by mark laskin, chief investment officer - bp capital · pdf fileby mark laskin, chief...
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Dispatch Curve by Mark Laskin, Chief Investment Officer
BP Capital Fund Advisors | 8117 Preston Road Suite 260W Dallas TX 75225 | www.bpcfunds.com
Summary
Since OPEC assumed the leading role in managing oil markets in the 1970s, the market looked to Saudi
Arabia as the leading oil producer within OPEC for signs that might influence future changes in oil prices.
However, the structure of the global oil market changed significantly when OPEC opted not to cut
production in November of 2014. More specifically, the decision marked a profound change by Saudi
Arabia to cede “control” of the market to market forces, instead of joining with other OPEC nations to
collectively manage changes in price. Global markets are still wrestling with this change in policy, and
are assuming that Saudi’s current actions still reflect the previous global construct. In this white paper
we outline the new market construct from the Saudi perspective, as well as its causes and impacts.
A New Framework
Undoubtedly the oil market was surprised by the November 2014 OPEC decision not to cut oil production,
allowing an already oversupplied oil market to remain so. Since its formation in the 1970s, OPEC has
increased and decreased production in an attempt to manage cyclical and seasonal price volatility.
However, in November 2014, and with increasing rhetoric since, Saudi Arabian oil officials have stressed
that market forces should determine global production levels and OPEC would not intervene. As a result
of the November 2014 decision, the price of West Texas Intermediate has fallen from more than
$70/barrel before the decision to a low of $26/barrel.
The change in stated Saudi Arabian policy has caused significant debate within OPEC itself and among
global oil market participants. Since the new strategy reverses over 40 years of practice, Saudi motives
and goals have come under question. Is Saudi Arabia trying to regain market share from global oil
producers? Is Saudi Arabia using oil as a geopolitical tool to economically impact other Middle Eastern
neighbors? Is Saudi Arabia trying to force US shale producers out of business?
In the weeks and months since the November 2014 decision, Saudi comments have remained consistent.
At BPCFA, the answer has become clear. To the Saudis, the decision came down to one factor – pure
economics. As the global oil market moved from being undersupplied to oversupplied, the Saudis and
OPEC had a decision to make. To cut production to balance the market, or to continue producing and let
market forces work to balance the market. Their decision to maintain production levels has had, and will
continue to have painful short-term ramifications. It will take longer to reach a supply/demand
equilibrium than had OPEC cut production, but the end result will be a healthier long-term oil market.
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So, if the decision not to cut production was based on economics, it becomes important for us to frame
the “new” economic framework in order to understand the impact. Increasingly, the example of the
deregulated power markets in the United States serves as a relevant framework to help understand the
Saudi thought process.
In deregulated power markets in the United States, at any given time power plants that are available to
provide power are ranked by cost and volume. Every hour, demand is met by the appropriate amount of
power, and the cost of the power plant that acts as the marginal power plant becomes the price of power
for all of the running power plants in that hour. Each power plant is incentivized to run at full capacity,
but only if the price offered exceeds the cost. This concept is known in power markets as a “dispatch
curve”, whereby power plants are “dispatched” to produce power by market forces.
More specifically, as seen in a representative Florida dispatch curve (Figure 1), at any given time a
particular power plant will reside in a given place in the dispatch curve due to idiosyncratic factors. For
example, nuclear power plants generally reside toward the lower end of the dispatch curve, due to their
low operating costs. Within the spectrum of nuclear plants, differences in engineering design can cause
plants to have slightly different cost structures, but in most cases nuclear plants have advantaged
Figure 1 - Example of a typical power plant dispatch curve
Source: Prof Liza Moyer, University of Chicago
Dispatch Curve
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operating costs when compared to other types of power plants. As a result, nuclear plants are generally
economically incentivized to run at full power at all demand levels. In most demand environments, coal
plants are similarly incentivized to run. However, the demand curve typically intersects the supply, or
“dispatch” curve in the natural gas (Combined Cycle Gas Turbine, CCGT) plant portion of the curve. That
means that market demand will dictate whether a particular natural gas plant should run or sit idle in a
given hour. Importantly, a natural gas power plant can turn on and off more quickly than a nuclear or
coal plant. Therefore, in the framework of a dispatch curve, the characteristics of natural gas plants play
an important role both from a marginal cost and a time-to-dispatch perspective. The ability of the next
highest marginal cost plant to turn on and off quickly is critical to the dispatch curve working efficiently.
As we relate the dispatch curve framework to oil markets, it is important to put the development of US
shale drilling in the context of the global oil market. There are two important attributes of US shale
production that are important. First is scale. US shale production is approximately 5 million barrels per
day in a 95 million barrel per day global market. Second is the rapid pace of production decline that
occurs for each well soon after production begins. Whereas conventional wells’ production rates decline
approximately 5% per year, the average decline in production for a US shale well is approximately 70% in
the first year, and 25-30% every year thereafter. The combination of these factors means that US shale
production has become large enough to matter in global markets. Additionally, if price signals are
negative, US shale production will fall because fewer new wells will be drilled or completed to offset the
significant declines of already producing wells.
With the framework of a global oil dispatch curve in mind, let’s reconsider the November 2014 decision
of OPEC, and more specifically Saudi Arabia, in this context. Saudi Arabia produces approximately 10
million barrels of oil daily, and is among the lowest cost producers in the world. For decades Saudi
production has maintained these same attributes. So the question facing oil markets is “why would the
Saudis act differently this time compared to any other?”
Ironically, the answer may not be found in the Saudis themselves. Instead, the evolution of the profile of
global production provided a market that better matches that of a global oil “dispatch curve”. In that
context, Saudi’s role is analogous to that of a nuclear power plant. Capable of producing large volumes at
low cost Saudi is one of, if not the most, economically viable producer in the world. Importantly, the role
of US shale production is similar to that of natural gas power plants – marginal on the cost curve and able
to “dispatch” on a shorter time horizon than other types of production. Taking the power market analogy
a step further, the Saudis should act like nuclear power plants and produce at full capacity, and marginal
producers should respond according to price signals to increase or decrease production, as shown in
(Figure 2).
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Repeated comments from the Saudis echo this framework. Two in particular highlight the change in
philosophy to a dispatch curve framework. At the CERAWeek conference in February 2016, Saudi oil
minister Ali Ibrahim Al-Naimi was quoted as saying:
In this statement, al-Naimi is unequivocally stating that the Saudis are well positioned as a low cost oil
producer and will not uneconomically reduce production, to benefit higher cost producers. This is in
complete alignment with the concept of the dispatch curve. He goes on:
This comment illustrates that Saudi has no intent as to which specific producers will lose market share,
which is consistent with the dispatch curve thought process. Many analysts in the United States have
understandably viewed the Saudis’ change in philosophy to be a global oil market share war against US
shale producers, since Saudi production has increased significantly since November 2014, as seen in
(Figure 3).
Source: Prof Liza Moyer, University of Chicago, BPCFA
Figure 2 – Dispatch Curve representing oil and gas production
“Inefficient, uneconomical producers will have to get out. This is tough to say, but that is a fact.”
“We have not declared war on shale or on production from any given country or company,
contrary to all the rumors you hear and see”
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As a result of increased Saudi production, the oil price continued to fall, as seen in (Figure 4).
With the negative price signals, US shale producers reduced activity as seen in the falling horizontal rig
count data in (Figure 5), and US onshore crude oil production eventually peaked in June 2015 as seen in
(Figure 6).
Source: Bloomberg
Figure 3 – Saudi Arabian crude oil production
Source: Bloomberg
Figure 4 – Price of West Texas Intermediate
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Both of these comments illustrate that the Saudis are acting on economics alone and are not targeting
any one country or producer. While geopolitical advantage may also come within this framework, since
Saudi Arabia is most advantaged by the pure economics of the dispatch curve, the thought process is first
and foremost economically motivated at its core.
Source: Bloomberg
Figure 5 – Active Horizontal Drilling Rig Count
Figure 6 – United States Lower 48 Crude Oil Production
Source: Bloomberg
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Perspective Applied
So if the dispatch curve framework is true, what does it mean for crude oil markets going forward?
First and foremost, the implication of the dispatch curve framework is that the Saudis will do everything
possible to maintain production at or near full capacity, and force those closer to the marginal
price=marginal cost threshold to act in a rational economic manner, and increase or decrease production
according to price signals. In the near term, since production cannot quickly adjust in accordance with
seasonal changes in demand, inventories will act in the manner that the word would imply – as needed
to balance short term supply and demand. While that seems intuitive, historically seasonal supply and
demand imbalances were traditionally buffered to some degree by seasonal Saudi production. If the
seasonality Saudi production were to wane, then the range of seasonal injections and withdraws from
inventories could increase, surprising the market until a pattern becomes clearer.
Over the next few years, US shale will play the role of marginal supplier of oil in order to meet demand.
However, each year, producing wells’ production declines, and without stronger long term price signals,
investment in new production with low decline rates will not be sufficient. As a result, the price will have
to increase to a level not only to incentivize less efficient basins within US shale production, but also to
incentivize investment in long term production. Figure 2 shows how close 2015 global demand is to the
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US Base Production
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Source: BP Statistical Review, IEA, BPCFA
Figure 2 - 2015 Global Oil Supply/Demand (Dispatch Curve Framework)
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low cost tier of US shale production. Over time, as global demand increases, the ability of US shale to
meet increased demand diminishes, and higher and longer prices will be needed for some time to
incentive investment in new sources of production. This explains why the construct of a dispatch curve
is an appropriate framework for the Saudis to use to maximize their economic value, even if in the short
term it may seem counterintuitive.
(Figure 8) shows that small changes in global oil supply and demand can greatly impact the price of oil
required to balance the market. In this case, our 2016 year end estimates for global supply and demand
move the intersection of supply and demand from a low-cost plateau to one that represents a much
higher warranted price.
Why wasn’t this framework used in the 1980s, when OPEC cut production significantly in an attempt to
balance supply and demand?
While the Saudis have stated a profound change in their thought process, a fundamental question persists
– why now? Why wasn’t this same framework used in the 1980s, when over the period from 1980-1986,
the Saudis reduced production from 10 million barrels/day to a trough of 4 million barrels/day as part of
coordinated OPEC production cuts?
Source: BP Statistical Review, IEA, BPCFA
Figure 8 - 2016 Estimated Global Oil Supply/Demand (Dispatch Curve Framework)
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There was one major difference between the 1980s and the more recent past. The difference is not in
the Saudis themselves, but in the profile of production at the intersection between the price and marginal
supply. In the late 1970s and into the 1980s, global supply and demand were approximately 60 million
barrels/day. During the course of the late 1970s into the early 1980s, approximately 12 million barrels of
new supply came into the market from 4 regions - the Alaskan North Slope, the North Sea, the Mexican
project called Cantarell, and deep water Gulf of Mexico. Since all of these projects have very low
production decline curves and combined to cause significant excess supply on a global basis (Figure 9),
the Saudi decision to reduce production was an appropriate reaction to balance supply and demand to
achieve as high a price as possible. However, since global oversupply approximated 20%, Saudi efforts to
balance global supply and demand proved to be ineffective, with the Saudis ceding market share to other
global producers. With that backdrop, the Saudi response was appropriate from an economic perspective
and the Saudis resumed production at close to 10 million barrels/day, sending oil markets into a 20 year
period of low prices and underinvestment which lasted until the 21st century.
Figure 9 - 1985 Global Oil Supply/Demand (Dispatch Curve Framework)
Source: BP Statistical Review, IEA, BPCFA
ME OPEC
OPEC Spare Capacity
AsiaAfrica
Soviet Union
South America
Mexico
EuropeCanada
USA
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OPEC Growth
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1985
Supply Demand
Dispatch Curve
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Conclusion
In order to avoid the fate of an extended low price environment as was the case starting in the mid-
1980s, the Saudi reaction to recent global oil oversupply was appropriate and economic in nature. As a
result, the global oil market will be better positioned to balance supply and demand sooner than it was
during the cycle starting in the 1980s, and will lead to more short term oil price volatility as the market
digests the implications of the Saudi response. Over the intermediate and longer term, the oil market
will require higher prices than those present today in order to incentivize investments in long term oil
supplies. The framework of a slow moving dispatch curve similar to power markets helps BPCFA
understand the unrest in oil markets caused by the Saudi Arabian reaction to the global oversupply of
oil.
Important Disclosures
The views in this material are intended to assist readers in understanding certain investment methodology
and do not constitute investment or tax advice. Please consult your tax advisor. The views in this material
were those of the author as of the date of publication and may not reflect their view on the date this material
is first published or any time thereafter.
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