built form and religion underlying structures of jeddah al qademah

7/27/2019 BUILT FORM AND RELIGION UNDERLYING STRUCTURES OF JEDDAH AL QADEMAH

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BUILT FORM ND RELIGION UNDERLYING

STRUCTURES OF JEDDAH L QADEMAH

T A W F I Q M . A B U G H A Z Z E H

The emergence of Islam around the beginning of the seventh century had a major effect on

the lives of the people of the Arabian Peninsula. As their ways of life changed, so did the

organization of their built environment, ultimately leading to the concept of the Islamic city.

Since, the location of the homeland of Islam away from non-Islamic occupiers has allowed

the original form of Islamic dwellings and settlements in the region to remain more or less

intact. This paper explains the principal values of the Islamic faith and their effect on the

structural development of the historic city of ]eddah, called ]eddah Al-Qademah . The

compact layout of this city, in present-day Saudi Arabia, once served a pedestrian circulation

system and was characterized by public and private spaces that responded to newly emergent

Islamic traditions. Although living conditions in Saudi Arabia are much changed today, the

Islamic religion still plays a role in people s lives. A vast architectural heritage remains in

]eddah Al-Qademah which may provide a more satisfactory basis for contemporary city

design than many concepts now being implemented .

TA W F IQ M . A BU -G H A ZZEH is an Assistant Professor of Anhitecture

t King Saud University College of Architecture nd Planning Riyadh

Saudi Arabia.

Following the advent of the Islamic religion in the Arabian

peninsula and the subsequent spread ofIslam to many parts of

the world there occurred an extraordinary burst of urbandevelopment. A rich heritage of city design was created in the

various environments that made up the Islamic world. In

deed in expressiveness vigor and virtuosity the architectural

quality of the Islamic cities of the era often rivals the granular

metropolitan creations of present societies. Early Islamic

cities were more than just spectacles of fortified places

palaces domes minarets and monumental buildings; they

were an expression of underlying religious beliefs social and



5 • T D 5 R 5 2

economic structures, and a unified visual sensibility. Theirsrudy

reveals that Islamic faith, values, and culture have often been

expressed in supremely assured conglomerations of buildings.

One early Islamic town is historic Jeddah 0eddah AlQademah) , located in present-day Saudi Arabia . Jeddah Al

Qademah was developed along the western shoreline of the

Arabian peninsula during the second half of the seventh

century by the third Muslim Khalif, Uthman-bin-Afan.

Although there were people living on the site prior to the

cons truction of the ci ty, its structural form was developed by

Muslim builders. No history is available regarding the

strucrure of a settlement at Jeddah before the arrival of

Muslim people.

Custom was particularly important among the early Muslim

builders of Jeddah AI-Qademah. In this Islamic society tra

dition had a clear religious meaning, and city residents shared

a sttong religious sense, convinced their way of life was an ex

pression of the will of Islam. For the city's early residents

religion encompassed the whole of life not only that small

segment of activity concerned with specific acts of worship or

fulfillment of religious duties. The aim of this paper is to in

vestigate the organizational characteristics of Jeddah Al

Qademah, showing how the principles underlying its physical

development meshed with socio-cultural and religious factors.

In ge neral , the redefinition and analysis of the past has been

useful to human societies for a wide variety of reasons:

ideological, aesthetic, and technical.' Today this can be dem

onstrated very readily in architecture and urbanism. ' In par

ticular, broad scientific examination of traditional buildings

- especially folk buildings - is an urge nt task . This can be

accomplished thtough an intensive study of theories and

practices of the past, with special em phasis on societal values

and beliefs. For this reason, this study is not merely a histo ry

of form or style; it is an attempt to provide a unified view of

the religious, cultural and environmental factors that shaped

the design of a city.

The paper is based on seven field trips carried out in Jeddah

AI-Qademah during 1990-1994 . Field observations were

mad e, photographs were tak en, and aerial maps and availabledrawings were analyzed. In addition , many interviews were

conducted with elders of the city, and the information co l

lected from them was compared with information obtained

from a comprehensive li terature review. Phys ical analysis was

supplemented by a more qualitative st udy of cultural mean

Il1gs. Symbolic and social connotations of the tradirional

environment were examined, especially rhe teachings of rhe

Islamic religion. )

The architecture ofJeddah AI-Qademah is the architecture of

the Muslim people. t is hoped this analysis will bridge the

gap between the concepts ofcurrent building practice in Saudi

Arabia (primarily imported from the West) and traditional

experience. The study is primarily addressed to architects,urban planners, city administrators, government officials and

academicians who have direct or indirect influence on the

practice of city planning and design in Saudi Arabia and/or

other Islamic countries.

ISLAMIC FAITH AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT:

MORPHIC ANALYSIS

Islam is a universal and strictly monotheistic religion.

According to Islam, Allah (God) demands that believers be

resigned to his will (the meaning of the word Islam ), and

that they perform good acts (i.e., treat aged parents well,

give to the poor, etc.). The Qur an, the Muslim holy book,

is the most important regulator of Islamic life. t and the

Sunna (sayings and traditions of the Prophet Mohammed)

are the basic sources ofIaw, defining such things as behavior,

manners, and rules for business and social relations. The

Qur an encourages believers to Obey God and His Envoy

(surah 8:I). And it sets forth the Prophet as a fine example

for whosoever hopeth on God and the last day and

rememberth God much (surah 33:2I). Occasionally, the

sources also recorded aspects of Mohammed's behavior,

which helped raise ancient Arab customs to the level of

religious tradition. These practices contributed greatly to

endowing the Muslim city with certain characteristics.

Hadith sayings of the Prophet provide a further abundance

of historical, formal and practical detail on the beliefs and

practices laid down in the Qur an.

The religious sensibility of the inhabitants of Jeddah AI

Qademah had one further important characteristic. This was

a strong sense of community - of common ties , outlook and

purpose.4 Equality before God and the common purpose of

Muslims were symbolized dramatically in such religious cer

emonies as daily prayers, where rich and poor alike prostrated

themselves side by side in obedience to a common creator.

Islam, it has been repeatedly emphas ized , is essentially a

religion of law. 5 Schacht has argued that it is difficult to

und erstand Islam without understanding Islamic law6 Ac

cording to Islamic beliefs, two characteris tics summarize the

structure of the Muslim community: the governance of God,

and the equality of men in the sight of God. The institutions

ofIslam are founded upon three sources: the Qur an; the Smma,

or the tradition of the Prophet; and the written and oral



teachings of jurists. t is the jurists who give Muslim law it s

various schools (madhhab), but it is the two first sources to

which no scholar can fail to refer, and which give Islam

identity and cohesion . Th ese sources were the basis decisions

and dispute resolution in the Islamic cityJ

Islamic law, or Shal'i'a (literally, the straig ht path ), theo

retically governs all aspects of Muslim life. As it constitutes

the will of God, any Muslim who violates it commits both a

crime and a sin. A Muslim believer submits to the fact that

law and morals are aspects of relig ion. Thus, jurisprudence

is not on ly based on theology, but subsumes elements whi ch

W es tern tradi tion migh t co nsidet aspects of theology. For

these reasons, Islamic law has had a far greater influence on

Muslim society than Western law has had on Western society.

TheShari'a is a sacred code, reflecting and deriving its authority

from the will of God. t is thus a combination of law and

morality : a code of law, and a code of behavior and ethics . Al

Hathloul observes:

Thl·OtIgh the development of be Shari'a, tbe desire bad always

been to reaffirm tbe pas " ' vedidity ciS a gttide to tbepresent. Tblls,

the Shari'a was advet1Zced, accepted, and took tbe shape of

tradition. Tbis petttern of dominance, tt1Zcballenged alzdlong

stalzditzg tl'adition is repeated ilz tbe context of be Arab- mlim8

city 's pbysical enviro1Zme1lt.

Accord ing to H akim:

tbe roots of tbe stmctllre emel the tlZity prevalent in the11/lmerom cities (witbin the /ctbric of each city) within the vast

Islamic world etre tbe product of he Figh: the mechanism inter

preting andapplying tbevaltte systemof he Shari' a (IslamicDivine

Law) witbin the processes of bui/etitzg emet urban develojnnent.

Within this line of thought, AI Fayez argues that the build

ing and planning principles that were appl ied in Islamic

cities were based on th e central principle of j ustice.'o

Among the teachings that influenced the urban form of

Jeddah AI-Qademah was the ca ll to believers to be united .

Be liever is to believe as the mutually uph olding sections of

a building, declared Mohammed in a much-quotedhadith. He

also said : Ye will see th e Muslim s in their goodness, affection

and fe llow feeling form as it were a single body which one

member is ailing, seeks to share out its sleeplessness and fever

through that body. Finally, Mohammed gave assurance that

my community shall never be unanimous in error [clalalah).

This declara tion was to have considerable repercussions in

introducing the principle of ijma' , the consensus of believers,

as a source for the elabora tion of law.

U GHAZZEH: JEDDAH AL QADEMAH 51

According to Islam , each person commits himself or herself

alone and appears before th e Supreme Ju dge to answer for hi s

or her actions. However , the bond that links people to the

social body is so tight th at people depend for salvation largely

on each other and on more-or-less favorable circum stances.

This enduring combination of individual effort and th e

communal framework became the most outstanding charac

teristic embedded in th e form of early Islamic cities like

Jeddah AI-Qademah.

Every Muslim is committed to fulfill ce rtain required reli

gious duties, living up to a divine pattern for li fe. Five basic

duties make up the Pi llars ofIslam : a co nfession offai th, the

five daily prayers, alm s-giving, fasting in the month of Ra

madan, and the pi lgrimage to Mecca at least once in a li fe

time , if at all possible. Of these, prayer is the kernel ofIs lam,

the rite which contributes mos t to the communal edifice and

its co hes ion . Every Muslim is required to pray five times

daily: at dawn, midday , mid -afternoon, sunset, and after

night fall. Males are strongly encouraged to pray collectively .

While prayer is often practiced in a mosque, it can be

practiced elsewhere.

At the very broadest level, certain conditions preceding or

accompanying the performance of prayer co nsiderably influ

ence th e design and function of Islam ic cit ies. For example,

the basic requirement for a site large enoug h to accommodate

all the faithful at Friday midday prayers (obligatory for male

members of the Muslim community) determined that the

Great Mosque ofJeddah AI -Qademah be located in the ce nterof the city. But , as in other Islamic cit ies, the G reat Mosque

was not exclusively a place of prayer; it was also a meet ing

place where the city's news could be exchanged and a center

for religious education. And, as was also the case in the layout

of many other Islamic cit ies, its importance and ce ntral

location invited commercial activ iti es (th esottk, or market) to

locate around it.

n light of this brief explanation of the role ofIslamic faith in

Islam ic society, we no w proceed to an investigat ion of the

morphology of Jeddah AI-Qademah as a manifestation of

Islamic principles . n general, one may argue that the aim of

town planning is to give material expression to abstract andspiritual realities, wi th the city it se lf becoming the symbol of

a religious, social, economic and political system . n order to

devise a phys ical portrait of a ci ty and to recogn ize its urban

morphology, therefore, it is necessary to st udy the plan which

organizes its components. Contrary to the tendency of some

Western observers to play down the importance ofIslam in

the interpretation of the city and to stress time and location

variables over organic and social existence, it must be empha-



52 • T D R 5 . 2

sized that the layout of J eddah AI-Qademah is closely tied to

religious precepts.

Two ge neral leve ls may be observed in the city s early devel

opment. First, conceptual planning was applied to such

things as its surrounding wall , the location of ga tes con

necting to caravan roads, and the size and location of major

streets leading to the Great Mosque and the main commercial

area at th e city center. Second, an arrangement of roads was

established at a smaller scale to connect main streets with

houses . Development at this second level was accomplished

accord ing to local custom and planning based on Shad

concepts. U ltimately, it created much of the city s enduring

character: the relationship of streets to buildings, and the

location of urban elements/building types within a finer

grained system of movement .

WALL SOUK AND RIBAT

One may begin the analysis by looking at the city s wall (Sttl-).

Generally, the walls ofIslami c cit ies in the East date from the

Roma n period and have a rectangular outline, as in Damascus

(1,500 X 900 m), or one that is practically square, as in

J erusalem (1,100 X 900 m) and Aleppo 1,000 x 950 m ). In

comparison, the wall of J eddah does not surround a regular

geometri cal shape FIG 1) . This is partially due to the topog

raphy of the site and to the fact that many parts of the city

fabric had been established prior to the construction of the

wall in the tenth century.

As in all walled cities, the location of ga tes was extremely

important . Jeddah s ancient gates bab) included Bab Medina

and Bab AI-Jadid to the north , Bab Mecca to the east, and Bab

Sharif to the so uth. According to the elders of J eddah, these

were closed with wooden flaps constructed by assembling

beams, 12 cm thick and 20 cm broad , vertically on the outside

and horizontally on the inside, and then bonding th em with

iron strips fastened with huge nails. Another important feature

of the walls was the burg, or tower. Each of Jeddah 's gates was

anked by two towers, which also streng thened the walL Two

additional towers guarded the city along its western sea edge.

Overall , the organization of the J eddah AI-Qademah was

based on the creat ion of a strong co ntrast between central

(public) and peripheral (private) areas FIG 2). The pro li f-

eration of commercial structures in the city s core did much to

accentuate its centrality. Th e important location of Jeddah AI-

Qademah along the shoreline of the Red Sea and its function as

a seaport for pilgrims on their way to Mecca contributed g reatly

to the development of commercial activities .

REO SEA \ ,,'

.,

fIGURE 1. An aerral photograph taken in I947 before the demolition of he city's

wall. The view is from the northwest. Source: ] eddah, Old and New London:

Stancey International, I982) , p.I2

fI G URE 2. The layout of eddah AI-Qadetnah shows the relatiomhip ofcenter and

periphery within the cOlifines of he wall. Notice the location of he gates and the souk

( ,a.ketplace), Source: SertJ ackson International, Old and New]eddah (I979).

Th e establishment and integration of the souk system played

an important role in the development of]eddah AI-Qademah.

Th e souk took many forms as marketplaces souk) for the ex

change of commodities, goods and necessities developed at

many places wi thin the confines of the city walls, The central

souk was a single-story structure, consisti ng of many shops

assembled in a linear , co ntinuous or semi-continuous combi-



nation. Nearby, trade activities were also held in court-like

open spaces to the sourh of the Great Mosque. Souks also

appeared along major city thoroughfares, particularly those

connecting city gates with the core. Here, souks occupied the

ground floor of buildings, while upper floors were devoted to

housing. An open-space sOZlk system also developed on both

sides of the city wall at its gates. And weekly or seasonal

markets, a common activity in Islamic societies, were held in

public spaces along major thoroughfares of the city. Finally,

mini-souks (stltuaiqas , clusters of shops, groceries, and a

nearby local mosque (masjid), were scattered throughout

Jeddah Al-Qademah, usually located so as to function as

neighborhood centers. In these places, shops were created

from the surrounding housing fabric.

The early sONk system of Jeddah featured small shops that

faced the street and had facades two meters wide. An uppershutter served as a lean-to, and a lower, generally smaller one

served as a display area. The shops were from three to four

meters deep, and the back was often used as a workshop, since

neither merchants nor craftsmen lived on the premises . Com

plex variations in design were possible using these basic ele

ments grouped in various ways . The resulring physical arrange

ments were functional and created visual variety within asimple,

unified organizational framework. The souk system highlighted

the variation of physical relationships and organization that can

still be observed within Jeddah Al-Qademah today.'

Kostof observes that the weaving of local and long-distance

activity into the urban fabric is a distinct feature of thebusiness district in Islamic cities. 4 In general, traffic flow was

oriented to and from the center of the city, where the main

market and the Great Mosque stood . Various trades and types

of merchants were then grouped and located according to a

symbolic framework centered on th e Great Mosque and

extending outwards toward the city gates . This was similar to

the souk system established in other Islamic cities.

There was one other major organizing feature of the early

Islamic city. This was the ribat, a fortified building to house

the Muslim army, the 17l11jahedeen . Early Muslims were en

couraged to participate in the spiritualJihad, involving the act

of fighting to spread Islam. The number ofribats built in an

Islamic settlement depended on its importance and location.

One ribat was built in the center of Jeddah Al-Qademah,

adjacent to the Great Mosque and the mainsottk. Another was

built close to the Medina gate. Today both buildings are used

as homes for the elderly.

ABU GHAZZEH: JEDD H AL QADEMAH • 53

STREETS

Public main streets have historically held an important place

in urbanization. 6 During the development of he urban fabric

of Jeddah Al-Qademah, streets were constructed based on

traffic requirements. Since there was practically no wheeled

transport in J eddah, this was made up primarily of pedestri

ans, porters and animals. The width of streets was determined

by the need for two loaded animals to pass. At the gates,

camels with loads wider than could be carried through the

smaller streets of the city were unloaded. Smaller bundles

would then be carried to their final destinations by donkey,

mule, horse or porter. Until the first half of this century

porters carried enormous loads through the city and needed a

certain freedom of passage.

The street system inJeddah Al-Qademah, an essential component of its form, displayed a clear hierarchy. First were city

wide thoroughfares connecting the city 's main gates to its

core . These arteries formed an integral part of the network

connecting distant localities to the city, and their minimum

width was determined by the functional requirement to

allow two fully loaded camels to pass without hindrance (FIG.

3) . The Prophet instructed Muslims: If you disagree about

the width of a street, make it seven cubits. '? This minimum

dimension equals 3.23-3 .50 m. Hakim explains this led to a

great similarity in the design of streets in various Islamic

cities.'s He also observes: The uniform legislative guide

lines, and the almost identical socio-cultural framework

FIGURE 3. Main

tboroltghfclres in

J eddab AI-Qadell/c/b

lrc bordered by vctriollJ

lylleS o SOll elemellis.

This street coJ/ncets

between tbe celltral sOllk

and B b MecCCl.



5 TO SR 5 2

created by Islam helped produce remarkable similarities in

approach to the city building process ·'9 Gelani claims that

among the 6,666 verses in the Qttr'an, there are about 2 0 0

which contain either an element of architecture or of town

planning, indicating the great concern given by Islam to the

structuring of human habitation.20

The second order of streets in Jeddah Al-Qademah included

primary streets and main access routes within and between the

major quarters of the city . These streets tended to form

shortcuts across the first-order streets (FIG. While main

thoroughfares were designed to connect the city gates with

the center of the city, housing the sottk and the Great Mosque,

secondary streets often ran east-west with some angle to the

north or south, depending on location, to connect residential

areas wi th the city center. This design also provided maxi

mum shade and cool air during daytime.

Third-order streets provided access and linkage within quar

ters and tended to be used by people living, working, or with

frequent contacts in the quarter (FIG. 5 . Finally, at the

smallest scale, there was a system of Clll-de-sacs referred to as

zttqaq . This type of access was not public and belonged to

adjacent or bordering residents. Entries to private houses

faced onto these streets . There was no specific pattern linking

them to the larger hierarchy, and they could be connected to

any of the three types mentioned above .

The design of the cul-de-sac system in Jeddah Al-Qademah

is a unique characteristic that distinguishes it and other

Islamic cities from Greco-Roman and Occidental medieval

cities. 2 1 It primarily supported a desire for privacy, ensuring

nearly total isolation of family life. The nature of the streets,

the cul-de-sac system, and the use of city gates, of course, also

created a highly secure layout.

Spreiregen explains that the structure of the Islamic city was

very pragmatic, since its component parts were logically

located and their dimensions could largely be determined by

the mathematics of pedestrian circulation. 22 But the layout of

streets and alleyways in Jeddah Al-Qademah also indicates

the importance of social life within the walls of the city. The

arrangement of the city's buildings and other components

supported a balance between social homogeneity and het

erogeneity . This was a result of the social system requiring

both segregation of domestic life and participation in the

economic and religious life of the community. )

Jeddah Al-Qademah characteristically comprised a tripartite

system of public, semi-public, and private spaces, varying in

degree of accessibility and enclosure. But the city's streets

FIGURE 4. Arteries of he mahalla (residential district) . These streets connect

between the jJritllctry streets and the main access rOlltes within and hetween quarters

and other public open spaces were all considered public

property, and were governed by Shari a rules. The governor

ofJ eddah, represented by a number of assistants, was respon

sible for their adequate condition .

NEIGHBORHOODS ND RESIDENCES

Jeddah Al-Qademah was partitioned into three quarters

(nzaha a), urban cells that served as residential neighborhoods.

These were Mahallat Al-Mazlum to the north; Mahallat As

Shame in the center and toward Bab Mecca; and Mahallat Al

Yemen toward the south (REFER TO FIG. 2). Each nzaha a was

divided into subsections which possessed all the institutions

required for social life. Typically, a subsection would be

grouped along an artery , called the suwayqah, and would

contain a local mosque (masjid) . The purpose of these mosques

was to provide an easily accessible place for daily prayer. They

also offered a place for juridi cal and scholarly activities. In the

residential districts, streets between dwellings were called



AB U GH AZZE H: JEDDAH AL QADEMAH • 55

FIGURE 5 (LEFT AND CENTER linor streets Tbese provide aa:eSJ ctnd linkage to arecis within qtlttrters

FIGURE 6. (RIGHT) I certain sertors of oldJ eddah streets eire allllo,. covered with corhelled haleonie,. contctilling wooden latticework (mash rabi yyah).

darb, and in certain sectors of oldJeddah these wou ld be alm ost

covered by co rbelled balconies shielded from view by wooden

latticeworks (rnashrabiyyah) (FIG. 6 .

One of the valued concepts in the development of buildings

in Jeddah was the instruction of the Prophet, La dharar waladhirar, meaning no person or party should be harmed for

the benefit of another. This h dith is one of the fi ve most

important on which the science o jiqh was established, and

it was in reference to it that many building decisions were

made and many disputes resolved. 24 The height of resi

dential buildings was determined based on mutual respect

by neighbors to (among other things) access to breeze. This

attitude was confirmed by another saying of the Prophet:

Do you know the rights of the neighbor you must not

build to exclude the breeze from him, unless you have his25permissIOn .

Islam urges Muslims to be good neighbors . Mohammed

explained that Ne ighborhood extends to 40 houses in all

directions. 26 Residential buildings three to six stories high

were clustered inJeddah Al-Qademah so that several adjacent

houses enclosed a socio-spatial domain (haret). Each cluster

was homogeneous both in form and in architectural style,

providing the key building block of the traditional residential

quarter. Residential quarters made up pockets, so to speak,

that opened to the interior of Jeddah Al-Qademah.

Since building and development of the various mahalla com

ponents was a continuous ptocess, related rules and guide

lines needed to remain uniform over time. In this, they were

g uided by the constant princip les ofIslami c law. The result

was the homogenous built form that is sti ll evident today.

Individ ual houses expressed this atti rude and satisfied culturaland symbolic requirements through siting, materials, and

form . Th ey reflected the presence of shared goals and values,

a clear and agreed on purpose, and an accepted hierarchical

structure of house , settlement, and landscape. Lynch de

scribes this quality of the Islamic city s follows :

The m ling metaphor is the container: everything is w tted nd

gated/rom the city itself owards streets nd quarters 0/ the city

to local residential c/mters, to the hottSe nd its rooms. Even the

lIlajor pltblic ways are tightly confined. T hey lead to yet smatter

local streets, to extremely nal row d-de -sac like capittaries nd

to private doors. 2 1

The unity of plan , site, and materials observed in J eddah

Al-Qademah generates an enthusiastic response even in lay

observers . Much of this response is evoked by harmony

w ith the landscape, as well as a sense of directness, force

fulness , and a feeling of fitness to purpose. An intimate

scale is created by a series of wa lls which not only e nclose

space, bur also tie houses toge ther and link them to the

landscape. The horizontality of the flat walls is contrasted



56 • T S R 5 2

with the projected mashrabiyyah. Together with the use of

various kinds of screening and balcony elements, these

signify the need for women's privacy. Finally, there is a

high degree of intricacy in residential facades, conveying

many cultural meanings.

OPEN SP CE ND PUBLIC MENITIES

According to Islamic teachings, human behavior should be

committed to respecting privacy. n Jeddah AI-Qademah,

this provision led to the elimination of direct visual corridors

into the private domain. Further, Mohammed stated that

people should not sit in thoroughfares, but if you insist then

you should respect the rights of thoroughfares: avoid starin g,

do not create harm, salute back to those who salute you, bid

to honor and forbid dishonor. 28 Guided by Islamic prin-ciples, people in Jeddah AI-Qademah were committed to the

concept of self-regulating societal behavior. This is sanc

tioned in the Qur an: You are the best nation ever brought

forth to men, bidding to honor, and forbidding dishonor, and

believing in God . Had the people of the book believed, it

were better for them; some of them are believers, but most of

them are ungodly surah 3:III .

Typical of Islamic cities, the arrangement of public places in

Jeddah AI-Qademah created an orderly and mutually self

supporting hierarchy that commenced with the major ele

ments of the city center and continued to the minor nodes of

residential districts (FIG. 7) . '9 A clear definition was observedbetween private, semi-public, and public open spaces. Cir

culation in this system was completely devoted to the slow

movement of pedestrians and animals. None of the spaces

within the system was ambiguous. For example, signs at

crosstoads generally bore a name evoking a particular trade,

renowned family, or a certain activity that took place in or

adjacent to that place.

Another feature of the system was an open space called rahba

that often occurred at the intersection of main streets . This

space was used for commercial and public activities. Many

rahaba are observed today inJeddah AI-Qademah . They have

retained much of their original form, character and function.

I t is due to the design and quality of a number of these spaces

that one can observe and enjoy the visual character of the city's

traditional buildings.

Infrasttucture was also a concern of the city's Islamic builders.

In particular, water supply is stressed in Islam not only

because of its importance to life and the cultivation of land,

bur because of the importance of ritual ablution. Providing a

FIGURE 7. Exalilples of he hierarchiwl ctrrangement of Opell space. A clear defi-

nition is observed between jJrivctte semi-plth/ic, ctnd public open spaces.

public place with water for both men and animals imple

mented one of God's commandments and o llowed hadith

sayings regarding charity on behalf of God o In Jeddah Al

Qademah offering water to pilgrims on their way to Mecca

was a further consideration.



Information regarding the early system of drinking water in

Jeddah is scarce . Ho wever, recent excavations have revealed

that th e supply network comprised a main conduit fed from

a source perhaps several kilometers distant. This conduit, a

veritable aqueduct, gave birth to secondary branches, and

then to smaller ducts and clay pipes which distributed water

by simple gravi ty. According to the elders ofJeddah, distri

bution was achieved through numerous supply points. These

were often small public drinking fountains, calledsabi , placed

against the walls of the residences of pious believers. Here

passers-by could allay their thirst and ask God s blessing on

the benefactor. In addition , there were a number of wells in

public places that can still be observed in Jeddah AI-Qademah.

Because st ructures prov iding water in the city displayed

features inspired by the Shari'a, they represent an architec

tural type that is distinctly Islamic.

Contrary to the European concept from the Middle Ages of

public assembly in front of a town hall or in a church square,

a Muslim ci ty of the same era had a mosque with a courtyard

and perhaps a front yard for public gathering . In old Jeddah

there were a number of large mosques. One was AI -Shafie

Mosque , which still exists, with its vast courtyard surrounded

by a portico. Another was the Great Mosque, which was recently

demolished and replaced by a new mosque, AI-Hanafi. Also, on

the occasion of Islam s great religious festivals, Eid AI-Fitar

(at the end of the Ramadan month of fasting) and Eid Al

Adha (during the yearly pilgrimage to Mecca) , the inhabit

ants of Jeddah gathered at the 77Il J a place northeast of the

city wall . This practice of gathering to pray in an open spaceis still exercised on the two Eid occasions.

Today one of the important characteristics of Jeddah AI

Qademah is the existence of physical elements cutting across

all scales of the ci ty and making up an agile set of components

which are highly versatile in their combination and structur

ing capabilities. The basic elements are the various building

types and their respective architectural elements. The system

of building Jeddah AI -Qad emah , while made up of relatively

few elements and components, provides great flexibility and

diversit y (FI G . 8 .

The unit y and harmony in J eddah AI-Qade mah is the res ult

of mechanisms in the b uil ding process . One of these was the

ftqh, wi th its primary sources in the Q ··cmand theSIIJ717cI . Other

reasons included the use of common bui lding materials and

common responses of bLlilders ro cl imatic conditions . But

another principle, ItIf, or local custom, also played an impor

tant role in creating diversity within unity. Thus, various

subtle interpretations were introduced ro respond to specific

micro-conditions at t he neighborhood scale. They sprang from

ABU GHAZZEH: JEDDAH AL QADEMAH • 7

TO Bah iU Jadid

and S<>b,U-Medifl

r Re s ide n t i a lD is t r i c t i

C

0

25 iFIGURE 8 A rrcIIgelllelll o eddah AI-Qadelllal,s IJI/ill fO I"lIi. No tice the relatiol -

Ji ij between bllilding II/?lJSCJ. Clnd betl{ en b l l i l d i l e/J1e open r MCC.

the participation ofpeople, particularly neighbors, in making

decisions in matters of building.

LESSONS FOR TODAY

The above morphological analysis illLUninates how the layout of

Jeddah AI-Qademah was irregular, ye t coherent, based on a

physical arrangement that evolved over a long period. As aunified physical organism, the city was formed of a mix of uses

and was successful in creating symbolic perceptions and dis

tinctively recognizable and meaningful images in the minds of

its inhabitants. Thecity grew into a coherent and well-organized

totality presenting a genuine and elaborate text that expressed a

local heritage, asocial system,and , most important ly, the impact

ofIslamic teaching and Shcwi'a law on the structuring of he built

environment. This resulted in a tight correlation of the built

environment with people s symbolic needs.

This study emphasizes that the quality of Jeddah AI-Qademah

may be at tributed to people s respect for Islamic principles

within a unified society. Islam modulated th e societal values

of the origi nal builders of the city, resul t ing in a legal

mec hanism to g uid e th e process of build ing . Such an appre

ciati on of] eddah Al-Qademah provides a challenge ro present

decision makers in Sa udi Arabia. Today there is a need ro

investigate how similar principles to those expla in ed above

can be used ro enhance current plann ing and bui lding practice

to make them more responsive ro the socio-cultural and

religious traditions of Islamic socie ty.



58 • T S R 5 2

In comparison with the meticulous system of design and the

authentic quality of architecture observed in Jeddah Al

Qademah, the modern built environment inJeddah, as in other

cities in Saudi Arabia, lacks the merits of raditional architecture.

It is Western in form and style and maintains little continuity

with local history . As a result, it stands apart from local

culture. The rapid development of modern Jeddah city has

demonstrated a restless search for the future and a constant

denial of the past. A great architectural and design heritage

has been lost as a result of the ruthless drive towards mod

ernization and commercial gain .

reversing the traditional relationship of building to open space.

Also, the possibility for person-to-person interaction in the

environment has decreased as a result of increased distances

between residential buildings. Thus, the inherited Muslim

norm of commitment and belonging, a concept that is strongly

supported by Islamic religion, has suffered. Today, as a result of

the recent arrangement of the built environment, community

activities are lacking and social ties are diminishing.

Recently planned urban communities in Saudi Arabia are based

on a gridiron layout that emphasizes a regular street system. The

modern planning system is also far less dense than its traditional

counterpart, without proportioned open spaces and law land

coverage. Modern streets are wide highways, main streets, and

thoroughfares, from 60 to 20 m in wid th. This has resulted in a

decreased spatial relationship between buildings and streets,

In the urban fabric of modern cities in Saudi Arabia design

destroys both the intimate scale and links with the land. New

visual elements no longer express the relation of the individual

to the group, and of the group to its surroundings. As opposed

to the traditional pattern of Jeddah AI-Qademah, the new

pattern makes individuals feel insignificant. The case ofJeddah

Al-Qademah shows how designers, planners and government

officials in Saudi Arabia today should give renewed attention toelements of increasing spatial scale and a demonstration of

harmonious domains.

REFEREN E NOTES 1. ] Fitch, HiJtorie PreJervation (New YOtk:

McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1982), PP.13-14-

2. ]. Abu-Lughod, Contemporary Relevance

of Islamic Utban Ptinciples, in Islamic

Architectttre and Urbctnislll (selected papers from a

symposium organized by the College of

Architectute and Planning, King Faisal

University, Dammam, Saudi Arabia, '983),

pp.64-70; and S. Kostof, The City Shaped: Urban

PClttems and ll' ecmings Throttgh History (London:

Thames and Hu dson, 1991), PP.29-37.

3. The stLIdy of the tesidential quarters of

J eddah Al-Qademah was supported by field

observations and abundant documentation

available through the Municipality of J eddah.

But difficulties were encountered in studying

the former central sonk area because of the

demolition of most traditional buildings here in

the ead y 1970s. In fot mation pertaining to the

core of rhe ci ty was pieced together from varioLls

sources. For example, an ea rly aerial photograph

was stLIdi ed and thoro ugh ly di sc ussed with a

num bet of the city's elders.

4. A.]. Wensinck, The Importance of

Tradition for th e Study ofIslam, I1mlim Worfd,

Vol.XI 1921), PP.239-45 .5. N.]. Coulson, A History o IsLllltie Law

(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, '964).

6. J. Schacht, An Inti'odllelion to Islmltie LClW

(London: Oxfotd University Press, '964); and J.Schacht and E. Bosworth, eds., The Legac), 0/Islam (London, New YOtk: Oxford Universit y

Ptess, second ed., 1974).

7. Ibn AI-Rami [d.1334 A.D.], Kitab At-l'Lclll

Bi-Abka1lt AI-Bllnyan {The Book /01 C01ltlllttnicat-

ing Building Solutiom} (handwritten and printed

lithogra phically in Fez, 1332 A.H. / 1913 A.D.)

8. S. Al-Hathloul, Tradition, Continuity and

Change in rhe Physical Environ ment (Ph.D.

di ss ., M.LT., 1981), Pp.9-IO.

9. B. Hakim, Arabic Islamic Cities: Btti/cling and

Plcmning Principles (London: Routlege and Kegan

Paul, 1986).

IO. 1. Al-Fayez, Building System in Islam

(Doctoral thesis, Imam Mohammed Bin Saud

Univetsity,1986).

II C Sitte, The Art o/Building Cities (New

York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, '96,);

G . Collins and S. Collins, Camillo Sitte and the

Birth a/City Planning (New York, 1986; fitst

published in '965); and B. Hakim, Islamic

Architecture and Urbanism, in J Wilkes ed.,

Encyclopedic - o Architecture: DeJign Engineering (Ind

Constrttction (New York: John Wiley and Sons,

'989), pp.2-I02.

12. 1. Lapidus, Mttslim CitieJ in tI,e Later Middle

Ages (Cambtidge, MA: Harvatd University Ptess,

'967); and Middle Eastern Cities (Berkeley:

Univets ity of California Press, 1969).

13 Th e Grear Mosque along with adjacent

major J OIrk srrunures have si nee been replaced by

new buildings of diffetent designs but sim ilatfunction. Th e demolition of the city wall in 1947

caused the disappearance of commercial activities

at the ci ry gates.

'4- S. Kosrof, The City Assembled: The Elements 0/Urban Form Through Hi.rtOl}' (London: Thames

and Hudson, 1992), PP.29- 37 .

15. There was actually one more major feature of

the city that called out the narllte of its planning

according 0 Islamic teachings. This was the

tltaqbarc/ (p ublic cemetety). In tespect to the



Islamic teaching which requires Muslims ro

place the head of a buried petson facing the qibla

(the direction of Mecca, the center of the Islamic

world), the 711dqbara was located at the eastern

corner of the city. Mecca is 90 Ian ro the east.

16. S. Anderson, People in the Physical

Environment: The Urban Ecology of Streets, in

S. Anderson, ed., On Streets (Cambridge, MA:

M.I.T. Press, 1978); and A.V. Moudon, ed.,

Public Streets for Public Use (New York: Van

Nosrrand Reinhold, 1987).17. A hadith reported by Muslim via Abu

Hurairah, in F. Karim, Al-Hadis: An English

Translation and C0711mentary of Mishkat-ul

Masabih, 2 Vols., 1938/9.

18. Hakim, Arabic Islamic Cities.

19. Ibid., p.12

20. LA.S. Gelani, Architecture, Town Planning

and the Holy Qur an (Lahore: Feroze Sons, 1990).

21. F. Benet, The Ideology ofIslamic

Urbanisation, International Journal of

Comparative Sociology VolA NO.2 (1963),

PPA37-51; A.H. Hourani and S.M. Stern, eds.,

The Islamic City (Oxford, 1970); and K.A.C.

Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture, 2 Vols. (New

York: Hacker Art Books, 2nd ed., 1979).22. P. Spreitegen, Urban Design: The Architecture

ofTowns and Cities (New York: McGraw-Hill

Book Company, 1965), p.121.

23. G.E. Von Gtunebaum, Islam: Essays in the

Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition

(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1961): and

J L Michon, Religious Institutions , in R.B.

Serjeant, ed., The Islamic City UNESCO, 1980).

24. A hadith reported by Abu-Dawoud [d.275

A.H .], a renowned Muslim scholar, inJ.A.

Akbar, Responsibility and the Traditional

Muslim Built Environment (Docroral thesis,

M.I.T., 1984); and Amart al-A rd e-al-Islam

{Building up the Land of Islam} (Jeddah: Dar AI

Qibla Lilthaqafa AI-Islameiah , 1992), p.200.

25. A hadith reported by Ibn Adi and al

Kharati, in Karim, AI-Hadis P.254.

26. A. Nishapuri, Graeb-al-Quran-O-Regaeb-Al

Quran (Egypt: Shirkat Maktaba, al-Halabi-O

Auladau, 1967), Vo1.5, P.39 .

27. K. Lynch, Theory ofGood City Form(Cambridge, MA: M.LT. Press, 1981), p.n8.

28. A hadith reported by Amarra [n.d.], in

Karim, AI-Hadis, p.284-

29 . N. Ardalan, Places of Public Gathering,

in Places ofPublic Gathering in Islam (Proceedings

of seminar 5 in the series Architectural

Transformations in the Islamic World,

Amman, Jordan, May 4-7, 1980), P.5; and R.B.

Serjeant and R. Lewcock, San a: An Arabian

Islamic City (London: The World of Islam

Festival, 1983).

30. Both the Qur an and hadith sayings exhort

Muslims ro offer water ro thirsty creatures, both

human and animal. The Qur an tequires

Muslims ro follow the hadith if they are ro winAllah's approval and forgiveness (surah 4:80,

who so obeyeth the Messenger hath obeyed

Allah ; surah 59:1, and whatsoever the

Messenger giveth you take ir. And whatsoever

he forbideth abstain (from it). In the Qur an it

is made clear that water is a blessing shed by

God, who offers it ro men and t animals ro

drink. For example, surah I5:22: and we send

the winds fertilizing, and cause the water ro

descend from the sky and give it ro you ro

ABU GHAZZEH: JEDDAH AL QADEMAH 9

drink. It is not yet who are the holders of the

srore thereof. Fazloul Karim (AI-Hadis) relates

a hadith reported by Abu Dawood and Ibn

Majah via Ibn Abbas, in which the Prophet

explained that Muslims are partners in three

things: water, pasture and lire.

All drawings and phorographs by author except

where otherwise noted.

built form and religion underlying structures of jeddah al qademah

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