese. Ibrahim Adil Shah by the treaty signed with the Portuguese on 22

247 Kolhapur District Gazetteer, Maharashtra State Gazetteers, 1960, op. cit., p.384.

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August 1548, confirmed the Portuguese possession on the two districts.248 The loss of

this places badly affected on the trade and commerce of the Sultanate.

2. Impact of Cultural Syncretism on Trade (1558-1627)

This period has long been seen as the height of the Bijapur Sultanate, in

political, economic and cultural terms. During this period, the Sultanate began to

expand southwards, a movement that was completed in the next phase. This section

traces the nature of the trade and commerce against the background of the physical

growth of the kingdom under Sultan Ali I Adil Shah and cultural syncretism under

Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II.


During this period a major expantion of Bijapur kingdom took place after the

destruction of Vijaynagar kingdom in 1565. ‘Ali ‘Adil Shah moved towards the

south-east and within a few years added to his dominion the forts of Adoni, Turkul,

Dharwar, Bankapur, Jerreh, Chandragutti, Karur and Barcelore. Adoni was taken in

1570 while the rest were reduced during the years 1573 to 1576.249

Bidar was the only acquisition made by Ibrahim Adil Shah II. It was annexed

to Bijapur in 1618-1619. Although he was able to conquer Mysore, it could not be

fully annexed to Bijapur.

Map 7 shows territorial possession of the Adil Shahi Sultanate in 1605.

248 D. C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., pp. 55-58. 249 D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., pp. 130-34.

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2.2 Collection of Annual Tribute from Karnatak

The victory of Bijapur over Vijaynagar frightened many Nayaks of

Karnatak. The Raya of Jerrah and Chandragutty, Raja of Karur, and Rani of Barcelore

and other chiefs paid their respects to Ali Adil Shah and agreed to pay annual tribute.

Ali adil Shah left Mustafa Khan in Karnatak as commander-in-Chief and appointed a

Brahmin to superintend the collction of recenue in his new found territories.250 The

wealth accumulated from the Karnatak contributed in the development of Adil Shahi

Sultanate. It boosted the urbanization of its capital Bijapur.

2.3 Set up of New Suburb Shahpur

It was said that, before his accession, Ali Adil Shah I marched from Miraj to

Bijapur and stayed at Kishwar Khan’s gardens, four kilometres in the west of Bijapur.

From there the whole nobility and the subjects of all classes welcomed him in the city.

To commemorate his accession he ordered a town to be erected near Kishwar Khan’s

gardens. In accordance with his wishes, a new suburb of Shahapur was built.251 He

laid out the suburb of Shahpur in 1559 and rehabilitated the ruined city of Vijayanagar

(Hampi). He constructed the forts of Bijapur (1565), Dharwar (1567) and Bankapur

(1573) and also planted Ali Bagh, Alvi Bagh, Fidak Bagh and Bara Imam Bagh, the

beautiful gardens of fruits and flowers.252

2.4 Construction of Nauraspur and Other Monuments

During the early period of regency to Ibrahim Adil Shah II, Dilawar Khan

gave a solid foundation to the working of the Sultanate. In those days a good team of

workers had come together and it consisted of the courtier of the king, workers,

250 Ibid. p. 133. 251 Muhammad Ibrahim Zubairi, Basatin al Salatin, Marathi translation, op. cit., p. 82. 252 Abdul Gani Imaratwale, History of Bijapur Subha, op.cit., p. 22.

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famous merchants and trustworthy and able foreigners.253 During the reign of Ibrahim

Adil Shah II the kingdom reached its highest glory in administration, culture, fine arts,

painting, art and architecture, etc. He constructed the town of Nauraspur, saatkhandi

Mahal, Dilkush Mahal, Anand Mahal, Sangeet Mahal, Haidar Bruj, Ibrahim Rauzah

and many other beautiful edifices in his kingdom.254 “Ibrahim Roza, was a tomb of

Ibrahim Adil Shah II, is part of a splendid group of buildings. It was commenced soon

after his accession to the throne and took thirty-six years to complete, and according

to an inscription, the cost was 1,50,900 huns, or about £ 52,815; this however,

represents only the cash expenditure, since the workmen, were probably paid in

grain.”255

2.5 Establishment of Bazaars

Some Bazaars were established during this period;

• Ali Adil Shah I: Shahpeth (new) Bazar.

• Others:Ikhlas Khan Bazar, Yusuf Rumi Khan Bazar, Shah Abu Turab Bazar,

Abdul Razzaque Bazar, Langar Bazar, Mahmood Shah Bazar, Dad Mahal

Bazar, etc.”256

The names of Bazaars indicates the involvement and role of the nobles in

development and establishment these market places. In such market places food-

grains and other goods were transported by village baniyas from local markets or

qasbas.

At Bijapur Asad Beg for the first time came across tobacco. “Never having

seen the like in India, I brought some with me, and prepared a handsome pipe of jewel

253 Fuzuni Astrabadi, Futuhat-i ‘Adil Shahi, unpublished English translation by Dr. P.M.Joshi, Vol IV, pp. 51-52.

254 Ibid., p. 23. 255 J.D.E., Gribble, History of the Deccan, op cit., p.249. 256 Ibid. p. 57.

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work. The stem, the finest to be procured at Achin, was three cubits in length,

beautifully dried and colored, both ends being adorned with jewels and enamel. I

happened to came across a very handsome mouth-piece of Yaman cornelian, oval

shaped, which I set to the stem; the whole was very handsome.”257

3. Stagnation or Decline (1627-1686)

This section describes the trade pattern of Bijapur Sultanate for the period

from 1627-1686. It therefore focuses on the ups and downs of the kingdom under

Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah, Sultan Ali Adil Shah II and Sultan Sikandar Adil Shah

and attempts to trace out its impact on the trade of the kingdom. It was during this

period that the Bijapur Sultanate expanded to the east cost of India, and got access to

the ports of this coast as well. In the second half of the century, with the establishment

of the Maratha kingdom of Tanjavur, some amount of control was exercised over the

Kaveri delta, a major area of production in the region. However, from the 1660s,

access to the ports on both coasts began to be rather difficult. On the west coast, many

of the ports came under Shivaji’s control, while control of those on the east coast was

already being contested by the Sultanate of Golconda, and the Dutch and the English,

in addition to the local Nayaks. The end of the period saw the end of the Bijapur

Sultanate itself.


The kingdom of Bijapur reached its zenith during the reign of Muhammad

‘Adil Shah.

257 Wikaya-yi Asad Beg, op. cit., p. 163.

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a. Addition of fort Parenda in the Sultanate

A strong fort of Parenda, of the north side of the kingdom, was

surrendered to Muhammad Adil Shah by its commander in the year 1632.

b. Inclusion of Southern Provinces of Nizam Shahi Sultanate

Around A. D. 1633, with the help and assistance of Adil Shahi Sultanate, the

Mughals virtually ended the existence of Nizam Shahi Sultanate. After this victory, a

large portion of Nizam Shahi province was shared by the Adil Shahi Sultanate and the

Mughals. Transformations of these provinces were made around A. D. 1636. As per a

treaty, it was decided that the following Nizam Shahi provinces should be possessed

and ruled by Adil Shahi Sultanate.

i) Deccan province between rivers Bhima and Seena.

ii) Solapur and Vangani Pargana along with Solapur and Paranda forts.

iii) Entire province under Nizamshahi Konkan.

iv) Pune and Chakan Pargana (allotted to Shahaji Raje)

v) The remaining province especially towards northern side of river Bhima

should be possessed and ruled by the Mughals.

Map 8 shows the territorial possession of the Adil Shahi Sultanate in the year

1636.

c. Southward expansion and control on ports of Coromandel Coast

The Vijaynagar Empire declined considerably after the terrible defeat in the

battle of Talikota, in the year 1565 A.D., even if the much smaller empire continued

until the 1640s. However, after 1565, its military nayaks became independent rulers,

first in Madurai and Tanjore, then in Mysore and Ikkeri, and finally in Jinji. The

heartlands of the empire were first eroded by the rulers of Golconda, then its southern

and south-western possessions by the rulers of Bijapur.

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Bijapur’s southwards expansion, though not as spectacular as that of

Golconda, also made it a coastal power. Not as well endowed as Golconda, the Adil

Shahi kingdom of Bijapur looked to the east after it had achieved stability in its

affairs. After an agreement with Golconda and an accommodation with the Mughals,

Bijapur commenced its drive into southern Karnataka. Bijapur and Golconda divided

the coastal territories between themselves, with the Palar River as the dividing line.

Bijapur took the lands south of the Palar up to the frontiers of Tanjore. This gave

Bijapur control over seaports to the south of Sadraspatnam including

Devenampatnam, Cuddalore, Porto Novo and Puduchery. The decade of the mid

seventeenth century saw the height of the power and prosperity of Bijapur kingdom.

In the south and south-west Muhammad ‘Adil Shah acquired more than 50

forts so that Bijapuri territory extended right up to Mysore in the south and Vellore

and Jinji in the south-east.

During the second half of the 17th century Shivaji snatched away

considerable territory and a number of forts from the Bijapuri governors in the

Karnatak. However, when the kingdom fell into the hands of the Mughal in 1686, it

included more or less the territory described above.

Map 9 shows the territorial possession of the Adil Shahi Sultanate during

1656-74.

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3.2 Trade Development At Chaul

In 1636, Chaul comes under Adil Shahi Sultanate; it was a very important

port during the period under review. Adil Shahi government took important measures

to promote trade through this port. As mentioned earlier (pp. 58-60) a detailed

description of Chaul has been given by Barbosa, which he described as a place of

“great trade”.

The Adil Shahi government always supported the trading activities. The

Government inhabited many market places in the towns and villages. The shops were

built for the traders, and were given on rent, without discrimination of religion.

Zubairi gives us a very detailed account of it.258

We have a record in the shape of a document, regarding the establishment of

a new peth in Chaul, which shows the extent of the state’s patronage given to the

trade. The market place was called ‘peth’ in the document. Muhammad Adil Shah

gave orders to populate the new peth, called Rustumabad in muamala

Cheul 259 (Murtazabad). Shamji Sivdeu was the Subedar of muamala Cheul, he

established the Peth. The following guidelines were laid down while establishing this

Peth260.

1. All the traders were given a qaul (assurance) by the government that tax

exemption for next twelve years shall be given.

2. Octroi exemption shall be given to neighbouring traders on their goods.

258 Muhammad Ibrahim Zubairi, Basatin al Salatin, Marathi translation, op. cit., p. 354. 259 S.V.Avalaskar ed. Shiv Charitra Sahitya Vol. IX, No.40 dated 1643 AD & Shiv Charitra

Sahitya Vol. X No. 3. 260 G.T. Kulkarni, Agriculture, Trade and Industry in Medieval Konkan (1500-1700 A.D.),

unpublished, Key Note Address, Medieval Section, Konkan Itihas parishsd, Madgaon, Goa, 2nd & 3rd Feb 2013.

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3. The traders and cloth merchants buying goods from Konkan market shall be

exempted from payment of Sawai-octroi duty.

4. They are exempted from payment in respect of a) Niputrik b) Non-revenue

tax (ghair-mahasul), c) tax on bullocks d) Vrhad taka.

5. In Rustamabad Peth, there are old warehouses, since Malik Ambar’s time.

Prabhus and Senvis, would build warehouses at the new settlement, they

would carry goods from Revdanda, Konkan or over the ghats; charge octroi

at half the rate. Similarly, Khatre and Patve trading community people would

make their homes in the Peth. Patve would trade in taffeta cloth, and the

Khatris traded in goods (accessories) required by silk weavers of Cheul.

They are exempted from octroi duty. The same Khatri traders would take

back silk goods for sale. They are exempted from payment of commission to

the Patvas.

6. Similarly cotton weavers (nadaf) and Chate cloth merchants are exempted

from octroi.

7. The rayat of the peth would bring rice, nachani and many other goods from

the other territories; they should not be troubled for octroi.

8. Bangle sellers (Kasar) have settled at a place called Bogar, in the Peth. No

revenue recoveries are made.

9. The settlers of the Peth would build new ships. The ships would visit the

peth from time to time, do not charge octroi.

10. Cloth merchants are exempted octroi and other taxes for a period of 12 years.

11. Gavalis would bring rice in shallow boats; charge only 3 takas instead of 6

from each person.

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12. People from Haveli and villages of Konkan; bring goods these goods are

exempted from import duty.

13. All those illiterate persons who would come to Peth and stay there do not use

them for veth-bigar.

14. The Sultan has given the land for the establishment of the peth for trading.

Nobody should quarrel for the land for mosque or any other count.

15. Many tribes would come and settle down in the peth, they should not be

troubled for tax for next twelve years.

16. All those settlers in the Peth, who would grow plants should be exempted

from payment of taxes.

17. All those coming and settling down in the Peth from Cheul, Revdanda, new

towns, or villages, also from Talkonkan and Balaghat, though they be

indebted to money lenders (sahukars), they be protected for a period of five

years in respect of repayment of the debt.

The content of the above document are clear and simple. It explains the

encouragement given by the Sultan to the trade and commerce.

The collection of octroi duty was apparently a great source of revenue to the

state. The octroi collection was mostly given on contract to the private individuals. In

one of the published Adil Shahi documents, we get some details of items on which

octroi were charged. Here are the details,261 Food grains – urd, massor, teel, grams,

wheat, many varieties of rice, nachani, methi, seeds, jaggery etc. then slaves and

prisoners. Cattle—buffaloes, cows, bulls and horses, cloth and its varieties—

261 S.V.Avalaskar ed. Shiv Charitra Sahitya Vol. X, No. 6 pp. 8-15. The document gives rates for each item in the list.

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pitamber, sarees, dhoties, coloured cloth, yarn, blankets, all types of condiments,

furniture, timber, iron, tobacco, soap, dry fruits, ornaments with many details, quick

silver, glass, items manufactured by buruds, large and small ships sailed in the port.

Koli’s fishing net, small boat manufactured and sold, fish, dry fish, country liquor

(made from maad), and all items of vegetables including fresh fruits.

The above list is not exhaustive, but it shows the enormous turnover in terms

of trade, during the period under review.

Muhammad Adil Shah conquered the numerous Hindu states of ‘Carnatic

and Malanad’, i.e. Mysore plateau in the period from 1636 to 1650. As a result the

boundaries of the Adil Shahi Kingdom expanded from the shores of the Arabian Sea

to Bay of Bengal. His kingdom comprised 281 parganahs with a total income of Rs.

7, 84, 61870 and 1.5 Annas. His sphere of influence spread over more than half of the

Deccan.262

In 1648 the Bijapuri army captured Jinji, the wealthy hill fortress, about

thirty-five miles northwest of Pondichery. The single conquest yielded to government

forty million huns of gold bullion, all loaded on a caravan of eighty-nine elephants

and forwarded to the capital.263

3.3 Bazaars During this Period

Mahmud Khan Bazar, in the west close to the Macca Gate, was the business

centre of the city, where the weekly market was held. It was named in honour of

Sultan Mahmud (1626-1656). “The Anekondi Bazar, in the east centre to the north of

the Jama Mosque road, is interesting from its fine large entrance gateway. The ward is

262 Abdul Gani Imaratwale, History of Bijapur Subha, op. cit., p. 24. 263 G. S. D. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, Bombay, Phoenix Publications, 1957,

Vol. I, p. 84.

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said to take its name from ane the Kanarese for elephant, as the royal elephant stables

were in this quarter. The Jama Mosque Peth has some fine old houses inhabited by the

descendants of old Bijapur families. Shah Peth in the north-east near the great dome is

interesting from its being inhabited almost wholly by Gavandis or masons, who,

though they no longer follow the craft, are said to be the descendants of the masons

who built Bijapur. The place is frequently called the Gavandis’ ward.”264

Overall at the end of the sultanate one could came across numerous shops,

markets and Bazaars in the vicinity of the capital. J.D.B. Gribble describes,

“excluding the citadel, Bijapur within walls, during the days of the monarchy, seems

to have been divided into thirty-three wards or peths…The names of this wards

passing west to east, are as follows; 1. Bara Khudan Bazar; 2. Purani Peth; Langar

Bazar; 4. Haidar Bazar ; 5. Pali Bazar ; 6. Fateh Jama Bazar; 7. Mahmud Khan Bazar;

8. Mubarak Khan Bazar ; 9. Karanjin Bazar ; 10. Rumi Khan Bazar ; 11. Kamal Khan

Bazar; 12. Murad Khan Bazar; 13. Ane-kendi Bazar ; 14. Jama Masjid Bazar; 15.

Naghtan Bazar; 16. Jhakti Bazar; 17. Thana Budruk Bazar ; 18. Shabutra Bazar ; 19.

Padshahpur Bazar; 20. Daulat Khan Bazar; 21. Shah Peth; 22. Shikar Khana Bazar;

and 23. Rangin Masjid Bazar. The five most important were Bara Khudan Bazar in

the north-west, Mahmud Khan Bazar in the west, Ane-kendinBazar in the east centre,

Jama Mosque Peth in the east and Shah Peth in the north-east.265

264 J.D.B., Gribble, History of the Deccan, op. cit., pp. 398-399. 265 Ibid. p. 398.

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3.4 Trade And Commerce On Coromandel Coast

3.4.1 Ports

Bijapur’s southward expansion though not as spectacular as that of

Golconda, did make it a coastal power on the east coast as well. After an agreement

with Golconda and an accommodation with the Mughals, Bijapur commenced its

drive to the southern Karnataka. Bijapur and Golconda divided the coastal territories

between themselves, with the Palar river as the dividing line. Bijapur took the lands

south of the Palar up to the frontiers of Tanjore. This gave Bijapur control over

seaports to the south of Sadraspatnam, including Devanampatnam, Cuddalore, Porto

Novo and Puduchery.266

The decade of the mid seventeenth century saw the height of the power and

prosperity of these two kingdoms.

The coastline south of Sadraspatnam was a busy area of trade and traffic

during the seventeenth century. It was littered with a number of ports situated within a

few miles of each other, all serving as points of outlet for the rich textile

manufacturing hinterland up to several miles deep in the interior. The regions served

by these ports were South Arcot, Tanjore, Trichinopoly and Salem and these were

areas of ancient settlement and cultivation.

Map 10 shows the Adil Shahi ports on Coromandel Coast during the second

half of the seventeenth century.

266 D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., chapters VI, VII and VIII.

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3.4.2 The Hinterland

The activity in the Adil Shahi ports along the Coromandel Coast was

generated by the economy of the hinterland, varying in depth and the intensity of its

productivity and consumption.

The vaccume after the fall of Vijaynagar Empire was filled up in this region

by two large and powerful kingdoms of Golconda and Bijapur with their epicentres

respectively in east-central and west-central parts of the Deccan.267 By the 1640s the

Vijaynagar imperial family lived as a pensioner of the ruler of Golconda in the old

family estate of Anegunda. From its large territorial confines arose a number of Hindu

succession states. These Hindu military nayaks soon became independent rulers, first

in Madurai and Tanjore, then in Mysore and Ikkeri, and finally in Jinji. The heartlands

of the empire were first eroded by the rulers of Golconda, then its southern and south-

western possessions by the rulers of Bijapur.268

Since Bijapur did not have enough stability from the very beginning. It had

to contest with many principalities of nayaks rulers of Mysore, Madura, Tanjore and

Ramnad. The Bijapur invaders tried to establish tributary relationship with the

military chiefs of conquered territories, but these lasted only as long as the Bijapur

militia could enforce them. However, the main threat to Bijapur control over its

Caranatic came from the Marathas. Shivaji, after his treaty with Abul Hassan, the

Golconda ruler, felt free in 1677 to attack Bijapur. He marched through Cuddappah to

Vellore and Ginji, which he also stormed and seized. He appointed his half brother,

Santaji, as Governor of Caranatic. In the expansion towards southern region, his

brother Ekoji, captured Tanjore and established a Maratha dynasty there, displacing

267 Sinnappah Arasratnam, Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast, op. cit. p. 40.

268 Ibid. p. 40.

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the old ruling family. Shivaji's brother-in-law, Hariji, become Governor of Ginji.

Hariji soon made himself a maharaja and extended effective control of territory from

the Palar to the Coleroon Rivers.269

The Marathas had governors at the coastal town of Kunimedu and Porto

Novo. Harji strengthening his power base in the area and collected all the revenue he

could from the country to maintain his military establishment. He made occasional

forays into Golconda territory to the north in search of plunder.270

Tanjore, Madurai and Mysore remained reasonably viable political entities

for most of the period, though internecine wars and the destabilizing effects of the

southward expansion of Islamic power soon left an impact on economic activity from

the last quarter of the seventeenth century. The periodic demands of Arcot

government increased in magnitude towards the mid of eighteenth century.271

Though the southern Coromandel ports were ideally placed for the exports of

textile in view of their accessible hinterland and the low cost production, from the

point of view of imports they were at a disadvantage compared to the opportunities

that ports like Masulipatnam or Pulicat and Madras had. These ports were able to

provide a vaster market of the Deccan and northwards, while the hinterlands of the

southern ports were not great consuming markets. The demand for luxury goods was

also relatively lower in these areas. In fact the most bulky imports to these regions

were areca nuts, imported from Malabar and Ceylon and consumed by all classes of

society. The major internal market of this region, besides dealing in textiles and raw

material necessary for their production, was in consumer goods of daily use,

269 D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., pp. 170-75. 270 Sinnappah Arasratnam, Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast,

op. cit. p. 43. 271 Ibid. p. 60.

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consisting primarily of some metal, paddy and rice other food grains, pepper, some

spices and manufactured goods. There were wholesale markets in the region, most of

which were well connected to each other. These markets included Ariyalur, Manalur,

Chidamparam, Lalepettai, Chinna Salem, Manachendur, and Kaveripakkam.272

The Coromandel Coast was known as one of the three great areas of textile

production in India. However, we have very little information about areas of

production of cloth, living conditions of the weavers, and the methods of marketing

the finished cloth. It is well known that all cotton used in manufacture was produced

within the subcontinent and was largely transported internally. There is no evidence

of cotton coming into these producing areas by sea, except later in our period when

there is some shipment of yarn from Bengal to Coromandel. It appears that the

peninsular region produced all the cotton it required and there was a movement of

cotton by land from one part of the Deccan to the other. It appears that the North

Coromandel weaving villages of Telugu country received their cotton from western

Deccan and perhaps Gujarat. A contemporary source talks of cotton being grown

about 230 miles north-west of Madras, which would make it in the region of the

Krishna-Tungabhadra doab, around Raichur. This cotton seems to have been suitable

only for the coarser varieties of cloth, and cotton for finer thread had to come from

outside the region.273

From Dutch sources in particular, we get the names of two major cotton

markets of central Coromandel, Ulundurpettai, about thirty-five miles west of

Cuddalore, and Walajanagar in North Arcot. Further to the south there were Jinji and

Madurantakam, and further southwards Lalpettai, referred to as “a major cotton

272 Sinnappah Arasratnam, Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast, op. cit. pp. 60-61.

273 Ibid. p. 61.

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marketing centre, to which, in the annual fair seasons, merchants came from

Bangalore, Mysore and West Karnatak with large quantities of cotton. About 150,000

pagodas of cotton were sold each year, and this was the main source of supply for the

weaving villages of South Arcot.” Another major cotton market was Ariyalur, about

fifty five miles south of Porto Novo. Indigo and dye-roots grown locally were

transported to markets. Other ingredients in the making of textiles were imported, a

particular sort of dye-root from Persia, some dyes, gum and alum from South East

Asia.274

3.4.3 Trade Relations with the Europeans

Dutch and English were poised for a major growth of their commerce in

Coromandel region and expanding political and military commitments to back their

commerce. Thus a commercial investment was increasingly supported by the

development of military and naval force and by a more aggressive diplomatic

involvement with rulers and governors of the hinterland. This expansion on all fronts

– commercial, naval, political and military—was to lead in the second half of the

seventeenth century to a close involvement between European and indigenous powers

from which important political developments were to issue forth towards the end of

that century and after.275

In the first half of the seventeenth century, powers of the Coromandel

hinterland were generally attracted to the ideas of European traders settling in their

ports. They were given quite extensive concessions to entice them to carry on a

permanent trade. The Vijayanagar emperor had given the Dutch permission to settle

and build a fort at Pulicat in 1612, together with concessions in tariffs and judicial and

274 Ibid. p. 63. 275 Sinnappah Arasratnam, Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast,

op. cit. p. 65.

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police powers within their jurisdiction. In 1640, the English had been given

concessions at Madras in 1640, whereby they had been granted freedom from customs

duties on their imports and exports and half the custom on other goods traded from

that ports. The English had also been allowed to build a fort. The Danes had similar

powers in Tranquebar given them by the Nayak of Tanjore.276

When the Bijapur power expanded further to the south, towards the east

coast, meant an agreement had to be entered into with the state over trade in the

southern ports. The chief Dutch factory here was Devanampatnam, which they had

settled with concessions from the ruler in 1608. It was a valuable collecting point of

particular varieties of textile, indigo and saltpetre. The trade had been disturbed by the

internecine factorial conflicts of the decaying Vijayanagar authorities and the Nayak

of Jinji. The annexation by Bijapur brought some order and there was a mutual

anxiety on the part of the Dutch and the Bijapur to revive the trade and rehabilitate

these districts. “In May 1651 the king granted a Farman confirming the privileges

granted previously by the Nayak of Jinji. In 1654 the Bijapur general Khan-i-Khanan

detailed these concessions in a qaul. The Dutch were permitted to purchase cloth,

indigo, saltpetre and other goods in the Jinji province and transport them to the ports

of Devenampatanam, Puduchery, Porto Novo and others on payment of half the

embarkation duty of 2 ½ per cent. The usual inland road dues were to be paid.”277

Thus the Bijapur state also pursued policies to attract Dutch investment to the

southern Coromandel districts.

Bijapur government vied with Golconda in attracting European investment in

its part of the coast. The previous concessions in Sadraspatnam and Devanampatnam


277 J.E. Heeres and F.W. Stapel (ed.), Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum, Vol.II. 10 August 1654, pp. 25-30.

153

were confirmed. In 1659/60 a major shift in political and naval power along the coast

took place. The Dutch having conquered maritime Ceylon from the Portuguese

crossed the Palk Straits and seized the two Portuguese strongholds of Tuticorin and

Nagapatnam in the far south. Both places were of strategic importance to the trade of

southern India and Indo-Ceylon waters. Nagapatnam had an added commercial

importance in Coromandel. It was outlet for the rich Tanjore hinterland and had

traditional trading ties with the South East Asian islands and Malay Peninsula.278

In the 1670s there was a great deal of internal strife in the Tanjore kingdom

and the Dutch were able to take advantage of this to extend their concessions. The

Nayak of Madurai overran the kingdom in 1670s and in an effort to win Dutch

supports, settled with them confirming all existing concessions and adding to these

the port of Karikal. The state’s share of the customs to be paid by the Dutch was

commuted for total annual payment of 6400 pardao and a tusked elephant. This treaty

was shortlived as the deposed Nayak’s family sought Bijapur’s help. Ekoji, the

Maratha general in Bijapur service, invaded Tanjore, drove out Madurai army and

installed himself on the Tanjore throne in 1675, founding a new Maratha dynasty in

that Kingdom. Ekoji attacked the suburban villages of Nagapatnam with a large army

and laid siege to port on the land side. The Dutch were able to withstand the siege

with reinforcements from their factories in Ceylon. By the treaty of 1676 they won

back all the concessions they previously enjoyed in Nagapatnam and the suburbs, but

Ekoji succeded in recovering the ports of Tirumalpatnam and Karikal.279

The Bijapur general, Sher Khan Lodi, governor of the eastern province of

Valikondapuram, granted Pondicherry to the French for a factory. By the order of the


279 Ibid. p. 71.

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French Directors in India, Lespinay established himself at Pondicherry on 4th February

1673.280 In April, 1674, some sixty French men went to the site and took charge of the

plot of the land, which later on became Pondicherry.281

3.5 Decline of Bijapur

From about the middle of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah’s reign to the

collapse of Adil Shahi kingdom, a period of about forty years, the kingdom underwent

a steady decline in all aspects of its life. Most visible political aspects of this decline,

in particular the rise of an independent Maratha power within the kingdom’s

northwestern districts and the repeated invasions by the Mughal armies, which finally

defeated and annexed the kingdom in 1686.

3.5.1 Plunder of Adil Shahi Marts

During 1635-36 A.D. as per the direction of Shah Jahan, Khan-i Zaman

plundered Adil Shahi territories of Miraj and proceeding from there to the vital mart

of the kingdom Raibagh and obtained a large amount of booty from there.282 In later

years, too, there were instances of this kind of plundering. For example, Annaji Datto

surprised Hubli, a rich market place in the uplands of the Adil Shahi Karnatak, on 16

April 1673. Here the Marathas looted everything they could lay their hands on, and

even the English factory at Hubli suffered considerable loss.283 Around Feb 1674,

Shivaji appointed Anand Rao, to defeat Bahlol Khan. Anand Rao penetrate into the

Kanara, ‘robbed the bazar (peth) of Sampgaon, about 20 miles from Bankapur, in

Bahlol’s jagir, capturing 150,000 hun worth of booty (23March). Thence he set out on

280 M. A., Nayeem, External Relations of the Bijapur Kingdom, op. cit., p. 260. 281 G. B. Mallesan, History of the French in India (1674-1761), Edinburgh, 1909, p. 20 ff. 282 H.K., Sherwani and P.M. Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit. Vol.I, p. 357. 283 Ibid. p. 383.

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return with 3,000 ox-loads of plunder, he also robbled Bahlol Khan’s army, capturing

500 horses, 2 elephants and much other prize.284

3.5.2 Indemnity Imposed by Mughals

In 1657 by a treaty, Bijapur agreed to pay 1½ crore rupees as indemnity,

besides allowing the Mughals to keep their possession of Bidar and Kalyani. 285

Accordingly a treaty was concluded at Agra in 1666 by which Bijapur had to give up

the Mughals the fort of Solapur and the territory adjoining it yielding annual revenue

of 18,000 hons.286

3. 5.3 Decline of Trade

After the capture of Jinji in 1648 Adil Shahi sultanate yielded forty million

huns of gold bullion287, but only six years later, in the year 1654 Muhammad Adil

Shah debased the gold hun, the kingdom’s standard of exchange, by about seventeen

percent and ordered that anyone who refused to accept the devalued coin would have

his property confiscated.288 This action shows that the gold supply of treasury had

become seriously depleted.

Immediately after the death of Ali Adil Shah II the state observed

tremendous unrest, ‘Land revenue had fallen into arrears and trade was at a standstill

owing to the disturbed condition of the kingdom. 289 Abbé Carré described the

disorder at Raybag, saying that the death of Ali Adil Shah II, which had taken place

the previous year, had caused several rival factions to fight. The governors of the

provinces had taken advantage of this turn of events and started pillaging the towns in

284 Jadunath Sarkar, Shivaji and his Times, Orient Longman Ltd, Bombay, 1973, p. 197. 285 H.K. Sherwani, and P.M.Joshi (ed.), Medieval Deccan, op.cit. Vol.I. p. 374. 286 Ibid.p.381. 287 G. S. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 84. 288 See chap. V, p. 195; G.H.Khare, ‘Some More Information on the Hons of Muhammad Adil

Shah’ Bombay, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, Vol XVI, Part, I, 1954, p. 130. 289 Ibid, (Sherwani), p. 382.

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such a way that the inhabitants and merchants had to leave them, because of the

immense sums of money which were instantly demanded from them, and the

governor of Raybag had sealed all the houses and shops of the local merchants, and

forbidden them to be opened on pain of death, until the merchants had paid him an

enormous sum of money. But the merchants were so terrified by this action that they

preferred to abandon their houses and merchandise rather than to live under the

tyranny.290

Trade in the horse was the indicator of Adil Shahi prosperity in trade. The

horse trade decline is seen in the diminishing number of cavalry it could muster

between 1656 and 1686. Bhimsen, a Mughal officer writing in 1700, estimated the

armed strength to the kingdom under Muhammad Adil Shah at 120,000 cavalry, under

Ali Adil Shah II at 80,000 and at the fall of the dynasty a mere 2,000.291

Map 11 shows shrunk Adil Shahi Sultanate around 1680.

290 Abbe Carre, The Travels of Abbe Carre, Vol. I, op. cit., p.234. 291 Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, Calcutta, S. C. Sarkar and Sons, 1929, Vol. IV, p.

155 fn.

157

4. Trade Pattern

This analysis of the trade development during the three phases leads to

determine the pattern of trade of the Sultanate. It traces out which goods were

imported and exported during which period and why. It also examines how the

political expansion, relationship with the Europeans, private trade of nobles and

political challenges posed by the Marathas and the Mughals affected the trade and

commerce of the kingdom.

The Adil Shahi kingdom had a long coastline, and the main ports on the west

coast were Vengurla, Dabhol, Bankapur and Basrur. The last two became more

important after Goa became a Portuguese possession in 1510. After the capture of the

South, the ports of Porto Novo and Nagapatnam on the Coromandel Coast had come

into its possession. Through these ports imports and exports were carried on with

Gujarat, Malabar, Middle East, Africa, Ceylon, China, Maldives Island and European

countries. The chief inland trade centres in the kingdom were Bijapur and its suburbs,

Raibag, Hubli, Athani, etc.292

In the absence of the navy, the Indian rulers were dependent on the

Europeans for foreign trade, particularly overseas trade. “Most of the time discussing

the project of building a navy to counter the European threats, Aurangzeb decided

that it would be cheaper to compromise with European trading companies rather than

to try to challenge them on sea. May be, if the Mughal had been able to consolidate

their hold on the Deccan, and its vast coast-line, they might have felt impelled to

build a navy.”293 Adil Shahi Sultanate also had no navy. The sea was controlled by

the Portuguese whose sovereignty on the sea was undisputed, except by other

292 D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., pp. 89, 92-99. 293 Satish Chandra, Medieval India, Part II, op. cit., p. 419.

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Europeans. Trade in the Indian Ocean was possible only after purchasing cartazes

from Goa. Nor were the rulers spared, for they too had to purchase the Portuguese

cartaz. Vexatious conditions were attached to the issue of these permits. The holders

were not to import or export certain articles mentioned in the cartazes. To ascertain

whether these conditions were being fully and loyally observed the Portuguese

claimed and exercised the right of search.294

Traditionally, the items of trade in the Deccan, including Adil Shahi

Sultanate, included rice, saltpetre, dyes, salt, horses, textiles, pepper and other spices.

Horses were the chief item of import, while textiles and pepper were the chief items

of export. “The main crops of the Bijapur were jowar, wheat, millet, rice, cotton,

grams, sugarcane, tobacco, etc. the coastal belt yielded rice, coconut, pepper,

cardamoms, betel palms, betel nuts, cashew nuts, mangoes, indigo, etc. The vegetable

and fruit in plenty were also produces.”295

The movements of goods for the purpose of trade was made possible by a

complex network, linking wholesalers with merchants down to the regional and local

levels through agents (gumashtas) and commission agents (dalals). Movement of

goods was also facilitated by the growth of financial system which permitted easy

transmission of money from one part of the country to another. This was done through

the hundies.

In earlier centuries, one finds names of guilds of traders, but in the period

under review, these guilds did not exist. A system of monopolies on the production or

purchase of certain goods seems to have existed,296 as can be seen from the English

294 D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., p.220 295 D.C. Verma, ‘Social, Economic and Cultural History of Bijapur’, New Delhi, 1989, pp.70-

79. 296 Bijapur state had a monopoly of Tobacco and Betel leaves.

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Factory Records. Bijapur rulers derived considerable income from license fee for

private minting of coins. Farming out of land for the purpose of revenue collection

was a fairly common feature in Golconda, the revenue farmers enjoyed privileged

status, and they were also able to utilize their surplus for mercantile activities. “The

practice of farming of revenue under the local officials existed in Bijapur Kingdom as

in other states of the Deccan.”297 Revenue farmers can be seen in Bijapur in the time

of Yusuf Adil Shah. We get some references of his efforts in the developments of

revenue system. He introduced the Khoti system (revenue farming).”298

An important feature of the 16th-17th century was the rise of ‘portfolio

capitalists’ 299 , which has been discussed earlier. Some scholars thought that the

trading activity in India was in the hands of merchants who held no political or

military power. However, recently (Sanjay Subrahmanyam) this is being questioned,

especially in the case of Coromandel, and it is argued that the revenue farmers

(mostly the palaiyakkarars), played a constructive role in the development of

economy. Besides their role as revenue collectors, they also indulged in agricultural

trading, development of irrigation, shipping, banking, etc.

297 W.H., Moreland, Agrarian System of Moslem India, pp. 181-187. 298 Satara District Gazetteer, Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Bombay, Directorate of

Government Printing, Stationary and Publications, Maharashtra State, 1963, p. 335. 299Sanjay Subrahmanyam and C.A.Bayly, ‘Portfolio Capitalists and the Political Economy of

early Modern India’, op. cit. pp.242-65.

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chapter iii trade development in adil shahi sultanate 1489

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