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CHAPTER III · SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE OF THE STUDY AREA

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Page 1: CHAPTER III · SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE OF THE STUDY AREAshodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/15790/9/09_chapter 3.pdf · differences in size, socio-economic structure and level

CHAPTER III ·

SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE OF THE

STUDY AREA

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CHAPTER III

SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFI~ OF THE STUDY AREA

The picture of population ageing and the characteristics of aged population

can be associated with the socio-economic and cultural differences between the

two states. The socio-cultural background of aged population in Uttar Pradesh and

Tamil Nadu needs to be understood before commencing with the detailed analysis

of the focal problem of the study. What is the difference in the demographic

characteristics of the aged population in the two states? How does the

socioeconomic scenario of the people differ and to what extent does it influence

the situation of the aged persons? These questions are sought to be answered in

this analysis. This chapter thus presents an overview of the contrasting situation in

terms of demographic and socio-economic characteristics in the two states from

which the study area has been derived.

fhe first part of the chapter talks about the overall demographic

differentials in the two states with regard to aged population specifically, as per

the information available from the census. The second part provides a general

background of the study area, helpful to. understand the differences between the

two areas surveyed. In the third part of the chapter is presented a summary of the

general socio-economic profile of the population covered by the primary survey

and the situation ofthe aged persons therein.

The Cultural Context

Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu represent the hubs of two major cultural

realms of Northern and Southern India, which are also marked by significant

differences in demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the population.

No1ih Indian society, with its roots in the agricultural economy of the Indo-

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Gangetic Plains, is essentially patriarchal and structured on the caste hierarchy of

Jatis interacting within the Jajmani system 1•

Over the millennia, the elements of Greater Hindu tradition have brought

about some uniformity at the macro level between northern and southern India,

such as the adherence to theory of 'Varna' and the 'Caste' system, the primacy of

Vedic rituals, and the patriarchal setup. However, the Southern Indian society is

differentiated on the basis of elements of the original matrilineal culture that

manifest themselves in aspects such as matrilineal descent, preference for

matrilineal cross-cousin and maternal uncle-niece marriage, and the greater

freedom and rights enjoyed by women in the society. These differences are more

objectively manifested in the higher sex ratio, higher female literacy, lower

maternal mortality and higher female wGtk participation rate in Southern Indian

states. The discussion which follows, attempts to examine whether the above­

mentioned differences manifest themselves in the demographic and socio­

economic features of the aged population in the two regions as well.

111.1 Demographic Profile

The first aspect which needs to be looked into is the overall temporal

pattern of demographic ageing in the two states. The pattern of ageing in Uttar

Pradesh is quite different from Tamil Nadu, as can be seen in Figure 111.1.

Srinivas, M.N. (1965): 'Social Structure' in K.N. Chopra (ed.) The Gazetteer of India, New Delhi;p502

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Figure 111.1: Growth of Aged Population, 1961-2016

14 -----1

12

0 .IJ • 10 oil 0 .. ,

8 • Cll • c 0 6

"' .. -; Q. 0 4 II..

~ 2

0 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001. 20()6• 2011. 2016.

~------------------;-1

--India ------- UP ----.- TN I ---------

*-Projection_ Smtrce: Census of India (1991), Ageing Population l?[ India -An Ana~vsis of the 1991 Census Data, New Delhi.

Figure Ill. I presents an interesting picture of the situation of demographic

ageing in the two states. It reflects on the slow progress of demographic transition

in UP_ The state had a higher proportion of aged persons till 1981 (above the

national average), after which the proportion actually declines and more or less

remains stagnant, remaining much below the national average. Tamil Nadu, after

overtaking Uttar Pradesh as well as India on the whole, shows a much more rapid

process of ageing and much higher projected proportion of aged population_ Uttar

Pradesh is yet to reach the stage of demographic ageing of population while Tamil

Nadu is already facing demographic ageing. However, in terms of quantum of

aged persons, Uttar Pradesh being the most populous state in India, also has the

largest elderly population numbering 9.5 million according to the I 99 t census.

Tamil Nadu, on the other hand, has a lower aged population of 4.2 million,

projected to reach 9 million only by the year 2016, by which time Uttar Pradesh ' s

elderly population would have reached over 16 million according to census

projections.

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Table III.l: Selected Demographic Statistics for Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh Selected Demographic Statistics: Tamil Nadu Uttar Pradesh Total Population, 2001 62.1 million 166 million Proportion of Urban Population, 2001 43.8% 20.8% Literacy Rate, 1991 73.4% 57.4% Sex Ratio, 1991 (females per thousand males) 986 898 Work Participation Rate, 1991 (workers per thousand population) 44.8 32.7 Crude Birth Rate, 2000 (per thousand population) 1.9.3 32.8 Infant Mortality Rate, 2000 (per thousand live births) 51 83 Crude Death Rate, 2000 (per thousand population) 7.9 10.3 Life Expectancy at birth, 1995 63.3 years 56.8 years Old Age Sex Ratio, 1991 923 787 Old Age Literacy Rate, 1991 33.7 19.9 Old Age Work Participation Rate, 1991 40.0 45.0 ~faged among dependants, 1991 12.5 6.4

Source: Census of lndw (1991), Agemg PopulatiOn of lndra- An Analysis of the 1991 Census Data, Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, New Delhi.

SRS (1997), Compendium of Fertility and Mortality Indicators, 1991-95, SRS Bulletin, April 2002.

Uttar Pradesh is the fourth largest Indian state in terms of area, with the

largest populat!on in Il}dia. In 2001, the population of Uttar Pradesh was 166

million. Tamil Nadu, the southern most eastern coastal state, is much smaller than

Uttar Pradesh, ranking sixth in terms of area and tenth in terms of population: 62.1

million in 2001.

The demographic differentials between the two states reflect upon the

social differences as well as the status of the aged therein. Tamil Nadu has a

greater level of urbanization than Uttar Pradesh. It also has a much higher sex

ratio, both for general population and specifically for aged population, indicating a

higher status for women in Tamil Nadu. This has resulted in higher literacy and

workforce participation among females in Tamil Nadu than in Uttar Pradesh. This

consequently has an influence on the fertility and health indicators. Thus, Tamil

Nadu has a higher longevity, lower mortality, infant mortality rates and bhih rates

as compared to Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh in fact has one of the highest birth

rates in the country at 32.8 per thousand.

Uttar Pradesh has a predominantly agrarian society, which is able to

support the huge population. The aged population numbers about 9.5 million as

per 1991 census, as compared to 4.3 million in Tamil Nadu. The aged persons :in

such an agrarian setup find economic support through participation in the family

labour at the farm. Rural work participation rate among the aged is as high as 70%

in Uttar Pradesh. The grea~er need for work participation, spurred by the poorer

economic status of the aged is reflected in the higher Old Age Work Participation

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Rate (percentage of workers in the total aged population) in Uttar Pradesh, while

in Tamil Nadu the aged persons are able to withdraw from occupations and lead a

retired life. The percentage of aged among dependants is consequently much

higher at 12.5% in Tamil Nadu as compared to 6.4% in Uttar Pradesh.

District-level Pattern of Aged Population:

The pattern of distribution of aged population at the district level shows a

higher proportion of aged people in the predominantly rural and less developed

districts of both Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. In Uttar Pradesh, the whole of

Eastern Uttar Pradesh, which is facing large out migration of young people in

search of employment, has a higher proportion of aged to total population.

Consequently such districts show higher work participation for the aged as

compared to other districts with lower proportion of elderly. Districts with higher )

urban population and higher industrialization, such as Lucknow, Kanpur (Nagar),

Allahabad, Ghaziabad, Agra and Firozabad generally show lower proportion of

aged population. This indicates the largely rural base of the aged population and

the consequent problems relating to poverty, lack of family support, and

destitution among the aged. Some districts in southern Uttar Pradesh also have

low proportion of aged population, such as Jhansi and Sonbhadra. The Terai

districts of Pilibhit and Bareilly along with neighboring districts of Rampur and

Moradabad have a low proportion of aged population mainly because of a

prosperous agriculture and industrial base, which prevents out migration of young

people in search of employment. Another belt of relatively higher proportion of

aged people is in Western Uttar Pradesh, comprising mainly the districts of

Meerut and Bulandshahr. The high proportion of aged in these districts may be

due to better life expectancy due to improved medical facilities. In Tamil Nadu on

the whole the districts have a much higher proportion of aged people. The

proportion is very high in the southern districts of Kanya Kumari, Tuticorin and

Tirunelveli, and also in the industrialized and agriculturally developed belt of

Coimbatore and neighboring districts. The agriculturally rich districts of Cauvery

delta have a comparatively lower proportion of aged people. The districts of

northern Tamil Nadu on the whole have lower proportion of aged as compared to

the rest of the state.

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Uttar Pradesh

Pattern of Aged Population 1991

% Population above 60 years of age

c=J Below6 c:=JS-7

7-8 .. Sand above

Source: Census Of India, 1991

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Tamil Nadu

Pattern of Aged Population 1991

%Population above 60 years of age

Below 6 6-7 7-8 8 and above

Source: Census Of India, 1991

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111.2 Study Area: A Socio-economic Profile

The primary survey was divided into two components - rural and urban. In

order to .represent the urban aged, the capital cities were selected from both states

- Chennai in Tamil Nadu and Lucknow in Uttar Pradesh. Both cities show major

differences in size, socio-economic structure and level of infrastructure

development. While the former is one of the four metropolitan cities in India with

its urban spread encompassing a major part of the neighboring district of

Chengalpattu as well, the latter is among the twelve largest cities in India though

much smaller in size than Chennai. However, they were selected on the

assumption that the living conditions and nature of problems faced by the urban

aged in both cities would be similar due to similar economic background and

cor1ditions of urban living among the people surveyed. A representative sample of

80 households with aged members was taken in each city.

The rural areas covered by the primary survey· were located in the

neighboring districts of Chengalpattu in the case of Tamil Nadu and Unnao in the

case of Uttar Pradesh. This was necessary in the case of Tamil Nadu because

Chennai is a wholly urban district and hence rural areas necessarily fell in a

neighboring district. In the case of Uttar Pradesh the villages were chosen on the

basis of their distance from the main city of Lucknow, keeping the conditions as

similar to the case of Cheru1ai as possible. The villages in both states were located

within a day's commuting distance from the capital cities. However, while in

Chennai though they were more distant, yet interaction was regular due to greater

c01mectivity and flow of transportation. However, in case of the villages in

Unnao, though they were at a lesser distance from Lucknow, the connectivity was

poor and people did not prefer going to Luclmow. In both the areas, access to

urban health centers was limited, in the former by the high cost of transportation

and in the latter by the absence of means as well as reluctance on part of the

villagers to venture out.

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Urban Localities

To elaborate further on the differences between the two districts in which

urban population w<.s surveyed, let us examine the figures in the table below.

Table 111.2: Selected Demographic Information for Chennai and Lucknow, 1991

CHENNAI LUCKNOW (U)

Total Male Female Total Male

Area (square km) 174 - - 360 -Female

-Population 3841396 1986278 1855118 1731224 925291 805933

No. of households 798279 - - 302613 - -Density of population 22077 - - 4816 - -Sex Ratio 934 - - 871 - -% of 60+ population 6.7 6.5 7 5.3 5.4 5.2

60+ Literacy rate 60.3 76.9 43.7 49.9 64.3 32.6

% Main 60+ workers 16.8 30.1 3.4 23.6 39.81 4.2 Source. Census of lndra, 1991

··.;·

The huge difference in area of the two districts is because while Chennai is

an entirely urban district and includes only the Chennai Municipal Corporation,

Lucknow includes the Lucknow Urban Agglomeration (constituted by Lucknow

Municipal Corporation and Cantonment Board). Lucknow has a larger urban area

than Ch~nnai constituted by nine_ statutory towns. But it has a much lower density

of urban population as compared to Chennai. The urban population in Chennai

was 3.84 million in 1991 (with a combined metropolitan population of 5.4 million

inclusive of the urban sprer.d in Chengalpattu district included in Chennai UA) as

compared to 1.7 million in Lucknow (the population of Lucknow UA being 1.67

million), ___ Urban population constituted 62.66% of the total population of Lucknow

district. The discussion here is restricted only to urban population of Lucknow

district, since the comparison is with an entirely urban district.

In Chennai, as in the rest of southern India, sex ratio is high. In Lucknow,

on the other hand, sex ratio is much lower. Lucknow has a lower proportion of

main workers to total population at 26.6% as compared to 30.5% for Chennai.

With higher work pmiicipation, dependency ratios are consequently lower in

Chennai (539) as compared to Lucknow (687).

Chennai has a higher proportion of elderly at 6.7% as compared to

Lucknow which has 5.3% elderly population. The proportion of aged females

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(7%) is higher than aged males (6.5%) in Chennai. In Lucknow the proportion of

aged females (5.2%) is almost the same as that of males (5.4%). The aged

population in Chennai is more literate than in Lucknow. The old age dependency

ratio is also much higher in Chennai (103) as compared to Lucknow (90). The

reason for this may be greater sense of security among the aged people in Chennai

than in Lucknow, which permits them to enjoy a retired life after 60 years of age

without having to support themselves through work. This is also reflected in the

_f~r:t;,/:b::\tJh,.·~-~:.·.,;,~~·:~11 -::f'main workers to total population in the 60+ age group is

much lower in Chennai (16.8%) as compared to LucKnow ~L.J.o~·o). This is true for

both aged males and females. Thus the aged population in Chennai shows a higher

dependency and lower work participation than the aged population in Lucknow.

Within the two cities as mentioned earlier three localities each were

selected on the basis of relative economic status, based on type of residential

areas. The localities were one each of high, middle and low income residences. A

sample of 25-30 households were surveyed from each locality to derive an idea of

the problems and needs of the aged in these localities as representative of the

overall problems and needs of the aged belonging to similar economic status

living in urban areas. Information available on these localities from the 1991

census has been summarized in the table below.

Table III.3: Localities Surveyed in Chennai and Lucknow: Basic Information from the 1991 Census.

Chennai Lucknow --Madipakkam Triplicane Perambur E Wazirganj Saadatganj Nirala Nagar

Population -Total 114Y 23772 1849~ 34447 41118 46323

-Male 5898 12141 9693 18343 2189~ 26351

-Female 5539 11631 8801 1610~ 1922~ 19972

INo. of households 245( 488( 3784 5023 5268 717(

Sex Ratio 939 958 908 878 878 758

Literacy Rate - Persons 90.87 78.81 88.51 61.24 61.7( 78.74

Males 94.91 86.98 93.2( 66.62 69.98 85.49

Females 86.61 70.28 83.27 55.02 52.21 69.60

Work Participation Rate for main workers:

-Total 29.23 28.12 32.31 51.912 47.93 41.49

-Male 48.4( 49.7 51.2~ 53.3( 51.9~ 49.45

-Female 8.7( 5.52 11.43 18.8 9.53 14.71 Yo of Scheduled Caste Population 13.2( 6.97 0.22 7.01 10.0( 6.45

Source. Census of lndta, 1991.

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The three localities surveyed in Chennai were Madipakkam, Triplicane

and Perambur East. Lying on the outskirts of southern Chennai, Madipakkam ·

colony was developed with the purpose of decongesting the old residential

localities within the municipal corporation. Plots were sold at low prices and

attracted many middle class families with income largely between Rs. 8-15,000

monthly.

Triplicane, the second locality surveyed, is one of the oldest settlements in

Chennai and was the home of educated upper classes, mostly Brahmins. With the

expansion of the city, it degenerated due to lack of scope for expansion or

provision of civic amenities. The ·richer families moved out into newer, better I

-' planned colonies, with better facilities and lesser congestion. It is now a

predominantly low to lower-middle income residential area, with a lingering

significant Brahmin presence. Triplicane has the unique appearance of an old

township with narrow lanes and congested closely packed houses.

Perambur, being a large area, has been divided into three zones, of which

one was ·covered in the survey.- Houses were selected mainly from a private

residential area with large plots belonging mostly to the upper and upper-middle

classes. This part of Perambur has a well established upper class residential area

with wide roads, open spaces and good infrastructure facilities.

Madipakkam has the lowest population among the three localities

surveyed in Chennai. The almost exclusive movement of retired professionals into

Madipakkam has raised its literacy rate to 90.87%. Madipakkam thus has the

highest literacy among the three localities followed by Perambur East (88%) and

Triplicane (78%), which had comparatively low literacy since the population

belonged·mostly to the lower income group.

The structure of employment shows highest proportion of primary workers

in Madipakkam, since it was earlier a village and has now been usurped by urban

growth. Still some agriculture is practiced there, mostly market gardening.

Secondary workers were highest in Triplicane (mostly factory labour and transport

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workers) while they were lowest in Perambur. Consequently te1iiary workers, also

the highest paid category, were highest in Perambur followed by Madipakkam and

Triplicane.

The localities surveyed in Lucknow were much larger in size in terms of

population and number of households as compared to those surveyed in Chennai.

The three localities surveyed were Wazirganj, Saadatganj and Nirala Nagar.

Wazirganj is an extensive area consisting of several residential colonies and

commercial areas. One of the middle class residential areas within Wazirganj was

covered -in the survey.

Saadatganj, like Triplicane in Chennai, is a typical old residential area of

the old city, facing considerable decay and neglect. Its narrow lanes or Galis an}

open drains along with poor facilities and extreme congestion no longer appeal to

the moneyed classes, who have moved out to better residential areas. Hence

Saadatganj has now become a low income residential area occupied mostly by

factory workers, low grade employees, artisans, small retailers and the like.

Nirala Nagar is a comparatively new locality, settled mostly after

independence. It is provided with wide roads. and open spaces since residential

purpose was kept in mind while laying it out. Though it includes some

government colonies, the houses surveyed consisted of largely upper class homes

constructed in large freehold plots.

Njrala Nagar was also the largest of the three localities surveyed in

Lucknow, followed by Saadatganj and Wazirganj. Though Wazirganj was largest

in areal extent, it had lesser number of houses and lower population because of a

large part under commercial use, such as hospital, city railway station, markets

and office complexes. The Scheduled Caste population was highest in the lower

income neighborhood of Saadatganj, followed by Wazirganj and Nirala Nagar,

showing a caste bias in favor of the upper castes in the higher income groups.

It is interesting to note that the locality with the highest literacy rate, Nirala

Nagar, has a literacy rate of 79%, which is equal to that of Triplicane, the locality

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with the lowest literacy among the localities surveyed in Chennai. Another

interesting feature is the higher female Work Participation Rate in general in the

Lucknow localities as compared to the Chennai localities (19% in Wazirganj, 15%

in Nirala Nagar and 10% in Saadatganj). This again may be the result of greater

economic need resulting in more women taking up jobs. Also, among the Muslim

families it is very common to find women engaged in Chikan and other

embroider~' work to supplement family income, which may also lead to higher

work participation among them.

The composition of main workers shows that primary workers, though

very low in proportion in Nirala Nagar and Wazirganj, are high at 10% in

Saadatganj. This may be due to the prevalence of livestock rearing - buffaloes

among the Hindus mostly and goat/sheep/cattle rearing among the Muslims.

Secondary workers are highest in proportion in Saadatganj (25%), followed by

Wazirganj and Nirala Nagar. Tertiary workers are highest in proportion in Nirala

Nagar (85%) followed by Wazirganj (83%) and Saadatganj (61 %).

Thus several common as well as contrasting features can be identified

between the localities surveyed. The upper class residential areas - Perambur and

Nirala Nagar- both showed lowest sex ratio, high literacy and highest proportion

of tertiary workers and extremely low proportion of the Scheduled Castes.

However work participation was high in Perambur while it was lower in Nirala

Nagar. The middle class residential areas were marked by high sex ratio and high

propmiion of tertiary workers, though Wazirganj ranked low on literacy, lowest in

proportion of Scheduled Castes and ranked highest in work pariicipation.

Triplicane and Saadatganj, the two low-income localities ranked high in sex ratio,

low in literacy and had the highest propotiion of secondary workers. But the latter

ranked highest in proportion of Scheduled Castes, second in overall work

participation rate and first in the propmiion of primary workers. These trends are

contrary to the pattern seen in Chennai.

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Rural Localities

Chengalpattu in Tamil Nadu and Unnao in Uttar Pradesh were the two

districts in which the rural component of the primary survey was carTied out.

Chengalpattu, containing a substantial part of the urban outgrowth of Chennai

metropolis, is the larger and more developed of the two districts in which rural

surveys were carried out. It has a lesser number of villages and a lower rural

density of population as compared to Unnao, which indicates a larger number of

smaller sized villages in U1mao. The average number of households per inhabited

village in Chengalpattu was 332 while in Unnao it was 202 only. This shows the

smaller size ofvillages in Unnao.

Table III.4 Selected Demographic Information for Ch~ngalpatflu and Unnao, 1991

CHENGALPATTU (R) UNNAO(R)

Total Male Female Total Male Female

V\rea 7155 4504 No. of inhabited villages 1690 1693 Population 2565583 1298354 1267229 1901099 1015650 885449

No. ofhouseholds 561643 341878 Density of population 359 422 Sex Ratio 976 872 Vo of 60+ population 7 7 6.9 7.5 7.8 60+ Literacy rate 25.9 41.9 9.3 16.1 26 Yo Main 60+ workers 40.2 61.8 17.9 45.5 77.3

Source: Census oflndra, 1991.

There is a vast difference in the sex ratio of the two districts, it being 960

in Chengalpattu and considerably lower at 873 in Unnao. This is consistent with

the larger regional difference in sex ratio between the two states. Rural sex ratio is

higher in case of Chengalpattu.

The prop011ion of older people is more in the district ofUnnao (7.2%) than

in Chengalpattu (6.6%), the aged being proportionately higher in rural than in

urban areas in both districts. The high proportion of aged in Unnao is due to large

out migration of young people into neighboring more industrialized and urbanized

districts of Lucknow and Kanpur in search of employment opportunities.

73

7.3 4.1 6.9

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Dependency among the aged is much higher in Unnao (136) than in

Chengalpattu (1 09). This is more so in rural areas than in urban areas. Though

there is a higher dependency among aged in Unnao, the proportion of main

workers among aged is also higher in Unnao (44.4%) than Chengalpattu (30.6%)

in case of both rural and urban areas. The aged in Unnao are greater in proportion,

but the lesser developed between the two regions, with lower literacy, greater

gender disparity and lower status of females, higher dependency and greater work

participation.

The rural areas covered included three villages each in the two states,

located at some distance from the main cities surveyed. The rural sample of

households constitutes the bulk of houses surveyed. The selection process was

cmried out on the basis of 1991 census information on the villages in the region in

the case of Tamil Nadu, while in the case of Uttar Pradesh, assessment was made

on the basis of field visits for lack of published 1991 census data for the districts.

Villages had to be selected in such a manner that they would not be under the

direct area of influence of the cities. Care was taken to select villages with

households with an equal proportion of members of all age groups to avoid areas

with predominantly aged persons.

The three villages covered in each of the states differed in several aspects

from each other. While the villages in Chengalpattu were large in size on average,

villages in Unnao were smaller in size but more numerous. Thus while a total of

136 valid households were covered in the three villages in Chengalpattu, the

sample of 120 households for Unnao had to be made uniform by covering four

villages and a much larger proportion of households in these villages as compared

to those in Tamil Nadu. Thus while houses in Tamii Nadu villages constituted

only 8. 7 % of the total households, the Uttar Pradesh households constituted about

14.2% ofthe totalhouseholds in the four selected villages.

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RURAL r---

Table 111.5 Selected Demographic Information for the Villages Covered in the Primary Survey

TAMIL NADU UTTAR PRADESH

DISTRICT- CHENG ALP A TTU DISTRICT- UNNAO Madoo Marwi

Sirudavoor Manamathy Amoor Sersa Khera Nairn pur Bhitrepar

rrotal population 2085 2650 2078 1551 1035 1195

No. ofhouseholds 488 613 469 303 187 216 Sex Ratio 960 1011 973 857 946 850 Density of population I sq. km 2.57 4.49 3.65 3.36 4.44 4.35 Literacy Rate - Persons 51.43 55.54 40.79 40.93 30.43 30.45 Work Participation Rate for main workers: -Total 39.66 33.25 47.06 32.04 35.17 32.22 Yo of Scheduled Caste Population 71.18 36.11 74.3 62.67 36.14 60.50 Source: Census of Indza, 1991

The three villages surveyed in Tamil Nadu, Sirudavoor, Amoor and

Manamathy belonged to the Thiruporur C. D. block in Chengalpattu taluk of

Chengalpattu district. They are located along the road leading from the small

temple township of Thiruporur to Chengalpattu, a commuting distance of about

four hours from Chennai. All three have pucca roads approaching the state

highway from the village. The villages have a unique morphology, with houses

spread out along narrow lanes, often surrounding a temple or a large tank. The

poorer households belonging to· the lower castes and mostly agricultural labour

were situated in the fringe of the main settlement, in rows of thatched huts with

small yards in front. The more prosperous houses had pucca structures with

thatched shades in the yard for keeping cattle. They were located in the village

interior, surrounding the tank or temple.

The bulk of villagers were agricultural labour, with a small percentage

being cultivators. Many of the agricultural labour had moved to urban areas as

construction labour, leaving their families behind. They often came during the

harvest and sowing· seasons to work in the fields but again returned after that to

the cities: Consequently a large number of aged persons could be found in the

houses, looking after the property in the absence of their children.

75

697 140 864

-4.44

38.17

29.70

37.45

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All three villages were large in size (above 550 square km). In terms of

population Manamathy was the largest with 2650 people in 613 households.

Scheduled Castes were in majority in Amoor (74.3%) and Sirudavoor (71 %)

though in Manamathy they had a much lower propmtion at 36%. Sex ratio and

literacy were much higher in the Chengalpattu villages as compared to the Unnao

villages.

In contrast to the Tamil Nadu villages, the Uttar Pradesh villages were not

only much smaller in size, but also provided with a much lower level of amenities.

The four villages covered in the survey were Sersa, Madoo Khera, Marwi

Naimpur and Bhitrepar. All four villages were located in the Nawabganj C.D.

Block of the Hasanganj · tehsil in Unnao district. Some segregation could be

observed-on the basis of caste in the location of settlements. The villages were

connected with each other by cart tracks. Sersa was the only village with a 6km

long semi-pucca approach road, connecting it with Nawabganj, the block

headquarter and market town on the Lucknow-Kanpur highway. Only cycle

rickshaws were available for commuting between Nawabganj and Sersa. As

mentionea earlier, the level of amenities in the Uttar Pradesh villages was much

lower than the Tamil Nadu villages. Piped water supply was available to most

households in Chengalpattu, which was augmented with well/hand pump for their

drinking water needs. In U1mao, on the other hand, wells were the only source of

water supply.

Agriculture was the predominant occupation in all the villages. There were

numerous small cultivators having very small land holdings and also working as

agricultural labour and cultivators on lease, along with large cultivators who

owned extensive agricultural land. Several young people had moved out to

Kanpur ro work as construction and factory labour. Consequently the elderly were

left behind with the tiny holdings, often cultivating them, or giving them on lease.

They also worked as agricultural labour on other farms.

In no village was the population above 2000. The proportion of Scheduled

Caste population varied between the villages from a high of 63% in Sersa and

61% in Marwi Naimpur to a low of37.5% in Bhitrepar and 36% in Madoo Khera.

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Work participation rates were in general lower than the rates in Tamil Nadu

villages, the difference being primarily the result of much lower female Work

Participation Rate in Uttar Pradesh as compared to Tamil Nadu.

111.3 Profile of the Surveyed Population

The primary survey covered a total population of 2246 persons from 422

households. Persons aged 60 and above, the primary subjl-cts of the survey,

numbered 274 in the Chennai-Chengalpattu sample and 283 in the Lucknow­

Unnao sample. Of these 166 belonged to Chengalpattu and 108 belonged to

Chennai, while 165 belonged to Unnao and 115 belonged to Lucknow. The older

population covered in the primary survey proportioned about 23% in the rural

areas.;:md slightly higher in urban areas (26.5% in Lucknow and 28% in Chennai).

Though the aged had a lower literacy than general population, they were more

literate in the Tamil Nadu sample than in Lucknow-Unnao. Female literacy was

also higher in Chennai-Chengalpattu, as per the general trend.

The age-sex structure shows a higher concentration of population in the

younger age groups as compared to older age groups for both Lucknow-Unnao

and Chennai-Chengalpattu. The higher proportion of older persons in the

population is due to the selection of only those households in the sample, which

have older member/s.

Table 111.6 Age-Sex structure of the Surveyed Population

Percentage of Population to Total Population

Tamil Nadu Uttar Pradesh

Age-groups Chengalpattu (R) Chennai (U) Unnao (R) Lucknow(U)

(Years) Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female

0-4 4.3 5.3 4.2 3.7 3.8 10.5 2.0 0.0

5-14 18.2 18.1 10.4 15.9 25.9 18.7 17.1 18.9

15-49 48.7 46.5 46.4 40.7 45.2 40.6 45.9 47.6 :

50-59 2.9 10.1 6.8 15.9 1.8 7.0 3.9 11.0

60 & Above 25.9 19.9 32.3 23.8 23.4 23.2 31.2. 22.5

Total Population 347 377 192 189 394 315 205 227 Source: Pnmary Survey

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Persons below 15 years of age vary from 19% in Lucknow to 29% in

Unnao, and from 22.5% in Chengalpattu to 17% in Chennai. They also form the

group often looked after by aged members in the absence of, or to supplement, the

working members. Taking care of grandchildren is one of the primary

contributions of the aged members to the joint family.

The age group of 15-49 years varies in propmiion from 40-49% in the

surveyed population. This can be taken as the group of care-givers and workers on

whom the aged persons may be dependent. A larger proportion of persons in this

age group were recorded in Chengalpattu and Lucknow. In Unnao their proportion

was lower due to greater out-migration of persons in this age group in search of

employment.

The age group of 50-59 years is a kind of transitional stage, preparatory to

old age. In this stage the person begins the mental process of preparing for the

changes related to ageing. Many features typical to old age begin manifesting

themselves, such as health problems, growing psychological insecurity and

marriage of children leading to changes in the family structure. It must be borne in

mind that old age is not a well defined chronological 'age' but actually a stage in

life which sets in effectively after the children get married. According to the

Ashram theory, the parents enter into Vanaprastha after the marriage of tlie· son,

which is a kind of voluntary transfer of the functions of the household to the

children followed by a gradual withdrawal from family life. This is in preparation

to the complete withdrawal from the role of the householder to a life of pious

reclusion till death, termed the Sanyasa Ashram. The Ashram theory, being a

basic tenet of the Greater Hindu Tradition, is adhered to in both the North and

South Indian cultures.

In the age group of 50-59 years, females are much higher in proportion as

compared to males in Chennai-Chengalpattu as well as Lucknow-Unnao. This

could be a feature caused due to selection of aged-member households, since the

wives of most currently married aged males were in the 50-59 age group.

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The persons aged 60 and above formed the actual body of respondents and

have been taken to represent the aged persons in the study. This is more of a

statistical convenience rather than an actual age to demarcate ageing, which, as

discussed earlier, cannot be represented by a single specitic age threshold. The

proportion of aged persons was higher in urban than in rural areas, possibly

because the greater longevity in urban areas.

Before going deeper into the social profile of aged persons a background

of the caste structure and income levels of the surveyed population is essential to

build a background for explaining the family status and other features of the aged

persons.

Caste Structure

Caste stratification of sample was possible only for the rural areas, hence

the caste-family dynamics and the effect on aged persons of this is better

understood in the rural context In several cases the caste identity of the household

was withheld and hence in some cases caste identity is not known. This problem

was faced in both Chennai and Chengalpattu. In Unnao no such problem was

faced, though in Lucknow in a few cases this problem was observed.

Figure 111.2: Caste Composition of Households Surveyed

160

140 ! 0 120 s;

' l !----.,

II) 100 ::J

1-

0 80 J: 1- 1-.. 60 0

0 40 z

!----i

! - 1-----,

20 - ~~ 0

Chengalpattu { R ) Chennai { U ) Unnao { R ) Lucknow { U ) I

L ~pper o Intermediate o Low o Others/not ~-p~Zifi~

Source: Prtmary Survey

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Table III. 7 List of Individual Castes Covered across Caste Categories

Caste Categories Constituent Castes

Tamil Nadu Naidu, Chettiar, Mudaliar, Sengundar, Brahmin, Nair, Karuneegar,

Upper Telugu Vaisya, Rajput, Vellalar

Uttar Pradesh Vaisya, Thakur, Brahmin, Kayastha, Khatri, Baniya

Tamil Nadu Arjuna, Vanniyar, Yadava, Vishwakarma, Achary, Naicker,

Intermediate Thattan, Gramani, Nadar

Uttar Pradesh. Mali, Ahir, Yadav, Nai, Kahar, Teli, Kalwar, Bari, Lodh

Tamil Nadu Low

Adi Dravida, Dhobi, Vettai Karan, Adi Andhra

Uttar Pradesh Pasi, Chamar, Dhobi, Kori, Dhanuk, Guria Mallah

Tamil Nadu Malai Karavan (ST), Caste not revealed Others/not specified

Uttar Pradesh Muslim, Caste not revealed

Source: Pnmary Sun'ey

In Chengalpattu, low castes were numerically predominant in two of the

three villages covered. The third and the most prosperous village had a majority of

upper caste households. Among the low castes Adi Dravidas were the most

numerous. They form the bottom of the caste hierarchy in Tamil society and are

mostly agricultural labourers at present. The other low castes covered in the

survey were Vettai Karan who are traditionally hunters by occupation, Dhobi

(washer men), Gramani (toddy drawers) and Adi Andhra (migrants from coastal

Andhra Pradesh).

Among the intermediate--castes were mainly cultivating castes such as

Vanniyar, Naicker and Yadava who are predominantly agriculturists, and castes

identified mainly by their occupational specialization, such as Vishwakarma &

Achary (mostly stone masons and idol carvers), Nadars (palm cultivators and

liquor makers) and Tbattan (goldsmith). The Nadars though ranking low ritually,

have pi~ogressed in the socio-economic ladder mainly through political

mobilization. The upper castes were mostly Bralm1ins, Chettiars, Mudaliars,

Karuneegars, Vellalars and Sengundars. Brahmins were most numerous in urban

areas. Mudaliars (and their sub-caste Sengundar) are the dominant land owning

caste in Chingelput district, and they were the more numerous in the surveyed

villages. --Most of the land-owning families are based in cities, with only

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supervisory control over their land. This is especially true among Bralm1ins and

Chettiars. Land is generally leased out to cultivators belonging to lower or

intermediate castes.

The Chennai sample is composed of mostly upper castes, apart from a

large section not revealing their caste identity. Among the higher castes, about

eleven castes were covered. Brahmins and Mudaliars were the most numerous. A

total of just four low caste households and one service caste household could be

covered.

The caste structure in Uttar Pradesh shows that low and intermediate

castes are more numerous. in Unnao. In the surveyed villages Pasis and Chamars

were the most numerous among those ranking lowest in the caf,te hierarchy. The

more landed among them had assumed the characteristics of dominant caste --

within the village community, since most of the erstwhile dominant castes had

migrated out from the villages. Kori, Dhanuk and Guria Mallah were the other

low castes. The intermediate castes were Ahir, Yadav, Dhobi, Mali, Nai, Kahar,

Teli, Kalwar, Bari and Lodh, of whom Mali and Lodh were the most numerous.

Residential segregation was observed in case of Thakurs whose settlements

(Tolas) were located at some distance from the settlements of the lower castes and

often on higher ground. Among the upper castes Thakurs were the most numerous

followed by Brahmins, Kalwar and Kayastha.

In Lucknow again the overwhelming majority ·was upper caste households

among Hindus. The caste identity of the Muslims was not ascertained, hence has

not been analyzed. Among the upper castes the most numerous were Kayasthas,

followed by Rajputs, Khatris, Baniyas and Brahmins. Only a few intermediate and

low castes could be covered.

---

Economic Status:

Information provided by respondents on their income suffers from lack of

reliability since generally people were reluctant to disclose the information, and

on some insistence it was either rounded off, or understated. Yet a broad idea of

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their relative economic status can be ascertained. The average monthly per capita

incomes in Chengalpattu were higher than in Unnao as a whole, being Rs. 582.02

as compared toRs. 278.85 in Unnao. Among the urban areas, per capita income in

Chennai was lower at Rs. 2818.54 as compared to urban Lucknow (Rs. 3331.46).

There is a greater income inequality observed between the three localities

surveyed in Lucknow as compared to Chennai.

Households were divided into quintile groups on the basis of average per

capita incomes. This has brought out starkly the difference in income levels in the

areas surveyed. Incomes in all classes were higher in Tamil Nadu as compared to

Uttar Pradesh for rural areas. Average income in the lowest group for Unnao was

even less than Rs. 100, indicating extreme poverty in the rural areas. It is only in

the fomth quintile group that the rural income in Unnao (Rs. 292.42) becomes

comparable to Chengalpattu's lowest category income of Rs. 255.53. The reason

for the exceptionally low incomes in Unnao may be because the region is

depressed as far as economic development is concerned.

Table III.8 Average Incomes and Distribution of Households Surveyed by

Income Categories

Average monthly per capita income by quintile groups (rupees)

Average Quintile Groups: Average Monthl Mor:thly y Per Househol Capita d Income Income

(Rs.) (Rs.) 0-20 20-40 40-60 60-80 80-100

Tamil Nadu Sirudavoor 2919.05 577.61

Chengalpattu !Amoor 2592.5C 608.24 255.53 394.30 501.28 665.55 I 081.99

(R) Manamathy 3077.78 560.22

Tamil Nadu Madipakkam 10661.11 3117.72

Chennai frriplicane 8551.72 1969.11 686.55 1469.30 2247.98 3438.54 5964.76

(U) Perambur 16760.0C 3368.78

·Uttar Pradesh Sersa 2413.75 432.52

Unnao Madoo Khera 966.25 239.44 63.51 123.59 187.10 292.42 712.02 Marwi

(R) Naimpur 667.5C 164.59

Uttar Pradesh Nirala Nagar 23907.0C 5471.72

Lucknow Wazirganj 11873.21 3888.99 346.35 845.39 2962.96 4693.23 7467.51

(U) Saadatganj 4493.33 633.66 Source: Prrmary Survey

82

Total tpopulation

in each group

27.2

16.2

24

17

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Variation in monthly per capita mcome by caste categories was not

relevant in the urban sample because of the almost completely upper caste sample.

In rural areas, however, some trends could be observed. In the Chengalpattu

villages, OBCs had the lowest incomes in all three villages. Scheduled Castes had

the highest incomes in the two villages where they were in the majority, while in

Manamathy where they were a third of the population, the forward castes had the

highest per capita monthly income. A similar trend was observed in the villages in

Unnao, with OBCs having lowest monthly per capita income and Scheduled

Castes showing the highest.

Land ownership is another important indicator of economic status. The

proportion of aged persons reporting :~and owdership was highest in Unnao (61 %)

followed by Lucknow (17%). In Tamil Nadu, aged persons in both Chengalpattu ·

(16%) and Chennai (8%) had a low ownership of land. In Unnao though·land

ownership was high, it was in the form of highly fragmented tiny holdings (1-5

bigha) providing some minimum security to the aged in the face of poverty. But it

wasn't sufficient to provide forthe family; hence most cultivators in Unnao also

repmied agricultural labour as their chief economic activity. Aged women also

showed high work participation in agricultural labour.

Dependency and Work Status

A majority of the older population reported their status as that of

dependent non-workers. A larger number of dependents belonged to urban areas

as compared to rural areas, since in the predominantly agrarian rural society, the

elderly continue to participate in farm labour as long as they are physically

capable to do so. As a result of extreme poverty, dependency among the aged was

lowest in Unnao where the older had to work in order to suppmt themselves.

Females generally were engaged in house work and thus kept themselves

sufficiently occupied.

Work status has to be analyzed in terms of both earlier and current

occupation of the older, since most elderly who were working earlier have either

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retired or shifted to other occupations. Reasons for working after retirement are

mostly to pass time in urban areas while it is a financial necessity in rural areas.

The occupational structure shows higher work participation among males than

among females in all areas. Workers in rural areas were mostly either cultivators

or agricultural labour, while in urban areas the occupational structure was more

diverse and belonged mostly to secondary and tertiary sector.

Table 111.9 Distribution of Older Population by Work Status- Urban

Number of Workers Percentage of Workers

Chennai (R) Lucknow (U) Chennai (R) Lucknow (U)

Occupation Categories- Urban Earlier Current Earlier Current Earlier Current Earlier Current Proprietors - large enterprises, senior !Male 37 4 32 I

officials and professionals. IFemale I8 4 2I 5

Clerical, supervisory and Male 20 2 7 I other lower level staff IF em ale 6

..

2 2 I Self Employed Male 5 0 8 6

Female I 2 2 2 Wage labour- Skilled Male 0 0 I5 I5

Female 0 I 6 4 Wage labour- Unskilled Male 0 0 0 0

Female 0 G 0 G Others - urban Male 0 I I I

Female 4 2 0 I Total Workers Male 62 63 24

Female 29 II 31 13 Note: Occupatron categorres as per Nat10nal ClassificatiOn ofOccupatrons Source: Primary Survey

60 57 5

62 . 36 6

32 29 I 2I I8

8 0 I

3 I8 0 0 2

0 9 I 0 0

0 c 0 I4

14 I8 IOC 100 10 IOC IOC 10

Most of the retired aged persons among the higher income groups were

either professionals (teachers, doctors, scientists, etc.) or senior officials. A

significant proportion also belonged to the categories of clerical and other lower

level staff. Work participation among females was prominent only in among

salaried professionals in both Chennai and Lucknow. In Lucknow a significant

propmiion also belonged to the skilled labour category, mostly chikan and zardozi

embroidery workers. It is interesting to note that the skilled workers are

continuing in their occupation in spite of age, while in other categories there is

drastic reduction in the number of workers currently continuing in the same

occupation.

84

4

38 4 8

25 I5 63 3I 0 0 4 8

IOO IOO

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Table 111.10 Distribution of Older Population by Occupational Structure, Unnao and Chengalpattu

Number of Workers Percentage of\Vorkers

Chengalpattu (R) Unnao (U) Chengalpattu(R) Unnao (U)

Occupation Categories- Rural Earlier Current Earlier Current Earlier Current Earlier Current

Cultivators Male 9 4 52 52 10 •(J 57 Female 2 2 38 36 3 5 90

Agricultural labour Male 45 35 22 16 51 54 24 Female 31 28 2 2 61 67 5

Skilled Non-farm Workers Male 12 7 15 I 13 II 16 Female 8 5 0 0 13 12 0

Unskilled Non-farm Male 8 II 3 0 9 I 3 Workers

Female· 12 7 0 c 20 I 0

Petty Trad~rs Mille I 5 0 c 8 8 0 Female 0 0 0 ( c 0 0

Employees/Salaried Male 5 2 0 c 6 3 0 Workers

lcemale 1 0 0 c 2 0 0 Others. - rural Male 3 I 0 o. 3 2 0

rcemale I 0 2 2 2 0 5 Total Workers ~ale 89 65 92 69 IOO IOO IOO

Female 61 42 42 40 100 IOO 100 Source: Pnmary Sun>ey

Family Characteristics

Close to two thirds of the respondents (67-70%) lived in joint families in

Chingelpattu, Chennai and Unnao. In such families the older parents lived with at

l~ast one married son/daughter. The lowest proportion of joint families (56%) was

in Lucknow. In rural society, the poorer households generally break up sooner into

nuclear units due to lack of any binding economic asset/property2, hence the aged

tend to be living either alone, or with one child's family only. Since such low

income and absence of property is generally associated with lower castes,·the aged

in this category have a higher probability of living in nuclear units. As per the

primary data, majority (70%) of the aged living alone or two-member families of

older co)lpies in rural areas belonged to low or intermediate castes.

2 Ibid. p 552.

85

7 9 2

10

10

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Nuclear families in general were larger in proportion in urban areas. Half

of the a~d persons living alone ~elonged to_ t~e lowest income quintile. The aged

couples living alone belonged mostly to the middle income group of third and

fourth incorne quintiles (56%), while the aged were more uniformly distributed

among income groups in case of joint families. In urban areas, economic status

was not the only influence on living anangement. Nuclearization of families is a

trend associated with Westernization and modernization in urban society. Caste

did not play as strong a role in family type of the aged in urban as in rural society.

In urban areas older couples or individuals had mostly_ chosen to live alone

because they did not want to be a burden on their children. They felt that such an

arrangement would hamper the freedom and privacy of the children as well as the

older themselves. Breaking up of the family into nuclear units, however, did not

imply severance of ties with kin-group, which were found to be strong for most ";f

the urban aged. They were maintained by regular interaction and periodic co­

residence of the aged with each of their children's families.

Table 111.11 Distribution of Families Surveyed by Family Type and Size

Average Family No. of households covered Total Size Nuclear Joint Extended Households

Chengalpattu (R) 5.30 42 92 2 136 Chennai (U) 4.70 32 48 I 81 Unnao (R) 5.90 39 81 2 120

Lucknow(U) 5.01 37 44 4 85 Source: Prrmary Survey

The average family size varied among the localities surveyed from less

than four to more than six members. Rural areas had larger family size on average

as compared to urban areas. The smaller family size reflects on the number of

surviving children per elderly person, which was lower in Tamil Nadu sample

(3.2) as compared to the Uttar Pradesh sample (4.1). Children traditionally bear all

responsibility of supporting and caring for their old parents. In this sense it is one

of the reasons for high fertility preference in traditional societies3, since in

traditional society sons are looked upon as providers of support in old age, and

hence larger numbers of children ensure greater security.

3 Dharmalingam, A. (1994): Op Cit. p 5

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Table III.12 Distribution of Households Surveyed by Family Size Groups

% of Households by Family Size <3 members 3-5 members > 5 members

Total Households

lfamil Nadu Chengalpattu-R 18.4 36.0 45.6 136

Chennai-U 22.2 50.2 27.2 81

Uttar Pradesh Unnao-R 26.7 2u.o 53.3 120

L Lucknow-U 24.7 40.0 35.3 85 Source: Pnmary Survey

It is interesting to note that the largest proportion of less than three

member families (which here implies single aged or aged-couple households) was

in U1mao, which is also the economically the most backward of the areas

surveyed. Within this group there was a predominance of low castes. It reflects on

the fragmentation of families and the out-migration of youth leaving behind aged

parents under force of poverty. To the second category of 3-5 members belong

parents living with either unmarried children or with one married child. It is most

fi:equent in Chennai and Lucknow. Large families with more than five members

were found in the rural samples in both states, especially among families with

some land ownership (73%). In such families participation in family farming

activity and joint tilling of land keeps the unit together for a longer time. A higher

fertility rate also accounted for larger family size in Uttar Pradesh as compared to

Tamil Nadu, in both urban and rural areas.

Table III.l3 Distribution of Older Population by Living Arrangement

Tamil Nadu Uttar Pradesh

Chengalpattu (R) Chennai (U) Unnao(R) Lucknow (U)

Living Arrangement Male Female Male Female Male Female Male 1 Fem~~ Alone ~ 2 I 0 II 6 2 With spouse only 14 5 14 8 12 6 1 9 With unmarried children 18 8 9 4 IC 8 I 6

f<\lone with married children 9 34 9 18 15 15 13 With spouse and married hildren 43 19 25 II 41 34 2 17

With other relatives 2 8 4 4 3 4 4 ~otal Older Persons 90 76 62 45 92 73 6 51 Source: Pnmary Survey

87

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Examination of the living arrangement of the elderly in greater detail

showed that most of the older people live with their sons, as per the tradition of

sons looking after parents in old age. Most of the older persons lived with their

married or unmarried sons and also widowed children in some cases. Some older

persons also lived with theii· m'arried daughters in Tamil Nadu where it is common

for the daughter also to care for her parents even after marriage. In many cases

elder married siblings had moved out often leaving such families of older persons

with children who had not yet become economically independent.

The older were heads of households in cases of nuclear families where

they were either living alone or with spouse and unmarried children. In such cases

their savings, or income in case of them being employed still, was the chief

economic support of the household. In several cases older' persons living in joint

families with married son/s also were heads when the financial control was in

their hands and their decision making held sway over the rest of the family. This

was especially true in case of families with own business. However, in some

families, though the oldest member was the titular head, his/her role in the family

was more of ritual significance. The de facto head was the oldest earning member,

yielding true authority on the household.

Table 111.14 Distribution of Older Population by Head of the Household Status

Head of the Household Status among the No. of Older Persons as Heads Proportion to total elderly Male Female ~otal frot Older %to total

jfamil Nadu iChengalpattu (R) 45 5 50 166 ·-· ichennai (U) .. 33 0 33 I07

Uttar Pradesh Unnao (R) 34 8 42 I65 Lucknow (U) 40 5 45 I I 5

Source: Pnmary Survey

About one third of the elderly respondents in Tamil Nadu were heads of

households in both rural and urban areas. In Uttar Pradesh the proportion was

lower at 25% in rural areas and higher at 39% in urban areas. In some cases older

women too were heads of households. This was in case of widows mostly in all

the areas. Their number, however, was not significant.

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111.4 Discussion

Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu can be differentiated from each other

socially on the basis of some major differences manifested in some of the

demographic variables indicating better status of women, lower fertility and

mortality and greater longevity among people in Tamil Nadu. The process of

demographic ageing has been more rapid in Tamil Nadu than in Uttar Pradesh.

The aged population also reflects a greater work participation in Uttar Pradesh

while they are more dependants on kin in Tamil Nadu. The old age dependency

ratios were consequently higher in the districts surveyed in Tamil Nadu. The rural

population covered in the survey in Unnao was economically more backward than

the Chengalpattu sample, suffering from very low income levels and migration of

people in search of better opportunities. It also suffered from lower literacy levels.

It was poorly provided as far as basic amenities were concerned, and transport

connectivity was also poorer as compared to Chengalpattu. The urban population,

on the other hand, was more or less comparable in terms of income levels and

living standards, and also availability of amenities.

Most of the aged persons covered in the higher income groups were

retirees, while in rural areas they participated in farm labour. Poorer aged persons,

whether they were agricultural labour in Chengalpattu and Unnao, or Zardozi

workers in Lucknow, had to work till their health would permit. Among the

poorer families in rural areas, the incidence of nuclearization was more frequent

since they did not have any binding economic asset. Aged persons were found to

be living in smaller units in case of poorer households as compared to more

prosperous landed units where joint families made economic sense in pooling

family labour on the farm.

At the macro level the values and tradition that govern inter-familial

relations between the ageq and their kin, and the role of the aged in the family are

similar in both the areas surveyed, since both are governed by the fundamental

Hindu tenets of Ashram theory and the laws of Karma. Yet at the ground level

differences are created due to different socio-economic factors operating in the

two regions, which lead to variations in the situation of the aged in the areas

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surveyed. Thus we find in general a more dependent yet more secure aged in

Chennai-Chengalpattu, a poorer and more stressed aged in Unnao, and aged

suffering from higher degree of economic insecurity and preferring separate

residence from kin in Lucknow. All these factors, their status in the household,

their control of resources, availability of physical, financial and emotional suppmi

and living arrangement play a vital role in influencing their health status, health

needs and fulfillment of the needs. A more substantial discussion in the .

forthcoming chapters shall elucidate this.

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