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C.G. Jung and ChinaShen Heyong Ph.D. aa Shen Heyong, Jiao-shi-cun, B-2706, South China Normal University,Guangzhou , 520631 , China Phone: 0086-20-85213125Published online: 01 Feb 2013.

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C.G. Jung and China: A Continued Dialogue

shen heyong

In the summer of 1994, Murray Stein, his wife Jan Stein, �omas Kirsch (then presi-dent of the International Association for Analytical Psychology, IAAP), and his wife Jean Kirsch (then the president of the C.G. Jung Institute of San Francisco) visited China on behalf of the IAAP. At the reception seminar, �omas Kirsch gave a presen-tation on “Jung and Tao” at the South China Normal University, renewing the dia-logue between China and Jung. As Murray Stein described in his report:

. . . We came to China as representatives of IAAP, curious as to what we would �nd in this vast and ancient civilization which is just now once again opening to the West and aware that this would be an historic event if the contact between Jungian psychology and the Chinese we were to meet turned out to be auspicious. (1995, 12)

Jung Journal: Culture & Psyche, Volume 3, Number 2, pp. 5–14, ISSN 1934-2039, e-ISSN 1934-2047. © 2009 Virginia Allan Detlo� Library, C.G. Jung Institute of San Francisco. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website at www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintinfo/asp. DOI: 10.1525/jung.2009.3.2.5.

Shen Heyong

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In fact, the visit was auspicious from the outset, but much work had to be done to har-vest the potential we all felt possible. Considerable discussion revolved around how to understand and translate Jung’s term Self into Chinese. Following the event, a lively correspondence continued the discussion, and in his “Report on an IAAP Visit to China,” Dr. Stein quoted the following passage from one of my letters:

“I prefer to use Zi Xing (self nature) to translate Jung’s Self. Zi Xing originally was a special term of Buddhism primarily meaning (a) the heart of fufa (i.e. Buddhism); (b) the �rst truth, the cause of everything. In my theory about the psychology of Heart, Zi Xing [“heart-mind nature,” or simply “heart-mind”] is better (because less �eighted with other meanings) than other Chinese philosophical terms that have been ad-vanced, such as Zi Wo, Zi Ji and Zi Schen, for what Jung meant by Self. Xing (heart-mind) combined with Zi (nature) brings the idea of “heart” and “life” together; it gives [a word picture] of the original psychological image [of what we are] which we carried �om the very beginning of our life and [gave it] psychological meaning.” (1995, 14)

Murray Stein described the social tenor of this culturally cross-fertilizing visit using a reference to one thing that is always memorable about China, our food:

A�er meeting with Dr. Shen and his colleagues for three hours, the psychology depart-ment treated us to a banquet on the campus. It was very impressive with all the delicious food I’d never tasted in any other university. It turned out to be one of our peak culinary experiences in China. (1995, 15)

�is characterization reminds me of what Lao Zi, the great Taoist, said in his book, Following the Way [of the sages]: One should “empty his heart and ll his belly” (1992, 7). �at image, summoning the openness to new experience, which is at the heart of enlightenment not only in the Taoist tradition but also in the Buddhist tra-dition, aptly describes the spirit with which both the Chinese culture and the Jungian mind have entered into dialogue—at a level not seen since Richard Wilhelm and C.G. Jung met in Darmstadt in the 1920s.

�is dialogue did not stop with just one visit followed by a series of letters. In the spring of 1996, when I taught Chinese Cultural Psychology in the United States as a Fulbright scholar, Murray Stein invited me, together with Dr. David Rosen, author of �e Tao of Jung, to hold a seminar on “Jung and China” at the C.G. Jung Institute of Chicago. One of the most interesting topics to arise during the seminar was how to understand the translation of the book, �e Secret of the Golden Flower, given the recent publication of a new version translated by the contemporary sinologist �omas Cleary. Cleary included in his edition a recontextualization of the text and a criticism of both Wilhelm’s translation and Jung’s commentaries, which were based on the notion of “circulation of light.” Cleary preferred “return of light,” implying a di�erent

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meditational practice closer to the spirit of Buddhism than of Taoism, which was the tradition in which Wilhelm placed the text.

Cleary’s and Wilhelm’s translations are based on di�erent versions of the orig-inal Chinese text, which is important to note. Personally, I prefer Wilhelm’s trans-lation, as this is from a text that combines a Taoist classic, Tai-Yi-Jin-Hua-Mi-Zhi,with a Buddhist book, Hui-Ming-Jing, into one extraordinary syncretic document: �e Secret of the Golden Flower: A Chinese Book of Life. As is usual in Wilhelm’s trans-lations, he was inspired intuitively to emphasize the understanding and translation of not just the explicit but also the implied meanings of words. C.G. Jung in his touching obituary, “Richard Wilhelm: In Memoriam,” noted the unusual way Wilhelm found of rendering Chinese philosophical terms into German, a Western language: “�e central concept of Chinese philosophy is tao,” which Wilhelm translated as Sinn, for which meaning is the closest English translation, however, meaning in the existential/spiritual sense rather than the lexical/semiotic one. Recognizing the psychological implication, Jung added, “Just as Wilhelm gave the spiritual treasure of the East a Euro-pean meaning, so we should translate this meaning into life. To do this—that is to realize tao—would be the true task of the pupil . . .” (1930 ¶89; Wilhelm 1976, 147). �is quote epitomizes Jung’s reception of Wilhelm’s intent in “translating” Chinese texts. Wilhelm also brought this missionary capacity to the classical text, �e Secret of the Golden Flower, where his e�ort to convey the essence of the Chinese perspective informed his translation of this text.

In a reciprocal manner, my own research of Jungian psychology, as a Chinese national studying in a Western country, began with �e Secret of the Golden Flower,which, for me, inaugurated a special form of personal “dialogue” with the notion of Self. In the autumn of 1993, I was living in Edwardsville, Illinois, which is close to the Southern Illinois University campus. �ere, I did three months’ “self-analysis” and read only one book—�e Secret of the Golden Flower. A�er reading the Wilhelm edition, which includes Jung’s important psychological commentary, I wrote my thoughts in my diary: “I didn’t nd the secret of the golden �ower, but I did nd a secret of Jungian psychology, its inner connection with Chinese culture. It seemed as if I got a key to the door of Jungian psychology.”

A�er I nished reading the book, I took a train from St. Louis to Los Angeles and had the following dream:

I was sitting beside a table. I stretched out my arms and body casually and held my head with my hands. In a state of trance, I felt that my head became �exible . . . then when it became even more �exible, I pulled o� my head and placed it on the table. I looked at the head for a while, seeing very clearly that it was my head. �en, as if trying to prove something, I put the head back on my neck and touched my neck, feeling the connection to my head . . .

Shen Heyong, C.G. Jung and China: A Continued Dialogue 7

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�en I pulled o� my head, placed it on the table, and gazed at it again . . . For some un-known reason, I had to leave for a while. I said to a middle-aged woman behind me, “Please take care of it for a while. It’s my head. I will be back soon.”

�e dream, in terms of the events experienced, was quite long, adorned with extraordinary features, but the most striking point for me was that I could see my head without using my eyes. Several of my friends who are also Jungian analysts have re�ected on this dream from di�erent perspectives. My personal understand-ing of the dream, however, was edi ed by Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tse)’s “Fasting of the Heart”:

. . . do not listen with your ears, but with your heart; do not comprehend with your heart, but with your vital energy. Your ears can only hear and your heart can only comprehend. But the vital energy is an emptiness that is responsive to anything. �e mighty Tao can only gather in emptiness and that emptiness is the fasting of the heart. (1996, 63)

I decided to call this dream a dialogue between heart and head; it was the true begin-ning to my theory of the psychology of the heart.

Such a dialogue between head and heart, in which it is necessary to relativize the central position of the head to realize the dialogue, can be found in C.G. Jung’s expe-rience en route to his mature psychology and as expressed in his commentary to �e Secret of the Golden Flower. In 1924, at the age of 49, Jung traveled to America, where he visited the Taos pueblos in New Mexico. He befriended the chief of the Taos Pueblo Indians, Ochwiay Biano (translated, Mountain Lake).

Mountain Lake told Jung he thought the whites were all mad. Jung asked him why. “�ey say that they think with their heads,” Mountain Lake said. “Why of course,” Jung replied with surprise, “What do you think with?” Indicating his heart, Mountain Lake replied: “We think here.”

I fell into a long meditation . . . �is Indian had struck our vulnerable spot, unveiled a truth to which we are blind. I felt rising within me a shapeless mist, something unknown and yet deeply familiar. . . . something else that Ochwiay Biano said to me stuck in my mind. It seems to me so intimately connected with the peculiar atmosphere of our inter-view . . . ( Jung 1965, 248)

In the company of someone who thought and spoke very di�erently from those he had previously known, Jung allowed himself to begin a vivid dialogue between the head and heart.

�e potential for a dialogue between Jung and China emanated from C.G. Jung’s own psyche, however, which allowed him to make the most of his encounter with Richard Wilhelm, just as he had made the most of his time in New Mexico with Moun-tain Lake. In the rst chapter of Memories, Dreams, Re�ections, Jung tells a private story from his lonely childhood:

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Shen Heyong, C.G. Jung and China: A Continued Dialogue 9

In �ont of this wall there was a slope in which was embedded a stone that jutted out—my stone. O�en, when I was alone, I sat down on this stone, and then began an imag-inary game that went something like this: “I am sitting on top of this stone and it is underneath.” But the stone also could say “I” and think: “I am lying here on this slope and he is sitting on top of me.” �e question then arose: “Am I the one who is sitting on the stone, or am I the stone on which he is sitting?” �is question always perplexed me, and I would stand up, wondering who was what now. �e answer remained to-tally unclear, and my uncertainty was accompanied by a feeling of curious and fasci-nating darkness. But there was no doubt whatsoever that this stone stood in some se-cret relationship to me. I could sit on it for hours, fascinated by the puzzle it set me. (1965, 20)

�e echo of the classical Taoist writer Zhuang Zi is unmistakable. �e sage tells us,

I, by the name of Zhuang Zhou, once dreamed that I was a butter�y, a butter�y �utter-ing happily here and there. I was so pleased that I forgot that I was Zhuang Zhou. When I suddenly woke up, I was astonished to �nd that I was as a matter of fact Zhuang Zhou. Did Zhuang Zhou dream of the butter�y or did the butter�y dream of Zhuang Zhou? (1996, 45)

�is account appears at the end of the second chapter of his book, On the Uniformity of All �ings, one of the foundational texts of Taoist philosophy. Zhuang called his dream experience a “transformation”; what is transformed is the notion that the experiencing Self can have only one identity. Indeed, there is an old Chinese saying that spiritual communication can be beyond time and space. �is idea ts the way mind is conceived in both Jungian and Chinese philosophy; in both, the mind emerges from a synchro-nistic communication among cultural times and individual psychological spaces. �e mandalas drawn by Jung, one of which appears as the frontispiece to Volume 9i of the Collected Works in the present English-language edition, are well-known. In his 1925 English seminar on analytical psychology, Jung talked about his years of drawing and coloring mandala images in order to orient his consciousness to the discoveries that emerged from his confrontation with the unconscious. His rational mind was seriously disrupted by his encounters with the realities of the unconscious, and he had to nd a new way to contain what he was seeing and experiencing. But the process of doing so took on a life of its own:

I no longer know how many mandalas I had drawn by this time. �ere were a great many. Only gradually did I discover what the mandala really is: “Formation, Transformation. Eternal Mind’s eternal recreation.” And that is the self, the wholeness of the personal-ity, which if all goes well is harmonious, but which cannot tolerate self-deception. ( Jung 1965, 195–196)

For Jung, the mandala is a manifestation of the Self ’s intrinsic ability to hold and thus integrate the unconscious in an individual way. �rough this realization Jung was able

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10 jung journal: culture & psyche 3:2 / spring 2009

to begin to envision the process of individuation as the progressive realization of the Self, a consciousness that emerges rather than one that is taught or chosen.

In 1927, almost a decade and a half a�er his confrontation with the unconscious had begun, Jung represented his understanding of the Self by a mandala with a golden castle in the center. �e possibility of a new cultural context for what he had been put-ting together about the mind occurred to him then:

When it was �nished, I asked myself, “Why is this so Chinese?” I was impressed by the form and choice of colors, which seemed to me Chinese, although there was nothing out-wardly Chinese about it. Yet that was how it a�ected me. It was a strange coincidence that shortly a�erward I received a letter �om Richard Wilhelm enclosing the manuscript of a Taoist-alchemical treatise entitled �e Secret of the Golden Flower, with a request that I write a commentary on it. I devoured the manuscript at once, for the text gave me undreamed-of con�rmation of my ideas about the mandala and the circumambulation of the center. �at was the �rst event which broke through my isolation. I became aware of an a�nity; I could establish ties with something and someone. ( Jung 1965, 197)

In Memories, Dreams, Re�ections, Jung acknowledges that Wilhelm, the great German-language explicator of Chinese culture, helped him nd a way to return to this world. In commemoration of this coinciding of cultural opposites, Jung wrote under the mandala picture that had so impressed him as being Chinese: “In 1928, when I was painting this picture, showing the golden, well-forti ed castle, Richard Wilhelm in Frankfurt sent me the thousand-year-old Chinese text on the yellow castle, the germ of the immortal body” (1965, 197). Jung came to feel that his entire relationship with Wilhelm was synchronous, and this synchronicity was an important aspect of his dia-logue with China as well.

Jung learned some Chinese, being deeply attracted by the rich images of its ideo-graphic and pictographic characters; he called them “readable archetypes.” Using these characters meaningfully during special moments of his life, he revealed the sig-ni cance of learning Chinese.

Joseph Henderson wrote that on his last visit to C.G. Jung in 1958, Jung took him into the garden to show him a little stone bas-relief he had carved in Toni Wol� ’s memory. He had placed it under the ginkgo tree that had been given to him by students of the Zürich C.G. Jung Institute. �is tree, signi cantly, was imported from China, and on the stone four sets of Chinese characters were arranged verti-cally. Jung told Henderson that in Western fashion they read vertically (Henderson 1980, 3):

Toni WolffLotus

NunMystery

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Shen Heyong, C.G. Jung and China: A Continued Dialogue 11

Toni Wol�, an intimate companion who played a special role in Jung’s middle years, meant many things to Jung during his life. As he made clear to Henderson, she in�uenced his work even a�er her death. Jung used Chinese for his memorial a�ection, thereby simultaneously concealing and revealing what she meant to him.

She was not the only female gure, however, who carried a Chinese signi cance for him. Laurens van der Post recorded a conversation he had with Jung at the end of Jung’s life; Jung was carving in stone, “some sort of memorial of what Emma Jung and Toni Wol� had brought to his life. On the stone for his wife he was cutting the Chinese symbols meaning ‘she was the foundation of my house’” (1975, 177).

Jung never fully recovered from the grief of losing rst Toni and then Emma in the 1950s when he was between the ages of 75 and 80. His son Franz knew his father so well that he had brought him pieces of stones so he could carve the memorials to help him cure himself. According to David Rosen’s book �e Tao of Jung, Jung also carved a gure of an old Chinese man with four Chinese characters: “Heaven-Human-Uni ed-One” (1996, 151–152).

Rosen also nds the image of an old Chinese man in Jung’s picture of Philemon, ostensibly a Hellenistic sage, but one whom Rosen refers to as “Jung’s Taoist Master.” While writing his book �e Tao of Jung, Rosen consulted Marie-Louise von Franz and C.A. Meier for their opinion on the question, “Was Jung a Taoist?” Marie-Louise von Franz said, “Yes, Jung favored Taoism, and he lived following the Taoist philosophy.” C.A. Meier also agreed, “Yes, he ( Jung) was a Taoist, and today people don’t realize that his psychology of opposites is virtually the same as Taoism . . . he was devoutly spiritual and clearly more Taoist than anything else” (Rosen 1996, Preface).

A�er his confrontation with the unconscious, Jung himself said that Philemon taught him psychic objectivity and the reality of the psyche. “And the fact was that he conveyed to me many an illuminating idea” ( Jung 1965, 184). Jung described that “at times he seemed to me quite real, as if he were a living personality. I went walking up and down the garden with him . . .” (183). So, through the dream image of Philemon, Jung kept his inner dialogue and spiritual communication. �is gure from Alexandria belonged to a period and a geographic context in the ancient world when Eastern and Western ideas began to be exchanged via the Silk route, perhaps more than at any time in the history of the West until the sacred books of the East became available, thanks to the pioneering labors of Max Muller in the 1890s, when Jung, who would read the books in this edition, was a teenager.

In late autumn of 1999, when I was at the C.G. Jung Institute in Zürich for train-ing, I dreamed of Jung—my rst and only dream about him. In the dream,

John Beebe was coming to me �om a hillside, wearing my coat. He told me David Rosen was in Zürich and wanted to see me. �en I met David in a hotel room in the evening, and we talked about Jung and Jungian psychology till very late at night.

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12 jung journal: culture & psyche 3:2 / spring 2009

�e next morning, I told him that I had a dream about Jung and asked him to bring me to visit Jung since we were now in Zürich. David told me that it was impossible to visit him without an appointment, and it was not easy to make such an appointment. I tried to persuade David to make a call. I said, “You are a famous Jungian analyst and wrote the book �e Tao of Jung. You must have a way to make the arrangement.” David tried to explain the situation and said Jung was too old, so old that he could not even speak clear-ly now. It might have been useless even if we could see him. But I persuaded him to make the call anyhow. He did, and a�er the call, he told me that I was really lucky; Jung agreed to see us. So we arrived in Bollingen (where I had never been before the dream). Jung was there in the Tower; I sat close to him with David beside me. Jung talked a lot about China. He looked about 60 years old, very healthy and active. I looked at David, trying to tell him: You see, he is not old at all. A�er a while, I looked again at David, prompt-ing him to take a picture.

�e conversation was quite long. Eventually, we heard a knock at the door, and some-one came in to remind Jung it was time for his next appointment. But Jung asked me to follow him to his study. He showed me a closed recessed cupboard on the wall behind his desk. When the cupboard was opened, I saw several long keys on the le� side of the wall. He pointed at one of them and told me that it was the key to the basement and that I could use it to go down there by myself.

As I looked at the several keys on the wall, I saw that they were shaped exactly like old Chinese chopsticks, long and black. I could not help asking Jung what the other keys were used for, and he told me they were for nothing, useless. He had put them there as a safe-guard for the real key. “But they look exactly the same,” I said. �en Jung told me, “Touch them, you will feel the di�erence.” I did touch them, one by one, and felt some di�erence.

It was a quite long dream. In a later part of the dream, I went to the basement by myself with the key and returned to meet Jung again when he nished his other meeting.

Two months a�er the dream, Murray Stein visited Zürich, and we had lunch together. I mentioned the dream to him. Stein asked me whether I had ever visited Bollingen, and I said no. He made an immediate call to Ulrich Hoerni, Jung’s grand-son. Ulrich came and drove us to Bollingen the same a�ernoon.

It was snowing that day. Ulrich drove slowly, and we had a very interesting talk on the way. When we arrived at Bollingen, Ulrich opened the upper and lower locks of the door, but could not open the middle one. He tried several di�erent keys on a big ring. It was cold outside; Ulrich murmured that he was always confused by the many keys. While he was still trying, I stood beside him and pointed to one of the keys on the ring and said, “Try this one.” He tried, and it worked: �e door opened. Ulrich asked teasingly, “How could you know the key to our house?” I didn’t men-tion the dream.

When we entered the house, I saw several long black keys hanging on the wall of the kitchen—exactly the same as those I had seen in my dream. I touched them one by one; they made a very beautiful sound like a tone of welcoming music.

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Shen Heyong, C.G. Jung and China: A Continued Dialogue 13

In Jung’s study and bedroom at Bollingen hung a picture of Philemon that Jung had painted. I learned that Jung had made several paintings of Philemon, but what struck me about this one was that in his raised le� hand, he held one key, the same long black key as in my dream, and in his right hand, he held a ring of similar keys.

�is was not a dream, but external reality. Dr. Murray Stein was with me then, and he is here now. [When Dr. Shen originally presented this material in a lecture, Murray Stein stood up to verify all of what Dr. Shen said. Dr. Stein said he remembered clearly this most impressive and unforgettable experience. Dr Shen then continued.] I have to say that didn’t feel very surprised by what transpired at Bollingen. Rather, my heart felt peaceful and comfortable. What happened in the dream and in reality seemed like a very natural unfolding. When Jung’s grandson Ulrich Hoerni asked me to sign my name in the guest book of Bollingen, I wrote in English, “I am following my dream to Bollingen.” �en Ulrich reminded me, “Use Chinese, use Chinese.” So I wrote in Chi-nese, “I come to Bollingen to nd my dream.”

�e dialogue between Jung and China has taken many di�erent paths and come from many directions, just as reality can unfold in relation to a dream. My own life has continued the dialogue with China that Jung began, but this dialogue has had many expressions and has extended beyond just the reading of Jung by a particular man from China, for this dialogue has really occurred in a history beyond time and space and car-ries with it memories of psyche that I believe many others can pursue.

note

�is article is based upon a lecture delivered to the Second International Conference of Analytical Psychology and Chinese Culture, South China Normal University, 2004. Trans-lated by Michael Yen and edited by John Beebe. �is work was supported by the Foundation of China Ministry of Education (06 JJD 880021).

endnote

1. Zhuang Zi, or Chuang Tse, as formerly translated, is a later honori c name; Zhuang Zhou was the name by which the man who had this famous dream was known in his lifetime.

bibliography

Henderson, Joseph L. 1980. Foreword to A Memoir of Toni Wol�, by Irene Champernowne. San Francisco: C.G. Jung Institute of San Francisco.

Jung, C. G. 1965. Memories, Dreams, Re�ections. New York: Vintage Books.———. 1930. “Richard Wilhelm: In Memoriam.” In �e Spirit in Man, Art & Literature.

Trans. R. F. C. Hull. London: Routledge.Rosen, David. 1996. �e Tao of Jung. New York: Penguin Putnam.Stein, Murray. 1995. “Report on an IAAP Visit to China.” IAAP Newsletter 15.van der Post, Laurens. 1975. Jung and the Story of Our Time. New York: Random House.Wilhelm, R. 1975. �e Secret of the Golden Flower: A Chinese Book of Life. New York: Causeway

Books.

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Lao Zi. 1992. �e �ird Chapter of Lao Zi. Changsha: Hunan Publishing House.Zhuang Zi. 1996. �e 2nd Chapter: On the Uniformity of All �ings. Changsha: Hunan Publish-

ing House. ———. 1996. �e 4th Chapter: Ways of the Human World. Changsha: Hunan Publishing

House.

shen heyong, ph.d., is Professor of Psychology at Fudan University in Shanghai and at SCNU in Guangzhou. He is the rst Jungian analyst in China and is also a member of the International Association of Sandplay �erapy. He has organized four international congresses on analytical psychology and Chinese culture and, more recently, has led an e�ort to provide psychotherapy to earthquake survivors in Northern China. Correspondence: Shen Heyong, Jiao-shi-cun, B-2706, South China Normal University, Guangzhou, 520631, China. Tel: 0086-20-85213125

abstract

Based on his personal analysis experience and dreams, the author presents a vivid and living pic-ture of the dialogue between C.G. Jung and China and the dialogue between analytical psychol-ogy and Chinese culture. �e author elucidates the signi cance of Jung’s learning of Chinese, the use of Chinese characters, and Jung’s personal contact with Chinese culture. �e author also discusses Jung’s commentary for �e Secret of the Golden Flower, the image of Philemon and this relationship with Taoist tradition, the philosophy of Zhuang Zi, the psyche of Chinese culture, and how all this merged in the author’s dreams.

key words

Bollingen, C.G. Jung, Chinese culture, dream, Self, Tao, �e Secret of the Golden Flower, Zhuang Zi, Zürich

Professor Shen Heyong and his students traveled to Northern Chinato work with survivors of the massive 2008 earthquake in Sichuan

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09:

28 1

6 D

ecem

ber

2014