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CHAPTER 2

GANDHIAN PHILOSOPHY OF KHADI

2.1 Introduction

Even before venturing into the contemporary evaluation of the entire Khadi

industry there is a need to look at the ‘foundation philosophy’ on which the entire

edifice of the Khadi industry was built. What are its historical roots, role in shaping

the Indian rural employment policy and its relevance today? To what extent did the

ideology actually got implemented? Does it have any contemporary relevance? These

are some of prominent questions that keep arising when one ventures to understand

the Khadi industry; the very name of which connotes a novel aura with historical and

ideological significance embedded in it. Though there are many views expressed by

Gandhiji to tackle different problems in India, here in this chapter we look at only his

philosophy and views related to Rural Development (Gram-Swaraj), Principle of

Trusteeship and Education (Nai Talim) that are relevant for our study.

For Gandhiji the central theme was the revival of ancient self-reliant system of

Indian villages or in other words ‘Gram-Swaraj’. He believed that real progress of

India meant not simply the growth and expansion of Industrial urban centers, but the

development of the rural areas. Self-reliance of the villages was believed to be the

only panacea to save villages from being exploited by cities/industrialism. In fact this

ideology of village development, as being the prime mover of overall development of

the nation, cannot be ruled out even today. As the conditions in the rural areas have

not improved much, despite our recurring efforts through planned economy over past

fifty years.

Gandhiji has evolved three ideologies to propagate his philosophy of rural

development. First, to root out the evils of centralised machine based mass

production; he proposed the decentralized small-scale industrial production, which

provides large-scale employment as an alternative to suit the Indian economic

conditions.

Second, after the First World War the biggest challenge posed before the

Mahatma was the threat of Socialism based on Revolution or 'violence' and the evils

of the ‘Profit seeking’ Capitalism, which were gaining strong hold throughout the

world. To counter such revolutionary philosophies he proposed the principle of

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‘Trusteeship’ as an alternative to fulfill the socio-economic equity and justice

questions in a non-violent way.

Finally, Gandhiji realised that 'education' is the 'foundation' on which the

nature of the society can be molded and it can be used to bring out the desired

changes. For making his ideology of rural development and humanism a successful

one, he developed the philosophy of education based on experience and practical

applicability known as 'Nai Talim'. Nai-talim was expected to be the forerunner for

establishing the village swaraj by increasing the skill capacities of the rural folk, by

developing students as role models to promote the concept of trusteeship and thus

improve the overall economy of the village.

The above three concepts are very much embedded in the philosophy of Khadi

and the institutions which run the production units. These are also a part of the

foundation philosophy of the existing institutional structures (run on Principle of

Trusteeship), which implement the Khadi programme (referred as institutions in the

following chapters). The main idea behind the detailed reading of the philosophy of

Khadi is to unfold the contemporary notions of the Khadi ideology visa-a-vie what

was originally anticipated.

This chapter captures the gist of gandhian philosophy of Khadi and critically

explores its limitations. It is divided into three sections. In section 2.2, we look at the

economic logic behind the promotion of Khadi or rather the economics of Khadi as

perceived by Gandhiji. Followed by, discussion on his philosophy of the role of small

scale and traditional industries in promoting decentralized development at village

level. In section 2.3 various ideologies, Capitalism, Socialism, along with the

dilemmas of man verses machine are discussed in comparison with his philosophy of

trusteeship principle. Section 2.4 explores the actualization of the Gandhian

philosophy through his famous educational experiment of ‘Nai Talim’ and its

limitations and summary and conclusions are presented in section 2.5

2.2 'Khadi' As A Pivotal Element In Rural Development

The Indian village economy, prior to the advent of British, was based on

simple division of labour and self-sufficient economy. The farmers cultivated the soil

and tended cattle. Similarly, there existed artisans like weavers, goldsmith, carpenter,

potter, oil pressers, Washermen, cobbler, barber, surgeons etc, who did the other

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secondary sector related works. Moreover, all these occupations were hereditary

(Dutt and Sundhram, 2000).

The raw materials produced from primary sector were the feed for the

handicrafts sector. The craftsmen were paid from the raw materials produced out of

agriculture at the harvest time in lieu of services performed by them. Thus the

interdependence of agriculture and hand industry provided the basis of the village

economy to function independently of the outside world. Further, a part of the

produce was paid as land revenue ranging from one sixth to one third or one half

which was used for administrative purposes and wars by the kings (Dutt and

Sundhram, 2000).

The advent of the British saw an emergence of a new politico-economic

policy, which aimed at annihilating the traditional industry and handicrafts to find an

outlet for its own products in the Indian market. Firstly, it was based on

commercialization of Indian Agriculture through, exploitative land revenue system

and forced production of commercial-crops, which helped in draining the wealth from

the villages. Secondly, through destruction of the Indian handicrafts by introduction

of machine made goods, which were relatively much cheaper than handmade goods.

Further, it forced the Indian handicrafts to pay more import duties in England, which

made Indian goods much costlier and eliminated the competition for the British goods

in England, thus Indian handicrafts exports were completely paralysed. Direct

exploitation of artisans through company agents further compounded the cause for the

destruction of the Indian handicrafts (Dutt and Sundhram, 2000).

It was Mahatma Gandhi, who pioneered to revive the age-old self-sufficiency

(Gram Swavalamban) mechanism through decentralized economic growth in the rural

areas and had made it a part of the constructive program during the Independence

movement.

Even though the important role of 'Spinning Wheel' was discovered to the

mental vision of Gandhiji in 1908, it's actualisation happened in 1918 only when he

launched the concept of 'Charaka' (Chakrabarti, 2000). The history of 'Khadi' from

that moment onwards changed dramatically, which is still being explored even today.

The following discussion highlights the rationale given by Gandhiji for the

introduction of Khadi, its relevance to village Swaraj and other important dimensions

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like alleviation of poverty, social upliftment, economics and science of Khadi,

spiritual development, Gandhism-Equity and Justice through trusteeship etc.

2.2.1 Village Swaraj And Khadi

The central theme of Gandhian rural development strategy was the revival of

ancient self-reliant system of Indian village i.e Gram-Swaraj. For He says

'By Swaraj I mean the Government of India by the consent of the people as

ascertained by the largest number of the adult population, male or female native born

or domiciled, who have contributed by manual labour to the service of the state….

Real swaraj will come not by the acquisition of authority by a few but by the

acquisition of the capacity by all to resist authority when it is abused. In other words,

swaraj is to be obtained by educating the masses to a sense of their capacity to

regulate and control authority '. (Vyas, 1962, Village swaraj, p.3)

Gandhiji believed that real progress of India meant not simply the growth and

expansion of Industrial urban centers, which was the model on which the entire

Europe has developed, but the development of the rural areas on the principle of self

reliance. For He says, we may not be deceived by the wealth to be seen in the cities of

India. It does not come from England or America. It comes from the blood of the

poorest in villages. There are said to be seven lakhs of villages in India. Some of

them have simply been wiped out. No one has any record of those thousands who

have died of starvation and disease in Bengal, Karnataka and elsewhere. But being a

villager myself, I know the condition in the villages. I know village economies. I tell

you that the pressure from the top crushes those at the bottom.

Therefore he insisted that 'Poorna Swaraj' or complete self-reliance of the

villages is the only panacea to save villages from being exploited by cities or

industrialism. His idea of village swaraj is that, it is a complete republic, independent

of its neighbor for its own vital wants, and yet interdependent for many others in

which dependence is a necessity. Thus every village's first concern will be to grow its

own food crops and cotton for its cloth, then if there is more land available, it will

grow useful money crops. The village will maintain a village theater, school and

public hall. It will have its own waterworks ensuring clean water supply. The

Government of the village will be conducted by the Panchayat of five persons

annually selected by the adult villagers, male and female, possessing minimum

prescribed qualifications. Here there is perfect democracy based upon individual

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freedom. The law of non-violence rules him and his Government. He and his village

are able to deny the might of the world.

Gandhiji used the concept of 'Charaka' as a symbol of village swaraj. In-fact

he was so obsessed with the 'spinning wheel' that it became the focal point of his

entire rural development strategy. It was only after 1940's that he expanded the scope

by including the other village handy-crafts in his development strategy.

2.2.2 Rationale For Introduction Of Khadi

While talking about the rationale of introduction of Khadi, Gandhiji expresses

his view that, collapse of cottage industries in India was the root cause for the loss of

its economic freedom. One such cottage industry was Charaka, which acted as a

supplement to agriculture. As Charaka included the anterior and posterior industries -

ginning, carding, warping, sizing, dyeing and weaving. These also in turn kept the

other industries alive like carpentry, blacksmith, etc. due to production inter-linkages.

Destruction of Charaka therefore led to the destruction of economic freedom.

Subsequently the villages were drained of their varied occupations and their creative

talent and what little wealth these brought them. Thus reintroduction of the 'Charaka'

again as a cottage industry would not only bring economic freedom through

expansion of other related industries but also a freedom from imperialism. But to

achieve these objectives he insisted that, the villagers who produce Khadi should also

wear it. This ensures that the economic resources circulate back into the village

economy and insulate it from any other external / imperialistic forces from exploiting

it. Thus it would make the villages independent and would bring about village

republic or ‘Gram Swaraj'.

Other main reason for introduction of Charaka are highlighted below:

1. It supplies the readiest occupation for those who have leisure and are in want of a

few coppers;

2. It is easily learnt;

3. It requires practically no outlay of capital;

4. It alone can stop the drain of wealth which goes outside of India for purchase of

foreign cloth;

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5. This single unified activity across spatial, economic and social dimension can act

as an instrument of securing co-operation among the people.

6. If spinning activity were to be carried out by masses in villages irrespective of

their social and economic status. It may lead to establishing a common bond of

unity between the classes and masses, and between castes and creeds (Gandhi,

1955).

To highlight the importance of Khadi and to raise it to a higher pedestal, Gandhiji

generalizes his view to be applicable to all the nations that are suffering from

imperialistic forces. He argues that, the root cause of the growth of imperialism and

wars is basically fight for raw materials among the nations. But, If every village in the

world is made self-sufficient, then there will not be many struggles for resources or

raw materials among the nations. This would in a long run discourage the emergence

of imperialism and there-by world wars. Thus Khadi can also lead us to a non-violent

world. In this sense Gandhiji viewed Khadi as symbolic of non-violence and peace.

But before carrying the message of Khadi to the entire world, he felt that it should

be made practicable in India so that it can serve as an ideal for other nations to follow.

To fulfill this Khadi mission, he started institutionalising Khadi as a mission.

2.2.3 Khadi And Alleviation Of Poverty

Gandhiji wanted alleviation of poverty through Khadi, as he explains that ‘The

disease of the masses is not want of money so much as it is want of work. Labour is

money. He who provides dignified labour for the million in their cottages, provides

food and clothing, or which is the same thing, money. The Charaka provides such

labour. Till a better substitute is found, it must, therefore hold the field’ (Gandhi,

1955, Khadi Why & How, P. 5).

From the above statement we see a unique economic view of Gandhiji i.e.

'production by masses than production for masses'. According to him India, which is,

filled with poverty, ignorance, superstition and belief in fatalistic philosophy; could

only be relieved through providing a decent work for them even before speaking

about politics and Swaraj.

Gandhiji was convinced that ‘The revival of hand spinning and hand weaving

will make the largest contribution on to the economic and the moral regeneration of

India. The million must have a simple industry to supplement agriculture. Spinning

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was the cottage industry years ago, and if the million have to be saved from

starvation, they must be enabled to reintroduce spinning in their homes and every

village must repossess its own weaver’ (Gandhi, 1955, Khadi Why & How, P. 3).

2.2.4 Economics Of Khadi

To Gandhiji the mission of Khadi was more of a social and human relevance

than purely guided by Economics principles. To him, Khaddar economics is wholly

different from the ordinary economics. He feels that the latter takes no note of the

human factor where as the former wholly concerns itself with the human factor. He

therefore feels that Competition and therefore prices are eliminated from the

Conception of Khaddar. He elaborates this by using an analogy, 'there is no

competition between hotels and domestic kitchen. It never enters into the head of the

queen of the house to calculate the cost of her labour, the floor space etc. She simply

knows that to conduct domestic kitchen is as much her duty as it is to bring up

children. If she were to count the cost, the logic of facts would irresistibly drive her

to the destruction of her kitchen as well as her children' (Gandhi, 1955, Khadi Why &

How, P. 66). Similarly he believed that Khadi should be patronised not on its

economic soundness but on its social and ethical relevance.

Gandhiji feels that to understand the economic philosophy of Khadi, one

needs to over come the 'pure economic motive' or 'Human Selfishness' of Adam

Smith. He feels that, pandering to the baser tastes of humanity, are current staple in

commercialized production; where as they have no place in Khadi. On the contrary

there should be no such thing as pure profit in Khadi. And there should be no loss.

Loss there is, it may because, the workers, are still incompetent novices.

Countering the argument that Khadi does not pay much? He says, 'But even if

it pays only one paise per day, it does pay when we remember that ones average

income is six paise per day against the fourteen rupees and six rupees per day

respectively of the average American and the average Englishman respectively. The

spinning wheel is an attempt to produce something out of nothing. If we save sixty

crores to the nation through the spinning wheel, as we certainly can, we add that vast

amount to the national income. In the process we automatically organize our villages.

And an almost the whole of the amount must be distributed amongst the poorest of the

land, it becomes a scheme of just and nearly equal distribution of so much wealth'.

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He emphasised that in Khadi the prices realized should return to the prime

producers, i.e. the spinners, the others getting no more than their hire. Khadi should

be sold in the village where it is manufactured. Only if there is an excess surplus it

should be sold in the town. This ensures the demand for the product automatically.

Therefore it is necessary to educate the spinners and weavers to appreciate the simple

economics of Khadi. If Khadi is treated as not an article of commerce but as one

necessary for the sustenance of semi-starved million, this idea must penetrate the

spinners home and induce her to wear Khadi from her own yarn.

2.2.5 Spinning And Socially Backward Classes

While highlighting the relevance of Khadi to socially backward classes

Gandhiji sites the example of coarse Khadi, which was at one stage a dying industry

was re-introduced through popularizing the use of Khadi; which was also exclusively

produced by Harijans or untouchables. He realised that since mostly the harijans and

other backward classes carried on spinning and weaving, Khadi would give support

and help them to come out of poverty and starvation.

2.2.6 Spiritual Dimension Of Spinning

As we have already seen, Gandhiji’s uniqueness is that, he connects different

dimensions to his views. And of course spiritual dimension of Khadi truly forms a

very strong base for promoting Khadi on such a large scale; and especially in a

country like India where religion is given outmost importance.

Describing the other benefits of Khadi he emphasised that introduction of

spinning reduce the idleness, which is believed to be the root cause of all evil, and if

that root cause can be destroyed, most of the evils can be remedied without much

effort.

From his long experience of spinning and also added by the evidence of other

spinners, he came to understand that, spinning can even act as a therapeutic agent,

particularly by virtue of the soothing effect of its rhythmic motion. Spinning is an

elegant art and that the process itself is extremely pleasant. No mechanical pull is

required to draw the various counts. When thus Charaka is spun in a rhythmic motion

it creates an ambiance of self-centeredness and soothes the nerves of spinner and

showers unlimited peace and delight.

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He promotes the idea of sacrificial spinning of half an hour everyday. He

believes that if we throw the wheel at the skeletons of Orissa, they will not look at it.

But if we begin spinning in their midst, they will take to it like fish to water. The

masses imitate the great ones in their actions, and not as they preach. Hence the

necessity for the spinning resolution so that masses can follow it.

Gandhiji takes spinning to it's extreme, of even achieving self-realization. He

explains that spinning wheel enables us to identify ourselves with the masses. Too

much of wealth will not bring about any true realization, for death is eminent for

everyone. At any moment death might come and snuff them out. Some are being

stabbed daily, but losing life that way is not the same thing as shedding ‘self’. For

true realization lies in sacrificing the ego voluntarily in order to find God. To achieve

this spinning wheel is the right instrument. It rules out exclusiveness. It stands for

all, including the poorest. It, therefore, requires us to be humble and to cast away

pride completely. Thus when self is shed voluntarily the change will be reflected in

the inner being through his outward behavior. Everything we do will be undertaken

not for little self but for all.

He introduces a concept of ‘Khadi spirit’, it means fellow feeling with every

human being on earth. When a person wears Khadi it reminds him of millions of

starving people 'Daridranarayanas', who are being helped by him. The ‘Khadi spirit’

is also symbolic of illimitable patience. For it reminds us of millions of spinners and

weavers who toil with patience, with a illimitable faith that the yarn he spins by itself

small enough, put in aggregate, would be enough to cloth every human being in India

(Gandhi, 1955).

2.2.7 Khadi And Swadeshi

Gandhiji believes that the rule of the 'best' and the 'cheapest' is not always true.

Just as we do not give up our country for one with a better climate but endeavor to

improve our own, so also may we not discard swadeshi for better or cheaper foreign

things. Even as a husband who being dissatisfied with his simple-looking wife goes

in search of a better-looking woman is disloyal to his partner, so is a man disloyal to

his country who prefers foreign-made products to country-made products.

He also strongly adheres to the idea that a country’s progress demands on the

part of its inhabitant’s preference for their own products and manufactures. Another

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uniqueness about Gandhi’s philosophy is that, he gives little importance to the way

economic laws function and how 'economic motives' influence our human behaviour.

But, contrarily he believes that human behaviour, guided by good will and sacrifice,

should influence and guide the economic laws rather than 'pure economic motives'

influencing the human behavior.

Some of the views expressed by Gandhiji go quite contrary to our simple

understanding of even international trade, for example the comparative cost advantage

theory states that; countries stand mutually benefited when they specialize in

production of a particular product in which their cost of production is lowest. This

proposition is directly questioned by Gandhiji, through his philosophy of Swadeshi,

which is purely based on humanistic grounding than guided by economic principles.

This is elaborated by a quote:

‘We, in our country, are in honour bound to prefer hand spun khaddar to foreign

cloth, no matter how inconvenient it may be to us. It is flimsy philosophy that teaches

us to go to the cheapest market irrespective of what happens there through to our next

door neighbors. Free donations of fine wheat from Australia or America would be a

poison to us, if that meant a workless India with her soil growing weeds instead of

golden grain. Similarly a free gift of cloth from Manchester would be too costly a

bargain for India to accept. I repeat, therefore, that khaddar is cheap at any price so

long as it serves to utilize the idle hour of the nation, and there is nothing else

immediately in view to occupy them as usefully’. (Gandhi, 1955, Khadi, Why &

How, P.g.41)

Gandhiji expressed his views emphatically that ‘Swadeshism' is not a cult of

'hatred'. It is a doctrine of selfless service that has its roots in the purest ahimsa, i.e.

Love. Swadeshi is not really opposition to the cloth being foreign but to the poverty

which its importation brings in its train.

He was never an advocate of rejecting foreign manufactures merely because

they are foreign and to go on wasting national time and money to promote

manufacturers in one’s country for which it is not suited, would be criminally folly

and a negation of the Swadeshi spirit.

‘My economic creed is a complete taboo in respect of all foreign condition whose

importation is likely to prove harmful to our indigenous interests…. For instance, I

would regard it a sin to import Australian wheat on the score of its better quality, but I

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would not have the slightest hesitation in importing oat meal from Scotland, if an

absolute necessity for it is made out, because we do not grew oats in India..…Or take

up a reverse case, India produces a sufficient quantity of leather; it is my duty,

therefore, to wear shoes made out of Indian leather only, even if it is comparatively

dearer and of an inferior quality, in preference to cheaper and superior quality foreign

leather shoes. Similarly I would condemn the introduction of foreign molasses or

sugar if enough of it is produced in India for our needs’. (Gandhi, 1955, Khadi, Why

& How, P.g.40)

The above arguments once again confirm his attitude that, the principles of

swadeshi should be more guided by self-reliance and humanism than by the normal

economic principles. Further, he also cautions that swadeshi should not be based

purely on hatered towards anything foreign, but by the relevance and need of such

commodities.

2.2.8 The Science Of Khadi

Gandhiji opined that a person who believes in Khadi should also have a

complete knowledge of the processes involved, both posterior and anterior industries

associated with Khadi. Then only a science of Khadi would emerge. Knowledge

about the various types of cotton, nature and content of soil of different regions,

various processes involved in production of Khadi and its multitude varieties through

out India are also necessary to promote Khadi production.

Commenting on the mechanization of charka he told, the fact is that neither

the council nor I have any objection to machines as such, but we do submit that it is

wrong to carry the process of mechanization of industry so far as to kill the cottage

industries and concentrate them within a narrow field; in other words, they are against

urbanization of India at the expense of her civilization and rural life.

He further elaborates that, understanding the processes and other related

things of Khadi form only the mechanical or technical part of Khadi. True knowledge

of Khadi goes beyond the mechanical processes and requires patient research on its

impact on mental and spiritual dimensions to make it a complete science. For if a

question is asked, why should innumerable hands be employed when a single person

can manipulate an engine which can produce the same amount of cloth in a far less

time with a minimum effort? It can be answered only if Khadi is understood in a

much wholistic framework of humanitarianism and self-reliance than its simple

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mechanics and economic viability. Thus, understanding the science of Khadi goes

beyond the simple mechanics into the realms of humanism and spirituality.

In fact this ideology of village development, as being the prime mover of

overall development of the nation, cannot be ruled out even today. As the conditions

in the rural areas have not improved much despite our recurring efforts through

planned economy over past fifty years. But can promoting the tradition-based

enterprises the only way of creating a vibrant village economy? Is a question that

needs to be looked at very critically before arriving at any decisive conclusion.

2.3 Man vs. Machine: Gandhism, Capitalism And Socialism

The major conflict of the 21st century in less developed nations is, that

between man and machine, to yield place to man. After First World War the biggest

challenge posed before the Mahatma was the threat of Socialism based on Revolution

or 'violent' means of achieving social justice and the evils of the Profit seeking

Capitalism, which were gaining strong hold throughout the world. To counter such

revolutionary philosophies he proposed the principle of Trusteeship as an alternative

to fulfill socio-economic equity and Justice questions in a non-violent way. Here we

examine the ideology of Khadi with respect to debate on man vs. machine: Gandhiji’s

‘Principle of Trusteeship’ vis-a-vis Capitalism & Socialism.

2.3.1 The Principle Of Trusteeship-Equity And Justice

To avoid the influence of Socialism based on 'violence' through inevitable

class war and the evils of capitalism, he introduced the concept of trusteeship based

on 'non-violent' principle. He elaborates it by saying, ‘for according to the doctrine

(doctrine of equal distribution) they (wealthy) may not possess a rupee more than

their neighbors. How is this (equality of wealth) to be brought about? Non-violently?

Or should the wealthy be dispossessed of their possession? To do this we would

naturally have to resort to violence. The violent action will not benefit society.

Society will be the poorer for it will lose the gift of a man who knows how to

accumulate wealth. Therefore non-violent way is evidently superior. The rich man

will be left in possession of his wealth, of which he will use what he reasonably

requires for his personal needs and will act as a trustee-for the remainder to be used

for the society’. In this argument, honesty on behalf of the trustee is assumed.

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But if there is a breach of honesty on behalf of trustees, Gandhiji suggests to

use the non-violent, non-co-operation and civil disobedience as the right and infallible

means. He says, the rich cannot accumulate wealth without the co-operation of the

poor in society. If this knowledge were to penetrate to and spread amongst the poor,

they would become strong and would learn how to free themselves by means of non-

violence from the crushing inequalities, which have brought them to the verge of

starvation. (Vyas, 1962, Village Swaraj, p. 38 & 39).

Tracing the ethical relevance to his views Gandhiji writes:

‘True economics never militates against the highest ethical standard, just as all true

ethics to be worth its name must at the same time be also good economics. An

economics that inculcates Mammon worship, and enables the strong to amass wealth

at the expense of the weak, is a false and dismal science. It spelt death. True

economics, on the other hand, stands for social justice, it promotes the good of all

equally including the weakest, and is indispensable for decent life’. Further he

believed that economic equality is the master key to non-violent independence.

Working for economic equality means abolishing the eternal conflict between capital

and labour. A non-violent system of Government is clearly an impossibility so long

as the wide gulf between the rich and the hungry millions persists.

From this we understand that Gandhiji doesn't recognize the violent means,

which are used by the socialist to achieve equality and justice. But, instead he

believes in moral persuasion and through achieving co-operation and co-ordination of

capital and labour and of landlord and tenant.

He writes: ‘I do not want to destroy the Zamindar, but neither do I feel that the

Zamindar is inevitable. I expect to convert the zamindar and other capitalists by the

non-violent method, and therefore there is for me nothing like an inevitability of class

conflict. For it is an essential part of non-violence to go along the line of least

resistance’.

Further he says,

‘I don't believe that the capitalists and the landlords are all exploiters by an inherent

necessity, or that there is a basic or irreconcilable antagonism between their interests

and those of the masses.... What is needed is not the extinction of the landlords and

capitalists, but a transformation of the existing relationship between them and the

masses into something healthier and purer’. (Vyas, 1962, Village Swaraj, pp.98, 99)

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‘I have always told mill-owners that they are not exclusive owners of mills and

workers are equal shares in ownership. In the same way, I would tell you (Land-

Lords) that ownership of your land belongs as much to the ryots as to you, and you

may not squander your gains in luxurious or extravagant living, but must use them for

the well-being of ryots. Once you make your ryots experience a sense of kinship with

you and a sense of security that their interests as members of a family will never

suffer at your hands, you may be sure that there cannot be a clash between you and

them and no class war’.

Dantwala (1945) and Madhu Dandavate (1977) express their views on the principle of

trusteeship vis-a-vis the capitalistic or socialistic mode of ownership, which are

elaborated here to get some insight into the philosophy of Gandhi.

The essence of Capitalist Ownership is that subject to the state laws of

taxation, the owner retains all the profits of his enterprise. The owner can undertake

almost any enterprise he likes, no matter whether it constitutes a social necessity or is

conducive to social welfare. To give one extreme example, he may manufacture

poison gas if it pays him to do so purely from the monetary point of view. Thirdly, in

the management of economic affairs he possesses what is called `freedom of

contract’, a little modified, may be, by labour legislation. That is to say, he can

employ a man and pay him a wage determined by the so called laws of demand and

supply which are invested with almost a divine immutability and justice of the

economists of Capitalism. But the wage so, given may have no relevance either to

the merit of the employee or his need. The result is well known. At the one end we

get a poverty-stricken proletariat in perpetual fear of unemployment and economic

insecurity, and, at the other, the rich few wallowing in wealth.

The Socialist remedy to the above ills is the abolition of private property and

socialization of all instruments of production. The entire economic life of the country

will be planned. Production will be guided by social necessity and not by private

profit, class distinctions will be abolished and economic equality will be the ruling

principle. In the process of production there will be no room for exploitation. It is

generally admitted that these principles are inspired by high ideals of social justice

and their workability is also fairly established by the Soviet experiment. Yet none but

the blind devotee will deny that the scheme is not free from objections and difficulties

39

both on the score of theory and practice. (Dantwala, 1945, Gandhism reconsidered, p.

48, 49).

Marx suggested socialisation of ownership of the instruments of production

and their utilisation not for private profit but in the service of the masses. Though

now benevolent, the socialised economic world will still remain incomprehensible to

the masses at large, because bureaucrats may now take the place of self seeking

capitalists. Economically the masses will be better off but they will now be at the

mercy of a political and managerial aristocracy and, therefore, essentially unfree.

They produce but only what others plan; the new masters will even honour them by

naming the system, 'The Dictatorship of the Proletariat', yet in all major political and

economic decisions, the masses will receive and not give orders, will not dictate but

will be dictated. Such dependence is no freedom.

After elaborating the concepts of socialists and capitalists ownership Dantwala

(1945) speaks about Gandhiji’s idea of trust ownership. A person must consider

himself a trustee of all wealth, which he collects. He will be permitted to retain a

small percentage of this for his personal use. The manner and the purpose for which

the rest will be used will be determined by social necessity. What wealth or income he

retains for himself does not depend on his own sweet will. The maximum personal

income is limited to twelve times the minimum. This method of fixing in as much as

the maximum can vary with the economic conditions in the country.

Unlike the capitalist owner, the trustee has no right to use or misuse his wealth

as he likes. The only portion in whose true use he is entitled; is the one, which is

necessary for his own existence, this maximum being determined not by himself but

by the state. Whereas Under a socialist dispensation his entire capital will be

confiscated.... It may be repeated that by confining the inequality with in the narrow

range of 1 to 12, then the Gandhian concept definitely subscribes to the egalitarian

idea of social justice. In the Soviet Union, according to Burnham, ‘the upper 11% to

12% of the Soviet population receives approximately 50% of the national income’.

(Dantwala, 1945, Gandhism reconsidered p.50).

2.3.2 Institutionalisation Of Khadi Programme

To propagate and to fulfill the Khadi mission, Gandhiji encouraged the

institutionalization of spinning, weaving and other processes involved in Khadi

production by promoting and establishing institutions and co-operatives based on the

40

Principle of Trusteeship. He laid down many principles, which influence the day-to-

day working of these institutions. These principles are rooted in truth and non-

violence, and he cautioned that, any deviation from these principles would bring

about a downfall of the Khadi mission in no time. Some of the prominent principles

are summerised here.

A Khadi worker is a volunteer who is engaged in not only promoting Khadi,

but also thereby bring about a unity among villagers through their constant interaction

irrespective of caste, colour or creed. Their approach must be accompanied by

sympathy and trust. Every Khadi worker should learn the science of Khadi and make

efforts to make it more durable, more attractive, and make efforts for discovering the

means of making Khadi universal.

Khadi Institutions are voluntary philanthropic Organization based on the

philosophy of business concern before everything else. There should not be any room

for party politics, the democratic principle (of party politics), therefore cannot apply

to it. Democracy necessarily means a conflict of will and ideas, involving sometimes

a war to the knife between these different ideas. There can be no room for such

conflict within a business organization. Imagining parties, groups and the like in a

business concern. It must break to pieces under their weight. But a Khadi institution

is more than a business concern. It is a philanthropic institution design to serve the

demos. Such an institution cannot be Governed by popular fancy, also there is no

room for personal ambition in it.

Those who are engaged in the organization not only derive no pecunary

advantage from it but are expected, if they can, to give their labour free of any hire.

And since India is largely a poor country, many persons cannot do so, therefore a

large number are paid emoluments just enough to sustain them. There are no profits

shared by anyone. If there are shareholders and proprietors, they are the spinners,

weavers and the like. Even the consumers are not beneficiaries they are expected to

wear Khadi not because it is cheaper or costlier but because it gives employment to

the largest number of half-starved, half-employed persons and mostly women.

Before preaching self-sufficiency to the villages a Khadi worker should

himself be self-supporting. A worker is expected to be self-supporting from the

beginning and if that is not possible, atmost five years. After five years, a Khadi

worker is expected to reduce the allowances progressively from year to year. Gandhiji

41

further believed that, we can't expect a Khadi worker to become self-supporting all of

a sudden at the end of five years. It is an art, which requires careful thought and

management. He who teaches others to be self-supporting should certainly become

self-supporting himself.

Gandhiji visualized amalgamation of Khadi with corresponding village

industries so that locally produced village products must also be locally consumed.

Khadi institution's role was to facilitate such amalgamation, and also to give time to

village upliftment and general education. Note that all these conditions are a part of

rules and regulations to be followed by the secretaries of the institutions who

implement the Khadi programme today. We will refer back to these rules when we

discuss the contemporary situation vise-a-vie the expected in the following chapters.

2.3.3 Standardisation Of Wages

Gandhiji felt that, in trying to commercialize Khadi, the Association ♦ has

been dominated by the ruling prices, as the commercialization requires production at

the lower cost, which is achieved especially by lowering labour costs. He further

discovered, that the artisans are not being paid appropriate wages to sustain them and

there was a lot of wage differential among spinners, weavers, carders, etc. and across

different regions too.

Therefore he emphasized that the association must strive to equalize, if not

atleast to stabilize the prices of all labour regulated by it. He cautions that to raise

wages gratuitously will be useless, if they are to be wasted in drink or extravagant

marriage or other feasts. In 1935, he introduced the concept of minimum wage or

living wage. He suggested eight annas for eight hours of strenuous labour converted

into a given equality of the particular goods turn out by an artisan of good ability

(Dantwala, 1945).

2.3.4 Role Of Govt. In Promoting Khadi

Speaking about the role of Govt. Gandiji said, Government should arrange for

popularizing Khadi. It should supply the villager with cotton seed, at cost price and

the tools of manufacture also at cost, to be recovered in easy installments, payable in

five years or more. Govt. should also provide instructors to teach the Khadi processes ♦ All India Village Industries Association

42

and undertake to buy surplus stock of khaddar, provided that the villages in question

have their cloth requirements supplied from their mass manufacture.

To promote the village industries, villages will be surveyed and a list prepared

of things that can be manufactured locally with little or no help and which may be

required for village use or for sale outside. For instance, as ghani-pressed oil and

cakes burning oil prepared through ghanis, hand-pounded rice, tadgud, honey, toys,

mats, village soaps, etc. If enough care is thus taken, the villages, most of them as

good as dead or dying, will hum life and exhibit the immense possibilities they have

of supplying most of their wants themselves and of the cities and towns of India.

(Vyas, 1962, Village Swaraj, P.243)

2.3.5 Trusteeship Principle Visa-a-vie Capitalism And Socialism

Till now we have examined the broad views of Gandhiji with regard to

capitalism and socialism respectively and how his concept of trusteeship has emerged

as opposed to these two principles.

Looking at Gandhiji's attitude towards capitalism/profit motive/ private

ownership we observe that, he has constantly appealed to the rich to renounce the

privileges of property and ownership and to divert themselves of power. His views on

private property further clarify his attitude. His `Trusteeship’ principle negates all

known rights and privileges of private property.

‘The Khadi and Village Industry associations (AISA and AIVIA) are run on a

non-profit basis, which is quite contrary to the existing principles of capitalism, which

survives on the principle of `profit’. Further, unlike a capitalist he is guided in price

policies not by consideration of larger consumption and higher profits but solely by

the principle of decent living conditions for the producers. This becomes clearly

evident from his insistence of having minimum wages for the spinners in the AISA, in

total disregard of its effect on the sale of Khadi’ (Dantawala, 1945) . This also shows

his humanistic approach to the labour issues.

Gandhiji's opposition to the use of machine per se doesn’t arise out of his deep

hatred to machine but his vehement opposition to the principles of capitalism which

misuses it, for he says: `the evils of capitalism are not due to the machine; capitalism

perverts into private profits the gains that the machine brings. Destroy the anti-social

framework on which the machine operates today, and this earth will begin to flow

with milk and honey.’ (Dantawala, 1945, p. 18).

43

Propagation of 'khaddar' was another of his efforts to prove against the

capitalistic wisdom of 'buying the cheapest and selling the dearest!'

Adding to the above is, recommending the adoption of 'charaka' - perhaps the fittest

emblem of uneconomic (!) technique which any one with due respect for capitalist

norms of economic propriety and wisdom would not have dared to recommend to

India.

One criticism was that, Gandhism wants to revert to the stage of development

which existed prior to the rise of capitalism; and that it is an attempt to drag the

efficiency of human labour to primitive standards by refusing to take the help of

science.

However, Dantwala (1945) refutes such charges against Gandhiji by pointing

out that: ‘all that Gandhism advocates is a restraint on the limitless multiplication of

goods. It does not advocate forced poverty, nor does it refuse to take the help of

science. The experiments going on at the All India Village Industries centre at

Wardha should dispel any such misconceptions. Gandhiji only warns us against the

mad pursuit of material plenty and the evils of centralised mass production’.

Further he says; as early as 1921, Gandhiji said ‘he would favor the use of the

most elaborate machinery if thereby India’s pauperism and the resulting idleness be

avoided’ (Young India, 3-11-1921). Moreover, Gandhijis willingness to see villagers

plying their instruments and tools with the help of the electricity shows his

willingness to accept the technological innovation to raise the efficiency of human

labour.

Coming to the socialism aspect, Gandhiji’s opposition to capitalism is not

based on any a priori logic like that of the Marxists. He has no theory to offer

regarding the interpretation of history from which to arrive at the inevitability of

socialism. He has also not adopted any theory of value, which can explain the

accumulation of the `surplus value’? But Gandhiji held the concepts of social justice

similar to those held by the Marxists without subscribing to the reasoning by which

they arrive at it. His emphasis was `persuasion’ based on a non-violence principle

than on a violent 'revolution', a more humanistic approach than the theory of Marx.

Gandhiji's opposition to socialism was based on its two principles;

1. firstly, 'Revolution' as the instrument for social change, which goes against his

philosophy of humanism and 'non-violent' methods for any change.

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2. Secondly, the concept of 'Centralization of all means of production and decision

making powers', which would inherently lead to bureaucratization and also resulting

in another form of a fascist or totalitarian dictatorship.

To overcome these shortcomings Gandhiji advocated the decentralised process of

production through the promotion of village and small-scale industries and introduced

the trusteeship principle of ownership based on non-violent philosophy of social

change.

Dantwala (1945) feels that Gandhism is not totally opposed to the machines

and technology. But it insists a proper judgement on behalf of policy makers to weigh

the things and see through it that machine does not become an impediment to the

livelihood of human beings.

2.3.6 Limitations Of The Trusteeship Principle

While analysing the Trusteeship principle of Gandhiji, Dandavate (1977)

observes that 'it is difficult to find out any totalitarian or fascists regimes under which

the experiment of 'sathyagraha' has succeeded so far. Suffering of sathyagrahis no

doubt creates the strongest public opinion. But it is only in societies with democratic

traditions and values that the authorities bend before the public opinion and it is only

in such societies, that the Gandhian technique has worked so far'. (Dandavate, 1977,

'Marx and Gandhi',p. 66) This observation clearly pinpoints the limitations of the

instrument of 'stayagraha' as a non-violent approach.

The principle of trusteeship has been criticised as an 'eye wash', as 'a shelter

for the rich' and as a 'merely appealing to the more fortunate ones to show a little

more charity'. A typical Marxist approach to this principle is: the division of the

society into property owning and the property-less classes, which is the characteristic

of the capitalism is sought to be retained in Gandhism too. The change is purely on

the subjective sphere, the objective conditions will remain as they were in capitalism.

The class appropriation of surplus value, which trust production will continue in a

pious guise, will mean larger and larger accumulation of capital on one hand and

pauperization of the masses on the other. These evils cannot be banished by wishing a

change in the hearts and minds of the owners of property (Dandavate, 1977).

Until Gandhiji introduces the concept of 'Swadeshism', industrialisation had

been planned to destroy villages and their crafts, but Gandhiji revived the dying

45

village handicrafts and thus gave a coherence to the economic nationalism which

united the politics of the Indian village with the national struggle for Independence.

As Gandhiji said, ‘The weak Thread from the wheel binds the millions in an

unbreakable cord’. He emphasised how integrated the production chain was by urging

each patriotic Indian to spin with a takli for at least half an hour per day as part of his

attempt to switch public consumption away from 'videshi' towards 'Swadeshi' cloths.

However, Leadbeater (1993) feels that most of gains during the Swadeshi

movement were picked up by the Mill owners in the name of Swadeshim at the cost

of handloom and Khadi. His observation is based on A.K. Bagchi's suggestion that,

'most of the swadeshi gains were picked up by the mill industry, particularly as there

was a active campaigning against the foreign yarn used by handlooms. This was for

the production of fine quality sarees and dhotis, over which the handlooms weavers

had a monopoly. Particularly with Civil Disobedience phase of the swadeshi

campaign and the congress ban on imported yarn the public became reluctant to buy

sarees made on handlooms knowing that they were made with imported yarn. This

only handicapped handloom weavers using higher quality yarn. Another factor

during this period was that in 1931, when congress introduced a policy of certification

for swadeshi mills not using imported yarn, for practical reason handloom weavers

could not obtain the requisite certificates. The mills began to benefit out of the public

belief that only their products were swadeshi. (Leadbeater, 1993, 'The Politics of

Textiles' , p.113)

Another glaring example which shows the limited success of Khadi is also

evident from the fact that, even in 1940 only 14 per cent of yarn used by handloom

weavers was handspun compared to 4 per cent imported and 79 per cent woven from

Indian Mill yarn.

The Swadeshi movement increased only the consumption of mill

manufacturers. It is more difficult to assess how far the mill owners were simply

guided by commercial consideration. In general it can be said that there was a

coincidence of economic and political interests. Most mill owners only entered the

political arena when business interest were at stake, although throughout much of the

early half of the twentieth century it can be argued that successful businessmen had to

play politics to some extent if economically they were to survive.

The lacunae in the Gandhian thought was that it believed that all exploitation

will cease, the moment we do away with the large ‘machines’. But there are evils in

46

our economic system, which are wholly independent of the machine. It appears that

the Gandhian economists have not given as much thought to them as they have done

to the condemnation of the machine. Much of the rural exploitation today goes on

without the machine having anything to do with it (Dandavate, 1977).

Past fifty years of our planning experience also shows that the vision of

Gandhiji could not be realised despite a quantum effort through various village

development programmes. Much of the village dynamics are quite contrary to our

understanding of economics. Even today 'caste politics' play a dominant role in the

redistribution of resources. The failure of 'Land Reforms' is another glaring example

of village dynamics. The decline in growth of number of 'trusts' after Gandhiji's

demise also proves that Trusteeship principle could not make a major impact on the

minds of Indians.

Trusteeship principle is embedded in the foundation philosophy of the existing

institutional structures that implement the Khadi programme. Apart from the

limitations mentioned above, we would refer back to these discussions in analyzing

some contemporary issues of trusteeship principle in the succeeding chapters.

2.4 The Educational Philosophy Of Gandhiji

Gandhiji realised that 'education' is the 'foundation' on which the nature of the

society can be molded and it can be used to bring out the desired changes. For making

his ideology of humanism a successful one he developed a philosophy of education

based on experience and practical applicability known as 'Nai Talim'. Nai-talim was

expected to be the forerunner for establishing the village swaraj by increasing the skill

capacities of the rural folk, develop role models for the trusteeship and thus improve

the overall economy of the village. Here we examine the objectives and elements of

his basic educational scheme, how it has been actualised through implementation and

what were the practical constrains which restricted it to become a popular educational

scheme.

2.4.1 Nai Talim

His philosophy of education imparts a harmonious development of all the four

aspects of human personality – body, heart, mind and spirit. To quote Gandhiji

‘By education I mean an all around drawing out of the best in child and man, body,

mind and spirit. Literacy is not the end of education or even the beginning. It is one

47

of the means whereby man and woman can be educated. Literacy in itself is no

education’ (Sundaram, 1970, Gandhiji as an educationist, p. 5). For Gandhiji training

of the three H’s (hand, heart and head) and are more important than the three R’s

(Reading, w’riting and ‘rithmetic).

His unique contribution to education is 'character building' as the ultimate aim

of education. To him the end of all knowledge, is 'character building'. An education,

which does not contribute towards this end, is no education at all.

To Gandhiji another important aim of education is that it should enable boys

and girls to eradicate social and other evils so that a perfect society can be established

by the youth of the nation. Gandhiji also conceived education as a means to bring

about a new social order, which will be free from traditional taboos and totems.

After identifying the aims of education he emphasised on a good healthy

teacher-pupil relationship. The teacher should lead an exemplary life and set a good

example to his pupils both inside and outside the classroom. To him it is the personal

example of the teacher that matters a lot and not lectures or methods of teaching.

Apart from this a teacher should give room for the pupil to express their views

without fear.

Thus Gandhiji placed a high responsibility on the teachers. ‘A cowardly

teacher would never succeed in making his boys valiant and a stranger to self restraint

could never teach his pupil the value of self-restraint.’ (Sundaram, 1970, Gandhiji as

an Educationist, p. 14)

Non-violence is another key principle of his educational system. Like Tagore

he also deplored the corporal punishment in education. He feels that a teacher who

has mastered child psychology can handle the troubles of the problem-students and

could command high regard. He felt that when the size of classroom increases

invariably high, it may lead to a lack of personal contact between the teacher and

pupil. Therefore, a restricted class size, of 25 pupils will establish good personal

contact between the teacher and student and there may be absolutely no need for

corporal punishment in the educational system at all.

Yet another divergent view of his educational philosophy is less reliance on

textbook knowledge and more dependence on the experience. To him it is the

personal example of the teachers that matters much and not lectures or methods of

teaching. He felt that the teacher should be the true text-book and hence the students

48

need not be loaded with many text-books. Gandhiji himself went through the text-

book, and gave a short account of all that he had read to the students in a simple and

easy style so that students can understand and remember well, which is not possible,

had the students been compelled to read the text-book by themselves. He had

considered book-learning to be laborious, but listening a pleasure for the children.

Social service and physical training were also emphasized by Gandhiji to create a

healthy bond between body, mind and heart.

His experiments in education in India and abroad convinced him that purely

literary education is of no value unless it is made productive. In 1914, when Gandhiji

was in South Africa he conducted his educational experiment in Tolstoy farm near

Transual. He evolved a regular curriculum, a regular work of 8 hours a day, and a

regular training of body and mind. For intellectual advancement he used to teach

History, Geography, Arithmetic, Gujarati or Tamil, Urdu, Hindi and a little of

Sanskrit. All teaching was oral no books were used. For Physical and vocational

training, a number of manual jobs such as digging, ploughing, gardening, scavenging,

cooking etc. were introduced. This scheme was helpful in developing such virtues

like dignity of labour, cooperation, obedience, humility and non-violence among the

students, and the teacher personally was the greatest influencing power in this new

scheme. Corporal punishment was rare. Thus we find the seeds of basic education

were sown in Tolstoy farm.

A similar experiment was carried on in the Sabarmati Ashram when he

returned to India in January, 1915. Later in 1935, he shifted to Wardha, and founded

a separate Ashram at Sewagram, 11 miles from Wardha. He expressed his ideas on

education through the columns of Harijan and answered criticisms leveled against his

new scheme. In fact, Gandhiji asked all educationists to study the scheme carefully to

define its scope, instead of blindly accepting it simply because it was given by him.

2.4.2 The Basic Frame Work Of His Educational Philosophy

It includes free and compulsory education centered on a craft, mother tongue

is the medium of instruction, to become a self supporting system and it should build

an ideal citizen. A citizen with a sense of social responsibility, a desire for self-

improvement and love for manual labour.

Gandhiji's aim was to revive the village economic life in India by relating

education to it. Basic education is no doubt based on a craft, but the child’s interest

49

and heart should also be trained, besides his hands. There was considerable

opposition even from educationists to Gandhijis Basic Education Scheme when it was

first announced in 1938.

In 1937 an all India Educational Conference was held at Wardha on 22nd and

23rd October, where Gandhiji explained the salient features of the New Scheme of

education also known as 'naya taleem'. It was followed by a critical discussion of the

different aspects of the plan by great educationists like Dr. Zakir Hussain, Prof. K.T.

Shaw, Acharya Vinoba Bhave, Kaka Kalelkar, Shri Mahadev Desai etc. The

following resolution was passed by the Conference on the second and last day of the

session.

1. Free and compulsory education be provided for seven yeas on a nation-wide scale.

2. That the medium of instruction be the mother tongue.

3. That the education throughout this period should centre round some form of

manual and productive work and that all other abilities to be developed or training

to be given should as for as possible, be integrally related to the central handicraft

chosen with due regard to the environment of the child.

4. That this conference expects that this system of education will be gradually able

to cover the remuneration of the teachers.

Therefore a committee of experts was appointed with Dr. Zakir Hussain, as its

chairman to prepare a planned syllabus on the lines of the above resolutions. It

submitted its reports to the chairman of the conference on the 2nd December, 1937

and that report was also called as the Wardha scheme on Basic National Education.

Some of the points mentioned in the report are highlighted here.

2.4.3 Advantages Of Basic Education

1. Physical development is the undercurrent of basic education apart from bookish

system of education which aims at training the mind alone. He believed that

sound body is a precondition for a sound mind and basic education aims at

achieving both simultaneously.

50

2. The activity centered education is suited for both slow learners and fast learners,

those whom we consider dull and weak in ordinary schools may be very active

and efficient in discharging their duties in basic schools.

3. The basic education does away with the evil of indiscipline and restlessness

among students. Purposeful and productive activities create joy and interest

among students leading to self-satisfaction. He believed that total personality is

possible only when hand and mind work simultaneously.

4. Basic education contributes for promoting co-operation among the students since

they work as ‘we-group’ while traditional type of education hardly provides such

an opportunity. The students will appreciate all kinds of work, mental and manual

as honorable, whereas the present educational system has created a barrier

between manual and intellectual workers.

In order to make the basic education free and compulsory, learning a craft was

essential as it enables the school to pay towards the cost of its teaching staff from the

sale of the products being produced by students through craft making. Thus, the state

need not suffer from want of funds to start schools, which will provide free and

compulsory primary education. Thus, apart from developing the personality of the

student, learning a craft scientifically would make education self-supporting. The

problem of disposing off the products of a school was to be entrusted to the state

itself.

Thus education through craft will help one to be self-supporting in later life

i.e. providing employment to the student and thus it is also an insurance against the

unemployment problem. It also provides economic freedom to both students and

schools, but his aim was to ensure modest and honest livelihood for the students after

leaving school, and also make them aware of the dignity of manual labour.

2.4.4 Correlation Technique In Basic Education

The technique of correlation has been rightly called the crux of the basic

Education. In order to avoid compartmentalization of different subjects Herbert

(1776-1841) advocated horizontal correlation i.e. correlation between different

subjects in the same grade and vertical co-relation i.e. correlation between different

51

branches of the same subject. Correlation is based on the principle of oneness of

knowledge and oneness of human mind. Herbart’s disciple, Ziller had introduced the

method of `Concentration of studies’. Here, a particular subject is made the core or

the centre of studies, the other subjects are studied in relation to it.

To quote Sri Pattabhi Sitaramaiah (Sundaram, 1970, p.60) , ‘when you take a

lump of cotton and char it of dirt, ash it and card it, spin the yarn and weave the cloth,

a whole range of agriculture and industry, of history and geography, of economics and

politics is capable of being taught - centered around the craft on hand’. Since it is not

possible to correlate all the subjects with a craft, later on the scope of correlation has

been extended so as to bring social and physical environment along with craft.

Why did Gandhiji lay special emphasis on spinning and weaving and not on

other crafts? He gave a rationale that spinning and weaving have special power and

romance and they can be taught throughout India with minimum cost. 'Takli' was

thought as the only practical solution to our problems, considering the deplorable

economic conditions prevailing in the country.

Moreover, a number of subjects can easily and profitably be correlated to this

basic craft. The `Takli’ may be correlated to the knowledge of history, geography,

agriculture, economics, mechanics and mathematics. The romance of cotton, the

evolution of the tool and each process from the growing of cotton to the manufacture

of the finished product. Cotton picking, ginning, carding, spinning, sizing, weaving

all would have their mechanics, history and mathematics - correlated to them.

His definition of `national education’ elucidates the role of the spinning-wheel in

education best:

‘that education is national which educates in you a sense of fellow feeling for all your

countrymen, which teaches you to melt at the woes of your countrymen. And nothing

is so universally useful as the spinning wheel’.

The education of the heart as he aims at through incorporation of spinning as a

compulsory course in the programme of education opens out at least the four-fold

avenue of efflorescence of the personality of every learner.

⇒ With spinning a certain sense of social and national consciousness is very strongly

exercised.

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⇒ Spinning allows the learner to expose his creative and aesthetic power of thinking

in practice of performance.

⇒ The spinning-wheel brings forth the message of simplicity and austerity

⇒ The spinning-wheel teaches the lessons of fellow-feeling and sharing the

experiences of sorrows and sufferings of the poor and deprived humanity (the

Gandhian philosophy of the spinning wheel p. 27)

The Basic Education Scheme at work

Gandhiji regarded education as pre-requisite for the establishment of a non-

violent social order in which exploitation of any kind would be absent. Education has

a pride of place in his constitute work, though it came last in its evolution. He gave

us The Rural National Education through village handicrafts, popularly known as The

Wardha Scheme or Basic National Education or Nai Talim. The scheme was finalised

by The Zakir Hussain Committee.

Efforts were made in different parts of the country to put the educational philosophy

to work, and it would be wise to take stock of its progress since its inception. It is

worth noting that in spite of its numerous merits, the scheme would not have made

such headway but for Gandhiji’s dynamic personality and his unique position in the

country.

Though The Basic Education received support from various sources, still it

needed the active interest of the Government for its successful implementation. The

Central Board of Education, which is attached to Ministry of Education, appointed a

committee in January 1938, with Shri B.G. Kher. The then premier and Minister of

Education in Bombay, as its chairman to examine the scheme of educational

reconstruction incorporated in The Wardha Scheme, in the light of The Abbott Wood

report on General and Vocational Education and other relevant documents. The

Report on Vocational Education by Abbott and Wood; who were eminent

Educationalists, expedited in unequivocal language on manual work as a medium of

instruction and as ‘a key to boy’s serenity’. The Report of The Kher Committee

settled the whole controversy by accepting the central principles of the scheme.

The Kher Committee made the following interesting observation on the self-

supporting character of The Wardha Scheme:

53

‘The fundamental principle of The Wardha Scheme is education

through productive craft activity. Perhaps the word creative would

be preferred to productive by educationalist, as the word productive

may be and has been read to imply that economic production

outweighs educative development. We emphasize that The Wardha

Scheme stresses the educative value of craft-work. That saleable

materials will be produced in the higher classes of The Basic Schools

is no objection to the scheme. Indeed, unless saleable material is

produced, the educative possibilities have not been satisfactorily

exploited. The income from the sale of such material might well be

applied to the upkeep of the school’ (The Education Philosophy of

Mahatma Gandhi, p. 138).

It may be observed that the recommendation of The Kher Committee were not

mandatory on the provisional Governments, who were simply advised to re-orient

their educational policy and program in the light of these recommendations with

necessary modifications to suit local conditions.

An All India Education Board to be known officially as the Hindustani Talim

Sangh was brought into being in April, 1939, at Segaon near Wardha in Madhya

Pradesh. The Sangh undertook extensive research work in the field of basic education

and was co-ordinating the Government and non-Government institutions that had

started experiments with basic education.

In the first year of its acceptance, the Governments of Bombay, Bihar and

Orissa constituted The Boards of Basic Education and appointed special officers of

Basic Education with the object of supervising and training it. Within a year the

Governments of Bombay, Bihar, U.P., M.P., Orissa and Kashmir started ten training

centres. Among The National Institution, The Jamia Milia Islamia of Delhi and

Andhra Jatiya Kalashala of Masulipatnan undertook the training of teachers, and The

Maharashtra Vidyapith of Poona and The Gujarat Vidyapith of Ahmadabad started

basic schools of their own. The first year was mainly devoted to the training of

teachers. In the second year, more basic schools were started, as more trained

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teachers were made available through the co-operative endeavour of The Hindustani

Talim Sangh. The number of training schools in the whole country in May 1939 rose

to 14.

However, The Wardha Scheme could not make much headway due to the

introduction of Quit India Movement launched by Mahatma Gandhi in 1942. But,

when Gandhiji was released from jail, he brought a new dimension to the entire

scheme of Nai Talim, one of his first utterances after his release from detention was:

‘I have been thinking hard during the detention period over the

possibilities of Nai Talim until my mind become restive’.

‘We must not rest content with our present achievements. We must

participate in the house of the children. We must educate their parents,

Basic Education must become literally education for life’ (The

Educational Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, p. 144, 145).

Gandhiji explained the new concept of Nai Talim as education for life, through life

and its scope should include the education of everybody at every stage of life.

The Third All India Basic Education Conference was held at Sevagram in

January, 1945. The task was to evolve The Nai Talim as education for life through

life into an educational program. After a through examination of all aspects of the

problem, the conference divided this program into four parts.

1. Adult Education or education of men and women in all stages of life, including

the care and education of the expectant mother and the mother, while the baby is

yet dependent on her.

2. Pre-Basic Education or the education of children under seven.

3. Basic Education or the education of children from seven to fourteen.

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4. Post-Basic Education or the education of adolescents who have completed Basic

Education.

The aim and objective of adult education was to educate the village adults to lead

a better, fuller and richer life, both as individuals and as social units. Almost all the

State Governments have introduced Basic Education through their Education

Departments. The program of basic education accepted, by them, was however, one

of four to five years only. The reason for the curtailment of the minimum demand of

eight years was the financial constraints of the States.

With all its merits, the Wardha scheme had lot of other limitations which made it

less popular. Although The Basic Education Scheme has not replaced the present

educational system, it has nevertheless made some progress as is evident from table

2.1.

Table 2.1: Types of Schools and Colleges for Different Years.

Year No. of Basic Schools No. of Training

Schools

No. of Training

Colleges

1944 261 8

1950-51 33,730 114

1955-56 47,813 525 24

1960-61 100,000 715

1965-66 153,000 1424 Source: Sundaram (1970): ‘Gandhiji As An Educationist’ (p.44).

The Nai Talim system of education has received a serious set back. The idea

of introducing Basic Education was considered as utopian. Many states which

introduced the system with a great zeal, later found it difficult to sustain financially

and slowly the concept withered away. Some of the reasons for its demise are given

below.

2.4.5 Limitations Of The Education Scheme

2.4.5.a) More Of A Sentiment Than Of Education

It is argued by some critiques that there is more of sentiment than of sound

educational philosophy in the Wardha scheme. Gandhiji devised the Wardha scheme

with the object of remaking and rebuilding the whole nation through an all round and

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integrated educational process. Although the scheme is based on sound psychological

and pedagogical principles, but a scheme which has to be introduced on a nation-wide

scale and is likely to affect the lives of tens of millions of our people must have a

background of fairly extensive experimental work, which was found lacking in his

scheme.

Those who advance the argument of sentiment to educational philosophy of

Gandhiji, feel that the scheme has no sound educational bottom to it, but that as it

emanates from Gandhiji, it is invested with a halo of light by his friends, followers

and admirers whose number is legion. It is therefore, quite natural that anything

coming from his lips or pen may well pass as a authoritative and be accepted by his

countless admirers as gospel truth without scrutiny.

Also, there is a tendency on the part of the people to think that whatever

Gandhiji said must be true and that it is their boundless duty to translate his teachings

into practice. The infallibility attributed to Gandhiji is the natural outcome of our

inherent tendency to defy men and women of heroic qualities.

2.4.5.b) Can, Every Subject Be Taught Through A Craft?

Another important argument advanced against the Wardha scheme is that it is

impossible to teach all subjects through a craft. We have seen that all leading

educationists in the East as well as West have stressed the importance of manual

labour in education. But, it was Gandhiji who gave a concrete shape to it, craft

should not be a mere appendage to regular schooll work, but it should be the means

through which all subjects could be taught.. Zakir Hussain Committee also supported

this view. Some critiques argue that, although many subjects could be correlated with

the basic craft, it is neither possible nor necessary to teach each and every subject of

the curriculum through a craft.

2.4.5.c) Lack Of Requisite Type Of Teachers

However good the scheme may be, it rests ultimately with the teachers to

practice it in the classroom. The Gandhian teaching profession in India has failed to

attract the best brains in the country, because it is neither adequately remunerative nor

socially respectable. Even Gandhiji acknowledged that, if teachers were not what he

expected them to be, the scheme could not make much headway and every school

would degenerate into a factory as feared by some critiques.

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2.4.5.d) Lopsidedness Of The Reform

All attention was focused on the Wardha scheme to the utter neglect of

secondary and higher education that will be followed after the completion of the basic

education. The Zakir Hussain Committee also anticipated this criticism and answered

it as follows, ‘there is no reference in this scheme to secondary or higher education,

forgetting that our terms of reference users confirmed to seven years scheme of basic

education only, ... we have only to point out that this is a scheme of universal and

compulsory basic education for all children, to be followed in due course by higher

education for those who are qualified to receive it; and when that scheme is drawn up,

it will have to be co-ordinated with, the scheme of basic education so as to ensure

continuity as well as proper intellectual equipment for those who are to proceed

further their education’.

The first batch of pupils in the basic schools in Bihar and Sewagram

completed their course of seven years in Jan, 1947, and it was imperative to define the

objective and programme of the next stage. A committee was appointed to look into

preparing the post-basic education syllabus. Gandhiji emphasised that post basic

education should be purely based on the self-supporting system. At the instance of

Gandhiji, it was decided to start two experiments in post-basic education, one in

Kumarabag, (Champaran Bihar) and the other at Sewagram. However, unfortunately,

the educational philosophy of Gandhiji which was hoped to gather full momentum

and play the leading role in the process of regenerating the nation after the dawn of

Independence, received a serious set back after His assassination in 1948.

2.4.5.e) Other Reasons

Absence of adequate funds to run the basic schools was another factor that

contributed for slow progress of basic education. It is well known that basic schools

need more funds than public schools because the former should possess all the

equipment necessary to impart knowledge through the craft. The financial gains from

productive work cannot support the entire recurring and non-recurring expenditure

needed for running a basic school. It is erroneous to conclude that basic schools are

less costly. In the absence of adequate funds, the quality of basic education is bound

to suffer. In actual practice, a basic school needs greater financial assistance than an

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ordinary school because of its special needs with regard to craft material, craft

equipment, specially trained staff, agriculture farm and work-shop.

The absence of English from the basic curriculum was also one of the flaws.

Parents are usually reluctant to send their children to a school which completely

neglects the study of English in spite of its high importance. When English is earning

more and more populancy, no wonder basic education has lost much of its utility for

excluding English from its curriculum.

Again there is considerable difficulty in evaluating a particular students

achievement in this new scheme. It suffers from lack of proper basic methods of

evaluation. This is so because too much stress is laid on craft and hence in a Basic

school craft becomes primary subject and the academic subjects occupy secondary

place. Also, in the absence of a proper system of examination, basic education is

likely to go on haphazardly. Too much emphasis on productivity and self sufficiency

led the common man to think that students are turned into labourers.

Another difficulty in basic education lies in finding a market for the goods

produced by these children. The children’s products would not be able to compete

with the fancy goods in the market. In the absence of market for the goods produced

by school children, it is likely to become an economically unviable and a costly

scheme.

Some question the relevance of Basic scheme in this age of high productive

age of science and technology. Moreover, the very scheme is likely to prove

ineffective and unpopular unless we give up the craze for industrialisation, and unless

we are convinced of the utility of a simple economy. But if our objective is to

achieve industrialisation (and not merely self sufficiency) to compete with foreigners,

surely it is quite unnecessary to insist on craft work on the students.

It is also important to remember that as long as basic education functions side

by side with book-centred education, the former is likely to suffer. While Gandhiji

wanted knowledge to be imparted through a craft, in basic schools a craft is taught in

addition to the curricula taught in the traditional school. Students spend a lot of time

in craftwork without acquiring any dexterity worth speaking of in any craft. In the

words of Dr. Pires, ‘In my opinion, there is too much of routine activity in the craft

classes in our basic schools with little or no accent on creativity; and the preponderant

economic motive is largely responsible for the routine type of work required of the

pupils. It is not uncommon to find all the pupils in a wood-work class engaged in the

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production of the same type of article, the specification of which have been given by

the teacher... Neither the pupils nor the teachers are making any use of the creative

imagination with which they have been endowed by nature’ ( Sundaram, 1970,

'Gandhiji as an educationist', p.55). Again the craft is chosen not with reference to the

aptitude of the child as revealed by psychological tests and it is not turned into a tool

for play, but a means of earning money.

From the above discussion we find that 'basic education' philosophy was a good

system when we look at it as an educational theory. Nai-talim was expected to be the

forerunner for establishing the village swaraj, develop role models for the trusteeship

and improve the overall economy of the village, which was the primary concern of the

Gandhian thought. But, this scheme had many practical difficulties in implementation,

which were responsible for its gradual decline in relevance to the mainstream

education system.

2.5 Summary And Conclusions

For Gandhiji the central theme was the revival of ancient self-reliant system of

Indian villages or in other words ‘Gram-Swaraj’. He believed that real progress of

India meant not simply the growth and expansion of Industrial urban centers, but the

development of the rural areas. Self-reliance of the villages was believed to be the

only panacea to save villages from being exploited by cities/industrialism. Second,

after the First World War the biggest challenge posed before the Mahatma was the

threat of Socialism based on Revolution or 'violence' and the evils of the ‘Profit

seeking’ Capitalism, which were gaining strong hold throughout the world. To

counter such revolutionary philosophies he proposed the principle of ‘Trusteeship’ as

an alternative to fulfill the socio-economic equity and justice questions in a non-

violent way. Finally, Gandhiji realised that 'education' is the 'foundation' on which

the nature of the society can be molded and it can be used to bring out the desired

changes. For making his ideology of rural development and humanism a successful

one, he developed the philosophy of education based on experience and practical

applicability known as 'Nai Talim'.

The important role of 'Spinning Wheel' was discovered to the mental vision of

Gandhiji in 1908, it's actualisation happened in 1918 only when he launched the

concept of 'Charaka'. The history of 'Khadi' from that moment onwards changed

dramatically, which is still being explored even today. The rationale given by

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Gandhiji for the introduction of Khadi, includes its relevance to village Swaraj and

other important dimensions like alleviation of poverty, social upliftment, spiritual

development etc.

Gandhiji expresses his view that, collapse of cottage industries in India was

the root cause for the loss of its economic freedom. One such cottage industry was

Charaka, which acted as a supplement to agriculture. As Charaka included the

anterior and posterior industries - ginning, carding, warping, sizing, dyeing and

weaving. These also in turn kept the other industries alive like carpentry, blacksmith,

etc. due to production inter-linkages. Destruction of Charaka therefore led to the

destruction of economic freedom. To Gandhiji the mission of Khadi was more of a

social and human relevance than purely guided by Economics principles. To him,

Khaddar economics is wholly different from the ordinary economics. He feels that the

latter takes no note of the human factor where as the former wholly concerns itself

with the human factor. He therefore feels that Competition and therefore prices are

eliminated from the Conception of Khaddar. He emphasised that in Khadi the prices

realized should return to the prime producers, i.e. the spinners, the others getting no

more than their hire. Khadi should be sold in the village where it is manufactured.

Gandhiji’s uniqueness is that, he connects different dimensions to his views. And of

course spiritual dimension of Khadi truly forms a very strong base for promoting

Khadi on such a large scale; and especially in a country like India where religion is

given outmost importance.

To avoid the influence of Socialism based on 'violence' through inevitable

class war and the evils of capitalism, he introduced the concept of trusteeship based

on 'non-violent' principle. He believed that the violent action will not benefit society.

Society will be the poorer for it will lose the gift of a man who knows how to

accumulate wealth. Therefore non-violent way is evidently superior. The rich man

will be left in possession of his wealth, of which he will use what he reasonably

requires for his personal needs and will act as a trustee for the remainder to be used

for the society. In this argument, honesty on behalf of the trustee is assumed.

While looking at the limitations of the trusteeship principles some scholars

identified existence of societies with democratic traditions and values as a

precondition for generating strong public opinion which bend the authorities to accept

instruments of non-violent as a means for addressing the questions of equity and

justice. Further, the principle of trusteeship has been criticised as an 'eye wash', as 'a

61

shelter for the rich' and as a 'merely appealing to the more fortunate ones to show a

little more charity’.

Studies have shown that most of gains during the Swadeshi movement were

picked up by the Mill owners in the name of Swadeshim at the cost of handloom and

Khadi. The Swadeshi movement increased only the consumption of mill

manufacturers. It is more difficult to assess how far the mill owners were simply

guided by commercial consideration. Moreover, the lacunae in the Gandhian thought

was that it believed that all exploitation will cease, the moment we do away with the

large ‘machines’. But there are evils in our economic system, which are wholly

independent of the machine. It appears that the Gandhian economists have not given

as much thought to them as they have done to the condemnation of the machine.

Much of the rural exploitation today goes on without the machine having anything to

do with it. Trusteeship principle is embedded in the foundation philosophy of the

existing institutional structures that implement the Khadi programme. Apart from the

limitations mentioned above, we would refer back to these discussions in analyzing

some contemporary issues of trusteeship principle in the succeeding chapters.

The basic frame work of his educational philosophy includes free and

compulsory education centered on a craft, mother tongue is the medium of

instruction, to become a self supporting system and it should build an ideal citizen. A

citizen with a sense of social responsibility, a desire for self-improvement and love

for manual labour.

Gandhiji's aim was to revive the village economic life in India by relating

education to it. Basic education is no doubt based on a craft, but the child’s interest

and heart should also be trained, besides his hands. There was considerable

opposition even from educationists to Gandhijis Basic Education Scheme when it was

first announced in 1938. The technique of correlation has been used by Gandhiji as

part of his of the basic education. Here, a particular subject is made the core or the

centre of studies, the other subjects are studied in relation to it. For example when we

take a lump of cotton and char it of dirt, ash it and card it, spin the yarn and weave the

cloth, a whole range of agriculture and industry, of history and geography, of

economics and politics is capable of being taught - centered around the craft on hand.

Since it is not possible to correlate all the subjects with a craft, later on the scope of

correlation has been extended so as to bring social and physical environment along

with craft.

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Although the scheme is based on sound psychological and pedagogical

principles, but another important argument advanced against the Wardha scheme is

that it is impossible to teach all subjects through a craft. The Gandhian teaching

profession in India has failed to attract the best brains in the country, because it is

neither adequately remunerative nor socially respectable. All attention was focused on

the Wardha scheme to the utter neglect of secondary and higher education that will be

followed after the completion of the basic education. The financial gains from

productive work could not support the entire recurring and non-recurring expenditure

needed for running a basic school. The absence of English from the basic curriculum

was also one of the flaws. Further it received a serious set back after His assassination

in 1948.

In conclusion we can say that, among the three main philosophies discussed

above, Gandhiji’s view on the relevance of the concept of ‘village development’, as

being the ‘prime mover’ of overall development of the nation, cannot be ruled out

even today, as the conditions in the rural areas have not improved much despite our

recurring efforts through planned economy after Independence. But, can promoting

the tradition-based enterprises the only way of creating a vibrant village economy is a

moot question that needs to be looked at very critically. The vocational based

education system as visualised by Gandhiji was on decline because it was unable to

get synthesised with the main-stream education system and various other logistic

problems. The philosophy of Trusteeship is still in vogue among the Khadi

institutions that carry out the production process. But the ideology did not penetrate

much into the minds of people and therefore it could not make substantial progress

beyond a point. The main idea behind the detailed reading of the philosophy of Khadi

is to unfold the contemporary notions of the Khadi ideology visa-a-vie the original

anticipated one. Further it would also help us as a benchmark to analyse various

issues in the succeeding chapters. In the following chapters we shall explore how far

the basic objectives of Socio-Economic and Wider objectives mentioned in the

introduction chapter and the principle of Trusteeship in this chapter have been

actualised through the implementation of the Khadi Programme across India after

Independence.