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umCANVASS HANDBOOK

MOTHER & CHILDCAMPAIGN

Con

tents

CONTENTS

Mother & Child Campaign Canvas Handbook

Introduction

Historical Background

Development of the Unborn Child

Medical Issues

Abortion and Rape

Methods of Abortion

Abortion for HIV babies

Miscellaneous Questions

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6

11

16

23

26

32

35

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INTRODUCTIONIntrod

uctio

nMother & Child Campaign Canvas Handbook

Considering all the elements of successful referendum campaignson their relative merits, there can be no doubt that, for Pro-Lifers,the door to door canvas is the most significant. This is not to dispar-age the importance, nor indeed the necessity, of such things asadvertising, focused media presentations, postering and welldesigned leaflets and other materials. It is to say, that in the door-todoor canvass we possess the single greatest advantage over ouropponents; the resource of "people power", whose motivation, com-mitment and hardwork, can, and, we believe, will, prove decisive.Our opponents will possess all the other elements of a strong cam-paign, i.e. all the elements which can be bought. They cannot how-ever match the effect of grass-roots work by people on the ground.

To a certain extent this was borne out in the Divorce referendum,where, though ultimately unsuccessful, we were able to turn a neg-ative opinion poll rating at the beginning of the campaign of over70% into the narrowest defeat ever recorded in Irish referenda. Andwe were only beginning to understand how to make maximum useof this powerful device. During the more recent Nice campaign, withsome obvious lessons learned, we achieved an electoral upset oftruly historic proportions, winning 54% to 46%. Time and again, theballot boxes from canvassed areas showed a significantly higherNo vote than those, which, for a variety of reasons, hadn't beencanvassed.

If we can find any fault with that campaign in its totality, it wouldhave to be the last minute, ad hoc, nature of some of the things wewere trying to do, with some parts of the country only beginning thecanvas well into the 30 days available before the vote. It undoubt-edly cost us a wider margin. It is a fault, which while understand-able in the circumstances, must not be repeated in an abortion ref-erendum. Our aim must be to literally bury the abortion issue inIreland, and in time we may expect that the forces of civiliseddecency will have re-established themselves in other countries as

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well, and the pressure on Ireland willhave diminished.

The canvass, being the most vitalpart of achieving that decisive result,must receive our attention and focus,before, not during, the campaign, sothat we can unlock its maximumpotential. This booklet is thereforedesigned as an aid to canvassers onthe ground. Unfortunately, at the timeof writing we do not have the exactreferendum wording available to usand consequently a number of prob-lems arise. Firstly, we cannot knowfor certain whether there will be a ref-erendum, and we cannot be surethat it is one which Pro-Lifers can feel secure inadvocating a Yes vote.Secondly, it isn't possibleto include detailed argu-ments concerning thewording, which willundoubtedly be a keyissue in and of itself.

However, the debateover the past ten yearshave revealed recurrentthemes and we can besure that the primaryarguments will be in linewith that debate. In otherwords, we must keep thefocus on the main issuessurrounding abortion per

se and these are relatively unchang-ing.

Because the door to door canvass issuch a vital part of the campaign torestore constitutional protection forthe right to life of both Mother andChild in Ireland, it is paramount that itis used to the utmost effectiveness.Part of this lies in organisation andhard work. A necessary integral part,however, and one easily overlookedis the need for canvassers to be wellinformed on the issues with whichthey may be confronted on thedoorstep. Most people who askquestions are simply looking for clari-

4

fication or want something explained,and we have the advantage that allthe facts are on our side.The aim of this booklet is to ensure,insofar as is possible, that our can-vassers are armed fully with thosefacts.

BASIC THINGS TO NOTE:Door to door canvassing can seemquite daunting to those who have notdone it before. A useful idea forthose who are new to it, is to accom-pany more experienced canvassersfor the first few houses or even thefirst night. You will find that it isn't asdifficult as the mind conjures up.Canvassing has been a part of politi-cal life in Ireland for decades andeveryone you call on will understandthe scenario quite well. Rememberyou are not trying to sell something,only to elicit a vote, and most peoplewill be polite, many will be quiteinterested.

More importantly, you have a duty tofuture generations to do your utmostagainst abortion, and that includescanvassing.

The key to canvassing, however, iscoverage, reaching as many peopleas possible, so it is crucial to be asbrief as you can. Some people willhappily keep you talking endlessly,and indeed they may be deliberately

preventing you from carrying on. Thelength of time spent trying to con-vince one awkward individual mayhave been enough for brief and per-suasive calls to twenty others. Thisalso holds true for those who are will-ing to spend hours emphasising howpro-life they are.

Naturally, it is important to be politeeven if the person, or persons, youhave called upon is in a moreaggressive mood. In that instance,they are probably unpersuadable andthe quicker you move on the better. Ifthe person says they are too busy,just give them a leaflet and ask themto read it when they have more time.

Canvassing works because it createsa personal connection. People areinclined to vote for, and with, thosewhom they feel took the time andeffort to care about their vote. That,above any sophisticated argument, iswhat will achieve your results.


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HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDBackg

roun

dThe only standing legislation which refers directly to abortion is theOffences Against the Person Act, 1861. It was widely stated at thetime of the X decision that this provision had been adequate to main-tain the prohibition on abortion in Ireland and that, as such, pro-lifecampaigners had made a fundamental error in seeking the original8th amendment to the Constitution. It followed, so went the argu-ment, that pro-lifers were responsible for the result of that judge-ment, and that we had in fact "brought it on ourselves."

This view is occasionally resurrected by certain figures in the mediaand has a superficially believable character for persons not familiarwith either the provision of the Act, or the X judgements themselves.It is important that it be refuted, for in truth, the opposite is the case.The judgements merely underline just how inadequate the Act wasas a protection for the right to life of Irish unborn children.

The relevant section of the Act (s. 58) states:

"Every woman being with child who, with intent to procure herown miscarriage, shall unlawfully administer to herself any poi-son or other noxious thing, or shall unlawfully use any instrumentor other means whatsoever with the like intent, and whosoever,with intent to procure the miscarriage of any woman, whethershe be or be not with child, shall unlawfully administer to her orcause to be taken by her any poison or other noxious things, orshall unlawfully use any instrument or other means whatsoeverwith the like intent, shall be guilty of felony."

It is clear that the use of the term "unlawfully" three times in the pro-vision suggests circumstances in which abortion may be legal. Thisis self-evident, though the Act itself fails to define those circum-stances, and it is left to the Courts, in the absence of any otherstatute, to define them.

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Since, however, the Act is one ofEnglish law, we already have theEnglish case law on the matter. It wasdecided in Rex v Bourne (1939) that itwas for the prosecution to provebeyond reasonable doubt that anabortion was not carried out in goodfaith, for the purposes of preservingthe life of the mother, and that the sur-geon was not required to wait until thepatient was in imminent danger ofdeath. It was further extended toinclude the definition "relevant", tomean a real and substantial risk.Given that the case in point referredto a pregnancy as a result of rape,and that the real and substantial riskbeing evaluated was that of suicide,the conclusion is of great signif-icance.

Thus, though the particular rea-son for the X case comingbefore the Supreme Court in1992 was the granting of aninjunction by Mr. JusticeCostello, it is clear that theright-to-life of the unborn childin this case would not have sur-vived the test provided by theOffences Against the PersonAct. Mr. Justice Egan wasexplicit in referring to the Act asthe only standing statute, andhe stated the belief that thejudgement in the X case wasconsistent with it.

We may reasonably conclude thenthat, in principle, the justification forenacting an amendment to theConstitution in 1983, for the protectionof the right to life of unborn children, isunaffected by subsequent events.And it follows from this, that any pro-posal merely to remove Article 40.3.3is not a viable solution. It is obviousthat the X case, if reviewed in theabsence of the amendment, couldonly have led, and can only lead, to awider judgement for legal abortion,and that there is no possibility at thisstage to exclude abortion by thismeans alone.There were, of course, several othersound arguments for the enactment of

7

a Constitutional Amendment at thattime which do not require repetitionhere, since they are not now relevantto the position in which we find our-selves post X.

It is our certain belief that the wordingof the Eighth Amendment ought tohave achieved the purpose for whichit was designed. The interpretationdelivered in X is, in our view, plainlythe wrong one, and at odds with thewishes of the Irish people at the timeof its enactment, as well as with theplain language meaning of the words.The interpretation placed on the per-ceived balance of rights in the amend-ment is tortuous and reveals the dan-ger inherent in legal persons seekingto make judgements without consult-ing the experts in the field of inquiry.Specifically there was inadequateconsultation with appropriate medicalopinion.

It might, however, be argued that itwas not practicable for the Justices toconsult as widely as would have beenappropriate in this case. That lack ofclarity in the Eighth Amendment mighthave expected a remedy of legisla-tion, which was required to give con-crete medical as well as legal defini-tion to certain phrases, but that wasnot to be. Responsibility for this lieswith the legislature and as such theconsequences cannot be laid at the

door of the campaigning groupswhose motivation, intent and actionswere, at all times, clear.

The position is as it is, however, andthe Eighth Amendment has been heldto provide for legal abortion on whatare, in practice, very wide grounds.Just how wide those grounds are canbe noted by the fact that no organisa-tion purporting to be "pro-choice" onabortion has called for its appeal, buthave rather proposed legislation inline with it. And of course there is thefurther complication of the Protocol tothe Maastricht Treaty with prohibitsinterference with the application ofArticle 40.3.3. in Ireland underEuropean law.

The referenda of November 1992were confusing in the manner of theirpresentation and, as such, it was notat all clear to the electorate the poten-tial effects of what they were beingasked to vote upon. This was particu-larly the case with the Travel andInformation amendments which are,of course, open to benign interpreta-tion. In the case of Information, theGovernment of the day sought in theInformation of Services available out-side the State Act, to give a wideinterpretation. While the Act itself maywell be constitutional in terms of theInformation Amendment, it is not how-ever, as the then Minister would have


8


us believe, the most restrictive Actthat might have been introduced inline with the wishes of the people.

One certainty did emerge, however.The Irish people rejected overwhelm-ingly any attempt to leave the mainjudgement for limited abortion intact,by voting against the "substantiveissue" amendment. The issues in thisAmendment were better understoodby the electorate, since the mainfocus of the debate at the time cen-tered on this question which was com-monly referred to as the "substantiveissue." Efforts by certain lobby groupsto maintain that it was the restriction,and not the legalisation of abortion,which was rejected, are simplynot believable. For one thing,the result was in line with thatbeing called for by all organisa-tions of pro-life opinion, as wellas by the Catholic Bishops.More telling, however, is therefusal of those same "pro-choice" groups to have the abor-tion issue put without confusionto the people. It is evident thatorganisations which oppose apro-life referendum must be theones which feel that the decisionwould be contrary to their inten-tions.

It further emerged that the pro-abortion lobby groups were only

able to gather significant supportaround the falsehood that theabsence of abortion placed the livesof Irish women in jeopardy. The over-whelming evidence that this is not thecase has not dissuaded them fromcontinuing to raise spurious doubts,and as such we have dealt at length inthis document with those assertions.What is important to note here, how-ever, is that no appreciable supportexists in the public at large for abor-tion on any other basis, and that thishas been borne out in every opinionpoll, as well as, more significantly,during referenda campaigns andresults. If it can be shown, as it can,that there are in fact no medical

9

grounds for abortion, and absolutelyno circumstances where the life of awoman can only be saved by abor-tion, then it follows that a completeprohibition does not run counter toeven a large minority, but rather isopposed only in the ideological mael-strom of a very few fanatics.

We need not doubt for one momentthat the opposition of Irish people toabortion remains as solid as it was in1983 and that if anything the ongoingcampaign of the last nine years haveserved to reinforce this view in thepublic mind. It is against this back-ground then, that a referendum cam-paign will take place. The purpose isnot to create some new right or newlaw but to re-establish the constitu-tional protection of both mother andchild and to address the SupremeCourt’s mistake in a forceful andhonest way.

The 1861 Offences against thePersons Act did not provideadequate protection for theunborn child. In the English Rexv Bourne case, it was held thatthe Act allowed for abortionwhere the doctor acted in goodfaith.

Knowing this to be true,pro-lifers sought and won aPro-Life Amendment to the IrishConstitution which was carriedby a two-to-one majority in1983.

The Supreme Court judgementin the X case in 1992, turnedthe meaning of the Pro-LifeAmendment on it’s head, andallowed for abortion ondemand.

Repeated opinion polls haveshown that 70% of Irish peo-ple are opposed to abortionand support a pro-lifereferendum to absolutely banabortion. Such a referendum isopposed by pro-abortioncampaigners who would denythe Irish people their democrat-ic right to vote against abortion.


HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDSummary Points

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DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHILD IN THE WOMBLife

before

birth

The most basic and vital element in convincing people that abortionis evil and encouraging them to vote against abortion, is, of coursethe humanity of the unborn child. In most countries which legalisedabortion in the late 60's and early 70's, there was an astonishing lackof knowledge among legislators and the general public, concerningthe development of the child in the womb. Even in medical circles,because the technology for viewing the child was at such an inno-vative stage, full awareness was not widespread. In the openingyears of the new millennium, however, no such excuse exists. If weare to win over the middle ground, we must first set some funda-mental facts in the public mind on foetal development. It is in this sci-entifically verifiable area that we can expose the lie that it is religiousconviction alone that motivates pro-life sentiment, and fix the anti-abortion cause firmly at the centre as a human rights concern of per-sons both religious and otherwise.

Frighteningly the so-called "bundle of cells" argument is still veryeffective for the pro-abortion cause and is widely believed even inIreland. Therefore a basic knowledge of the development of the childin the womb is invaluable to canvassers, who will be confronted withthe questions.

WHAT IS THE "MOMENT OF CONCEPTION"?The moment of conception is not really a moment at all but rather aprocess. In common usage it is when the sperm penetrates theovum, though there is a body of opinion which holds that the con-ception is not completed until their pronuclei fuse over a period of12-14 hours. In either case, there is a new human life at this singlecell stage. The most important fact to note is that the genetic code iscomplete, wholly individual and unique. Thus, such characteristicswhich are genetically based, such as gender, eye and hair colour,and even, allowing for some environmental factors, adult height, arealready determined. This single cell is in every meaningful sense,scientific, as well as moral, a human being.

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WHEN DOES THE HEART BEGIN TOBEAT, AND THE BRAIN BEGIN TOFUNCTION?The heart begins beating at 18 days,(when the mother is only four dayslate for her first menstrual period), andby 21 days it is pumping, through aclosed circulatory system, bloodwhose type may be different from thatof the mother. Brain waves have beenrecorded at 40 days on theElectroencephalogram, EEG. It isimportant to note that the brain mayactually be functioning before this daybut the EEG is simply not sensitiveenough to detect it. What is certain isthat brain waves are present from atleast 40 days onward. Given that it isrecognised without controversy thathuman life is definitely at an end whenbrain activity ceases, then it wouldhave to be at least, accepted withoutcontroversy, that human life hasbegun some time before brain activityis measurable. No surgical abortionsever take place which do not stop thebeating heart and end brain activity.

BABY AT 5 WEEKSThe baby now has the beginnings ofeyes, spinal cord, lungs, stomach andbrain. Her heart, which we now knowstarted beating at about 18 days, isbeating very confidently. Her mothermay not even know that she is preg-nant. At this stage, she also has

elbows and hands, but fingers havenot yet developed. Her arm is ratherlike a flipper. Buds for her legsappeared at about 28-31 days.

BABY AT 6 WEEKSAt six weeks old, you can see that herhead is enlarging and that her fingershave budded, though her arms aretoo short for her hands to be able totouch each other. A large visible redblob is her liver. She has her ownblood cells and nervous system. EEGor brain activity has been recorded asearly as 40 days after conception.She also has the beginnings of ears,as well as the first signs of toothdevelopment.

BABY AT 8 WEEKSBy the time the unborn child is eightweeks old, she weighs 1/3 of anounce, and is comprised of about one

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billion cells. She has already under-gone 35 of the 45 required cell divi-sions to achieve adulthood. Theamount of information contained inthis baby's body is almost incompre-hensible. It is equivalent to 1.4 billionbillion words, or a typewritten line15,467 billion miles long.

BABY AT 10 WEEKSAt this stage all her organs are formedand functioning. Her nervous systemis being completed, a fact whichwould make one think about her abili-ty to feel pain. It has been shown that,as early as 5 weeks, she will move orturn away from an irritating agentintroduced into the uterus, suggestingthe beginnings of an ability to experi-ence distress. That ability may, ofcourse, be present before the abilityto demonstrate it has developed.

BABY AT 12 WEEKSHer lips can now open and close andshe can press them tightly together.She is able to wrinkle her forehead,squint, frown and turn her head. Hereyes, which began to develop at 22days, will remain closed until the 7thmonth. Her sex is now distinguishableexternally. With rare exceptions, hermother does not yet feel her babymoving as her newly formed musclesare still so weak. She is still very smalland could fit inside a goose egg with

room to move about. She weighsabout one ounce. Her mother's wombis barely expanded and is still con-tained within the hipbones. Her vocalcords are complete but, in theabsence of air, she can't cry untilbirth, although she is capable of cry-ing long before.

BABY AT 16 WEEKSAt this stage the baby is 8-10 inchestall. She has now reached about halfthe height she will be at birth. You can

clearly see the umbilical cord. Shehas had fingerprints since about 11weeks. Her ears stands out from herhead. Her skeleton is hard and can beseen on an X-ray. Amniocentesis canbe carried out at this stage. Thisinvolves removal of some of the amni-otic fluid which is sent to the lab foranalysis to determine any possible

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handicap in the baby. The 1967Abortion Act in Britain permitted abor-tion on the grounds of foetal handi-cap.

BABY AT 18 WEEKSHer skin is very thin and transparent,and the underlying blood vessels canbe clearly seen. Her skin is covered ina greasy material which helps preventchapping as a result of being bathedin the amniotic fluid. The motherbegins to feel movement now or evenslightly earlier. Her baby can doeverything, but depends on her mumfor oxygen and food. The baby's toe-nails are developing at this stage.

BABY AT 20 WEEKSAt twenty weeks, she is about onefoot long and weighs about a pound.She has the beginnings of hair on herhead, and the beginnings of eye-brows. A little fringe of eyelashesappears on her closed eyes. Her fin-gernails and toenails, which began at10 and 18 weeks respectively, arenow hardening. In the 8th month, hernails will reach the tips of her fingersand by her birth may have overgrownthe fingers and be in need of trim-ming. She has accumulated somespecial fat to keep her warm afterbirth. What she can do? Her muscleshave become quite strong and hermother is much more aware of move-ment. Sometimes the mother may feel

a kind of rocking sensation, like aseries of small rhythmic jolts; this isthe baby hiccuping. She sleeps andwakes as a newborn baby does and asudden loud noise will waken her.

BABY AT 24 WEEKSBy the time she is six months old, thebaby has had a huge weight gain andher skin is wrinkled due to lack of fat.

She can soon begin to open her eyesand look up, down, and around. Shecan move freely. Like a newbornbaby, she depends on her mother forfeeding which, for the present, takesplace through the umbilical cord.

JUST BEFORE BIRTHJust before birth, her lungs arebecoming more mature. Deposits offat make her skin smoother. She isabout 20 inches long and her upperand lower limbs have a chubby

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appearance. From the 7th monthonwards, the hair on her head maygrow long and most of the downy hairis shed from her body. She fits snuglyinto the womb, so that her movementsare reduced. In the 9th month, her liv-ing quarters are so cramped that,when she moves, the contours of herarms and legs make moving bulgeson her mother's tummy. At this stageshe can do all that a newborn babycan do, though movement is limitedby her cramped living space. As shehasn't yet been born, she stilldepends on her mother for oxygen.

It would be important that all can-vassers carry with them photographsof the unborn child at the variousstages of development. It is also use-ful to carry the models of ten week oldbabies. Showing people these duringthe course of Just the Facts visits hasproved strikingly instructive. Since nosurgical abortions are ever carried outbefore eight weeks, it illustrates in away words could never do what ismeant by "early abortion" for whichsome people are inclined to make anexception.

FOETAL DEVELOPMENTSummary Points

At the moment of conceptiona new human life is formed.The entire genetic blueprintfor a unique individual humanbeing has been laid down.Gender, colour of hair andeyes, height and certain abili-ties have already been deter-mined.

The baby’s heartbeat beginsto beat 21 days afterconception. Her tiny bodymakes its own blood whichcan be a different type to hermother’s.

Brain waves have beenrecorded on the EEG as earlyas 40 days after conception.

At eight weeks the baby isperfectly formed. All of herorgans are formed and func-tioning - she even has herown fingerprints! All surgicalabortions take place after thisstage, destroying a living,growing, functioning humanbeing.

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MEDICAL ISSUESMed

ical

issu

esIn the All-Party Oireachtas Committee Report, both in the submis-sions written and oral, the majority view of the Committee revealsthat the more clever pro-abortionists have surrendered on the notionof making "choice" a politically viable option as a means of legalisingabortion. Undoubtedly they are correct in this. The "pro-choice" big-ots tend to be increasingly off-putting to the general public, and theyhave retreated to a superficially moderate defence of abortion underlimited grounds. Naturally, we know that such limited grounds in lawdo not remain limited in practice, but they will try, nonetheless, to usethe proposition of such “limitations against a Pro-Life Amendmentwhich prohibits all abortion. They only need to get the electorate toaccept one exception in order to produce a NO vote on a soundwording.

Which, of course, is the very reason why pro-aborts have done theirutmost to create confusion about medical issues and terms relatingto conditions arising during pregnancy. Those of us who have beenfollowing the abortion debate closely over the past 9 years are, ofcourse, aware that any medical conditions which may afflict a womanduring pregnancy can be dealt with effectively by treatments otherthan abortion. The Irish Medical Council and the Institute ofObstetricians and Gynaecologists have confirmed this, and are sup-ported by the Irish Medical Organisation and the nursing organisa-tion, An Bord Altranais. Pro-abortion doctors have been unable togive a single concrete example of where a woman's life might besaved by abortion. Since none, in fact, exist Ireland, in the absenceof legalised abortion, has been accredited by the World HealthOrganisation as the safest place in the world for a pregnant womanto give birth. These facts must be forcefully impressed upon the elec-torate during the campaign and it is therefore crucially important thatthe Pro-Life canvasser is familiar with the issues.

The intensity of the abortion debate over the past nine years sincethe X-case decision has meant that Irish people are hearing medical

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terminology, used on a daily basis,without proper explanation of theseterms. Also, the pro-abortion lobbyare using scare tactics by suggestingthat there are medical conditions aris-ing in pregnancy that require legalabortion to save women's lives. Thefact is, that the leading obstetriciansin this country have assured usrepeatedly over the past 20 years,that they do not need abortion to savemother's lives. A famous study by oneof the world's most respected expertsin the area of pregnancy, an Irishman,Dr. Kieran O'Driscoll, and his col-leagues in the National MaternityHospital in Holles Street, Dublin,proved this fact when it was publishedin 1982. Since that time, medicaladvances have continued, and in thisnew millennium, our medical expertshave assured us once again thatabortion is an unnecessary evil inmodern times. Four of the country'smost experienced obstetriciansreported to the Joint OireachtasCommittee on the Constitution that anabsolute ban on abortion would notendanger the lives of Irish womenand would only serve to underline thefact that Ireland is the safest countryin the world to have, or to be, a baby.

CANCER AND PREGNANCYIn approximately 0.7% of pregnantwomen, cancer may occur. When it

does so, it may be necessary to per-form surgery or to prescribechemotherapy or radiotherapy. Thistreatment is never withheld fromexpectant mothers who need it. Someof these women will ask to delaysome treatments, especiallychemotherapy, until such time (usual-ly when the unborn baby reaches 12weeks) as the baby is unlikely to beadversely affected by such treatment.The choice is left to the mother in con-sultation with her family and her doc-tors. In the rare case of cervical can-cer in pregnancy, it is usually neces-sary to immediately perform a hys-

17


terectomy to remove the cancerouswomb of the mother. In this instance,the baby will invariably die, unless(s)he is mature enough to survive out-side the womb. This hysterectomy isnot, and never has been, consideredby medicine or by the law, as an abor-tion, even in the days prior to 1992when it was considered that Irelandhad an absolute ban on abortion.Those who advocate abortion willoften say that this essential surgicaltreatment is aborting the baby, when itis quite clear that the intention of thisprocedure is to treat a mother withcancer. Such treatment is standardpractice and any doctor who did notprovide the necessary treatmentwould be guilty of professional mis-conduct.

There is no evidence of an increasedincidence of malignancy of cancer inpregnant women nor evidence thatpregnancy per se adversely affectsthe treatment of maternal cancer.

HEART DISEASEThe incidence of heart disease inpregnancy is extremely low - 558cases of heart condition (both mildand severe) to 159,680 births inHolles Street Hospital between 1969and 1990. With over 364,000 birthsbetween the three Dublin MaternityHospitals, there were 6 deaths inpregnant patients with heart disease.

Pregnancy did not not cause oraggravate these conditions.

Abortion would not have benefitedany of these mothers. Numerousreports of heart surgery during preg-nancy include successful correction ofmost types of congenital and acquiredcardiac disease. Maternal mortality isdependent on the specific nature ofthe procedure being performed and isnot increased in pregnancy.Successful pregnancy following hearttransplantation has also been report-ed.

With early detection and successfulcorrection of congenital heart defects,Eisenmenger’s Syndrome hasbecome increasingly rare in devel-oped countries in recent decades.The incidence of Eisenmenger’sSyndrome in pregnancy is very low. In1992 there had been less than 150reported cases in the world literatureover the previous 45 years. One casehas been reported in Ireland since1969. There is not a single reportedcase of the condition among the115,567 abortions performed on non-residents in England and Walesbetween 1984 and 1990.

ECTOPIC PREGNANCYEctopic pregnancy is not an issue inthe abortion debate despite the bestefforts of pro-abortion campaigners to

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confuse treatment for an ectopicpregnancy with abortion. An ectopicpregnancy is said to occur whenimplantation of the fertilised ovumoccurs anywhere other than thewomb, most commonly in the fallopi-an tubes, but occasionally elsewhere,such as in the abdominal cavity.

Ectopic pregnancy is not compatiblewith survival of the unborn baby. If thepregnancy is not ended, the motherwill die from haemorrhage as a resultof rupture of the ectopic's implanta-tion site. The more modern treat-ments aim to destroy the placenta ofthe ectopic pregnancy so that thepregnancy ends and the threat ofrupture recedes. Left untreated, themother and child will both die.Treatment will save the mother's life,and this is the soleintent of the practice.

The essential pointhere is the intent of thepractitioner. The impor-tance of intent is recog-nised in law. There isno reason why any ofthese cases should beused as excuses forrefusing an absoluteban on the deliberateand intentional killing ofthe unborn, commonlyknown as abortion.

OTHER LIFE THREATENING ILLNESSESSeveral conditions can arise in preg-nancy which, if left untreated, wouldresult in the death of the expectantmother and consequently of her child.Pre-eclampsia, HELLP Syndrome,congestive heart failure and otherconditions can arise in pregnantwomen. At their extreme, they willrequire early delivery of the baby,since the necessary treatment is thetermination of the pregnancy, not thetermination of the life of the unbornchild. Usually, the unborn baby isviable and can survive outside themother's womb. In rare cases thecondition threatens the life of themother before the child is viable. Inthese cases current medical practiceis to deliver the child and to do all thatis possible to save his/her life. A tiny

19

minority of doctors argue that thistreatment constitutes an abortion,since the practicing obstetricianknows that the ending of the pregnan-cy, will in all probability, effectivelyend the baby's life. This is, of course,a gross insult to the unfortunate moth-ers whose children do not survive thetreatment of these rare conditions andto the doctors who work to preservethe lives of both mothers and babies.The truth is that there is no intent tokill the baby, an essential requisite forwhat the vast majority of people con-sider to be "abortion.”

LETHAL DEFORMITY IN PREGNANCYThe most common of the lethal defor-mities occurring in pregnancy is anen-cephaly, the most severe manifesta-tion of spina bifida. In this case thechild's brain and skull-cap fail todevelop. The child will have a brain-stem which will keep his/her heartbeating during pregnancy and for ashort time after delivery. This condi-tion is incompatible with continued lifeoutside the womb; the child typicallysurvives for minutes after birth. Someargue that, since the child will die sosoon after birth, it is better for themother to abort the pregnancy ratherthan have to face waiting for the birthand subsequent death of her child.We believe that the child should beallowed whatever life-span he/shehas, and that it is wrong to take that

little length of life from the child. Froma practical point of view, there areseveral benefits in continuing thepregnancy to term, if possible.

PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OFABORTIONShort-lived adverse sequelae follow-ing induced abortion occur in up to50% of the women studied.Psychiatric disturbance is marked,severe or persistent in 10-32%. Bothwomen and men are severely impact-


20

The complex hormonal cascadethat occurs in pregnancy is ter-minated in a natural manner,rather than stopped abruptly inan artificial manner. This mayhave implications for the risk ofbreast cancer, which is lower inwomen who complete theirpregnancies in a natural man-ner rather than terminating thepregnancy prematurely.

The mother has the opportunityof holding her newborn child inher arms, albeit for a short time.This is of considerable benefitfrom the point of view of thesubsequent grieving process.

The mother avoids all the risksassociated with abortion

1.

2.

3.


ed by post-abortion syndrome (PAS)which is similar to Post TraumaticStress Disorder.Symptoms include:

Certain factors predispose particularindividuals to its development.

Individuals at greatest risk include:

SUICIDE AND PREGNANCYPregnancy is a protective factor asregards the risk of suicide. Suicidedoes occur in pregnancy, but far lesscommonly than in non-pregnantwomen. Threat of suicide is not anindication for abortion, since thewoman is more likely to commit sui-cide if she has an abortion than if shecontinues her pregnancy to term.Only in a world gone mad, would soci-ety allow psychosocial problems suchas crisis pregnancy to be dealt with byrecourse to surgery or abortifacientmedication. A supportive environmentis the most important thing to providea woman in this unfortunate situation.In countries such as Ireland whichhas a strongly Pro-Life ethos, womenwho abort their pregnancies are farmore likely to develop severe or pro-longed psychological or psychiatricproblems. This risk is increased if thewoman is young or if she is pressuredinto aborting her pregnancy, which isoften the case.

PREGNANCY IS NOT A RISK FACTORPregnancy reduces the overall risk ofsuicide compared with a populationthat is not pregnant. Pregnant womenare six times less likely to commit sui-cide than non-pregnant women. Inaddition, they are twenty times lesslikely to kill themselves than womenwho end their pregnancies by abor-tion (Finnish National Study 1996).

21

a woman who is advised orcoerced into having anabortiona woman who has a previouspsychiatric historya woman who has current orpast interpersonal relationshipdifficulties and a personalityvulnerable to traumaa woman who intends to havefurther children at some stageteenagersthose with a history ofprevious abortionswomen who have secondtrimester abortions

pre-occupation with the deathof their childflashbacks of the abortionnightmares related to theabortiondepressed moodfear, guilt, lack of self-esteemand self-confidencesuicide

Abortion is never medicallynecessary. Pro-abortion cam-paigners have sought to con-fuse this issue but, quite simply,abortion never saves a mother’slife, it just kills a baby.

According to the UnitedNations, Ireland is the safestplace in the world for a moth-er to have a baby. Irish mater-nal mortality figures are excel-lent, and owe nothing to theavailability of induced abortionin the UK.

Irish women seeking abortionsin the UK do not do so becausethey suffer from life-threateningconditions which are not beingtreated because of the non-availability of abortion in Ireland

The Irish medical communityhave always held that it isunethical to deliberatelydestroy an unborn child. Theyalso rightly insist that doctorsmust provide all necessarytreatment for conditions arisingin pregnancy, or risk beingstruck off the medical register.

Treatment for cancer, heart dis-ease, pre-eclampsia, ectopicpregnancy and other rare condi-tions may require prematuredelivery of the child to savethe mother’s life, after whichall efforts will be made tokeep the child alive.

If the child is too young tosurvive, this is unfortunate,but the death of the child wasnot the intention of the opera-tion. Such treatments are there-fore ethically and legally justifi-able. There has never been anysuggestion that Irish doctorswould be prevented in treatingpregnant women for any condi-tions which arise during theirpregnancies.

The Institute of Obstetriciansand Gynaecologists, whichguides the doctors who care forexpectant mothers, obtainedan unprecedented 95% con-sensus from their memberswho believe they can preservemother’s lives and health with-out abortion.

MEDICAL ISSUESSummary Points


22


ABORTION AND RAPEAbo

rtionan

drape Sexual assault is a crime of violence. This appalling and destructive

violation often leaves the victim severely damaged. Sometimes sheis physically damaged. More often, emotionally. Anger, fear, guilt,disgust and loss of self-esteem may afflict the victim. This may hap-pen even when there is no pregnancy as a result of rape.

By its nature, rape is a very emotional topic. It rightly evokes feelingsof revulsion in the ordinary person, but this can lead to illogical andunfounded judgements with regard to pregnancy as a result of rape.Rape victims who become pregnant are offered the quick-fix solutionof abortion. Is this what they really need?

Pregnancy is estimated to occur in 0.6% of sexual assaults. There islittle research on the management of pregnancy resulting from sex-ual assault. However, a study by Dr. Sandra Mahkorn entitledPregnancy and Sexual Assault, New Perspectives on HumanAbortion (1981), was the first of its kind, in that it studied 37 pregnantrape victims in the USA. It produced findings which contradicted thecommonly held belief that rape victims seek and need abortion. Ofthese women, who were identified through a social welfare agency,28 chose to continue the pregnancy, five had an abortion, and fourwere lost to follow up. Of those 28 who continued with their preg-nancies, 17 chose adoption, 3 kept the child themselves and theplacement of the remaining eight was undetermined.

Several reasons were given for not having an abortion. First, manywomen expressed the feeling that abortion was another act of vio-lence. Secondly, some saw an intrinsic meaning or purpose to thechild. Thirdly, at a subconscious level, some victims felt that by con-tinuing the pregnancy, they would in some way conquer the rape.Issues relating to the rape experience, not the pregnancy, were theprimary concern for over 80% of the pregnant rape victims. Theremainder placed primary emphasis on their need to confront theirfeelings about the pregnancy. In the group (28 of 37) who carried the

23


pregnancies to term, the majority sawtheir attitude toward the child improveconsistently throughout the pregnan-cy. Some remained ambivalentthroughout the entire pregnancy, butin no case did their attitude growworse. None, at the end of the preg-nancy, wished that she had decidedon an abortion.

Abortion, acting as judge and jury,imposes a death sentence on an inno-cent child for the crime of her father.The baby is a distinct human being;she is not to blame for themethod of her conception.Why should he or she bevictimised by being killed?Our society accepts thatwe cannot discriminateagainst another humanbeing because of theirrace or creed. We shouldalso reject the discrimina-tion perpetrated againstchildren in the womb sim-ply because of how theywere conceived.

Society offers pregnantsexual assault victims thequick-fix of abortion, butabortion, by its nature, isintrusive and violent andis a second violation of awoman’s body. For manywomen, abortion, like

rape, is an experience they will neverforget. Most women in Dr Mahkorn’sstudy felt that abortion was an act ofviolence and that issues relating tothe rape experience, not the pregnan-cy were of primary concern in coun-selling and rehabilitation.

Social support is the single mostimportant factor influencing rehabilita-tion after sexual assault. The socialsupport network provides an atmos-phere for feeling loved, valued andesteemed.

24

ABORTION & RapeSummary Points

Abortion is not a solution tothe trauma of rape. Victimsof sexual assault need long-term care and compassion,not the quick-fix of abortion.

In Dr Mahkorn’s study,women felt that issues relat-ing to the rape experience,not the pregnancy, were ofprimary concern in coun-selling and rehabilitation.

Abortion punishes an inno-cent child for the crime ofher father. It is always wrongto take the life of a child,whatever the circumstancesof that child’s conception.

Women made pregnant byrape who did not abort saidthat hostile and negative feel-ings towards the babychanged during pregnancy.

Abortion should never beconsidered as a treatmentfor incest. In fact, the “dis-posal” of the evidence ofincest through abortion couldsubject the victim tocontinued exploitation.


25

Most countries in the Western Worldhave now legalised abortion ondemand, but in almost all those juris-dictions, abortion was first madeavailable for victims of sexualassault. Pro-abortion campaignershave no compunction in manipulatingthe very real trauma of rape victims topromote their own agenda of legalis-ing abortion.

There is no psychiatric evidence noreven any theory which argues thatabortion of an incestuous pregnancyis therapeutic for the victim - onlymore convenient for everyone else.


METHODS OF ABORTIONAbo

rtionmetho

ds Choice is a word which is superficially soft sounding. Most sensiblepeople relate it in normal terms with words such as freedom, andeven with personal responsibility. However, in the context of abor-tion, as we know, we are not dealing with normal terms. For a longtime now, it has been a vital part of the Pro-Life activists’ work toconfront both pro-abortionists, and those sitting on the fence, withthe harsh reality of what this word means in the abortion context.This has involved the use of graphic photographs depicting the hor-rendous and visible damage done to unborn human babies. Thereshould be no let up on this very effective tactic in the context of a ref-erendum. It forces the abortion advocate, as well as those who mightbe inclined to make certain exceptions, onto the defensive. Theymust explain how such exceptions, even those which seem primafacie sound, can justify the physical consequences.

It is useful also that the canvasser be familiar with the most commonmethods of abortion. Many people will refuse to look at the photo-graphs, (and that is their right), but will listen to a description.Furthermore, there may be occasions during the referendum whenthe photographs are not immediately to hand. The reality of abortionis our "hard case" and it is worth stressing our hard case is, fright-eningly, every case.

When considering the "choice" of abortion, therefore, there are anumber of methods:

DILATION AND CURETTAGE (D&C)Many people have heard of the gynaecological procedure of D&C.This usually involves dilation of the cervix so that excess endometri-al tissue can be curetted (scraped) away. However, there are timeswhen a D&C is used deliberately to terminate the life of an unbornbaby. The developing baby is cut apart by the curette and a surgicalforceps crushes his/her head before the remains are scraped outinto a dish. The baby is dead.

26

SUCTION ASPIRATIONThis is the most common abortionprocedure in the Western World. Itusually is performed when the motheris between two and three monthspregnant. To perform it sooner wouldincrease the risk of leaving some ofthe foetal tissue (e.g. a head) behind,this then forming the focus of infec-tion. The suction machine has a suc-tion many times stronger than a con-ventional vacuum cleaner. It is strongenough to dismember the developingbaby. The skull is then crushed with asurgical forceps and removed piece-meal. The physician's assistant isusually left with the loathsome task ofassembling or checking body parts to

ensure a complete abortion. The babyis dead.

DILATION AND EVACUATIONThis method is generally used duringthe first half of the second trimester(13 to 20 weeks). The baby is tornapart by special forceps, and thepieces are removed one by one.Larger babies must have their headscrushed so the pieces can passthrough the cervix.

This method involves the abortionistand staff manually crushing the baby,requiring considerable effort at times,and making the abortion more 'real' tothem, because upon assembling the


Suction abortion @ 8 weeks

27


parts of the poor little carcass, thestaff can see for themselves whatthey have done. Many nurses have'burned out' on this procedure andrefuse to assist. Abortion rightsgroups are enthusiastic about theD&E method because, unlike othersecond-trimester abortion methodssuch as saline and prostaglandin,there is absolutely no chance that thebaby will survive.

Abortionist Warren Hern, author of thehow-to book, Abortion Practice,described the D&E method to theAssociation of Planned ParenthoodPhysicians in San Diego in 1978, dur-ing a presentation entitled WHATABOUT US? Staff Reactions to theD&E Procedure were;

"We have reached a point in thisparticular technology where thereis no possibility of denial of an actof destruction on the part of theoperator. It is before one's eyes.The sensations of dismembermentflow through the forceps like anelectric current."

In his book, Hern also describes someof the more grisly aspects of the D&Eabortion;

"The procedure changes signifi-cantly at 21 weeks because thefoetal tissues become much more

cohesive and difficult to dismem-ber. A long curved Mayo scissorsmay be necessary to decapitateand dismember the foetus."

Usually, the cervix must be dilated forone to three days before such a pro-cedure. The most popular method ofcervical dilatation involves the inser-tion of dried seaweed sticks calledlaminaria, which absorb fluids andswell, thereby expanding the cervicaldiameter. Abortionists may also dilatethe cervix quickly with a series ofstainless steel rods of increasingdiameter.

DILATION AND EXTRACTION (D&X)Abortionist Marvin Haskell has invent-ed a new abortion procedure henamed dilation and extraction (D&X),because;

"most surgeons find dismember-ment [i.e., D&E] at twenty weeksand beyond to be difficult due to thetoughness of foetal tissues at thisstage of development."

D&X is an almost incredibly grisly andbrutal procedure. It involves the par-tial delivery of the baby, so that thelower extremities of the child havebeen delivered through the birth canalbefore the killing of the child takesplace. Haskell, who boasted at a 1992National Abortion Federation confer-

28

ence that he had carried out morethan 700 of these late second-trimester and third-trimester killings,describes his technique;

"At this point, the right-handed sur-geon slides the fingers of the lefthand along the back of the foetusand "hooks" the shoulders of thefoetus with the index and ring fin-gers (palm down). Next he slidesthe tip of the middle finger alongthe spine towards the skull whileapplying traction to the shouldersand lower extremities. The middlefinger lifts and pushes the ante-rior cervical lip out of the way.

While maintaining this tension,lifting the cervix and applyingtraction to the shoulders withthe fingers of the left hand, thesurgeon takes a pair of bluntcurved Metzenbaum scissors inthe right hand. He carefullyadvances the tip, curved down,along the spine and under hismiddle finger until he feels itcontact the base of the skullunder the tip of his middle fin-ger.

Reassessing proper placementof the closed scissors tip and safeelevation of the cervix, the surgeonthen forces the scissors into thebase of the skull or into the fora-

men magnum. Having safelyentered the skull, he spreads thescissors to enlarge the opening.The surgeon removes the scissorsand introduces a suction catheterinto this hole and evacuates theskull contents. With the catheterstill in place, he applies traction tothe foetus, removing it completelyfrom the patient."

SALT POISONINGAlso known as the 'saline solutionmethod' or the 'amnio abortion,' this

procedure is used for secondtrimester and early third trimesterabortions, but is becoming less popu-lar due to possible complications to


Salt Solution abortion @ 20 weeks

29

the mother.

A salt solution is injected into theamniotic fluid. The baby breathes andswallows this concentration and diespainfully over a period of hours fromsalt poisoning, dehydration, brainhaemorrhage, and convulsions. Thebaby's skin is often burned off by thesolution, and delivery occurs 24 to 48hours after the baby dies. The skin ofthe babies is either completely burnedor turned a cherry-red colour, which iswhy some abortionists and nursesrefer to them as "candy-applebabies."

Dr. Russell Sacco dryly observed that

"If the abortion is well done, wedon't have to watch the baby die.So we inject a saltsolution. The resultis like putting salton a slug, but wedon't have to watchit."

Mothers who haveundergone salineabortions invariablyreport feeling thebaby's movementsincrease to a des-perate frenzy as itsskin and mucous

membranes are scalded and it dies inunspeakable agony. Women whohave had previous babies and haveundergone this method of abortion,describe their dead preborn as"babies" and say that the physicalpain of their experience was worsethan prolonged childbirth.

PROSTAGLANDIN ABORTIONThis method is used during the latesecond-trimester and third-trimester.A prostaglandin hormone is injectedinto the uterine muscle, which thenbegins contractions to expel the babyin an artificially-induced and extreme-ly violent premature labour. The con-tractions induced by this method areusually sufficiently strong to crush thebaby to death before it is delivered.This method is falling out of favour


Premature baby @ 21 weeks

30

METHODS OF ABORTIONSummary Points

The reality of abortion is hor-rific and underlines the terribletruth that every abortion kills aliving, growing human being.

Dilation and Curettage -the mother’s cervix is dilatedand the living child is cut topieces with a curette knife.The baby’s head is crushedand removed.

Suction Aspiration -performed between 8 andtwelve weeks. A hollow tubewith a knife edged tip isinserted into the uterus. Thesuction machine then tearsthe baby apart and sucks thepieces into a container. Thehead is crushed.

Dilation and Evacuation -the child is torn apart using asharp-toothed pliers-likeinstrument.

Hysterotomy - Somewhatlike a caesarean section; thechild is removed and left todie in a bucket.


because it is not uncommon forbabies to be born alive. In suchcases, the doctor must clandestinelykill the baby or risk a so-called"wrongful life" situation, possiblelegal action and adverse publicity.

HYSTEROTOMYThis is similar to a Caesarean sec-tion and performed during the lasttrimester of pregnancy. The mother'sabdomen is surgically opened andthe baby is lifted out. The helplessbaby is then either left to die or iskilled by the doctor or nurse.

CHEMICAL ABORTION - RU486The RU-486 early abortion pill hasserious side effects, a very limitedrange of use, is just as costly as asurgical abortion, and is now beingused ruthlessly by certain developingnations for outright, coercive popula-tion control purposes.

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ABORTION FOR HIV BABIES?Abo

rtionforHIV? t has been said that an unborn baby contracting HIV whilst in utero

should be aborted to prevent the "child suffering terribly later."Common sense should tell you that this is a ludicrous idea, as noth-ing can compare to the horrific suffering a child goes through duringan abortion. However, such questions do merit serious contempla-tion in order that we can develop a truly compassionate pro-lifestance on the issue.

RISK OF CONTRACTING HIV FROM MOTHER IS 25%Firstly, let us look at the evidence. The risk of an unborn child con-tacting HIV virus from a positive mother is only 25% (Centre forDisease Control, USA, March 1987). However, all babies born toHIV positive mothers will test positive at birth, not because theythemselves have the virus, but because they are passive recipientsof their mothers' antibodies. (Remember a diagnosis of HIV status ismade on the presence of antibodies produced by the baby to fightthe virus, not on the basis of the virus itself). In time, as the infant'sown immune system develops, 75% of them will no longer need theirmother's antibodies as they do not have the virus.

This is why it is especially important for women to be tested for HIVearly in pregnancy. Research for the National Institutes of Health(1996) report that the HIV anti-viral drug AZT could keep a motherfrom passing HIV onto her unborn child (Gorman, Time). In thisstudy, three times as many HIV-infected babies were born tountreated mothers as were born to mothers given the AZT medica-tion. Preventing HIV in unborn babies is important because theirimmune systems are very immature when they are born. HIV makesthem sicker than adults and at a faster rate.

AZT LOWERS INFECTION TO 8%This, of course, leads us to the unfortunate babies in the 25% cate-gory. Even in this instance, the outlook is far from bleak. In 1995 astudy carried out by the Department of Health and Human Services

32


in the US, showed that by administer-ing the drug AZT to pregnant womenduring the 14th to 34th week of preg-nancy and again after the first 6weeks after birth, the risk of infantinfection is reduced to as little as 8%.For the babies in the 8%, there is stillroom for hope. Children have alwaysproved more resilient than adultswhen it comes to fighting illness; inthe case of AIDS it is no different.

With early detection and prompt treat-ment many life-threatening illnessescan be prevented, thus improvingtheir life expectancy and quality of life.Early detection is also vital to preventan unsuspecting mother passing onthe virus to her baby through breastmilk.

MIRACULOUS RECOVERYRecent revelations haveproved to be downrightmiraculous! Contributorsto a world-wide AIDSconference in Vancouverhave reported cases ofchildren who have com-pletely thrown off the HIVvirus. According to Dr.Jay Leong of theUniversity of California,of 36 infants who had thevirus at one time, 18were completely clear atthe time of reporting.

MEDICAL ADVANCEMENTSA new drug course means that babiesare being saved from AIDS evenbefore birth. The success of the newdrug treatment has meant that it isalmost four years since an HIV posi-tive baby was born in this Ireland. Dr.Karina Butler who treats pregnantwomen and babies said it was "fan-tastic" that babies were being borninfection-free after their mothers weretreated during pregnancy. The Dept.of Health has agreed to introduceante-natal screening for HIV to ensurethat all pregnant mothers who havethe virus are treated. In the USA, Dr.Stanley from California suggested thistreatment to stop the incidence ofbabies born with HIV. He wasattacked savagely by those who seek

33

to make a political agenda of theAIDS debate. Let's hope that the Irishpeople will not allow babies to die foran "agenda."

Advances in AIDS research areoccurring all the time. New drug ther-apies are improving the victim's lifeexpectancy and quality of life.Therefore, the future for childreninfected by HIV is far from bleak.

LIFE IS STILL THE OPTIONHowever, what difference does itmake if a child is infected with thevirus and has a short life expectancy?Does a person's health status detractfrom the value of their life? This is aquestion posed by a pregnant motherwho was HIV positive, in an interviewwith the New York Times: "so what ifmy baby only lives 5 years. Who's tosay that because it is a shorter life, itwas not a life worth living." (New YorkTimes, 9/5/95). The truly compassion-ate answer to the issue of babies withHIV, is to identify those at risk as earlyas possible and start life enhancingand life saving treatment as soon aspossible.

The “quality of life” argumentused to justify aborting unbornbabies is entirely without foun-dation. A baby’s right to life isabsolute and is unchanged bysubjective judgements ofquality.

Abortion inflicts an immediateand gruesome death sentenceon the unborn child, on theridiculous assertion that it willprevent “future suffering”.

The risk of an unborn child con-tacting HIV virus from a positivemother is, contrary to pro-abor-tion hysteria, only 25%. A drugtreatment - using AZT - hasbeen shown to reduce the riskof infant infection to as littleas 8%.

With early detection and prompttreatment many life-threateningillnesses can be prevented, thusimproving the baby’s lifeexpectancy and quality of life.

Advances in AIDS research areoccurring all the time. Therefore,the future for children infected byHIV is far from bleak.


34

AIDS AND HIVSummary Points


MISCELLANEOUS QUESTIONSMiscellane

ous

WHAT WAS THE X CASE?The Supreme Court's judgment in the X Case has created the cur-rent legal impasse regarding abortion. It involved a fourteen year oldgirl who had become pregnant as a result of rape. Her parents hadtaken her to England to have the baby aborted. While there, theycontacted the Gardai to inquire as to the legal position with regard tousing DNA samples from the aborted baby as evidence to provepaternity in any subsequent rape trial. The Gardai advised them toreturn to Ireland, which they did. The High Court ordered an injunc-tion preventing Miss X from returning to England in order to protectthe right to life of the unborn child as guaranteed under Article 40.3,3(otherwise known as the Eighth Amendment) of the IrishConstitution.

Her parents, with State funding, appealed the injunction to theSupreme Court, which held on March 5th 1992, that Miss X, andindeed any woman, had a right to an abortion under Article 40.3,3where there was a "real and substantial risk to the life of the moth-er.” The specific grounds was a claim that Miss X was suicidal. TheCourt did not hear qualified medical evidence and the AttorneyGeneral accepted, in advance, that the Amendment allowed forabortion in some circumstances.

The judgment had the support of four of the then five Supreme CourtJustices and has resulted in what are effectively the most liberalabortion criteria in the world, being held as lawful in Ireland. Thislegal position has never been clarified by legislation as a result ofresistance by the medical profession as well as strong campaigningby Pro-Life groups, and as such, no legal abortions have yet, to ourknowledge, been carried out in Ireland.

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WHAT WERE THE AMENDMENTSPROPOSED IN NOVEMBER 1992 TODEAL WITH THE X JUDGEMENT?Three constitutional amendmentswere proposed, widely known as theTravel Amendment, the InformationAmendment, and the so-called"Substantive Issue Amendment".

The Travel Amendment, which wascarried in the referendum, was osten-sibly to prevent a recurrence of theHigh Court injunction preventing preg-nant women from travelling abroad. Inpractice it results in an unqualifiedlegal right to travel for an abortion.

The Information Amendment, whichwas also carried, was sold to the Irishpeople as a freedom of informationissue. In fact, it was to allowEnglish abortion clinics to beadvertised in Ireland by abor-tion referral agents such asthe Irish Family PlanningAssociation and MarieStopes.

The Substantive Amendmentwould have allowed for limit-ed abortion. It removed thethreat of suicide as groundsfor claiming a real and sub-stantial risk to the life of themother but otherwise left theX judgment intact. It wouldfurther have had the effect of

having the Irish people directlyendorse the murder of Irish children. Itwas overwhelmingly defeated despiteGovernment threats to introduce amuch more liberal regime.

The 1992 referenda were conductedin deliberately confusing circum-stances, with a General Electionbeing called on the same day. In thisatmosphere, it was difficult for Pro-Life groups to argue as cogently asmight otherwise have been the case.There was a natural emphasis on thesubstantive issue since this was seento be the most dangerous and thiswas borne out in the final vote. Hadthere been more time, doubtless all ofthe amendments could have beendefeated. In 1995 the "rainbow coali-

36


tion" government introduced legisla-tion to cover the information amend-ment. They chose the most liberalinterpretation possible. TheGovernment's threat to legislate forabortion in Ireland has not, however,been enacted.

WHAT WAS THE C CASE?The C case was, on the face of it,extraordinarily similar to X and wasundoubtedly an effort to stir the samehysterical emotions on a hard case asin early 1992. It involved a thirteenyear old traveller girl who had becomepregnant through rape. On this occa-sion, however, the girl was in the cus-tody of the Eastern Health Board forher own protection from the rapist. Itwas reported that her parents wantedher to have an abortion. An interviewgiven by the father of the girl toMorning Ireland the following day,revealed that it was not quite as sim-ple as that. Clearly they had beentold, without a shred of truth, that iftheir daughter did not have an abor-tion she would die. It also emergedthat, though they were distraught bywhat had happened to their child, theywere deeply uncomfortable about theabortion and were agreeing only withextreme reluctance. The fatherappealed for help at this desperatejuncture. Two members of YouthDefence who work with the travellingcommunity on unrelated issues tried

to find out, through a third party,whether the family would be willing totalk to us. They were eager to do soand a meeting was arranged.

It quickly became obvious thatextreme pressure had been broughtto bear upon the family by the EasternHealth Board who were determinedthat the abortion would take place nomatter what. The parents, on theother hand, felt that this would destroytheir daughter’s life as well as killingtheir grandchild. Naturally we offeredto help in whatever way we could,knowing that the whole power of theState would now be brought to bearagainst these people as soon as itwas clear that they would not do whatthey were told.

Indeed, there was an immediatechange The media launched into hys-terical and unfounded attacks uponthe family, and in particular upon thefather of the young girl. The HealthBoard refused to return custody ofthe girl to her parents and soughtinstead to force the abortion, claiming,without foundation, that the girl wassuicidal. With Youth Defence’s help,the girl’s parents fought the issue inthe Courts until there was clearly noprospect of success. The High Courtpermitted that Miss C be brought toEngland against the wishes of herparents, where her baby was aborted.

37


Soon afterwards the psychologicaldamage which had been done as aresult of the abortion became starklyobvious. Unlike the X case, the keyfacts in C were known to Pro-Lifersand the case did not arouse supportfor the pro-abortion cause despitemedia hype.

AREN'T PRO-LIFERS JUST RELIGIOUSBIGOTS?Many people who are involved in thePro-Life movement are motivated bya sincere religious conviction and his-torically speaking, the position takenby the Catholic Church on abortionhas been a significant factor. Peoplehave a right to their religious beliefsand in holding them, to act uponthem. This has nothing to do with big-otry, unlike the desire to silence allnon-secular views. The only religiousbigotry to enter the abortion debate inIreland has been anti-Catholic bigotry,and there has been plenty of that.

It would be absurd, however, to seeabortion as an exclusively religiousissue, never mind a Catholic one.Throughout the world, people of manyreligious denominations, and indeednone, have felt called to the Pro-Lifecause as a core human rights ques-tion. The horror of abortion, as well asthe notion that murder, in any form,may be sanctioned by the law, moti-vates thousands of pro-life activists.

The Pro-Life cause, though oftendrawing on religious inspiration, isfirmly grounded in scientific facts (seesection on the Development of theChild in the Womb). Opposition toabortion, therefore, is a universallyembracing idea. You should beagainst abortion because, like theunborn child, you are a human being.

SHOULD WOMEN HAVE THE RIGHT TOCHOOSE?This superficially plausible argumentis used worldwide by pro-abortionists,even though it is, ironically, the mosthollow. The right to choose is, in ageneral sense, an essential part ofhuman freedom and it is applied everyday, by everybody. On the otherhand, it is equally true that restric-tions on the right to choose areimposed everyday upon everybody. Ifthis weren't so, we would have totalchaos. The general rule of thumb forthose working within a moral frame-work is that we have no right tochoose to do wrong. On a more basiclevel, a level which is universallyapplicable, we have no right tochoose to do something which unjust-ly harms another person.

It is important that Pro-Lifers not allowthemselves to be characterised asanti-choice as such. What we are ask-ing for in a prohibition on abortion, isthat women, or indeed, anyone, be

38


prevented from making a free choiceto take someone else’s life. In abor-tion the only choice that is denied isthe right to kill the baby, all otheroptions are available to the woman,ranging from adoption to raising thechild herself. It is useful to point outthat the absolute right to choose inother circumstances would, for exam-ple, sanction rape.

People need to be brought to the log-ical conclusion of what is meant bythis glib phrase.

ABORTION IS AN ISSUE THATCONCERNS WOMEN ONLY?This argument, though ostensibly putforward from a feminist perspective isastonishingly anti-woman. What itamounts to, on examination, is thatunwanted pregnancy is a problemthat the woman must sort out for her-self; in spite of the fact that she wasnot alone in the act of conception, sheis alone insofar as taking responsibili-ty is concerned.

It is true, that in practical terms,women facing an unwanted pregnan-cy are often left alone to take respon-sibility and make decisions by an irre-sponsible man. What this argumentdoes, however, is to endorse hisactions and give society's approval.And it makes no provision whateverfor the more responsible male who is

willing to face up to his responsibilitiesas a father, including, not incidentally,husbands.

Moreover, it is worth noting that onaverage, 50% of unborn children aremale, so that, even on that crude levelmen have an interest insofar asensuring the survival of their fellowmen.

WHY DO SOME DOCTORS SAY THATABORTION IS SOMETIMES NECESSARYTO SAVE THE LIFE OF THE MOTHER,AND EVEN CLAIM TO HAVE CARRIEDOUT SUCH ABORTIONS IN IRISHHOSPITALS?The sad truth is that some doctors,thankfully, a tiny minority, believe inthe right to an abortion. This is a polit-ical opinion, not a medical one, as canbe seen by the most prominent ofthese pro-abortion doctors, such asProfessor Walter Prendiville who wasan executive member of the IrishFamily Planning Association and latercarried that ideology into the MedicalCouncil. Unfortunately, such medicalpeople are willing the use the highreputation of the profession for nefari-ous purposes, and so, have madeextraordinary claims to the media,which is only too happy to report theirminority opinions.

On examination, however, their viewsdo not stand up to medical scrutiny,

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and they know it. Essentially, whatthey have done is create confusionaround the meaning of the term abor-tion. They use that confusion to assertthat certain medical treatments, whichwould be approved by the moststaunchly Pro-Life doctors, are abor-tions. In no sense are these viewsrepresentative of their profession,which has never characterised suchtreatments as abortion. In fact, theInstitute of Obstetricians andGynaecologists were able to presenta submission to the All PartyOireacthas Committee with anunprecedented 95% consensus, re-iterating the clear difference betweenessential medical treatment and abor-tion.

In short, some doctors say that abor-tion is sometimes necessary to savethe life of the mother because theyare politically motivated to do so. It isnot something that they themselvesbelieve, and more importantly, it is nottrue.

WHAT ABOUT CONTROVERSIAL PRO-LIFE TACTICS?It is crucial to remember in a referen-dum that the only issue at stake is thequestion which appears on the ballotpaper.

It is true that, over the years, the crisiscreated by the X case judgment has

forced Pro-Life organisations, includ-ing Youth Defence, into actions whichwere controversial, especially in polit-ical and media circles. There arenumerous arguments which may beused in support of the necessity ofsuch actions, and undoubtedly, theycontributed to the situation in which areferendum is taking place at all.Remember, we have had two govern-ments, the Fianna Fail/PD coalition,which was in power at the time of X,and the so-called rainbow coalitionwhich had a declared policy of legis-lating for abortion. That they did notdo so can be properly credited toactivism which was not always polite.

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WHAT ABOUT RECENT CHURCHSCANDALS?It is likely that the pro-aborts will try tomake use of the recent Church scan-dals to undermine the Pro-Life posi-tion, particularly insofar as the issue issometimes seen as a core Catholicprinciple.

The same rule applies as to the ques-tion above - the issue is the referen-dum and the referendum only, anddoes no service to the unborn child toengage in a lengthy defence of theChurch, however absurdly misplacedor exaggerated the accusations maybe. In general, the person who raisesthese issues is not really being seri-ous anyway. They should be remind-ed that although abortion is a Catholicissue, it isn't only a Catholic issue. Wecan refer to the recent vote in theNorthern Ireland Assembly wherethere was overwhelming cross com-munity support for a motion opposingthe extension of the British AbortionAct.

IF THE BABY IS SERIOUSLY HANDI-CAPPED AND WOULD CONSEQUENTLYHAVE A POOR QUALITY OF LIFE, ISN'TABORTION A COMPASSIONATESOLUTION?There are a number of things to besaid about this. Firstly, pre-natal teststo ascertain handicap are notoriouslyunreliable, so that, in reality, there is

no definite way of knowing whetherthe child will be handicapped.Perfectly healthy children are regular-ly aborted in English clinics.

The core of this argument is howevera qualitative judgment on humanvalue. It states that some peopleslives aren't worth living because wehave decided, in our supposed meas-ure of "perfection", that they are not.The truth is that it is impossible togauge objectively another person’shappiness, and "quality of life" is evenmore difficult. Deciding to abort thehandicapped raises difficulties as towhat level of handicap qualifies a per-son as better off dead. In the end, itcan never be a decision that we canmake at someone else's cost.

THE LATEST PUBLISHED FIGURESSUGGEST THAT AS MANY AS 7,000IRISH WOMEN TRAVEL TO ENGLANDEACH YEAR FOR ABORTIONS. IF THEYARE GOING TO GO TO ENGLAND ANY-WAY, WHAT IS THE POINT OF MAIN-TAINING AN ANTI-ABORTION LAWHERE?This issue is a significant part of thepro-abortion case, although it isfounded on nonsense. Taken to itslogical conclusion, it is an argumentfor the legalisation of any crime fromsimple theft through violent assaultsand rape, to ordinary murder. After all,the laws against these crimes have

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not prevented them from happening.Nonetheless, it is an argument whichconvinces a lot of otherwise sensiblepeople, so it must be dealt with.

The official statistics, although pub-lished by a U.K. government agency,are compiled using information sup-plied by the abortion clinics them-selves. There is no independentmeans of verifying whether those whogive Irish addresses are, in fact, ordi-narily resident in Ireland, nor, moreimportantly, is there any means of

verifying whether the clinics are tellingthe truth. Since these statistics haveproved to be a powerful propagandaweapon in the campaign to haveabortion legalised in Ireland, the clin-ics have a vested interest in lying. Thetruth is that we cannot know the realnumbers.

We have some indicators, however,which suggest that the figures areexaggerated. Firstly, there are no sig-nificant numbers turning up in Irishhospitals with the post-abortion com-

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plications which are common inEngland. Secondly, we have reportsfrom people who do side-walk coun-selling in England, who say that noth-ing like this number of Irish womenare passing them on the way into theclinics.

In fact, the pro-aborts’ own figuresbear out the purpose of our anti-abor-tion laws, as it is quite clear thatdespite the close proximity of the U.K.their own statistic of 7,000 would stillmean a low abortion rate as com-pared to the U.K. There is no doubtthat the law has an important educa-tive role to play in maintaining thePro-Life ethos and is a statement ofwhere we stand as a society.

The core issue is not the numbers butthe enormous tragedy of each individ-ual case.

THERE HAVE NOW BEEN FOUR REFER-ENDUMS ON ABORTION AND THE ISSUEHASN'T BEEN SOLVED.WHAT REASONS ARE THERE TOBELIEVE THAT THIS AMENDMENT WITHTHIS WORDING WILL SUCCEED?The actual truth is that there are nomeans by which to be absolutely def-inite, but this is true about most thingsin life. The Supreme Court deliveredan extraordinary interpretation of the1983 amendment, which was notexpected by anyone. As such it is

possible that they could conceivablydo so again. If they were to do s, theyshould be impeached for "stated mis-behavior" which the Constitutionalready provides for. The groundswould be a deliberate subversion ofthe democratic will of the people, notonce, but twice, on the same issue.

It is worth pointing out that in each ref-erenda the problem has been causedby those who favour abortion, not Pro-Lifers. The Pro-Life movement wassatisfied that the 1983 Amendmenttotally prohibited abortion until theCourt decided to undermine it in orderto legalise abortion. Pro-Lifers wereforced to oppose the 1992Amendment because it sought tolegalise abortion in some circum-stances. Its failure was the failure ofthe Government to deceive the Irishpeople.

It is vital to stress here, that becausethe referendum process is already intrain, the question of what might hap-pen in years to come is purely aca-demic. If a wording, which is widelyperceived as Pro-Life, is defeated, itwill lead directly to legalised abortion.

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Mother & Child Campaign60a Capel StreetDublin 1T : 873 0463F : 873 0464E : [email protected] : www.motherandchild.ie

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