being malay: ethnic and religious identity formation and ...being malay: ethnic and religious...
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Being Malay: Ethnic and Religious Identity
Formation and Adjustment among Malay
Students in Western Australia
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain
This thesis
is presented for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy at
The University of Western Australia
School of Social and Cultural Studies
Anthropology and Sociology
2012
iii
DECLARATION FOR THESES CONTAINING PUBLISHED
WORK AND/OR WORK PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION ___________________________________________________________________
This thesis contains sole-authored published work and/or work prepared for publication.
The bibliographic details of work and where it appears in the thesis is outlined below:
Published:
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2012. “Ethno-Religious Identity and Border Crossing in the
Malay World”, The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, vol.6,
no.6, pp. 41-52. (A revised version of this paper appears as Chapter Eight of the thesis).
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2011, ‘Ethno-Religious Identity: Reviewing Malay Aesthetic
Features in Encountering Others’, Man & Society, vol. 20 (A revised version of this
paper appears as Chapter Four of the thesis).
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2010, ‘Exploring Ethno-Religious Identity: Transition in
Malay Muslim Culture and Practice’, The International Journal of Interdisciplinary
Social Sciences, vol.5, no.8. p. 371-382 (A revised version of this paper appears as
Chapter Six of the thesis).
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2012, “Distinctiveness of Malayness: The Implicit and
Explicit Insight of Identity Adjustment beyond Malaysia”, Man and Society, vol. 22,
p.1-13 (A revised version of this paper appears as Chapter Four of the thesis).
Parts of this thesis have been presented in five conferences:
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2009, ‘Malay Participants in Interviews: Being Courteous or
Being Cautious?’ 5th
Annual School of Social and Cultural Studies Graduate
Conference, The University of Western Australia, Australia (Chapter Three).
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2010, ‘Exploring Ethno-Religious Identity: Transition in
Malay Muslim Culture and Practice’, The 5th
International Conference on
Interdisciplinary Social Sciences 2010, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK , 2-5
August 2010 (Chapter Six).
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2010, ‘Prerequisites of Ethno-Religious Identity: Forming
and Managing Frontiers’, The Australian Sociological Association (TASA 2010
Conference), Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, 6-9 December 2010 (Chapter
Eight).
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain 2011, ‘Ethno-Religious Identity and Border Crossing in
Malay World: To Truss or Not to Truss?, The 6th
International Conference on
Interdisciplinary Social Sciences 2011, The University of New Orleans, USA, 11-13
July 2011 (Chapter Eight).
iv
Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain, Distinctiveness of Malayness: The Implicit and Explicit
Insight on Identity Adjustment beyond Malaysia, 13th
Malaysian-Singapore Forum,
National University of Singapore, 1-2 December 2011.
This thesis is the original work of the author except where otherwise acknowledged.
v
Abstract
Malay-Muslims have distinctive ideas of who they are: as an ethnic group and as
Muslims. In the opening of the twenty-first century, it was predicted that with
modernization there would be an increasing separation of state and religion, and that
religious issues would probably become somewhat less important (Means 1978;
Rosenthal 1965). Yet, Peletz (2002) notes that Malays are increasingly referring to
themselves as Muslim people (religious identity) rather than Malay people (ethnic
identity). Indeed, Shamsul A.B. (1997b) has redefined Malay ethnicity through
emphasizing Islam as a pillar of Malayness, with the idea of Malay ethnicity as centre
stage in politics and society. Although Malay-Muslims in Malaysia were once more
conscious of ethnic than religious identity, the beginning of Islamic revivalism in the
1970s involved the idea of religious identity becoming more important instead of Malay
identity. Yet, over the last decade, Malay ethnic identity has been again gaining its
importance as a more politicised identity compared to religious identity in Malaysia.
Malay-Muslims have since then been continuously confronted by the changes that have
been underway within Islam especially within the ‘Malay’ community in Malaysia.
However, at the international level, Malay-Muslims who have studied abroad have
alternate conceptions of Malay-Muslim identity compared to the local version as well as
links to outsiders. This thesis focuses on the key emblematic features of ethnic and
religious identity and the idea of ‘Malayness’ outside Malaysia at a time when Islamic
identity has become increasingly important in the global arena. It is revealed in this
study how religion has become a powerful basis of personal and collective identification
for Malay-Muslim postgraduate students in Western Australia. Although all Malay-
Muslim postgraduate students are distinct in their own ways, most of the experiences
they face initially hark back to their Malay culture/‘adat’ and Islamic values.
When Malay-Muslims exhibit agreement, compliance or submission in regard to their
ethnic and religious identity in Australia, they do not disregard their religious beliefs,
values and practices. In relation to other Muslims, Malay-Muslims emphasize their
distinctive ethnic heritage as Malays. In relation to non-Muslims, they emphasize how
they are Muslim. On the boundaries of ethnic and religious identity, I attempt to
explore the relational dynamics of Malay ethnic and religious identity beyond
Malaysia’s borders and provide some holistic accounts of the students’ prior lives in
vi
Malaysia compared to their experiences in Western Australia. These Malay-Muslim
postgraduate students from the four major universities in Western Australia have been
identified as having considerable awareness of their ethnic and religious identity. While
their ethnic identity is more flexible and situational, their religious identity is revealed
as more rigid and seldom negotiable.
Malay-Muslims students in this research tend to invoke religion, culture, language,
nationality, status, or descent in defining their identity. I have employed an
ethnographic approach in my research, using participant-observation methods and semi-
structured interviews with my thirty main informants. I argue that being an insider
researcher is as challenging as being an outsider researcher. As related by Cohen
(1985), symbols (like language) do not so much express meaning as give us the capacity
to make meaning. The usage of a restricted code (Bernstein 1964) can then be
understood when the insider researcher seeks to understand other Malays’ meanings and
behaviour. That is, Malay-Muslim postgraduate students share these symbols, but do
not necessarily share their meanings, which differ according to their various experiences
and interpersonal encounters. Interpersonal communication is identified to be an
important element in creating ethnic intimacy among Malay-Muslim students. Although
interpersonal communication processes between married or single Malay-Muslim
students differ in their experiential basis, these students are drawn into networks and
reveal the Malayness that distinguishes them from others. In conclusion, I argue that
being Malay outside Malaysia involves significant consideration of religious elements
in their identity maintenance and adjustment. Malay students are then becoming ‘self-
consciously’ more religious outside Malaysia compared to the salience of their
ethnically politicized identity in Malaysia.
vii
Table of Contents
Declaration.................................................................................................................... iii
Abstract......................................................................................................................... v
Table of Contents.......................................................................................................... vii
Acknowledgements....................................................................................................... x
Translation Note............................................................................................................ xi
List of Figures............................................................................................................... xii
List of Tables................................................................................................................ xiii
List of Abbreviations.................................................................................................... xiv
List of Appendices........................................................................................................ xv
Glossary of Malay Terms............................................................................................. xvi
CHAPTER 1: Being Malay and Being Malay-Muslim: An Introduction
Introduction.............................................................................................................. 1
Being Malay: Outlining Ambiguity and the Adjustment Process........................... 4
Being Malay-Muslim: Channeling and Supporting Identity................................... 12
Malay Student Identity: Regulating ‘Adat’ and Reaffirming ‘Bangsa’................. 16
Islamic Revivalism and the Middle Class in Malaysia........................................... 21
Constructing Diverse Identity Dispositions............................................................ 26
Ethnic Identity ............................................................................................. 26
Religious Identity......................................................................................... 30
National Identity.......................................................................................... 30
Cosmopolitan Identity ................................................................................. 31
Gender Identity............................................................................................ 33
Research Aims......................................................................................................... 34
Significance of the Study......................................................................................... 36
Progression of Chapters........................................................................................... 37
Chapter Summary.................................................................................................... 39
CHAPTER 2: Malay International Students: Contextualizing and Conceptualizing Identity and
Ethnicity Discourses
Introduction............................................................................................................. 41
Contextual Discourse of Identity and Ethnicity...................................................... 41
Theoretical Review on Ethnic Identity: Culturalist, Situationalist and Symbolic.. 47
Interpersonal Communication: Introduction and Review of Relational
Approach................................................................................................................. 54
Review on the Study of Identity in the Malaysian Context................................... 59
Review on the Study of Identity beyond the Malaysian Context.......................... 62
Chapter Summary.................................................................................................... 69
viii
CHAPTER 3: Methodological Framework: Setting and Informants’ Backgrounds
Introduction............................................................................................................. 71
Researcher as Ethnographer and Insider: A Review............................................... 71
Being Courteous or Being Cautious? An Insider versus Outsider Review............ 75
Conducting an Interview in a Calm and Courteous Manner...................... 76
The Concept of Face.................................................................................... 77
Articulating Issues in an Indistinct Manner................................................. 78
Using of Non-verbal Communication......................................................... 79
Recruiting Informants, Field Sites and Fieldwork Duration.................................... 81
Collection of Data.................................................................................................... 83
Participant Observation............................................................................... 84
Semi-structured Interviews........................................................................... 85
Discourse Analysis....................................................................................... 86
Informants: General Backgrounds............................................................................ 92
Chapter Summary..................................................................................................... 99
CHAPTER 4: Malay Distinctiveness: Insights on Identity and Other Cultural Features of Malay
Student Overseas
Introduction............................................................................................................. 101
Engaging Malay Distinctiveness in Identity Features............................................. 101
Malay Language: A Distinguishing Feature of Malay Students’
Identity......................................................................................................... 110
Clothing: An Aesthetic Feature of Ethnic Identity, Religious Identity and
Malayness..................................................................................................... 114
‘Halal’ (permissible) Foods among Malay-Muslim: Between Taste
and Identity................................................................................................... 121
Other Features in Particularizing Malayness............................................. 126
Chapter Summary..................................................................................................... 130
CHAPTER 5: Social Life Experiences: Dealing with New Challenges, Interactions and Leisure
Introduction.............................................................................................................. 132
Malay Cosmopolitanness and Reciprocity: Experienced versus Fresh
Cosmopolitans......................................................................................................... 133
Leaving the Comfort Zone: Initiating New Student Identities.............................. 136
The New Environment: Constructive and Unconstructive Experiences................. 147
Accomodation............................................................................................. 147
Food............................................................................................................ 153
Weather....................................................................................................... 155
Recreational Activities................................................................................ 156
Engaging Life, Identity and Surroundings: Between Culture,‘Adat’ and
Religion.................................................................................................................... 160
Encountering Difficulties: Negative Remarks and Treatment................................ 167
Chapter Summary.................................................................................................... 172
ix
CHAPTER 6: Significance of Interpersonal Communication: Contributions to Malay Students’
Life and Identity
Introduction............................................................................................................. 174
Enforcing Interpersonal Communication: Between Malays and Others................ 175
Between Malays and Other Malays............................................................. 178
Between Malays and Other Muslims .......................................................... 186
Between Malays and Members of Other Southeast Asian Ethnic
Groups (Muslim and non-Muslim)............................................................. 188
Between Malays and Others (Local or Other Ethnic Groups).................... 189
Levels and Places of Encounter: Inspiring Efforts in Interpersonal
Communication....................................................................................................... 193
Mutual Encounters....................................................................................... 194
Public Places............................................................................................... 196
Formal and Informal Gatherings................................................................ 197
Interpersonal Communication: Considering Factors in Ethnic and Religious
Identity? .................................................................................................................. 204
Chapter Summary..................................................................................................... 208
CHAPTER 7: Malay Students’ Identity Adjustment: Extension and Restriction
Introduction............................................................................................................. 210
Adjustment in Social Life: A Stance of Adapted Identity..................................... 210
Academic Life: Relating Past and Present Experiences......................................... 212
Phase of Encounter: Avoidable or Unavoidable?...................................... 217
Second Language Usage: Extension and Limitation.................................. 220
Social Life: Backsliding, Control and Expectation................................................. 224
Class and Status: Sustaining or Sacrificing?........................................................... 229
Health and Wellbeing: Enduring Inclusion and Exclusion in Consultation.......... 232
Enrichment of Skills in the New Setting: Motivation and Exposure..................... 236
Community Relation in Transition: Participation and Commitment..................... 237
Chapter Summary................................................................................................... 241
CHAPTER 8 Ethnic and Religious Identity: Boundary Maintenance and Border Crossing
Introduction............................................................................................................ 243
Border Crossing in the Malay World..................................................................... 243
Ethnic and Religious Identity: To Tie or not to Tie .............................................. 246
Recapitulating the Research Findings and Limitation of the Study..................... 248
Conclusion.............................................................................................................. 250
Bibliography........................................................................................................... 253
x
Acknowledgements
My PhD journey has been a journey full of challenges, and it was not always smooth.
The journey was made possible by many people. First, I wish to express my deepest
gratitude to my supervisors, Professor Michael Pinches and Assistant Professor Gregory
Acciaioli for their encouragement, patience and consistent guidance. I would also thank
both of them for their thorough comments and uplifting opinions on my drafts. I also
would like to thank Associate Prof. Katie Glaskin for her words of encouragement
throughout my course of study. I am hugely indebted to all the staff in the Discipline of
Anthropology & Sociology at UWA, especially Mrs. Jill Woodman and Mrs. Emily
Leaver for their kindness at various stages of my journey and assistance with
administration issues. I thank Dr. Tracy Wright Webster for willingly spending her
precious time to check through my English grammar and expression in my thesis. In
addition, I would also express my heartfelt attitude to all my postgraduate friends who
supported and motivated me and made this thesis possible.
I thank the University of Malaya (UM), which has sponsored my study and staff in the
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, UM, who gave their support to me. I
personally would like to thank Associate Professor Dr. Jas Laile for her encouraging
words and advice. I also wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Malini, who supported my
applications and other administrative matter with no doubts. I also owe a debt of
gratitude to all my informants who showed their interest and willingly participated in
my research. I thank all of them for generously spending their times and sharing their
stories with me. I am also grateful to a large number of individuals who were also an
instrumental in the accomplishment of my field research during informal encounters.
Most importantly, I would like to thank my family for making me who I am today
through their undivided support, tolerance and prayers. In particular, I thank my loving
husband, Zainalabidin, who has always been there for me; my three adorable children
Amiera, Amna and Akmal for indulging their mum’s hectic schedule; my mum, my
sister, and my in-laws for their continuous support and affection. My words of thanks
will never be enough to express my gratitude for assisting me in completing this
challenging task. Finally, Alhamdullillah to Allah (s.w.t.) for giving me the strength to
face the journey and making the journey possible. Amin.
xi
Translation Note
Throughout this thesis, all translations from Malay language sources are my own unless
stated. All Malay words are translated or explained in the text where they appear for the
first time in the thesis. Example: Adat (Malay traditional Custom). Frequently used
Malay words are found in the glossary.
xii
List of Figures
Figure 1.1: Decisive Aspects and Identity Adjustments among the Members 25
of the Malay Middle-class in the Making (Overseas Context)
Figure 2.1: Interpersonal Communication and Relational Approac Model to 58
Student Identity Adjustment
Figure 3.1: Western and Malay Ways of Expressing Views 76
Figure 3.2: Fairclough’s Three-Dimensional Conception of Discourse 89
Figure 4.1: Malay Muslim Postgraduate Reflections of their Malayness 109
and Aesthetic Features – Overseas Context
Figure 4.2: Examples of Baju Kurung Styled for Female Malays 116
Figure 4.3: Traditional Attire of Malay-Malaysians Male 120
Figure 5.1: Engaging Reciprocity in Malay Postgraduate Students Life 136
and Identity
Figure 5.2: Molecularization of ‘Budi’- Lee Kim Hui (2003) 144
Figure 5.3: Hall Layout Plan for MyPSA Iftar Program 149
Figure 5.4: Posters Advertising Leisure Activities among Malay-Muslim 158
Postgraduate Students in Western Australia (MyPSA, WA)
Badminton Match in 2009
Figure 5.5: Poster of a Soccer Match in 2009 (MyPSA) 158
Figure 5.6: Poster of a Volleyball Match in 2010 (MyPSA) 159
Figure 5.7.1: ‘Cukur Jambul’ Ritual among Malay Postgraduate Students 162
in Western Australia
Figure 5.7.2: ‘Cukur Jambul’ Ritual 163
Figure 6.1: Hartley’s Model of Interpersonal Communication 177
Figure 6.2: Enforcing Interpersonal Communication in Considering 178
Identity among Malay Students Overseas
Figure 7.1: Willingness to make Adjustment to Various Forms of Identities 212
among Malay Postgraduate Students in Western Australia
xiii
List of Tables
Table 2.1: International Student Enrolment in Australia from Top 10 63
Source Nationalities, 2005-2010
Table 2.2: Malaysian Student Enrolment according to Australian 64
State/Territory, 2008-2010
Table 3.1: General Profiles of 30 Informants (Categorized by Groups) 93
Table 3.2: Personal Background Informations of Informants 95
Table 3.3: Basic Criteria Associated as ‘Malay’ by 27 informants 96
Table 3.4: Informants’ Field of Studies Enrolled in UWA/Curtin/ 97
Murdoch/ECU
Table 3.5: Informants’ University or Government Department 98
Attachments in Malaysia
xiv
List of Abbreviations
ABIM Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia
BN Barisan Nasional
BTN Biro Tata Negara
ECU Edith Cowan University
FELDA Federal Land Development Authority
GAGASAN Gagasan Demokrasi Rakyat
GERAKAN Gerakan Keadilan Rakyat Malaysia
GP General Practitioner
KEADILAN Parti Keadilan Nasional
KFC Kentucky Fried Chicken
MAWAR Malaysian Student Western Australia Ring
MCA Malaysian Chinese Association
MIC Malaysian Indian Congress
MyPSA Malaysian Postgraduate Association
NEP New Economic Policy
NGO Non Governmental Organization
PAS Parti Islam SeMalaysia
PKR Parti Keadilan Rakyat
PR Permanent Resident
PRM Parti Rakyat Malaysia
TESL Teaching of English as Second Language
UK United Kingdom
UMNO United Malay National Organisation
USA United States of America
UWA The University of Western Australia
xv
List of Appendices
Appendix 1: Map of Western Australia 298
Appendix 2: The University of Western Australia: Crawley Campus Map 299
Appendix 3: Curtin University: Bentley Campus Map 300
Appendix 4: Murdoch University: Campus Map 301
Appendix 5: Edith Cowan University: Joondalup Campus 302
Appendix 6: Interview Questions Guidelines 303
Appendix 7: Information Sheet 305
Appendix 8: Participant Consent Form 307
Appendix 9: Document on the Origin of the term Mat Salleh 309
xvi
Glossary of Malay Terms
adab good manners
adat Malay custom
Allah God
al-Qur’ān Muslim Holy Book
aqiqah sacrificing an animal on the occasion of a child’s
birth
asam pedas sour and spicy stew
aurat part of the body that should be covered
bahasa Melayu the Malay language
baju kurung traditional female Malay dress
baju melayu traditional male Malay dress
bangsa idaman nation-of-intent
dakwah to call or to preach as in missionary activity
bangsa ethnic group, community, ‘race’
buka minda open one’s mind
beras kunyit yellow rice
beringat-ingat be mindful
berlapik-lapik padding
bertih popped rice
bidan traditional midwives
bomoh/dukun indigenous medical practitioner
bual kosong general conversation
budi bahasa polite, well-behaved, observant of etiquette
bumiputera a Malay term meaning ‘sons of the soil’ that refers
to the indigenous peoples in Malaysia
budi sense of discretion
cabar challenge
cair melt
cepat melatah too responsive
cepat terasa too emotional
cukur jambul shaving ot tonsure of hair
daun kesum Vietnamese mint
dosa sin
xvii
Dusun one of the native peoples of Sabah
gerakan kebangsaan national movement
hadīth/ hadis Prophet Muhammad’s (p.u.h.) saying
halal permissible according to Muslim laws, usually
concerning food
haram forbidden by Muslim laws
hikmah good outcome in the future
hormat respect
ibādat/ibadah worship
ikhlas sincerity
imam leader of prayer in a congregation
iman faith
jaga air muka face saving
jaga hati protect one feeling
jamu traditional herbal medication
jati diri bangsa national identity
jiwa melayu Malay soul
jubah robe
kampung village
kari curry
kasar harsh
kenduri feast
kerajaan kingdom
ketuanan melayu Malay dominance
keturunan descent
khalwat close proximity
kopiah skull-cap
leceh fussy
maghrib time of sunset (as in maghrib prayer)
majmuk plural
mandi lulur traditional bath/scrub
masak lemak coconut milk with turmeric dish
masuk Islam convert to Islam
masuk Melayu to become a Malay (once often equated with
becoming a Muslim)
xviii
mat salleh white man/ Caucasian
Melanau one of the native peoples of Sarawak
Melayu asli/jati real Malay
mualaf newly converted Muslim
munshi religious teacher
Murut on of the native peoples of Sabah
nasib fate or destiny
negara nation
niat intention
orang human
pantang/ pantang larang rules of behaviour
pentingkan diri put oneself first
petua old folk practices
Ramadan the 9th
month of the Islamic calendar
reformasi reformation
rumah terbuka open house
sabar patient
salam greeting, salutation
samak cleansing or purification procedure
serban headgear
solat/ salat prayer
solat hajat supererogatory prayer
sunnah tradition and customs of prophet Muhammad
(p.u.h) which are accepted as proper conduct to
follow
sūrah chapters from al-Qur’ān
surau praying room of lesser status than a mosque
syawal the 10th
month of the Islamic calendar
syariah Islamic law
syukur thankful to God
takwa conciousness of God
tawakal resign or to trust in God
teguran admonishment
telekung prayer cloaks for woman
tudung headscarf
xix
ulama Islamic religious teacher
ummah Muslim community
urut massage
usrah a small religious discussion session/group
ustaz Islamic religious teacher (of lesser rank than
ulama)
wajib obligatory
1
CHAPTER 1
Being Malay and Being Malay-Muslim: An Introduction
Malays – superficially it is easy to identify them. They are normally brown
in skin-color, of moderate physical build but tough, and often gentle-mannered.
(Syed Husin Ali 1982, p. 1)
Introduction
Upon my arrival in Perth, Western Australia, in December 2007, I experienced mixed
feelings of excitement, anxiousness and eagerness in being in a new place and culture
and in meeting new people. I wondered whether the local people would see me as a
stranger in their environment. I felt hesitant in dealing with the locals because I started
to see myself as a Muslim and Malay. This was because my appearance (I wear a
headscarf) could easily identify me as a Muslim. I was less concerned about my ethnic
identity as Malay, but I did start to have questions about the other Malay students: Did
they think like me? Did they have the same feelings as I did? Did they face the same
problems, or were they facing different ones?
These questions triggered my deeper look into Malay postgraduate students’
experiences and their ideas of being Malay-Muslim outside Malaysia. These are some
of the questions now raised in this research: In what contexts do they identify
themselves as Malay? To what extent do they identify themselves as Muslim? To what
extent are they willing to negotiate their Malay or ethnic identity or, if not, how are they
adjusting or maintaining them? Concerning their religious identity, how far are they
willing to negotiate changes in their life? In seeking answers to these questions, I will
explore in some detail the reasons for students having chosen their respective
universities and for coming to Western Australia in the first place, rather than going to
other countries. I will then discuss the idea of who the Malays are in the Malaysian
context, followed by the idea of being Malay-Muslim.
2
In 2001, after the 9/11 incidents1, most people were awakened and shocked by the
massive attack. However, my research was affected by how this incident contributed to
changes in Malay-Muslim students pursuing higher education in the United States.
What was initially seen as a terrorist attack, that is the deliberate targeting of civilian
sites and/or the injury and death of non-combatant civilians, was later conceptualised as
a religious one (Schwartz 2009, p. 538). It caused many misunderstandings about other
Muslim countries, including Malay-Muslims in Malaysia, who in general have opted for
moderate Islamic teachings, values and practices in their daily lives2. Malaysian
students, overall, especially Malay-Muslim students, have had to digest the
consequences of the 9/11 incidents, which cast gloom on the prospect of pursuing their
studies in the United States. The Malaysian government, which was concerned about
the safety of its students in the United States at that time, gave these students the option
to pursue their studies locally or in another country. As stated by a Malay postgraduate
student in Western Australia, the Malaysian government continues to discourage its
sponsored postgraduate students from going to the United States, and suggests other
countries, including Australia, as its favoured destinations.
The economic situation also contributed to why Australia has become a favourite
destination among Malay students pursuing their studies. For example, in the case of the
United Kingdom, the high exchange rate between the British pound sterling and the
Malaysian ringgit3 is a burden to the Malaysian government. Next was the rise in
international students’ university fees in the UK. This has further weakened the prospect
of selected students pursuing their studies, except for a few listed courses allowed by
the Malaysian government; normally, these are technical and professional courses that
are offered only in the UK or that are in high demand in Malaysia. These factors are
1 The September 11 attacks, often referred to as September 11th or 9/11 (pronounced “nine eleven”), were
a series of airline hijackings and suicide attacks committed by 19 militants associated with the Islamic
extremist group al-Qaeda (a terrorist group) against targets in the United States. The attacks caused
extensive death and destruction and triggered an enormous U.S. effort to combat terrorism. On September
11, 2001, groups of attackers boarded four domestic aircraft at three East Coast airports and soon after
takeoff overpowered the crews and took control of the planes. The hijackers intentionally crashed two
airliners into the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City, killing everyone on board
and many others working in the buildings. The World Trade Center’s were heavily damaged and south
towers collapsed and the north tower fell half an hour later. A number of buildings adjacent to the twin
towers suffered serious damage, and several subsequently fell.
<http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/762320/September-11-attacks>. 2 As a Malay saying, ‘Kerana nila setitik, rosak susu sebelanga’ (‘one drop of indigo stains the whole
cauldron of milk’). This Malay saying literally means that if one particular person has performed an
unacceptable act or engaged in intolerable behaviour, it will cause others in the group to forget all other
kindnesses that the person has done before. 3 The current exchange rate for 1£ (UK pound) ranges between RM4.90 to RM5.00 (Malaysian ringgit).
3
being taken into account because of potential problems in the students’ adaptation
process, including living in anxiety and possibly facing racist remarks or negative
perceptions of their Muslim identity.
Most Malay postgraduate students in Western Australia are aware of the above
situations. However, they have also given various reasons why they chose to pursue
their studies here in Western Australia, compared to other countries or other places in
Australia. The first was the availability of the courses for which they wished to apply.
Second, they found a good supervisor, and some had even known their supervisor long
before they registered at their present university. Third, the distance between Malaysia
and Western Australia enabled them to fly back to Malaysia frequently, to visit their
parents or to collect the data for their research. The fourth reason was that, because most
of the postgraduates involved in this study were married with children, the free primary
and secondary education provided in Western Australia was an asset for them. This was
in contrast to other parts of Australia, where postgraduate students had to pay school
fees of AUD$5000.00 per year for each child. Finally, some of them considered the
high numbers of Malaysian students in Western Australia to be welcoming, especially
to those who did not know anyone here in advance of their arrival. They felt they could
always rely on other Malays and other Malaysians (like Chinese, Indians and other
ethnic groups that comprise Malaysia’s plural society4) for assistance if they were in
need.
4 Malaysia is a plural society (majmuk). However, it is very difficult to understand the Malaysian social
structure because of its unique character. According to Furnivall (1945, p. 171), a plural society has come
into existence when the only factor common to all groups and members has been the economic factor.
Fisk and Rani (1982, p. 105) explained that before colonialism and the early period of the colonialism,
Peninsular Malaysia was a place which was inhabited mostly by Malays, although there were a limited
number of Chinese and Indians and some nomadic aboriginal people. It was during the colonial period
that the British encouraged and accelerated the migrations to Peninsular Malaysia from India, China and
Indonesia because of the need for a labour force which resulted in today’s Malaysian mosaic or a
Malaysian Plural Society. Malaysia is anything but a homogenous society, being the home of numerous
ethnic groups, each with their own sets of social mores and values. It is a conglomeration, and each group
is only a part of it. In regard to the socio-cultural differences, Malayasian society today consists of three
different sub-societies or segments, which are mainly the Malays, Chinese and the Indians. Each segment
of Malaysian society, labelled a ‘race’ in governmental classification (i.e. on identity cards), has its own
language, traditions and religious norms and value systems that are very different from one society to
another. Not only the economic imbalance of the society leads to polarization, but also the socio-cultural
elements create polarization between the Malays, Chinese and Indians (Fisk & Rani 1982, p. 106). The
different institutions established to deal with the different ethnic backgrounds on social economic,
judicial, and educational matters have worked to effect a strong emphasis on group identity. Therefore,
scholars refer to Malaysia as plural (Fenton 2003).
4
It is important to consider all of these factors when addressing issues of identity, since
each situation and reason can contribute to the idea of being Malay-Muslim overseas. I
attempt to explore and discuss these elements further, in the hope of clarifying the many
ambiguous ideas of ethnic and religious identity among Malay postgraduate students
here in Western Australia. How have they adjusted or maintained their identity in the
situations mentioned and if so, how? On the other hand, could it be that adjusting their
ethnic and religious identity in Western Australia has depended on variable situational
circumstances? Could it be that the high number of Malays and Malaysian students has
contributed to their strong sense of group identity?
Based primarily on the feedback from my group of Malay overseas student informants,
in this research I will try to address these questions together focussing on their insights
into being Malay-Muslim outside of Malaysia. I also acknowledge that some Malay
students pursuing their studies in Western Australia would prove to be exceptions in
many ways from my own findings in this research. However, I would stress that the
informants involved in this research were Malay postgraduate students with high family
expectations, despite their different family backgrounds, their different Malaysian states
of origin, or their being attached to different universities in Malaysia. The next section
will introduce the idea of who a Malay is in this research, and will discuss the various
definitions and ambiguous understandings of the concept in the Southeast Asian region.
Being Malay: Outlining Ambiguity and the Adjustment Process
Much has been written about ethnic Malays in Southeast Asia, but there is much
ambiguity in relation to the question of Malay identity. ‘Malay’ is defined in Article 160
of the Constitution of Malaysia, as ‘someone born to a Malaysian citizen, who professes
to be a Muslim, habitually speaks the Malay language, adheres to Malay customs and is
domiciled in Malaysia or Singapore’. This definition, however, leads to further
ambiguity in the current world context: What if a Malay prefers to speak languages
other than Malay? What if mixed marriages contribute to a new set of customs or
cultures? What if cosmopolitanism leads the ethnic Malay to domicile somewhere else
in the world besides Malaysia or Singapore? Are they then still to be identified as ethnic
Malays? According to Shamsul (2001b, p. 76), the discussions and conflicts among
Malays themselves centre on the question who could be called a ‘real Malay’ (Melayu
asli or Melayu jati).
5
Shamsul (2001a, p.355) proposes that Malay ethnicity is not innate, but rather learned
or constructed and that Malay-Malayness has been created as a result of intersecting
historical, cultural and social factors at a particular moment. In Malaysia, most
historians and other scholars in the humanities accept ‘colonial knowledge’ as the basis
of Malaysian and Malay history (Shamsul 2001a, p. 358). According to Cheah Boon
Kheng’s Writing on Indigenous History in Malaysia (1997), historical knowledge, a
crucial element in all identity formation, is still based on colonial knowledge in
Malaysia. Cohn (1996) highlights the set of ‘officialising procedures’ that the British
used to establish and extend their authority in numerous areas:
‘...control by defining and classifying space, making separations between public
and private spheres, by recording transactions such as sale of property, by
counting and classifying populations, replacing religious institutions as the
registrar of births, marriages, and deaths, and by standardizing languages and
scripts’ (Cohn 1996, p. 1).
According to Shamsul (2001a), enactments realizing these procedures were instituted
separately in the state constitutions of each of the eleven negeri (states) of Peninsular
Malaysia. Each state constitution offered a slightly different definition of who was a
‘Malay’. For instance, a person of Arab descent was a Malay in Kedah, but not in Johor;
a person of Siamese descent was a Malay in Kelantan, but not in Negeri Sembilan. Such
enactments also made ‘Malay’ and ‘Malayness’ contested categories (Shamsul 2001a,
pp. 360-361). However, Shamsul sees modern Malaysians as having become familiar
with ‘facts’ that appear in various reports and statistical data. Hefeels that citizens of
Malaysia rarely question these ‘facts’, as they are fine and often invisible manifestations
of the process of Westernization.
Shamsul has further argued that the formation of the Federation of Malaysia in 1963
introduced a new dimension to the understanding of Malay and ‘Malayness’ as a result
of the presence of the native peoples in Sarawak and Sabah, such as the Dusun and
Murut in Sabah and the Melanau in Sarawak. Unlike the Malays in Peninsular
Malaysia, these groups did not constitute, each on their own, the majority of the
population. Therefore, according to Shamsul (2001b), to avoid further tensions and
problems in state–federation relations, the term bumiputera became an important ethnic
category in the federal government’s efforts to create solidarity. The Malays and the
native Muslims and non-Muslims of Sarawak were then combined into a single
category. However, the constitution does not use the term ‘bumiputera’: it defined only
6
‘Malay’ (Article 160), ‘aborigine’ (Article 160(2)), ‘natives’ of Sarawak (Article
161A(6)(a)), and ‘natives’ of Sabah (Article 161A(6)(b)). In most public situations,
definitions of ‘bumiputera’ vary among different institutions, organizations, and
government departments and agencies. However, according to Milner (2008), the term
‘real Malay’ may have died with the colonial period, but the Malay people continued to
be discussed in ways that imply the possession of certain fixed characteristics, a
definable essence that includes such elements as the use of the Malay language.
According to Lian Kwen Fee (2001), when Singapore separated from Malaysia,
defining Malay identity had to wait for nearly two decades in the new city-state before
Malay identity was formalized through debates in Singapore's parliament. According to
the definition that emerged, a ‘person belonging to the Malay community means any
person, whether a Malay by race or otherwise, who considers himself to be a member of
the Malay community and who is generally accepted as a member of the Malay
community by the community’ (Constitution of the Republic of Singapore 1988, p. 46).
Adherence to Islam has not been a criterion for being ‘Malay’ in the Singapore census
process (Lily Zubaidah 1998, p. 81). Lian Kwen Fee (2001) also explained that in the
case of Indonesia, the notion of Malay identity is a loosely defined regional identity. In
other words, when the Indonesian Republic was proclaimed in 1945, the notion of
Malay identity, which is closely related to ‘kerajaan’ (kingdom), gave way to national
identity based on the revolution and ‘negara’ (nation-state). Therefore, in terms of
defining the Malay, Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia each have their own distinctive
idea of who is Malay. In Malaysia, as well as some parts of Indonesia, occasionally we
find Malays referring to conversion to Islam (regardless of their ethnic group) as ‘masuk
Melayu’ (convert to Malay) when it really means ‘masuk Islam’ (convert to Islam). This
situation needs to be examined further, since the term, as far as I am aware, is
commonly used among rural Malays compared to urban Malays. As stated by an
informant in Lindenberg’s (2009) study, which describes the idea of conversion to Islam
as ‘masuk Melayu’, was, ‘the idea when you become a Muslim, you become Malay, you
could not be different, you were expected to be a Malay, you had to talk like a Malay,
dress like a Malay, walk like a Malay, speak like a Malay, and all this straight away’
(Lindenberg 2009, p. 228).
7
This situation was aptly described in a current statement by former Prime Minister of
Malaysia, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, in a Malaysian local newspaper5. He said that a
Malay should be glad to be born as a Malay, because that directly makes them a Muslim
(as defined by the Malaysian Constitution). There are only two nations in the world
where their race is glued to the Islamic religion, that is, the Maldives and Malaysia. In
other words, a person born in a Malay family will be a Muslim because they are not
Malay if they are not Muslim6. The situation will never be the same if they are born in
an Arab, Indonesian or Pakistani family because they are not habitually a Muslim yet. It
is not defined in these countries’ legal constitutions that they – the Arab, Indonesian or
Pakistani – are therefore a Muslim, unlike the Malays. I found this statement revealing
(however empirically disputable) in explaining the distinct features of being Malay in
Malaysia as compared to other countries in Southeast Asia. So, in considering Islam as
a requirement, this certainly removes the vast majority of Filipinos, who are of course
Christian (Milner, 2008), even though they still continue to express a strong ‘Malay’
consciousness (Salazar 1998) in the sense of a larger regional Malay identity. In other
words, the idea of Malay consciousness in the Philippines is more comprehensive
compared to the idea of Malay as a citizenship category in Malaysia. The next section
discusses further the idea of being Malay and the ambiguity in defining Malays in the
Malaysian context.
The general description of who is Malay that I found pertinent to defining being Malay
in general is given by a well-known Malaysian poet, the late Usman Awang7. He was
considered by most as a giant in the Malay literary world, especially due to his poem
entitled Melayu (Malay). This poem explains the general characteristics of the Malay
ethnic group, such as its members’ attitudes, manners, morals, cultural practices and
also adat8. In this poem, he highlights the importance of maintaining a Malay identity
whilst at the same time discussing the willingness of Malays to let go or to transform
5 This newspaper article, dated 23
rd of March 2011, is in Malay and can be fully viewed at this website:
<http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2011&dt=0323&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Dalam_Ne
geri&pg=dn_16.htm> 6 Further discussion can be viewed in Tun Dr. Mahathir’s blog at <http://chedet.co.cc> titled ‘Melayu oh
Melayu’ (Malay oh Malay) 7 Usman Awang (1929 - 2001) was a Malaysian poet, playwright and novelist. He was also known by
other pen-names including Adi Jaya, Amir, Atma Jiwa, Manis, Pengarang Muda, Rose Murni, Setiabudi,
U.A. and Zaini. 8 ‘Adat’, is an Arabic word which generally refers to the constellation of concepts, rules and codes of
behaviour which are conceived as legitimate or right, appropriate or necessary for a particular group
(Wazir 1992, p.14).
8
themselves by relinquishing insignificant cultural or adat practices Below I present
some of the relevant sections of the poem to highlight Awang’s ideas.
MELAYU (MALAY) - Usman Awang
Melayu di tanah Semenanjung luas maknanya:
Jawa itu Melayu, Bugis itu Melayu
Banjar juga disebut Melayu,
Minangkabau memang Melayu,
Keturunan Acheh adalah Melayu,
Jakun dan Sakai asli Melayu,
Arab dan Pakistani, semua Melayu
Mamak dan Malbari serap ke Melayu
Malah mua’alaf bertakrif Melayu
(Setelah disunat anunya itu)
Translation9
Being ‘Malay’ in the Peninsula has a broad meaning:
Javanese is Malay, Bugis is Malay
Banjar is also called Malay
Minangkabau is Malay
Acehnese decendants are Malay
Jakun and Sakai are native Malay,
Arab and Pakistani, all Malay
Mamak and Malbari are absorbed by Malay
Even ‘mua’alaf’10
is of Malay status
After they have been circumcised
Walaupun sudah mengenal universiti
Masih berdagang di rumah sendiri.
Berkelahi cara Melayu
Menikam dengan pantun
Menyanggah dengan senyum
Marahnya dengan diam
Merendah bukan menyembah
Meninggi bukan melonjak.
9 Translations are my own, unless otherwise indicated.
10‘Mua’laf’ refers to a newly converted Muslim. A person is considered to have converted to Islam from
the moment he or she sincerely makes the declaration of faith called shahadah (a term used in Islam to
denote the all important confession or affirmation of the unity of God and the apostleship of Muhammad
(s.a.w.), meaning ‘to attest’, 'to give decisive word’, hence ‘to acknowledge as true’ and is used in
referring to eye witness testimony (like conversion to Islam) or other dependable evidence (Cragg 2005,
pp. 8266-8267).
9
Translation
Even after they attend university
Still doing business in their own home
Fighting in a Malay way
Stabbing with ‘pantun’11
Shouting with a smile
Angered in silence
Humble but not bowing down
Proud but not boasting
Berdamai cara Melayu indah sekali
Silaturrahim hati yang murni
Maaf diungkap senantiasa bersahut
Tangan diulur sentiasa bersambut
Luka pun tidak lagi berparut
Translation
The Malay way of peace is most beautiful
‘Silaturrahim’12
of pure heart
Apology uttered, always accepted
Hands offered, always received
Even wounds do not leave any scars
Bagaimanakah Melayu abad dua puluh satu
Masihkan tunduk tersipu-sipu?
Jangan takut melanggar pantang
Jika pantang menghalang kemajuan;
Jangan segan menentang larangan
Jika yakin kepada kebenaran;
Jangan malu mengucapkan keyakinan
Jika percaya kepada keadilan.
Translation
How about the Malay in the twenty-first century?
Are they still bowing their heads timidly?
Do not be scared to violate the forbidden
11 ‘Pantun’ is a four-lined verse consisting of alternating, roughly rhyming lines. The first and second
lines sometimes appear disconnected in meaning from the third and fourth, but there is almost invariably
a link of some sort. Whether it is a mere association of ideas, or of feeling, expressed through assonance
or through the faintest nuance of a thought, it is nearly always traceable (Sim 1987, p.12). 12
‘Silaturrahim’ is an Arabic word meaning brotherhood or the bond of friendship, and examples of
silaturrahim acts are building communities, family reunions and demonstrating kindness towards
neighbours. Silaturrahim is also about reconnecting with the family, our society and, last but not least,
ourselves. <http://aquila-asia.com/lifestylemenu/lifestyle-body-mind-a-spirit/919-binding-ties>
10
If the forbidden prevents progress;
Do not be shy to oppose restrictions
If you are certain of the truth?
Do not feel shy to utter your conviction
If you believe in justice
(Usman Awang, 26 NOVEMBER 1999)
Usman Awang describes the Malay ethnic group as being one of the major ethnic
groups in this region, yet also conveys some of the ambiguity as to who the Malay is.
According to Barnard (2004, p. ix), the word Melayu (Malay, Maleis) appears in
seventh-century Chinese sources with reference to Sumatra, and it has been used in
Southeast Asia ever since, carrying with it notions of a culture, a people and a location.
The Malays are always on the move and transforming themselves, often very elusively,
and theirs is a contested and wandering identity. However, this research reveals, in
addition, that besides ethnicity and identity, Malay students also go through transitions
in a foreign context. This explains the situation mentioned in the last paragraph of
Usman Awang’s poem above on the Malay in the twenty-first century: they should not
be scared to violate the forbidden, if the forbidden is going to prevent development or
progress. The first thing that is of concern to some Malay students who have arrived in
this foreign country is letting go temporarily of their home and leaving their families
behind.
As one example of the problems of transition to foreign places, I came across one Malay
student who shared her concern about her house in Malaysia that she had rented out to
someone with the assistance of her parents, who were looking after the rent and her
house. When her tenant wished to move out of the house and breach her agreement to
stay for at least two years, the student was angry and frustrated. She was going to deal
with the tenants, but her parents stopped her. They said she should just leave the matter
to them and not call the tenant. The reason was that her parents were scared that the
tenant would go to the bomoh13
and make the student’s life hard through ‘black
13 ‘Bomoh’ or dukun refers to the traditional practitioner of Malay folk medicine (Mohd Taib Osman
1972, p. 221). The term bomoh is more frequently used in Peninsular Malaysia than dukun, although the
latter is a standard term for a traditional medical practitioner in Indonesia, particularly Java (Wazir 1984). According to Mohd Taib Osman (1972), perhaps there is no other social institution in Malay culture today
which enjoys a longer continuity and yet is fully functional in everyday life when compared to the
institution of bomoh. In it, one is able to see cultural accretions from the earliest period of the Malays'
history to the present. Mohd Taib Osman suggested that the total belief system in Malay culture today can
be graphically pictured as interactions between Islamic ideals, inherited traditional beliefs and empirical
or scientific knowledge. According to him, on the ideal level, as typical of a Muslim community
everywhere, prescribed Islamic teachings and practices are the paramount goals towards which members
11
magic’14
. What I would like to note in this scenario is how the Malay student, as a
Muslim as well as a Malay middle-class member in the making, still has to position
herself between traditional beliefs and development. As a postgraduate student, she felt
that, being in Western Australia would help her to develop as an exceptionally educated
person. However, she finds that having to deal with the traditional belief in shamanism
is obstructing her effort. How Malay culture/adat plays a role in the Malay students’
lives in relation to a foreign place and identity construction is discussed in Chapter
Four. However, Malay culture and adat are two factors that are intertwined with each
other and hard to separate in relation to Malay-Muslim life practice.
Barnard (2004) has suggested that the primacy of language has also been the basis of
explorations into the boundaries of a Malay culture, a Malay nation, a Malay race, a
Malay state or a Malay identity. A study by Nurliza (1986), for example, has illustrated
how language has become a key marker of Malay-Muslim identity in Singapore.
However, Andaya (2008, p. 14) feels that the discussion by Barnard overlooks an
emerging culture in the northern portion of the Straits of Malacca that formed the
antecedents of Malay culture in the Isthmus of Kra and the Malay Peninsula which he
termed a ‘Sea of Malayu’15
. According to Andaya, the long and profitable interaction
within this common ‘sea’ produced a shared cultural idiom that helped shape Malay
identity. This statement is consistent with O’Connor’s (1995, p. 987) suggestion that
ecological adaptation, language, and agricultural techniques are significant shifts that
can be used to explain the so-called ‘decline’ and ‘emergence’ of ethnic groups in
Southeast Asia.
On the other hand, in Sarawak, the term ‘Malays’ refers to people who are from the
same stock as some of their neighbours, but who, although not immediately related to
the Malays in the peninsula, called themselves by that name when they were converted
to Islam during the last few centuries (Milne & Mauzy 1986, p. 69). Kahn (2003, p.
of the community are supposed to strive. But on the behaviourial level, the Islamic ideals have to contend
with local beliefs or adat as well as scientific knowledge, which, in the case of most Muslim
communities, is mainly brought about by the process of westernisation of their cultures (although a great
deal of modern sciences has its roots in the Islamic civilisation). 14
See also other terms used in anthropological perspectives, such as witchcraft and sorcery. Some
ethnographic studies (see Evans-Pritchard 1937; Middleton & Winter 1963; Stephen 1986; Geschiere
1997) have pointed out that, among other motivations, witchcraft is commonly motivated by envy and
malice, rather than by the pursuit of material gain (Niehaus 2006). 15
Andaya proposed the term ‘Sea of Malayu’ as a community of settlements conjoined through extensive
and intensive economic and cultural interactions (2008, p. 22). The spelling Malayu here refers to the
older spelling of Melayu.
12
148), on the other hand, feels that the Malays are a community quite literally obsessed
with their own uniqueness with respect to a godless, cultureless but nonetheless
imperialist ‘West’. I see this as a statement relevant to my study of Malays who are
exposed to Western-oriented culture where individuals’ personalities and behaviours,
political/legal systems, economic conditions, and social mores are all intertwined with
the national culture from which they originate (Berger 1991). Therefore, here in
Australia, where Malay students are a distinct minority, I would argue that their
renewed exposure beyond their ethnic frontiers has prompted them to protect and even
enhance their Malay distinctiveness despite the need for accommodation. I will use the
term identity adjustment in discussing the Malay student’s identity by referring to their
idea of exhibiting agreement, compliance or even submission in regard to their ethnic
and religious identity within wider Australian society. However, there are limits to this
adjustment. The process of adjustment discussed in this thesis attempts to clarify how
Malay students have adopted Malayness as an identity in order to justify their actions.
Nevertheless, the nature or essence of Malayness still remains problematic, and it is still
one of the most challenging and confusing terms discussed in the world of Southeast
Asia (Barnard 2004, p. xiii). This thesis’s analysis of Malay postgraduate students in
Western Australia reveals their belief that whatever possible adjustment to their identity
they make, they should not disregard their religious beliefs, values and practices. This is
one way Malay students in Australia create their distinctiveness compared to other
Muslims. How and why Malays are distinctive from other Muslims in relation to their
ethnic and religious identity adjustment is discussed further in Chapter Four.
Being Malay-Muslim: Channeling and Supporting Identity
In the opening of the twenty-first century, Malay-Muslim identity has been affected by
the changes that have been underway within Islam, especially within the ‘Malay’
community in Malaysia. Means (1978, pp. 402-403) and Rosenthal (1965, p. 301) are
among the academics who have predicted that with modernization there would be an
increasing separation of state and religion, and that religious issues probably become
somewhat less important. However, Wilson (1967, pp. 64-65) judged that Islam was
simply ‘too integral a part of Malay culture for it to be a force for change and new
involvement’. Milner (2008) stated that Malay-Muslims, as seen in relation to Islamists
elsewhere in the Muslim world, have been critical of the notion of the ‘traditional
Malay’ as having been too much influenced by pre-Islamic traditions. Islamic critique
13
has brought many changes to Malay-Muslims, the most obvious being in dress styles
and language. More and more women have adopted conservative clothing, including
wearing the veil; some men have begun to wear the Arab headgear (serban), skull-cap
(kopiah) and robes (jubah); terms from Arabic vocabulary have become increasingly
common, for instance, the Islamic greeting of Assalamualaikum (Chandra 1987; Nagata
1984; Wazir 1992).
Exactly how extensive the impact of Islam has been on ‘Malay’ society, especially
outside Malaysia, is difficult to assess. Kahn (2006) in his investigation in the 1980s of
how far traditional Malay culture among Malay middle- and lower-class residents was
being threatened, suggested that cultural loss was not an issue for them, since Islam was
their main priority. According to Kahn, some consider Malay culture as disappearing,
but felt this was desirable to the extent that traditional Malay practices contradicted the
tenets of Islam (Kahn 2006, p. 88). Martinez (2006) later extended the results of his
survey of ‘Malaysian Muslims’ carried out in 2005, suggesting that the majority when
asked what term of identity defined them best, chose ‘Muslim’ (72.7 per cent) rather
than ‘Malay’ (12.5 per cent) or ‘Malaysian’ (14.4 per cent) (Martinez 2006). However,
the survey was of ‘Malaysian Muslims’, not only Malay-Muslims. Martinez suggested
that the heightened self-consciousness about being Muslim may be a result of the
blurring of boundaries between Malays and others in Malaysia, because so many non-
Malays have been engaging in Malay culture; but it may also, of course, point to an
intensification of religiosity.
The anthropologist Michael Peletz (2002, pp. 225-227) agrees that Malays are
increasingly referring to themselves as Muslim people rather than Malay people. Yet,
Peletz further explains that the ordinary Malays who experience Islam as central to their
daily lives and cultural identities regard dakwah agents who enjoin the sanitizing of
Islam by eliminating their daily rituals and beliefs, such as their idea of local spirits or
jin, as arrogant, hypocritical and supportive of harsher Shari’ah legal penalties. In other
words, Peletz (2002, p. 1997) refers to this situation as something that is commonly
perceived by ordinary Malays as a direct attack on sanctified elements of their basic
values and cultural identities. Religion is then seen as playing a large role in Malay
identity, and Islam has always been a key element of Malay cultural identity, though not
an exclusive one. It has mixed with, rather than displaced, important pre-Islamic
traditions and beliefs in relation to rules, rituals and obligations. Despite the universalist
14
nature of Islam, which rejects any form of ethnic identities in its basic principles (such
as in the construction of the ummah16
), the state has gradually moved toward an ethnic
and religious nexus in which Malay ethnic identity is often equated with adherence to
Islam (US Department of State 2000). In fact, the two identities, Muslim and Malay,
have increasingly become intertwined (Derichs 1999; Hamayotsu 1999). Despite posing
some apparent dilemmas, Islamic symbols have become a basic component of Malay
cultural identity together with the elements of Malay language and education (M.
Shamsul Haque 2003).
Based on his 1980s observations, Kahn (1992, p. 174) noted that Malaysia was ‘awash
with the symbolism of traditional Malay culture’. He initially pointed to the UMNO
(United Malays National Organization) government as not only engaged in the
mainstreaming of Islam, but also resisting more stringent Islamic demands through the
promotion of ‘traditional’ culture. Kahn further suggested that this may have been a
strategy for advancing the Malay bangsa and the national leadership at a time when
Mahathir’s leadership was in conflict with some of the sultans. As Kahn (1992, p. 165)
reported, this might be one reason why Islam played a relatively minor role in this
vigorous promotion of traditional Malay culture. In the post-Mahathir era, Prime
Minister Abdullah Badawi has to a certain extent continued the mainstreaming of the
Islamic movement and proposing the idea of ‘Islam Hadhari’ (civilizational Islam) as a
guiding philosophy for society, spelling out an approach to development consistent with
the teachings of Islam. Malays have accepted the Islamic way of life, and Islam is
considered a part of them, a part of their heritage, a part of their identity and a part of
their possessions that needs to be protected (Mohamad Abu Bakar 1984, pp. 140-41).
Shamsul A.B. (1997b, p. 210), on the other hand, has redefined Malay ethnicity through
noting the transition from Islam as a pillar of Malayness to the idea of Malay ethnicity
as centre stage in politics and society. Mutalib (1990) has argued that the political
experiences of the Malays and government policies have caused the pull of ethnic
interests to override and take precedence over Islamic considerations and values. This
16 The term ummah or umma designates one of the most fundamental concepts in Islam. Often translated
as the ‘Muslim community’ of men and women, the term has assumed different meanings in evolving
historical circumstances. The foundational source for the study of the Islamic concept of umma is,
naturally, the Qurʾan. Nonetheless, the idea of an Islamic umma, as it is used in contemporary political
discourse, carries the imprints of the nation-state with which it is competing. Despite substantial
limitations on political and legal expressions of the idea of the umma, it remains a significant source of
social identity for many Muslim men and women throughout the world (Dallal 2011).
15
means Islam has had to contend with ‘traditional’ norms (adat). Defining adat is
difficult, but Geertz (1983, p. 185) argues that adat refers to something half-way
between ‘social consensus and moral style’. In discussing Malay adat, in most instances
it also refers to Malay culture. As in my informal meetings and communications with
the elderly Malays, they tend to use the term adat in reference to the everyday practices
of the Malays. However, the same situations are referred to as Malay culture by the
younger generations. For example, Malays using their hand to eat is referred to as
Malay adat by the earlier generations, while it is more commonly referred to as Malay
culture among the later generations, including among my informants. Therefore, for
many members of the younger generation, the term adat has become largely
synonymous with culture and vice-versa. There is generally no clear distinction in the
usage of these two terms in everyday communication. The role and position of adat in
Malay-Muslim life, as suggested by prominent Malay scholars, is discussed in the next
section in this chapter.
Kim Shively (2006) suggests that when one undertakes a review of works about the
Muslim world, one runs the risk of falling into the old habit of privileging ‘Islam’ as a
principal explanatory device when discussing politics and power (or anything, it seems)
in Muslim-majority societies. Anzaldua (1999) has suggested the idea of facultad,
where one deems religion an even greater aspect of one’s identity because one has
fought to keep it. Anyone who has had their religion questioned, Anzaldua says, will
come out even more religious than before. There is an underlying assumption that it is
Islam – not economics or geopolitics or anything else – that makes ‘them’ the way they
are (Shively 2006, p. 538). According to Mahathir Mohamad (1994, p. 6), the Muslim
communities who are weak and oppressed seek solace in religious practice. In doing so,
they interpret Islam in ways which are unIslamic; due to this Islam and Muslims have
acquired a bad name. Kahn (2003, p. 148) argues that an outsider or non-Muslim does
not have to spend a long time with the Malay people before they are reminded of the
differences between Muslim Malays and Westerners.
Transmitting the practices that constitute being Malay-Muslim depends on the operation
of the family, as the basic unit of Malay society. Family is an important institution in
nurturing and moulding Malay social and cultural values among Malay overseas
students. This is discussed in parts of Chapters Five and Six in this thesis. In Islamic
practice, a family is endowed with great religious honour and divine blessing (Mohd
16
Kamal 1994, pp. 133-134). In other words, obedience to parents comes right next to
obedience to God and His messenger. Furthermore, the traditional Malay family
maintains the high esteem accorded to the parents by Islam, where the authority of the
father as the leader is preeminent without diminishing the revered role of the mother.
Children are expected to be taught how to read the Qur’an and join their parents in the
daily prayers. According to Mohd Kamal (1994, pp. 134-135), the effective Muslim
family is the one that is united and upholds the teachings of Islam in their daily life,
projecting a life-style of moderation and religious piety, while maintaining friendly
relationships with their neighbours. A culture of humility, respect for elders, teachers
and authority, reverence for religious scholars, sharing of joy and grief, collective
prayer and modesty are ideally nurtured in the Malay community. Findings on how
these practices are adjusted or maintained among Malay university students in Western
Australia are discussed further in Chapter Five and Six.
Malay Student Identity: Regulating ‘Adat’ and Reaffirming ‘Bangsa’
In discussing Malay society, it is essential to develop an understanding of the cultural
formations and constructions of Malay adat (traditional customs)17
. According to Zainal
Kling (1997, p.8), adat represents a ‘commonsense’ construction of everyday life.
Overall, Malay adat emphasizes peace and harmony, based on the precept of altruism
(unselfishness) and proper respect for another’s feelings, status and position; it
acknowledges change, but it establishes the means through which change is
incorporated and accommodated and reintegrated. As a Malay folk model, adat
provides the means by which identity is sustained. Apart from his work on adat, Syed
Hussein Alatas (1996) has distinguished aspects of the ‘New Malay’ and ‘Old Malay’
by observing how the New Malays have claimed that Islam and their unique adat
(culture) were features of their identity. Alatas referred to the New Malay as Malays
with a new consciousness who ‘will be selective of positive and negative influences that
have been left in the past’ (1996, p. 6) and he characterised the New Malay as rational,
moral and selective. This means the New Malays have maintained their identity and
culture, but ridded themselves of regressive traditions by being rational and selective.
17 Peletz (1987) describes adat as ‘customary law’.
17
The content of adat – as noted earlier – alters from one place to another, though it is a
concept which at the most general level has been described as ‘unify(ing) the mind of
the Malay world’ (Zainal Kling 1989/1990, p. 115). In other words, adat has often been
recognized as both ‘traditional’ and ‘stable’. When we analyze adat in the contemporary
context, we must take into consideration the fact that adat must be analyzed in a wider
context and in relation to the historical influences of colonial rule and the present-day
post-colonial situation (Hisashi Endo 1999). The ‘traditional’ adat and the ‘modern’
concept of ‘culture’ and ‘development’ are considered to be two sides of the same coin.
The more culture and development are emphasized, the more adat is transformed in
accordance with them (Hisashi Endo 1999, p. 22). In fact, Hooker (1970, p. vii) has also
pointed out that adat is not a quaint system of customary law, but is a living system,
enshrined in law reports, statutes, and administrative minutes.
A description of adat by Wilder (1982, p. 117) is summed up by a Malay proverb:
‘Other pools, other fishes; other fields, other crickets’ (Lain lubuk, lain ikannya; lain
padang, lain belalang). That is to say, every community has its own accent, custom,
personality and history. Another significant Malay proverb on adat is ‘Better to let
one’s child die, but not one’s custom’ (Biar mati anak, jangan mati adat). This is the
‘tightness’ about which Provencher (1971, pp. 205-206) wrote when he warned that
Malay communities only looked ‘loose’ to a ‘cognitively naïve Westerner’. In other
words, the typifications as ‘loose’ or ‘tight’ would seem to depend on what exactly is
being examined when we are considering the whole community of the ‘Malay people’.
This study attempts to consider the position of adat outside the Malaysian context and
the extent to which Malay students in Western Australia view adat as relevant to their
everyday life. I discuss further examples given by my informants in Chapters Five, Six
and Seven.
Malay adat also is characterized as the basis of social formation when discussing
images of altruism or indecision among Malays (Zainal Kling 1997). In such cases adat,
as inculcated by the Malays, may in reality dictate that not all decisions can be achieved
on the basis of spontaneous consensus; instead differences are discussed through
negotiation until consensus is hopefully achieved. This importance of achieving
consensus could be found in another Malay proverb, ‘Bulat air kerana pembetung, bulat
manusia kerana muafakat’ (Water is round because of its culvert, humanity is integrated
because of their consensus or agreement – this is the closest translated literal meaning I
18
would suggest). What I emphasize here in this research on Malays outside Malaysia is
the subjective construct of adat, not just its formulation as an ideological concept. I was
once asked by a fellow scholar, whether adat is the same as ‘ideology’. I could not give
a definite answer to this. According to Eagleton (1991, pp.1-31), the term ideology can
refer to a wide range of meanings, and not all are compatible with each other, as each
involves different conceptual strands. Some of the definitions of ideology listed by
Eagleton to which I could relate adat in some ways are:
(a) The process of production of meanings, signs, and values in social life;
(b) Ideas which help to legitimate a dominant political power;
(c) Identity thinking;
(d) The medium in which conscious social actors make sense of their world;
(e) An action-oriented set of beliefs.
In this research, I explore how Malay students have understood adat through their
personal experiences and socialization process. In other words, I am suggesting that the
Malay adat could be viewed as functioning ideologically, but it is not an ideology per
se. Adat has existed in parallel with civil law and Islamic law in Malaysia that was
operational at least fifty years before the British Colonial period (Raihanah et al. 2010).
Adat, then, may be seen as a way of affirming the idea of ‘bangsa Melayu’ (literally
meaning ‘the Malay nation’). According to Reid (2001), like ‘race’18
, bangsa depends
upon a notion of common descent, but its Sanskrit origins refer to lineage or even caste.
In the old texts someone who has no bangsa is of low birth. Malay identity took shape
around the concept of bangsa Melayu, which dates back at least to Munshi Abdullah19
,
18 The earliest uses of the term race is in the sixteenth century meaning ‘a nation or tribe of people
regarded as of common stock’ (Fenton 2010, p. 17). However, race as a social construct downplays the
extent to which sectors of population share certain characteristics on the basis of common historical
origin, close-knit patterns of social interaction, and a sense of common identity (Scott & Marshall 2005,
p. 543). 19
Munshi Abdullah or Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munsyi, a Malay author who lived in Melaka and
Singapore during the first half of the nineteenth century. Two of his works, Hikayat Abdullah (Tale of
Abdullah) and Kisah Pelayaran Abdullah ke Kelantan (Account of Abdullah’s voyage to Kelantan) are
the stories most often singled out as those that form the bridge between traditional and modern Malay
writing. Abdullah grew up in a multilingual environment, where Malay and Tamil were the main
languages he heard and spoke during his youth (Putten 2006, pp. 407-440). Abdullah’s paternal
grandfather had been the son of a Yemeni Arab and a Tamil woman. His mother’s kin, in contrast, has
been Tamil Hindus settled in Kedah and had only converted to Islam when they shifted to Malacca some
time in the eighteenth century (Tschacher 2009). Abdullah makes no attempt to conceal his religious
identity as Muslim; on the contrary, time and again he emphasizes his Islamic faith. Abdullah’s emphasis
on his Muslim identity is there for all to see, which is striking given that the text was written at the behest
of missionaries and printed and reprinted on their printing presses. Moreover, Abdullah, for the first time
ever in the history of Malay literature, wrote for a printing press (Putten 2006, pp. 407-440). Unlike
19
but was more widely internalised in the region from the 1920s as the equivalent of
‘Malay race’ in English (Reid 2001).
For Munshi Abdullah, the Malay term bangsa referred to the primary community or
collective identity, but the political significance of the concept was not clearly realized
until the turn of the twentieth century (Lian Kwen Fee 2001). Milner (1995, p. 89) also
suggested that the intellectual construction of bangsa began at the turn of the twentieth
century, at a time when British Malaya saw a mass influx of Chinese and Indian
immigrants who had come to work in the tin mines and on the rubber plantations in
Malaya. Compared to Malays the Chinese and Indians made considerable economic
progress, and the Malays were in danger of being left behind to the point that bangsa
Melayu might even disappear (Milner 1995, pp. 119-21). Such definitions raise
problems regarding how to measure racial identity. With the increased immigration of
Chinese and Indian labourers to British Malaya in the early 1900s, a plural society was
created in which the concept of Malay as a race became fixed and indelible (Hirschman
1987).
In contemporary Malaysia, Shamsul A.B. (2001a) argues that the recently introduced
concept of Bangsa Malaysia is by no means an uncontested one either. As a matter of
fact, the very notion of one Bangsa Malaysia has generated a vital and healthy debate
about how it has been authoritatively defined by people who are part of the dominant
power structure or circles involved in forging such an entity (Shamsul 2001b).
However, Shamsul A.B (2001b) has also suggested that bangsa as a form of identity
can also be an ‘everyday-defined’ term, that is, according to how it is experienced by
the people in their everyday lives. In this study, how the concept of bangsa Melayu is
germane to the Malay student’s life in Western Australia will be discussed further in
Chapters Five, Six and Seven. I argue that the idea of ‘bangsa’ is affirmed in the Malay
students’ daily encounters and communications, and it is often used to describe the
Malay postgraduate students in general.
typical Malay literary works that contain fantasies and legendary stories, Abdullah’s work dealt the idea
of modernity and striving for excellence amongst the Malay community.
20
According to Leigh & Lip (2004)20
, ethnicity has been asserted as the dividing line in
Malaysian society, and the populations can identify themselves by their culture, their
mother tongue, their religion and their locality. Those defining identities overlap, but
they are not coterminous. Leigh & Lip stated that after Malaysian independence, the
1972 New Economic Policy (NEP)21
imposed a change on the perceived status of each
ethnic community. Furthermore, before independence, under the colonial policy of
ethnic ‘divide and rule’, each community had a different perception of its status. The
government’s affirmative action policy and subsequent grants of business favours to
ethnic Malays has served to enhance the perceived importance of the Malay community,
since the Malays of the past have been extremely conscious of their status in what they
saw as their homeland. The concept of Bangsa Malaysia was outlined in the policy
outline Vision 2020 promulgated by ex-Prime Minister of Malaysia Mahathir.22
This
has already been a contingent reality because within Malaysia, people identify
themselves according to their ethnic group, but outside Malaysia, self-identification
customarily places country above ethnicity and they introduce themselves not as Malay,
Chinese or Indian but as Malaysian (Leigh & Lip 2004). However, the concept of
bangsa Malaysia is also ambiguous – nation or race? – depending upon the context.
Lukman (2001) has argued that the Malaysian nation or people were formerly known as
bangsa Melayu (Malay nation), but the Malaysian nation underwent a dynamic
transformation from one that symbolizes mono-ethnic Malays to one that symbolizes
multi-ethnic Malaysians. He further claimed that this transformation is a result of the
country’s independence and the need to downgrade the use of ‘Malay nation’ to ‘Malay
race’ to truly represent the country’s three major ethnic groups as one nation. The
20 See also Clammer (1979); Nash (1989); Brown (1989); Zawawi Ibrahim (2004); Maznah Mohamad
(2005). 21
The New Economic Policy (NEP) was a political response to the May 13 (1969) riots between Malays
and Chinese. Increases in unemployment in the period between independence and the 1970s have been
identified as one of the reasons for the riots. Therefore, the Second Malaysia Plan (1971-1975) had two
important goals: first was to reduce and eventually eliminate poverty for all Malaysians regardless of
ethnic identity, and second was to reduce and eventually eliminate the economic imbalance between
ethnic groups (Frisk 2009, p.32). In other words, NEP in its basic motives and strategies was a
continuation of the ethnic policies first introduced by the colonial government and later expanded upon by
the Malaysian state (Shamsul A.B. 1998). 22
In 1991, Mahathir Mohamad, ex-Prime Minister of Malaysia, proclaimed that Malaysia was to become
an industrialised, modernised and fully developed country by the year 2020 – ‘Vision 2020’ (Frisk 2009,
p.34). Vision 2020 and its implementation has earned Mahathir the description of ‘the man who set
Malaysia on the world map’ or labels such as Bapa Pembangunan (father of development) (Khoo 2003,
p. 2). Vision 2020 is seen as a departure from the old concerns of National Economic Policy (NEP) and
Mahathir envisioned of structural transformation from previous dependence on primary commodity
production to industrialized economy that could advance towards post-industrial conditions (Khoo 2003,
p. 21).
21
Malays he likened to the Maori in New Zealand, people who have lost their country. He
then concluded that Malays have then lost the land with which they can fully identify
themselves, compared to the Chinese and Indians, who still can identify themselves
with China or India. However, Malaysia has most often defended the preservation of its
culture through debates on government-imposed policies in the fields of education and
language usage (Leigh & Lip 2004).
Lian Kwen Fee (2001) has detailed how the colonial scholar-administrators took it upon
themselves to educate the Malays in the Malay language. The intelligentsia was made
up of teachers and journalists, mostly from rural backgrounds, who attended training
college and who viewed their main task as raising the standard of Malay education and
cultural life. It was hoped that when they started teaching upon their return to their own
states, they would do so with new consciousness of the wider unity of the Malay world,
its people and problems (Roff 1980, p. 144). Lian Kwen Fee (2001) concluded that in
Malaya, and later Malaysia, the development of Malay identity had its roots in the
dichotomous class structure of traditional society, dividing commoners from the
aristocracy. He noted that egalitarian notions made their appearance among commoner
Malay intellectuals who had been exposed to Western ideas.
Chandra Muzaffar (1987, p. 33) confirms that for many of Malaysia’s students,
academics, politicians, and religious elites, the ultimate goal is an Islamic State. In
relation to this research what is of interest is the making of future Malay intellectuals
among the Malay postgraduates here, and how Islam is playing a major part in their
identity overseas. At the same time, the Malay postgraduates are ultimately making
every effort to be in a better position than the commoners in Malaysia, but somehow are
not suited to the aristocratic position. These Malay postgraduate students will initially
situate themselves among the middle-class in Malaysia. When Islamic revivalism
started among the Malays and who is the middle-class in Malaysia are discussed next.
Islamic Revivalism and the Middle Class in Malaysia
Relating being Malay to being Muslim requires some review of how and when the
Islamic transformation has occurred in Malaysia. However, this section does not seek to
explain the transformation, but to give a brief review of one of the most significant
phenomena in Malaysia, that is the growing of Islamic revivalism. According to Nagata
22
(1980a, p. 405), in the Western circles, the term ‘Islamic revival’ is regarded both as an
academic and political problem, whose roots and meaning are somewhat perplexing. In
other words, the various labels reformist, fundamentalist, conservative, anti-Western
and militant have not been entirely satisfactory because certain themes and
characteristics depend largely upon local conditions. As for Malaysia, the gradual
change in the present direction of Islam began to take place in the late 1970s.
Barraclough (1983) explained that Islamic revivalism has made its impact throughout
Malay society and has created a greater awareness of Islam in everyday life and a desire
for more knowledge on Islamic matters. There have been a growing number of
associations devoted to raising the level of Islamic consciousness; these groups are
commonly known as dakwah23
organisations. As a consequence of the spread of
dakwah activity, an increasing number of Malay Muslims have turned to the Holy
Qur’an and Hadith24
for guidance (Mohamad Abu Bakar 1981). Malaysia is governed
by a multi-party structure, with the ruling alliance Barisan Nasional (National Front)
comprising a number of essentially communal political parties representing the interests
of each of its principal ethnic groups25
. Just when Malay unity and identity were
becoming more secure, the ethnic ranks were broken by the Islamic Party, PAS (Parti
Islam Semalaysia), from outside the Front in 1970’s. At almost the same time, youth
and student movements exerted significant political force in Malaysia. Among the three
23 Dakwah literally means a ‘call’ or ‘invitation’, and is a generic term for any missionary or revival
activity. In principle dakwah is as old as Islam itself, but for historical reasons has received more attention
in some eras than others. In the contemporary form, in Malaysia, dakwah refers to a limited number of
visible and distinctive religious activities which are subject to considerable local discussion and
controversy. As the rest of the Muslim world, dakwah in Malaysia emphasizes ‘religion as a way of life’.
Manifestations of dakwah in Malaysia range from purely personal commitment (between individual and
God) through a variety of expressive behaviours such as distinctive dress, work, and worship habits, to
formal group participation (Nagata 1980a, pp. 413-414). 24
Hadith, is an Arabic word which literally means ‘speech’ and also ‘new’, because speech is created as
it is uttered, it is always new. Following Prophet Muhammad’s (s.a.w) death, people engaged in speech
about him so much that the work ‘hadith’ was eventually reserved for speech related to the Prophet,
including his own speech; it then came to refer to sayings of the Prophet and his companions, and finally
in some circles only to the sayings of the Prophet himself (Kamali 2005, pp. 3726-3733). 25
Barisan Nasional is comprised of three main political parties, originally formed around UMNO (United
Malays National Organization) in 1946, and joined by the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) in 1946
and later by the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress) in 1952.
23
major Islamic revivalist (dakwah) organisations are ABIM26
, Darul Arqam27
and
Jamaat Tabligh28
(Mohamad Abu Bakar 1981).
Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid (2008) summarised how the ABIM’s relationship with the
Malaysian state government has periodically shifted from being confrontational (1971-
1980), to cooperation in problem-solving (1982-1991), involved as a partner in nation-
building (1991-1997) and exerting pressure for its pro-Reformasi29
activism (1997-
2005), and finally to become pragmatically supportive of the state’s agenda to safeguard
Malay-Muslim hegemony within the context of the Federal Constitution (2005-present
day). On the other hand, Darul Arqam also attempts to address itself to many of the
nation’s problems, but is less politically inclined than ABIM. The distinctive feature of
Darul Arqam is its emphasis on berdikari (economic self-sufficiency), not only for the
residential community itself but as an ideal for all Malays (Nagata 1980a, p. 418). Like
Darul Arqam, Jamaat Tabligh also aims both to revive and clarify the basic teachings of
the Al-Quran, and to show their relevance to modern society. The expansion of Jamaat
Tabligh has been achieved by the grafting of a new, cell-like congregation onto an
existing mosque, whose resident imam (rightful leader of a community in prayer) has
informally agreed to permit the use of the perimises for Tabligh lectures and retreats
(Nagata, 1980a, p. 421). Interestingly, Jamaat Tabligh will search for candidates with
some local status from the ranks of educated and respected citizenry to join the chain of
volunteer missionizing (Nagata, 1980a, p. 422).
26 ABIM stands for Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia), which was
founded in 1971 and quickly established itself as the most credible Islamist NGO in the country (Nagata
1980b, p. 136). 27
Darul Arqam or ‘House of Arqam’ germinated in the 1960’s but not until the 1970’s did it blossom into
a full-fledged school, community and communication network (Nagata 1980a, p. 418). 28
Jamaat Tabligh is an Indian-inspired movement, whose nerve centre and organisational stimulus are
still located in Delhi. It was founded in the 1920s. It’ message was first carried by Indian missionaries to
the Malay Peninsula in the early 1950s (Nagata 1980a, p. 421). 29
Reformasi refers to the movement for social and political reform which grew out of ad hoc street
protests and demonstrations held in support of former ABIM president Anwar Ibrahim, who was
unceremoniously sacked from his positions as deputy prime minister and deputy UMNO president in
September 1998, and later convicted and jailed on charges of corruption and sexual misconduct. Initially
marshaled by two civil society alliances, viz. the People’s Democratic Scheme (GAGASAN: Gagasan
Demokrasi Rakyat) and the Movement of Justice for Malaysians (GERAK: Gerakan Keadilan Rakyat
Malaysia), Reformasi assumed tangible shape in 1999 with the establishment of the National Justice Party
(KEADILAN: Parti Keadilan Nasional), which merged in 2003 with the People’s Party of Malaysia
(PRM: Parti Rakyat Malaysia) to form the People’s Justice Party (PKR: Parti Keadilan Rakyat).
Formally led since its inception by Anwar’s wife Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, PKR has since the March 8
elections been the largest opposition party in Parliament (Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid 2009, p. 145).
24
What is considered an important and relevant issue here is how these organizations
involved in the Islamic revivalism process in Malaysia originated from, bring forward
the interests of, and focus upon the middle-class or the Malay intelligentsia. For
example, as pointed out by Nagata (1980a), at present, most of ABIM’s principal actors
are university lecturers who are engaged in an active lecture circuit, which now
penetrates deeply into major national institutions in Malaysia, including universities,
schools, the civil service, professional and occupational associations, the military and
the police. Information gained from the ABIM official website in 2012 reveals that their
principal actors have varied, but the principal criterion is a strong religious education
background. Since its beginning until now, ABIM has been a knowledge-based
organization. ABIM claimed to opt for a moderate attitude based on local social
realities, while strongly holding on to the basic Islamic principles and knowledge
growth in human development.30
Nagata also highlights how the Darul Arqam’s leaders, on the other hand, take pride in
pointing out their ‘worldly’ qualifications, as its members are drawn principally from
the ranks of the educated Malay middle-class. What is apparent here is the idea of the
Malay middle-class. Who are its members, and where are they situated in relation to
their ethno-religious identity?
Abdul Rahman Embong (2001) has listed a number of salient characteristics of the
‘new’ expanding Malay middle class. His approach to the concept of middle class is
occupational: those who form the new middle class are salaried professionals along with
the managerial and administrative employees. There is also the ‘marginal’ middle class,
which is made up of lower-level white-collar employees. He describes this middle class
as new because its members are a first generation, and it is thus characterized by upward
social mobility, achieved largely through state-sponsored higher education. The middle
class gives priority to, among other things, comfortable housing and cars, computers,
hand phones, foreign holidays and leisure. Typically, the members of the middle class
own their own homes – two-storey linked or terrace houses, apartments and even
bungalows. Rokiah Talib (2000, p. 37) described how middle-class opulent lifestyles
could be gleaned from their conspicuous symbols of wealth: the kinds of houses, modes
30 Please refer to ABIM official website < http://www.abim.org.my/v1/ > for current organizational chart
(2012-2013). The current ABIM President, Amidi Abdul Manan was former President of the National
Islamic Student Association (Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia).
25
of transport, the parties thrown, especially during festivals and weddings, at five-star
hotels, memberships of exclusive clubs, children’s enrolment in expensive private
schools at all educational levels, and shopping in up-market malls.
According to Shamsul A.B. (1997a), the Malay middle-class in Malaysia could be
divided into two broad analytical categories, the ‘old’ manually oriented middle class
(e.g. small business people and the self-employed) and the ‘new’ mentally oriented
middle-class (e.g. professionals and bureaucrats). My interest here is in exploring the
‘new’ middle-class Malay, where their very existence is directly related to the
restructuring of the society, particularly in the field of education. Most of the Malay
postgraduate students pursuing their studies here are fully funded by the Malaysian
government in order to increase the number of qualified Malays in technical and non-
technical fields. However, it is notable that Islamic resurgence or dakwah is felt most
strongly in this new middle class (Shamsul 1994). Most of the ordinary Muslims or
moderate Muslims emerging from this middle class are employed in both the private
and public sectors in Malaysia, especially in the field of education.
Figure 1.1 Decisive Aspects and Identity Adjustments among the Members of the
Malay Middle-Class in the Making (Overseas Context)
26
I summarise the position of the members of the Malay middle-class (including overseas
Malay postgraduate students) in the making in relation to their identity adjustment
(Figure 1.1). I will attempt to expand upon this figure in discussing Malay postgraduate
identity formation and adjustment when they are overseas. In the figure immediately
above, the Malay middle-class here covers the Malay postgraduate students. In their
attempt to form and adjust their identity, some would situate their identity by referring
to the Malay commoners’ practice or to the Malay aristocratic status, but the primary
category of reference differs among each of them. In order to make decisions in the
spheres of their various identity adjustments, as listed on the right side of the figure,
they have to also consider various aspects related to their daily life practices, which I
referred to as their decisive aspects. Therefore, if the Malay students try to make
adjustments to their identities here, they must consider how to adjust in each of their
decisive aspects. It is a complex process to relate directly because each of the decisive
aspects has its importance in the Malay student’s life practice, and they are intertwined
with each other in various ways. What could have contributed to them making those
decisions? Has Islam inspired their decision to separate themselves from the traditional
Malay peasantry or even from segments of the Malay nationalists/intelligentsia? These
questions are discussed further in Chapters Four, Five, Six and Seven of this thesis.
Constructing Diverse Identity Dispositions
In earlier part of this chapter, I have introduced who the Malays are in general. In
discussing further the idea of the construction of Malay-Muslim student identity in
Western Australia, five forms of identity are hypothesized as being significant to them.
These are ethnic identity, religious identity, national identity, cosmopolitan identity and
gender identity. I discuss diverse identity dispositions in the context of their significant
role in Malay student’s lives.
Ethnic Identity
Shamsul A.B. (1996, p. 16) has argued that Malay identity, in itself, has an obscure
history that has yet to be seriously examined. His early attempt to examine Malay
identity formation in Malaysia was through a concrete systematic analysis of the
concept of kampung (village), a term that has been taken for granted by Malaysians as
synonymous with ‘Malay’ or ‘Malayness’. Shamsul A.B. (1996, p. 16) has also
27
challenged the way in which ethnic categories are articulated in Malaysia. ‘Malayness’
has been seen in regard to natural categories or ‘boundaries’, and he notes that those
studies which focus on a single ethnic group tend to give little consideration to the
constructed nature, ‘inventedness’ or even artificiality of the social category ‘race’ or
‘ethnicity’ both in general and in the Malaysian cases. At the macro level, he
investigates the sociopolitical concepts of bangsa (nation), negara (state), ketuanan
Melayu (Malay dominance), gerakan kebangsaan (nationalist movement), jatidiri
bangsa (national identity) and bangsa idaman (nation-of-intent), along with the
inevitable issues of the role of Islam, dakwah, the Malay language and Malay royalty.
According to Shamsul (2001a, p. 365),
[L]ike most social phenomena, identity formation takes place within two social
realities at once: ‘the authority-defined’ reality – the reality that is
authoritatively defined by people who are part of the dominant power structure –
and the ‘everyday-defined’ reality experienced by the people in their daily life.
These two realities exist side by side at any given time.
Besides the constitutional definitions of who is ‘Malay’ in Malaysia, there have also
been studies that define ethnic identity at the intra-Malay level and in the urban setting.
Armstrong (1986, pp. 104-127), in her study ‘Ethnic Identity Manipulation by Urban
Malays’, concentrates on the flexibility in self-identifications and other identifications,
as well as individuals’ manipulation of their origin-based identities. There is general
agreement that linguistic (dialect) differences are the most significant marker of who is
Kelantan Malay, Javanese Malay, etc. Other forms or indicators used to indicate Malay
origin are dress, mannerisms (such as hand gestures and other modes of nonverbal
communication), and physical appearance (complexion, skin colour and so on).
Furthermore, we find that most knowledge about the Malays has been constructed and
elaborated in an Orientalist mould by colonial administrator-scholars and
anthropologists and other specialists in Malay studies who have subsequently used this
knowledge, usually without problematising many of the key terms (Shamsul A.B.
2001a, p. 356). As Bhabha (1994, p. 66) has commented:
[A]n important feature of colonial discourse is its dependence on the concept of
‘fixity’ in the ideological construction of otherness. Fixity then is the sign of
cultural/historical/racial difference in the discourse of colonialism. Likewise the
stereotype, which is its major discursive strategy, is a form of knowledge and
identification that vacillates between what is always ‘in place’, already known,
and something that must be anxiously repeated.
28
S. Husin Ali (1984, p. 16) has pointed out that although it may appear that each ethnic
group is a homogeneous entity quite distinct from the others, within each group there
exist differences. According to him:
[F]or example, the Malays consist of various categories of people, including
those who have migrated to the Peninsula from different parts of the Malay
Archipelago. The latter are represented by the Minangkabau and Achehnese
from Sumatra, Javanese from Java, Bugis from Makasar and Banjarese from
Borneo. Each of these categories…has its own language and socio-cultural
practices pertaining to family life. Among all the sub-ethnic groups who make
up those who regard themselves as Malays, new internal group differences
which are becoming more marked now have been produced by the socio-
economic changes taking place in the country.
According to Zainal Kling (1994), ethnicity as an identity is a combination of various
identities, including race, culture, language, religion, and social norms, but it is not
permanent and is constantly influenced by social developments. As an ethnic group, the
ability of the Malays to absorb external elements whilst enhancing their social-cultural
system and maintaining their identity, is mediated through an interesting process of
ethnic encounter. Zainal Kling (1994, p. 173) has suggested that the concept of Malay is
being interpreted based on colour range and physical attribution and not according to
any exacting or rigid aspects. According to Zainal Kling (1994), while some have spelt
out with passion various visions of ‘Malayness’, the view that this type of solidarity is a
diversion away from more important types of community and commitment is also
gaining ground. In other words, in one perspective ‘Malayness’ is presented as a force
with the capacity to challenge the current nation-state configuration; from another it is
actually vulnerable.
Basing his research on materials on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Reid (1997,
p. 7) has associated the term ‘Malay’ and ‘Malayness’ with two major elements:
i. ‘A line of kingship acknowledging descent from Sriwijaya and Malacca’. The
kingship was the prominent pillar of ‘Malayness’ in the Strait of Malacca, and
Islam was considered as another pillar because it provided kingship with some
of its core values (Kipp 1996, pp. 20-38).
ii. ‘A commercial diaspora (constituted by groups of people outside of Straits of
Malacca like Makassar and Java) which retained some of the customs, language
and trade practices in the emporium of Malacca’.
29
Malay identity is then strengthened by the continuous practice of Malay culture.
Identification through communication of shared systems of symbolic verbal and
nonverbal behaviour is meaningful to group members, who have a sense of belonging,
share traditions, heritage, language, and similar norms and appropriate behaviour (Fong
& Chuang 2004, p. 6). According to Eriksen (2001, p. 42), ethnic identity is based on a
‘socially sanctioned notion’ of cultural differences, not ‘real’ ones. Eriksen (2002, p. 69)
also presupposes that ethnic identity rests on a notion of shared ancestry and social
context; social identities appear fluid, negotiable, situational, analogic and segmentary.
All categorizations of group membership must have boundaries; they depend on others
in order to make sense. Identity is also seen as a process ‘located’ in the core of the
individual, and yet also in the core of his or her communal culture, hence making a
connection between community and individual (Scott & Marshall 2005). The idea of
ethnic identity is further widened in the psychological arena, whereby according to
Rotheram and Phinney (1987, p. 13), ethnic identity refers to one’s sense of belonging
to an ethnic group and the part of one’s thinking, perception, feelings, and behaviour
that is due to ethnic group membership. They further evaluate the idea by looking into
the concept of ego identity and ethnic identity, as well as how family provides the
earliest context for a developing sense of ethnicity and is a continuing influence
throughout adolescence. Family influences on the formation and maintenance of ethnic
identity in childhood are powerful and pervasive beside community and societal
contexts (Phinney and Rosenthal 1992).
Frith’s (2000) study has important bearing on the current study. Frith explored the way
that urban Malays forge ethnic identity around the dialectic between being Muslim and
being Malay. Using Bourdieu’s (1984) concept of habitus and Giddens’s (1991) notion
of reflexivity, Frith concluded that the Malay experience requires the Malay/Islam
dialectic to be resolved in different ways through individual perception on a day-to-day
level and through face-to-face interactions with other ethnic groups. One point of my
argument relates to how Malay students maintain their ethnic identity through
interpersonal communication. Findings on face-to face communication in relation to
communication with other Malays, other Muslims, and others are discussed in Chapter
Six.
30
Religious identity
Islamic religious consciousness or religious identity is a symbolic discourse that gives
expression to deeply held religious beliefs (Riaz Hassan 2008, p. 60). For Malaysian
Muslims, religious identity is seen in their faithful adherence to the traditional Islamic
beliefs and duties. This draws on the importance of religious identity in determining the
maintenance of Malay identity. I argue that the ideas of ‘hikmah’ (hoping for a good
outcome in the future after facing challenges in their life or hard work) and ‘nasib’
(things happen as they are meant to happen) are considered as part of a symbolic
religious boundary in maintaining their Malay and Muslim identity. Malay-Muslim
students embrace the idea of ‘hikmah’, ‘nasib’ and ‘tawakal’ in their daily encounters.
This idea is discussed throughout the treatments of the Malay students’ life experiences
in Chapter Four and Five.
Some of the efforts Malay-Muslim students make to preserve their Malay customs and
traditions are conducted through Islam-based activities, such as congregational prayers,
activities during the fasting month, and inviting other Malays to break the fast at their
respective houses. The reason for the emphasis on prayer in congregation is to unite
Muslim society. In these gatherings, Malays normally exchange stories about each other
and recall some personal experiences and encounters in their daily lives. Newcomers,
including new students, consider such experiences valuable. The importance of their
religious identity is extended to their ability to learn the local cultural norms and make
an appropriate religious response to them. This includes the Malay students’ ability to
accept or reject invitations to social gatherings that they feel proper or improper to
attend. Relevant examples are discussed in detail in Chapters Five and Six in this thesis.
The level of acceptance or difficulties encountered by the Malay students differs from
one to another depending on the context of their religiosity and personal attributes and
backgrounds.
National Identity
In Malaysian history, the shape of its national identity has been a crucial and unsettled
question. According to Smith (2001, p. 18), national identity, which has replaced earlier
terms such as ‘national character’ or ‘national consciousness’, is ‘the continuous
reproduction and reinterpretation of the pattern of values, symbols, memories, myths
31
and traditions that compose the distinctive heritage of nations, and the identification of
individuals with that pattern and heritage and with its cultural elements’. In other words,
we need to maintain a balance between continuity and change, and be aware of
processes of ‘reinterpretation’ of the pattern of memories, values, symbols, myths and
traditions that compose the distinctive heritage of nations. As identity connotes a
measure of stability, of sameness over time, change can only operate within clear
boundaries. In relation to this research, what is anticipated is that national identity is a
combination of religion and nationalism as a powerful identity-signifier in times of
change and uncertainty (Kinnvall 2004, pp. 741-67).
Although national identity need not necessarily include religion, according to Parekh
(1999, p. 71), in Malaysia, three ‘pillars’ are considered central to its national identity –
‘bahasa’ (language, specifically Malay), ‘agama’ (religion, specifically Islam) and
‘raja’ (monarchy). This research reveals the tendency for Malay students to identify
themselves not only as Malaysian (national identity) to the general public, but at most
times to remind themselves as well that they are Muslim and Malay in a symbolic way.
This is shown through their concerns about issues related to their daily lives as
discussed in Chapter Five, treating the different ranges of their daily encounters with
other Malays, other Muslims, and other ethnic groups. Concern with their national
identity is also apparent in efforts taken in conducting gatherings and celebrations by
most Malay students.
Cosmopolitan Identity
In conducting my research among Malay students outside Malaysia, I have also
explored the idea of cosmopolitan identity. Cosmopolitanism, derived from an ancient
Greek term meaning ‘citizen of the world’, captures a receptive and open attitude
towards the other (Kendall, Woodward & Skrbis 2009, p. 1). Kristeva (1991, p. 13) has
proposed an alternative basis of identity for the new cosmopolitan by suggesting that,
living with the other, with the foreigner, confronts us with the possibility (or not) of
being an other. It is not a matter of our being able to accept the other, but of being in
her or his place, and this means to imagine and make oneself for oneself. Upon
conducting interviews with my Malay informants, I have categorized them into two
main groups, one of which has never had experience of living overseas and the other of
which has had previous experience living or visiting overseas, pursuing study, work or
32
leisure. I argue that constructing a cosmopolitan identity is not as important to the
Malay students compared to their ethnic and religious identity. They are aware of the
idea of cosmopolitanism, but treat it as referring to people who have contacts with the
wider world. The idea itself does not bear any considerable meaning to them and is felt
to be more ‘economically’ than ‘culturally’ or ‘morally’ oriented.
Hannerz (2004) emphasizes cosmopolitanism as referring to a willingness to engage
with others. Therefore, cosmopolitans are those individuals who make their own
individuality the locus for determining what they want to accept and what they want to
reject. In this case, cosmopolitanism is an international outlook wherein the individual
picks and chooses from all the cultural traditions to which s/he has been exposed,
negotiating an individual intercultural stance among all of those. What my discussion in
this chapter shows is that continuing communication among Malays when abroad
militates against that individualist stance of wholesale self-constructed
cosmopolitanism. Besides its function of promoting solidarity, it also has the policing
function of community surveillance and enforcement of religious observance and
customary behaviour in accord with Malay-Muslim standards. As pointed out in the
case of Hana’s friend, continuing communication among Malays displays the dangers of
cosmopolitanism. So, the very success of Malay-Muslim identity maintenance and
adjustment runs counter to many cosmopolitan ideals. Given such ambivalence in the
case of the Malays, I would characterize them as ‘rooted cosmopolitans’. This rooted-
cosmopolitan idea rests on a complex tension between the particularity of local place
and dwelling, on the one hand, and universalistic dispositions, on the other (Szerszynski
& Urry 2006). A major focus of this thesis is analyzing the centrality of interpersonal
communication in the processes of identity negotiation.
Hannerz (1990) also highlights the question of who is a true cosmopolitan. Does it refer
to someone who exhibits a culturally open disposition and interest in others, or does that
person simply want some experience of ‘home plus’ when going abroad? Generally, the
term cosmopolitan, describes just about anybody who moves about in the world. But
among such people, some would seem more cosmopolitan than others, and others again
hardly seem cosmopolitan at all (Hannerz 1990). Hall (2002, p. 26) further discusses
cosmopolitanism as the ability to stand outside of having one’s life written and scripted
by any one community, whether that is a faith or tradition or religion or culture, and to
draw selectively on a variety of discursive meanings. In contrast, Kahn (2006, pp. 167-
33
68) suggested that cosmopolitanisms also govern the practices of localized individuals
and institutions. This could occur in everyday social interactions between individuals
and groups or forms of religious worship in different parts of the world. Anderson
(1992, p. 11) coined the term ‘long-distance nationalism’ to describe continued
allegiance to a country or region where one either no longer lives or indeed has never
lived. Kahn’s (1992) review, in his work titled ‘Malaysians are images of diversity’,
pointed out that Malays identify themselves differently in different contexts, just as
Australians do.
I have found this dichotomy of Malays identifying themselves differently in different
contexts useful in comprehending Malay students’ idea of ethnic and religious identity
when they are overseas. Early exposure living overseas facilitates regarding experiences
differently. The group of Malay students with previous experience living overseas has a
tendency to make some comparisons with their current situation in Western Australia,
especially in relation to their ethnic and religious identity. However, a different view is
highlighted by students who had never been overseas before, as will be further
discussed in Chapter Five. I have also explored the idea of cosmopolitan identity among
the Malay students in relation to their exposure to the new environment and culture.
This includes their efforts to be ‘accepted’ within the local culture whilst at the same
time maintaining their Malay values and cultures/adat and being guided by Islamic
practice. This is explored further in Chapters Six and Seven.
Gender Identity
Gender describes the ideas and practices that constitute femininity and masculinity
(Holmes 2009, p. 2). Femininity and masculinity as one's gender identity (Burke, Stets
& Pirog-Good 1988; Spence 1985) refer to the degree to which persons see themselves
as feminine or masculine given what it means to be a woman or man in that society.
Femininity and masculinity are rooted in the social (one's gender) rather than the
biological (one's sex). What are of interest in this research are the relationships among
gender identity, Malay adat, and Islamic practice. Accordingly, gender identity can be
seen as multiple and fluid, and never complete (Jaworski & Coupland 1999, pp. 412-
13). A study on Malay women by Wazir Jahan Karim (1992), a Malaysian
anthropologist, explains the foundation for the relatively equal relationship between
men and women in Malay adat as comparable to the Islamic system of ideas and laws.
34
According to Frisk (2009, p. 55), boundaries between men and women, as well as
between Muslims and non-Muslims, have to be redrawn in the process of recovery of
the ummah,31
and in dealing with the breakdown in the social boundaries that had
traditionally defined the Malay group identity. This has been done through promotion
and adoption of certain Islamic traditions relating to prayer, diet, clothing and social
life.
Malaysian women constantly negotiate an ethnic identification that may be highly
normalized and regulated within various social institutions (Cynthia 2006). Here, I
argue that apart from their roles as mothers and wives, female informants in this
research revealed their positions as educated professionals. Malay women in Malaysia
are constantly reminded that they have a moral duty to construct and nurture the modern
Muslim-Malay community that is being aspired to (Ong 1995). My treatment focuses
on the issue of gender concerns revealed by female Malay students when dealing with
outsiders in relation to their ethnic and religious identity, particularly the practice of
wearing a headscarf among female Malay students as their key visible religious identity
marker. Some Malay female students felt that they were mistreated or faced racist
remarks due to their appearance. However, in discussing gender identity, what is also
considered problematic for a female Malay-Muslim student is the idea of mixed
cohabitation involved in such contexts as group houses. Malay female students are not
accustomed to the idea of living with the other sex under one roof, unless they are
married. Some of the guiding Islamic values and practices in Malay students’ life
revolving around gender are discussed further in Chapters Six and Seven.
Research Aims
My research is located in the broad fields of ethnic identity and ethnic relations,
migration and culture, as well as the sociology and anthropology of culture. The central
research question is: How do Malay-Muslim postgraduate students identify themselves
in a foreign environment and how do religion, culture/’adat’ and interpersonal
communication contribute to the adjustment of their identity? This research focuses on
the cultural aspects of their social identity development. I have posited three major aims
for this study.
31 Ummah refers to the community of Muslim believers.
35
The first aim is to determine what criteria are associated with ethnic and religious
identity among the Malay-Muslim students in Western Australia. I will develop an
outline of the criteria considered important or vital in their lives when they identify
themselves to each other, to their fellow Muslims from other countries (e.g. from the
Middle East and South Asia) and also to the broader Australian communities. The
findings include issues relating to Malay students’ daily life encounters in the realms of
consumption, recreation, gatherings and community interactions in which their ethnic
and religious identity are signified.
Second, this research aims to recognize which aspects of identity are adjusted, in
Malay-Muslim students’ lives in their new environment. By looking into these aspects,
it will assist me to categorize what aspects of identity are considered as of more or less
in importance in their new settings. Furthermore, the research also looks into the social
and cultural aspects relating to their Malay practice, religious practice and daily
experiences that are being adjusted or sustained through social contact and
communication. I emphasize their relationships with other Malays, changes and
continuities in cultural or religious practice, and the extent of adjustment to their
identity, their community and their religious observance.
The third aim of this study is to evaluate how aspects of religion and interpersonal
communication contribute to the process of solidifying or reconstructing their existing
identities. Evaluation and discussion will be extended to include the role of religion or
interpersonal communication in adjustment of Malay student identity. During my
fieldwork I also looked into the views of some of the former Malay students to Western
Australia who have since returned to Malaysia to determine their identity adjustments
during their stay in Western Australia. In relation to this I will explore the idea of Malay
cosmopolitanism and what their ethnic and religious identity means to them in both
settings. I feel the need to explore the idea of Malay cosmopolitanism since I have
divided my informants into two groups, the first-time cosmopolitans and the
experienced cosmopolitans. My emphasis will be on how these two groups are adjusting
their identities in their new environment, and how some relate their previous
experiences to their new experiences in Western Australia.
36
With these aims I argue that the ethnic and religious identity of these students is
increasingly important to them when they are encountering others in different countries.
Their perceptions of the importance of adjusting or maintaining their identities are
strong in comparison to ideas of transforming their identities. Their efforts to adjust or
maintain their ethnic and religious identity are evidenced in their need for interpersonal
communication as a means of conveying information, and sharing knowledge and
advice within the Malay student community in Western Australia.
Significance of the Study
On the pragmatic level, this research is significant in documenting and analyzing Malay
students’ experiences, problems and adaptation in relation to their ethnic and religious
identity. There has been little research on the experience of Malay students overseas to
date. More and more Malays are pursuing their studies overseas and they are
encountering problems for which they are not prepared, such as racist remarks or acts
and different cultural practices and ethics. It is therefore important for them to have
some ideas and preparation in dealing with a new cultural context. This research
identifies some of the positive and negative experiences they encounter during their
period of study abroad.
Furthermore, this research will discuss problems and steps that can be taken to
overcome these problems, such as the importance of communication among Malays
themselves. Through interpersonal communication, Malay students have managed to
generate other activities in the process of adjusting their identity overseas. This
relationship is important because the Malay students are exposed to a culture, setting
and environment that are generally new to them (unless they have had some previous
experience studying overseas). This research will also look at the idea of Malay
cosmopolitans having to face new problems in their new experiences or adaptating their
existing experiences as Malay cosmopolitans. As educated Malays returning to
Malaysia, they are seen to have an important role in assisting in Malaysian nation
building and social development.
More comprehensively, this research will contribute to the understanding of Malay
students’ ways of being Malay in relation to their ethnic and religious identity,
especially in the overseas context. Furthermore, it will attempt to identify what are
37
issues of concern for the Malay postgraduate students outside Malaysia during their
adjustment and adaptation process in dealing with the existing Malay-Muslim cultural
values and their interaction with the local Western Australian culture. At the same time,
it will provide some useful insights for policy makers, academics and other students in
understanding Malays. There is also the issue of religious identity that arises among the
Malays, insofar as they see themselves as Muslims and thus a ‘people set apart’ (Johns
& Abdullah 2002) overseas.
On the theoretical significance of this study, especially in the case of Malay students in
Western Australia or more generally outside Malaysia, I would argue that historical
facts do not contribute much to how they form their social identity in their foreign site
of study; rather, identity there is more attributable to their communication process.
Therefore, the theoretical contribution of this research is grounded in the importance of
communication processes in Malay student identity formation, adjustment and
maintenance (and perhaps even transformation!) in Western Australia.
Progression of Chapters
This chapter has provided background to the notions of being Malay and Malay-
Muslim, pointing out as well the ambiguity in defining these terms. It has also outlined
related concepts and issues pertinent to Malay students’ identity formation and
adjustment, including the diverse forms of possible identity, and the Malay concepts of
‘adat’ and ‘bangsa’. Some of the changes that occur in the Malay students’ lives or in
the process of their identity adjustment are governed by their cultural and religious
practices. I propose that identity adjustments can be anticipated in their ethnic identity
formation, but not in their religious identity. Malay culture in most cases remains
undergirded by Islamic values and teachings. Therefore, changes in Malay students’
identity are likely as long as they do not contradict Islamic values.
In Chapter Two, I further develop my discussion by embedding the idea of interpersonal
communication as a criterion contributing to student identity formation and adjustment.
In this literature review, I further explore the evolving literature on international student
identity overseas, particularly in regard to Malay identity studies in Malaysia and
overseas. I begin the review by outlining the main contextual framework of this thesis.
38
The key analytical frameworks – the primordialist view as part of cultural views, the
situationalist view, and the relational view – are introduced in this chapter.
Chapter Three discusses the methodological framework that I employ for this research.
It describes the use of ethnographic methods used. I also outline the challenges of being
an insider/outsider researcher. The objectives of this research along with the settings
and informants’ backgrounds are also presented in this chapter. I also elaborate further
on the possibility of identifying how Malay students involved in interviews are being
courteous or cautious in interviews due to their distinct culture and identity.
Chapter Four provides further insight into how the Malays are distinctive from others,
as well as a transition to discussing the findings of this research. Cultural values and
religious practices are then examined in relation to identity formation overseas. Here I
also explain more about other forms of attributions involved, such as language, aesthetic
values and personal attributions, as well as others.
Once these attributions have been identified, Chapter Five then looks into the life of
Malay students in Western Australia. This discussion concentrates on their life routines,
events, and leisure activities, and how they form or adjust their identity in their
everyday routines. The students’ experiences are explored to assess whether they are
facing any similar experiences overseas. These include their experiences in academic
life, social life and personal life. Discussions concentrate on their willingness to adjust
their ethno-religious identity. It also explores how the Malay students are reinforcing
their identity through interaction with other Malays, other Muslims, and others (Asian
and locals).
Chapter Six then examines further the significant role played by interpersonal
communication in the way Malay students form or adjust their identities. This chapter
therefore focuses on the importance of interpersonal communication at various levels of
their adaptation process, that is, upon their arrival, in everyday life encounters, as well
as at public places and gatherings. It also discusses situational contexts relating to the
Malay students’ efforts to maintain their ethnic and religious identity.
39
Identity transformation is limited, and Malay students are much most likely to adjust or
maintain their identity. Thus Chapter Seven explores to what extent Malay students are
willing to adjust their identity and what are the factors that restrict the process. The
importance of religious values and practices is identified as a significant factor that
contributes to the course of adjusting or maintaining one’s identity rather than
transforming it. This chapter will readdress some related issues of discussion from
earlier chapters in order to identify related forms of identity that are willingly negotiated
for adjustment rather than transformation, in particular, and their sustaining of ethnic
and religious identity.
In conclusion, Chapter Eight discusses and synthesizes my findings by reviewing the
issue of ethnic and religious identity in the context of boundary maintenance and border
crossing in the Malay world view. This chapter highlights the significance of uniting the
religious elements in the Malay student identity adjustment. It is argued that religion is
the underlying idea in supporting Malay identity and inhibiting border crossing.
Chapter Summary
How earlier scholars have analysed the idea of being Malay-Muslim in Malaysia has
contributed much to my perspectives upon how one is being Malay-Muslim when
encountering ‘others’ outside Malaysia. Discussions in the earlier part of this chapter
lead to the formulation of questions and ideas about how Malay-Muslim students react
and express their distinctiveness in their new temporary social setting. What is the
significance and influence of Malay culture/adat? How is interpersonal communication
within the Malay groups and with others enacted? Are there any boundaries marked
around the Malay-Muslims as individuals and groups? If so, are these boundaries more
rigid or flexible when the students are outside Malaysian national borders?
These questions apply to the growing number of Malay students pursuing their studies
overseas in the cosmopolitan international education arena and thus will have an impact
on Malaysia’s future academic growth, either formally or informally. The lack of
studies relating to this group of Malay students pursuing their studies and experiences
while living overseas has stimulated this study in the hope that future studies will
deepen our understandings of their experiences. In the earlier part of this chapter, I have
attempted to introduce who are the Malays in Malaysia and in the Southeast Asian
40
region. This was followed by highlighting some notions that will frequently be used
throughout upcoming chapters in this thesis, such as ‘adat’ and ‘bangsa’, in discussing
their ethnic and religious identity.
I have also reviewed the roles of Islam in Malays’ lives and the emergence of the Malay
middle-class in Malaysia. Rooted in the student movement and coinciding with the
expansion of educational opportunities for Malays under the New Economic Policy
(NEP), Islam became a stronger marker of Malay identity (Welsh 2008). Ethno-
religious identity is then still seen as an important platform for Malay students’ identity
maintenance, and their willingness to adjust their identity is still minimal in a global
context. I have discussed the five principal forms of identity that are significant to them
here: ethnic identity, religious identity, national identity, cosmopolitan identity and
gender identity. Saliha Hassan (2002) concluded that many of the overseas Malay
students in professional graduate studies abroad returned to Malaysia committed to
incorporating their religious values into their professional lives.
I also propose that Malay students who are pursuing their study overseas look at various
forms of their identity in a situational context. For example, Malay students will
negotiate making adjustments to their identity, only as long as they do not override their
religious beliefs and practices. This highlights their willingness to make adjustments in
most aspects of their daily lives, as long as they do not go against Islamic religious
values and practices. In my research, I attempt to emphasize the importance of
interpersonal communication as a channel contributing to ethnic intimacy among Malay
students making the adjustment to living overseas. In the next chapter I discuss various
theoretical approaches and how these play an important role in my research In addition I
consider some previous studies on identity, particularly ethnic and religious, that have
been conducted in Malaysia and beyond the Southeast Asian region.
41
CHAPTER 2
Malay International Students: Contextualizing and Conceptualizing
Identity and Ethnicity Discourses
Without establishing the state of the previous research, it is impossible
to establish how the new research advances the previous research.
(Randolph 2009, p. 2)
Introduction
This chapter will provide theoretical background on identity discourses and illuminate
the significance of this study. I will indicate the need for more extensive research on
international Malay student identities. In order to discuss further the theoretical context,
I start by providing a conceptual review of various frameworks for studying identity. I
review the main theoretical approaches relevant to this study in relation to the various
Malay student identity discourses. In particular I examine the role and importance of
interpersonal communication in the process of Malay student identity formation.
Several past studies have focused on interpersonal communication and identity
formation, but few indicate its importance in Malay student identity discourse. I then
examine previous studies on student identity in domestic and international contexts. In
the domestic context, I discuss previous studies on identity in Malaysia. In the
international context, I explore studies of identity beyond the context of Malaysia to
highlight the lack of discourse on Malay international student identity within the wider
global context. I will attempt to explore Malay student identity formation, adjustment or
maintenance outside Malaysia from an insider perspective.
Contextual Discourse of Identity and Ethnicity
Generally, anthropologists have used the term ‘identity’ to refer to an idea of selfhood
based on the enduring uniqueness and individuality which makes a person distinct from
others, a perspective sometimes referred to as the Eriksonian way (Erikson 1968).
Anthropologists have become more interested in looking at identity with the emergence
of modern concerns with ethnicity and social movements in the 1970s. Identity for
social anthropologists is a 'volatile, flexible and abstract thing' (Rapacha 2009, p. vii). In
other words, its manifestations and the ways in which it is exercised are often open to
42
contestations. According to Parker (1991, p. 55), identity is made evident through the
use of indicators such as language as an element of ethnic identity, as well as an
indicator of the character of cultural negotiation; however, language cannot be used as
a sole measure of change. Identity could also be rendered evident through the use of
dress, behaviour and choice of space and communication, whose effects depend on their
recognition by others. Rapacha (2009) sees those elements or markers helping to create
the boundaries that define similarities or differences between the marker wearers and
the marker perceivers; their effectiveness depends on some degree of shared
understanding of their meaning, though across such boundaries this sharing is limited to
at least some extent. Hence, in a social context, misunderstandings can arise due to a
misinterpretation of the significance of specific markers, but an individual can use
markers of identity to exert influence on other people without necessarily fulfilling all
the criteria that an external observer might typically associate with such an abstract
identity.
Fenton (2010, p. 3) argues that the term ethnicity itself cannot be ‘anything more than a
broad and loose denoting of an area of interest; it is not, on its own, a theoretical
standpoint, nor is it likely that there can be a unitary theory of ethnicity’. He suggests
that ethnicity should be referred to as social identities, typically about descent and
cultural difference, which are deployed under certain conditions. In other words,
ethnicity can be referred to as the social construction of descent and culture. People or
peoples do not just possess cultures or share ancestry; they elaborate these into the idea
of a community founded upon these attributes (Fenton 2010, p. 3). Fenton (2010, p. 20)
distinguishes analytically between cultures and religions, the first referring to custom
and practice often concerning a particular group, and the second referring to a
community of faith. In practice, culture and religion are very much bonded with each
other. Religious culture, such as that of Islam, is part of the definition of culture, but the
global presence of Islam goes beyond any community or even any nation or state.
According to social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), one’s identity consists of
both personal identity and social identity. Personal identity is how a person
conceptualizes the self in relation to others, and social identity refers to the aspects of
self-concept derived from the person’s membership in salient social groups. Social
identity can comprise many overlapping components, including gender, roles, ethnic,
religious, and national identity. Social identity is then defined by the ways that
43
individuals would like to label themselves as members of particular groups defined by
such criteria as ethnicity (e.g. Malay), religion (Muslim), nationality (Malaysian),
gender (female/male) or social class. Therefore, social identity can be examined from
the perspective of social and historical change. As noted earlier, one can become Malay
by converting to Islam, as with Muslim Indians, Chinese or others, without having been
born as such. This again reveals the ambiguous definition of who is a Malay. Yet for
this research, the basic idea of ‘being’ Malay is conceptualized as being a member of a
particular cultural group, referred to as ‘being Malay’, where the person involved was
born Malay, looks Malay, and whose identity as a Malay is presented by the Malays to
others as an inevitable fact32
.
A social constructivist perspective, including some varieties of postmodernism, would
view social identity as a construct of historical facts, though one with real consequences
in the lives and behaviours of human beings (Rapacha 2009). However, in the case of
Malay students in Western Australia or more generally outside Malaysia, as mentioned
in Chapter One, I argue that historical facts alone do not contribute much to how they
form their social identity in their foreign site of study; rather, identity there is more
attributable to their communication process. However, communication processes
themselves are also historically inflected. According to Carey (1989, p. 15), in the
nineteenth century the movement of information was seen as basically the same as the
transport of goods or people, both being described as 'communication'. In other words,
Carey argues that it is a view of communication that derives from one of the most
ancient of human dreams, that is the desire to increase the speed and effect of messages
as they travel in space (1989, p. 15). In relation to this, communication is more about
meaning rather than information. That is, when one communicates, we are basically
conveying the meaning, getting the idea across, rather than just transferring information.
Therefore, meaning is not extracted, but constructed.
Miller & Steinberg (1975) have pointed out that people exchange information on the
basis of group membership and social roles that might be based upon the interactants’
occupations, ages, genders, ethnic backgrounds, or social classes; that is, there are
certain communication conventions which are tied to group membership and roles.
Malay postgraduate students studying in Western Australia do get together on the basis
32 See also Malhi et al. (2009), Tsang et al. (2003) and Ullah (1990).
44
of being in the same situation academically and facing similar experiences in relation to
their academic and social lives. In general, they prefer to have conversations with other
Malay students from similar ethnic and religious backgrounds. However, it is also
possible that those who do understand and are able to communicate in another language,
like English, would try not to use the Malay language when speaking with other Malays
as a social identity marker in the new environment, as discussed in Chapter Seven.
Amin Maalouf (2000) argues that identity cannot be compartmentalized. According to
him, one cannot divide it up into halves or thirds or any other separate segments. One
does not have several identities, but just one, made up of many components combined
together in a mixture that is unique to every individual (Amin Maalouf 2000, p. 3). Each
individual’s identity is made up of a number of elements, and these are clearly not
restricted to the particulars set down in official records, but for the great majority these
factors include:
[A]llegiance to a religious tradition; to a nationality – sometimes two; to a
profession, an institution, or a particular social milieu. A person may feel a more
or less strong attachment to a province, a village, a neighborhood, a clan, a
professional team or one connected with sport, a group of friends, a union, a
company, a parish, a community of people with the same passions, the same
sexual preferences, the same physical handicaps, or who have to deal with the
same kind of pollution or other nuisance (Amin Maalouf 2000, p. 10).
The sociological approach of symbolic interactionism (Blumer 1969; Cooley 1902;
Mead 1934), which concentrates on shared meaningful symbols as the keys to the
emergence of self or identity, regards both self and society as created, sustained, and
changed through the process of symbolic communication. George Herbert Mead (1934)
provided a basic idea of identity through his work, which was later expanded by Caplow
& Stryker (1964). Mead (1934) asserted that the process in which an individual interacts
with others in order to create an identity is called identity negotiation. According to
him, the purpose of identity negotiation is to develop a consistent set of behaviours that
reinforce the identity of the person. In general, a person will have to negotiate separately
on each identity he or she possesses by interacting with those who are affected by the
role in question. This perspective somewhat differs from Maalouf’s statement and is
more in keeping with the five types of identities I discussed in Chapter One. What
symbolic interactionists suggest is that a person possesses several forms of identities,
whereas Maalouf claims that a person has only one identity with multiple
45
identifications. In this research, I found that the symbolic interactionist assertion of
multiple identities is more productive since Malay students tend to highlight a certain
identity first in various situations they are in, as revealed by them during the interview
session. This is discussed further in Chapter Four, Five and Six.
In regard to my research, for example, from such a perspective a Malay’s identity as a
postgraduate student would be negotiated separately from his/her identity as a Muslim
or a parent, because this negotiation depends upon the collectively established role of a
student who is involved with co-students and supervisors, and not directly with another
Muslim or with her/his children. Mead (1934) also suggested that by using symbols, one
is able not only to classify, think about, and act toward meaningful social objects, but
also to reflect on oneself as a meaningful social object from the perspective of others. In
this case I propose that the shared meaningful symbols are to be found in the
interpersonal contact among the Malay students and in their use of the Malay language
at social gatherings of Malay students in Australia where the Malay language is the
norm for interaction. As Fishman (1989, p. 673) puts it, language is symbolic in
behaviour. In other words, in looking at ethnicity, as ethnicities meld, change or absorb
and replace one another, it is inevitable that the languages of these ethnicities will be
modified.
Among other evaluations of the discourses on identity, Weigert (1986) has noted that
identity has become an indispensable analytic term and also a cultural buzzword. In an
argument with Gleason (1983), he concluded that the widespread acceptance of the
concept of identity does not imply agreement on or even a clear understanding of its
various meanings. Stryker (1980, p. 60) argued that the ‘self’ must be complex,
organized and differentiated as well, expanding on the dictum that the ‘self reflects
society’. Identities are the meanings one has as a group member, as a role-holder or as a
person. According to Stryker and Serpe (1994), identity salience and the psychological
centrality of identities are usually related. Identities, therefore, can be inherited, chosen,
assigned, or merely inferred from some bit of evidence. According to Royce (1982, p.
187), ‘adequate performance in an identity is much more rigorously judged within a
group than it is by outsiders. For the latter, a few tokens of the identity are usually
sufficient.’
46
However, identity studies have also had their critics. Brubaker and Cooper (2000, p. 1)
argue that identity ‘tends to mean too much (when understood in a strong sense), too
little (when understood in a weak sense), or nothing at all (because of its sheer
ambiguity).’ According to them, these different explorations of ‘identity’ demonstrate
how difficult it is to pin down the idea of identity, since identity is a virtual thing and it
is impossible to define empirically. Discussions of identity also use the term associated
with different characteristics, from fundamental and abiding sameness, to fluidity,
contingency, negotiated character, and so on. Brubaker and Cooper also note how many
scholars have the tendency to confuse identity as a category of practice and as a
category of analysis (Brubaker & Cooper 2000, p. 5). In other words, an identity might
then be a category of practice of a cognized subject that can be taken as an object
through the lens of identity as a category of analysis (Guillaume 2002). Therefore,
Guillaume argues that at this point what is felt as an identity by a subject can be
interpreted only through its objectivation that is the constitution as a category of
analysis.
This idea of looking at identity as a category of practice can be referred to Hall (Hall &
Gieben 1992; Hall & Paul Du Guy 1996), who suggested treating identity as a process
and taking into account the reality of diverse and ever-changing social experience.
According to Hall and Gieben (1992), the construction of an individual sense of self is
achieved by personal choices regarding who and what to associate with. Therefore,
identity is made evident through the use of markers such as language, dress, behaviour
and choice of space, whose effect depends on their recognition by other social beings. In
a social context, misunderstandings can arise due to a misinterpretation of the
significance of specific markers. Bendle (2002, p. 1), on the other hand, argues that
identities are inconsistent, under-theorized and incapable of bearing the analytical load
required. However, Patchen (1999, p. 27) concludes that the strength of any social
identity relies both on the extent to which this identity depends on the reactions of other
people and the extent to which the individual finds that the identity brings satisfaction.
In other words, the more reliance on the actions of other people will contribute to
weaker social identity. Social identity is then considered to be a determinant of
accessibility (Turner et al. 1987) or perceiver readiness (Oakes et al. 1994) in that
people with high levels of social identity are more likely to categorize themselves as
belonging to a particular social group.
47
In his book The Challenge of Youth (1965, p. 9), Erikson explains that society
recognizes the young individual as a bearer of fresh energy and that the individual so
confirmed, recognizes the society as a living process which inspires loyalty as it
receives it, maintains allegiance as it attracts it, and honours confidence as it demands it.
This statement indicates the importance of looking at youth and society’s role in
contributing to the youth identity formation and transformation. Rosenthal (1987) also
believes that achieving a sense of identity is one of the most imperative tasks for youth.
He considers many social contexts that give rise to a variety of specific social identities
based on gender, class or ethnic group membership.
My research also aims to point out how interpersonal communication contributes to
Malay postgraduate students’ ethno-religious identity formation, maintenance,
adjustment or transformation. Therefore, I explore the contextual relationships between
interpersonal communication and Malay student identity formation. My exploration of
the importance of interpersonal communication in relation to maintaining Malay
students’ identity overseas distinguishes my analysis from those of other scholars, as
will be discussed later in the chapter. In order to contextualize my own research, I will
discuss the different approaches to understanding ethnic identity. My research suggests
that formation, adjustment or maintenance of Malay students’ ethnic and religious
identity is important in their everyday lives. In order to explore this position I need to
evaluate the culturalist, situationalist and relational views in analyzing Malay students’
identity. These approaches are used as a guide in exploring the views and findings
related to Malay students’ ethnic and religious identity formation, adjustment or
maintenance through the processes of adaptation and continuous interpersonal
communication with other Malays and non-Malays.
Theoretical Review on Ethnic Identity: Culturalist, Situationalist and Symbolic
Scholars of anthropology and sociology who focus on ethnic identity use various
political, cultural and historical frameworks that put much emphasis on ethnic identity,
cultural identity, ethnic conflict and ethnic boundaries. In looking at the idea of
ethnicity, Clifford Geertz (1973, pp. 259-60), in The Interpretation of Cultures,
outlines the concept of primordialism as one that stems from people’s own perceptions
of the ‘givens’ of social existence, including immediate contiguity and kin connection,
being born into a particular religious community, speaking a particular language and
48
following particular practices. The general strength and type of such primordial bonds
differs from person to person, from society to society, and from time to time. Geertz
also discerns two powerful drives for personal identity, based on the continuing strength
and hold of attachments to kin, race, language, religion, customs and territory and the
desire for efficiency and stability. What Geertz is claiming is that individuals as
members of collectives feel and believe in the primordiality of their ethnicities and
nations – their naturalness, longevity and power – and that if we ignore these beliefs and
feelings; we evade one of the central problems of explanation in the field of ethnicity
and nationalism (Smith 2001, p. 54). In other words, Geertz’s articulation of the concept
of primordialism is that humans in general attribute power to primordial human
‘givens’ such as blood ties, language, territory and cultural differences (see Smith
1999). Geertz’s articulation of the notion primodialism was perhaps most cogently
developed by sociologist Edward Shils (1957). The term ‘primordial’ is thus not an etic
analytical term, but an emic descriptor, translating how human beings feel their
belonging through cultural frameworks in their experiences. In that sense the theory of
primordialism can be viewed as a type of culturalist theory of ethnicity.
In another word, primordialist theory focuses on the inherent tendency of humans to
identify themselves as members of a group through shared allegiance to certain cultural
notions (Banton 2000, p. 482). Primordialists see this as a phenomenon based on the
generic tendency of people to be drawn to those with whom they have obvious
similarities of appearance, geographic origin or socio-economic context; in their view
such ethnicity has a profound effect on every aspect of our lives (Tharoor 1999, p. 2). In
other words, the primordialist view holds that ethnic groups and nations are formed on
the basis of attachments to the cultural givens of social existence (Smith 2001). In
Identity and Agency in Cultural Worlds, Dorothy Holland (2001) explains that people
tell others who they are, but even more important, they tell themselves and then try to
act as though they are who they say they are. These self-understandings, especially
those with strong emotional resonance for the teller, are what we refer to as identities.
In contrast to the culturalist view of ethnicity, the notion of situationalism indicates that
ethnic identities are flexible, changeable and situationally adaptive. This view was
derived, in part, from Leach’s (1954) Political Systems of Highland Burma with its
discussion of Kachins ‘becoming’ Shans. A notion of situationalism also appears in
Moerman’s (1965, 1968) work on the Lue. However, the use of situationalism most
49
frequently cited in Malay studies is that by Judith A. Nagata (1974, pp. 331-50) on the
situational selection of ethnic identity for Malays in Malaysia. She relates choice of
identity to social solidarity and social distance, expediency, concern with social status
and social mobility. Nagata’s conceptualisation suggests that not all situations permit
manipulation of identities and choice among them. Clammer (2002) in his book
Diaspora and Identity claimed that migration, diasporas and culture-contact are the very
elements out of which contemporary Southeast Asian identities are constructed.
Okamura (2008, p. 94) suggested that while ethnic groups have identities, even if they
only have been assigned to them, not all groups can or seek to ‘forge’ and ‘construct’
identities for themselves. Okamura (2008, p. 124), in his study, also indicates that ethnic
identities change in their meaning, significance, and expression over time, especially as
a result of actions initiated by a group. Brah (1996, p. 83-84), in his discussion of South
Asian Britishness, states:
[T]he identity of the diasporic imagined community is far from fixed or pre-
given. It is constituted within the crucible of the materiality of everyday life, in
the everyday stories we tell ourselves individually and collectively. As such, all
diasporas are differentiated, heterogeneous, contested spaces, even as they are
implicated in the construction of a common ‘we’.
Kahn’s work Other Malays (2006) stresses the idea of situational ethnicity. According
to Kahn, in this alternative Malay world, Malay is not a fixed identity. He advocates the
idea of identity in modern Malaysia as a discursive process of cultural construction
rather than a mere reflection of pre-existing cultural differentiation. It is interesting that
Kahn has been able to grasp the diversity that exists in Malaysia, especially among the
Malays; for instance, among the Malays there is a constant mix of people from
Indonesia, Java, Sulawesi, Portugal, Thailand, Burma, etc. Some Malays even have
Indian and Arabic ancestry. But they are still thought of as Malay. For example, Bibijan
Ibrahim (1977) in her article on the process of ‘Malayization’ among the Indian
Muslims has posited that on one end of the spectrum were the acculturated Indian
Muslims, who adopted Malay culture, but maintained a small degree of ‘Indianness”. At
the other extreme were the assimilated Indian Muslims who became ‘Malays’ in totality
as asserted in Chapter One.
According to Levine (1999), Barth developed an approach to ethnicity that contained
elements of both primordiality and situationalism. Barth’s (1969) approach to ethnicity
has became far more influential in his work Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, where he
50
analyzes ethnicity or ethnic identity as an aspect of social organization, not of culture.
His critical focus for investigation becomes the ethnic boundary that defines the group
rather than the cultural content that it encloses and the characteristics of self-ascription
and ascription by others. For him, ethnic identity was also seen as a category of
meaning. Barth also stressed the importance of boundaries of ethnic groups.
Demarcating self from other, in-group from out-group, the boundary-marker component
of ethnicity remained stable, while society and culture changed. In other words,
individuals, moving across boundaries in response to changing conditions, could choose
their ethnic identities from those available to them. Barth's focus on the way an
individual could adopt an identity (or choose a course of action generally) was initially
attractive as an antidote to the ills of the functionalist preoccupation with the
maintenance of groups (Levine 1999, p. 167). In this research, my interest is to discuss
the idea of boundaries as both inclusive and exclusive depending on how they are
perceived by the Malay students. I explore further the idea of exclusive boundaries, in
the context of how Malay students’ make adjustments to their cultural/religious/ethnic
markers by setting restrictions on the behaviours of others as well as their own. On the
other hand, inclusive boundaries will be seen as markers used by other people to
identify Malay students. I will also explore how certain restrictions act to limit the
process of inclusion within other boundaries as discussed in the next section.
The works of Cohen (1994a) and Roosens (1994) have proceeded from that of Barth.
Cohen (1994a, pp. 59-79) concentrates on collective and individual consciousness,
where boundaries can be viewed either in interactional terms or as boundaries of
consciousness. Ethnic identities are products of classification, ascription and self-
ascription and are bound up with ideologies of descent. The boundary itself is a social
product which may have variable importance and, which may change through time. In
other words, Cohen (1985, p. 118) concludes that whether or not structural boundaries
remain intact, people construct community symbolically, making it a resource and
repository of meaning, and a referent of their identity. His idea of the symbolic also
refers to his idea of a boundary, which in the first place was defined as something, such
as a mountain range or a sea that physically marks the beginning and the end of a
community.
51
However, Cohen (1985, p. 12) feels that not all boundaries or not all the components of
any boundary are so objectively apparent. Cohen’s idea of the symbolic construction of
a community boundary may be used to analyse how the Malay students construct their
community overseas. He has delineated the emphasis on the boundary as a circumstance
in which people become aware of the implications of belonging to a community, and
describes how they symbolise and utilise these boundaries to give substance to their
values and identities. The Malay postgraduate students became conscious of their
Malay identity through their continuous interaction. This could be because they share
the same symbols, like language, duty or nationalism, but they do not necessarily share
their meanings. Instead, these symbols provide them the means to express themselves.
Apart from Cohen (1998), Bray (2004) has also shifted the focus of the analytical study
from identities to idea of boundaries that are used for purpose of identification. Cohen
and Bray have concentrated on how the idea of community belonging is differently
constructed by individuals and how individuals within the group conceive their ethnic
boundaries. In other words, Jenkins (2002, p. 118) explains Cohen idea of belonging as
a central membership theme in relation to social identification. The idea of belonging
here referred to the shared sense of belonging that comes through participation in a
common symbolic world (culture); therefore community and belonging are thus
imagined but not imaginary.
Roosens (1994) felt that Barth neglected the idea of kinship metaphors. According to
Smith (1999), kinship primordialism is basically derived through kinship or clan ties
where the choices of cultural signs (language, religion and traditions) are made to show
this biological affinity. In other words, the common biological ancestries that are
defining the ethnic communities are representing actual biological history (Smith 1999).
However, Roosens (1994, pp. 81-104) argues that boundaries may create identities, but
not necessarily ethnic identities. Of particular interest is what Barth says about
boundaries changing through time. While Barth (1969) is correct to insist that cultural
traits themselves do not constitute ethnic difference, Handelman (1977) and Cornell
(1996) are equally correct to remind us that cultural factors are not irrelevant either.
Therefore, our culture (language, non-verbal habits, dress, food, the structure of space,
etc.) as we encounter it and live it, is for us simply something that is (Jenkins 1997, p.
76).
52
Anthony Giddens (1991) noted that all human action is defined by reflexivity, meaning
that people constantly examine and reform their social practices in the light of incoming
information about those very practices, thus constitutively altering their character. So,
from the conception of ethnicity and boundaries outlined here, the works of the above
theorists are particularly important to my research, as they examine problematic matters
related to ethnic boundaries, unlike many writers on Malay ethnicity. According to
Verkuyten (2005, p. 41), having an ‘identity’ is considered good and desirable, whereas
the situation of ‘no identity’ is evaluated negatively by the person themselves. Ethnic
and cultural identities should be recognized and respected, particularly in the face of
their denial or repression by others. For example, in various cases, new cultural
identities among youth are commonly denied and repressed. Often they are simply not
accepted, as in Malay society. This includes the phenomena of subcultural identities
which are often seen as inappropriate to and not fitting of Malay culture and practice.
According to Božilović (2010, p.46), a particular way of life is based on a specific
cultural pattern, and may include a certain value system, ideas, norms and rules of
behaviour, symbolic formation and usage, taste, play, music, appearance and speech,
each largely distinctive of a particular social group. When this way of life contrasts to
the mainstream or dominant cultural model, it gets transformed into a cultural style that
can be referred to as a ‘subculture’. Some people identify themselves with a certain
subculture while others may freely move among many different subcultures, such as
those associated naturalists, Goths, hackers or hippies (Giddens 2003, p. 27).
Apart from Barth on boundaries and Giddens on reflexivity, Anthony Cohen (1994b, p.
120), writing on the primacy of the self, has pointed out that the nature of cultural
identity is not merely dependent on associating oneself with a set of characteristics: one
also distances oneself from others. Following this insight, once I have identified the
criteria involved in forming an individual’s identity, I enquire into how these
characteristics are used by individuals in distancing themselves from one another.
Calhoun (1994, p. 329) looks into the politics of identity in the context of globalization.
According to him, nationalism and the discourse of national identity are likely to remain
of central importance in an increasingly globalized world. A more conventional idea put
forward by Max Weber (1977) is how in-group affinity can have important
consequences for the formation of a political community. He defined the basis of an
ethnic group as a subjective belief in common descent because of similarities of
physical types or customs or both, or because of memories of colonization and
53
migration, whether or not an objective blood relationship exists (Weber 1977, p. 20).
Furthermore, Weber (1977) argued that this belief must be important for the
propagation of group formation, but does not ‘constitute a group; it only facilitates
group formation of any kind, particularly in the political sphere.’
This points us to the idea of nationalism, which according to Gellner and Ionescu (1970)
is basically a movement which conceives the natural object of human loyalty to be fairly
large and anonymous until defined by a shared language and culture. Gellner & Ionescu
view the role of language as fundamentally integrative, although it also sets the
boundaries of political units. Unfortunately, language today can be as disruptive a force
as any cultural marker. Undoubtedly, common language enhances communication and
creates a more intimate understanding among its speakers (Smith 1981, pp. 48-49).
Wimmer (2008) undertook a review of past ethnographic literature on ethnic
constellations and organized these works according to four dimensions of variation in
ethnic forms related to features of social boundaries.33
. The four dimensions are: (i) the
political salience of boundaries, where boundaries are salient and political alliances are
more likely to be formed between co-ethnics than between individuals on opposite sides
of the boundary; (ii) social closure and ‘groupness’, which refers to those ethnic
groups that have firmly closed themselves off to outsiders, i.e. where ethnic boundaries
are associated with high levels of discrimination and exclusion; (iii) cultural
differentiation, in which cultural differentiation may be reinforced in a two-way
process; either, first, it makes a boundary appear self-evident or, second, ethnic
boundaries do not divide along obvious cultural lines, but unite individuals who follow
heterogeneous cultural practices34
(iv) stability, where it seems that the degree of
stability is linked to various modes of transmitting ethnic membership. The most stable
boundaries are found among people who identify individuals through multigenerational,
unilineal descent lines, such as among Mongols, Pathans, and Germans, instead of
through more unstable boundaries, based, for example, on behavioural, rather than
genealogical, membership criteria, like the Vezo of Madagascar (Astuti 1995). The
Malay students in my research also exemplified the idea that identity boundaries are
unstable. They preferred to identify themselves according to their various positionings
in different situational contexts. This emphasis upon situation as playing an important
33 See also Horowitz (1971); Cohen (1981); Shibutani & Kwan (1965) and Stinchombe (2006).
34 See also Patterson (1975); Saetersdal (1999).
54
role in the expression of their identities is discussed further in Chapters Five, Six and
Seven.
The foci of these analyses have provided me with a way of conceptualizing Malay
students’ ideas of their ethnic and religious identity. In adjusting their life and identity,
some students will consider the importance of their religion, language and kinship.
However, some orient more to the factors of considered by the situational approach, like
distance, status and social mobility, in making adjustment to their life and identity in
Western Australia. The next section explores how interpersonal communication and
relational approach is use in analyzing the practicality of Malay student choices in
adjusting or maintaining their identity.
Interpersonal Communication: Introduction and Review of Relational Approach
Treatment of interpersonal communication in relation to identity construction has been a
conspicuous omission in many approaches to various contexts. Schmidt’s (2004) work
emphasises the conditions and legal system of the host nation-state in identity formation
in relation to young Muslims in the United States, but is not concerned with their
interpersonal relations. Mostofi (2003) outlines the impact of Iranian culture on
immigrant identity and how American civil society has treated these immigrants, but
also leaves out the more interpersonal aspects. McAllister (2000) relates religious
identity to political problems in Northern Ireland and the effect of social and economic
mobility in resolving the political problems. Bennett (2006) considers neighbourhood
factors in the development of African American youth identities. Jacobson’s (1998)
study of young Pakistani Muslims in London shows how Muslim social identity
functions and reproduces itself. In contrast, my study looks at how interpersonal
communication among Malays students contributes to the formation and/or maintenance
of Malay students’ identity and how they view their interactions with others (see
Chapter Five).
In an argument concerning the function of language in anthropology, Ashton (1984, p.
131) suggests that instead of learning a people’s language in order to converse, it is
important to discover the culture within the language and conversations themselves. In
other words, this is also known as communicative competence (sometimes referred to as
speech competence) instead of linguistic competence in the context of ethnography of
55
speaking (Bauman & Sherzer 1989). Wiemann (1977, p. 198), has defined
communicative competence as:
[the] ability of an interactant to choose among available communicative
behaviours in order that he may successfully accomplish his own interpersonal
goals during an encounter while maintaining the face and line of his fellow
interactants within the constraints of the situation.
According to Berger & Bradac (1982, p. 1), every day we come into contact with and
talk to different people whom we know in differing ways. There are two kinds of
uncertainty which can be discerned in interaction situations. The first is cognitive
uncertainty, which refers to the uncertainty we have about our own and the other
person’s beliefs and attitudes. The second is behavioural uncertainty, concerning
behaviour that is unpredictable in a given situation (Berger & Bradac 1982, p. 7). Tajfel
and Turner (2004, pp. 39-68) assert that some social interactions can be viewed as
primarily based upon interpersonal relationships and individual characteristics (inter-
individual encounters), while other social interactions may be based upon membership
in social groups (inter-group encounters). Therefore, communicative competence, while
based on language competence, also includes knowledge of the rules governing
communication interaction and the ability to use these rules appropriately and
effectively (DeVito 1992, p. 5).
However, as Hartley has argued in regard to communication, if communication is so
‘universal’, then perhaps we can assume that everyone knows what it is, and move
straight on to the next chapter! Unfortunately, things are not so straightforward (Hartley
1999, p. 17). In other words, communication involves not only techniques, but also
attitudes and beliefs (Harvey 1974, p. 14). According to Roloff (1981, pp. 27-31), there
are four characteristics of interpersonal communication: it occurs in a relational context;
it is guided by knowledge of one’s relational partner; it involves the transmission of
various types of symbols; and, finally, it is functional, i.e. it serves some purpose.
Therefore, he suggests that interpersonal communication can then be analyzed as a
symbolic process by which two people who are bound together in a relationship provide
each other with resources or negotiate the exchange of resources. This idea will be
discussed in Chapter Three in the context of my experience as an insider interviewing
the Malay students.
56
To avoid defining communication as dealing with passive listeners, Clampitt (1991)
suggests communication could be like a dance. He uses the analogy of a dance where
partners have to coordinate their movements and arrive at a mutual understanding of
where they are going. There are rules and skills, but there are also flexibilities – dancers
can inject their own style into the movements. Therefore, interpersonal communication
should have the following characteristics: communication is from one individual to
another; communication is face-to-face; and both the form and content of the
communication reflect the personal characteristics of the individuals, as well as their
social roles and relationships (Hartley 1999, p. 20).
While communication is repeatedly referred to as a social interpersonal process,
Richmond and Buehler (1962, p. 3) have defined interpersonal communication as:
[I]nitiated by a signal act by an individual. The sequence of communicative acts
which follow the initial signal act is the interpersonal communication process.
These acts, including the initial signal act, may be described qualitatively and/or
quantitatively depending upon many variables, such as: whether the signal act or
the subsequent acts involved the use of mechanical devices; language plus motor
gesture, language alone or motor gesture alone; and upon such additional factors
as spatial, cultural, temporal, psychological, psychiatric, and so on.
In addition to sign use, communication is also a process of relating (Condit 2006).
According to Condit (2006), communication is not primarily or essentially a process of
transferring information or disseminating signs, instead, communication is weaving and
reweaving matter and ideation during individual discourse. Condit also sees signs and
symbols as merely components in the process of communication, which is better
understood as a process of relating. Furthermore, he believes that communication
constitutes a relationship that reconstitutes the entities that are related. Condit (2006, p.
11) states:
[T]aking seriously the concept of communication as relating will allow us to
take seriously communication as a process with a distinctive ontology and
unique methods. It will thereby allow us to better understand communication,
which means to better understand the human animals who relate, and thereby
constitute their being, through such incessant communication.
In other words, in constructing social relationships, there is an intimate tie between
communication and relationship, each interwoven with the other (Rogers & Escudero
2004, p. 3). A relational approach is based on the interconnection of these two elements.
57
Rogers and Escudero (2004) claims that social relationships lie in our humanness, and
communication lies in our relationships. Thus, relationships are seen as influencing our
lives, constituted and shaped through our interactions and communications. Therefore,
in relation to the idea of identity formation, transformation or maintenance, relational
theory offers insights into how communications make sense for members of the group
in their cultural context. This view is used in different ways, different contexts and in
differing degrees.
I would not say that the relational view provides an adequate explanation on its own of
the types of identification evident in Malay students’ communication, but extending this
view posits that people are inherently sociable by nature and is useful in explaining
Malay student cultural identity. Furthermore, during the development of Malay
students’ interpersonal communication, their cultural practices doubtless amplify or
attenuate, redirect, and transform their relational needs, and socio-moral emotions guide
them to seek, create, sustain, sanction, transform, or terminate relationships (Fiske
2002). However, the relational view has its setbacks in setting aside other forms of
human activity that lead to interpersonal communication among Malay students, such as
language and taboos concerning sexual relationships and food. These points are further
discussed later in relation to the importance of interpersonal communication among
Malay students for which language, food and religious practice constitutes a platform
that guides their interactions with others.
Based on my discussion of these authors, I have constructed my idea of the Relational
Approach below (Figure 2.1), as I will use it to describe interpersonal communication
among the Malay students at Western Australian universities. I support Takai and Ota’s
(1994) assertion that culture has an impact on the appropriateness dimension, implying
that differing conceptions of interpersonal norms and rules may complicate
communication. However, in this research I would propose that, besides Malay culture,
religion is seen as another factor contributing to the interpersonal communication
process for the Malay students in relation to their identity adjustment, as shown below:
58
Figure 2.1: Interpersonal Communication and Relational Approach Model to
Malay Student Identity Adjustment
Although only implicit in this diagram as part of culture, this relational approach also
includes the non-verbal elements of communication in the Malay students’ everyday
discourse. These non-verbal elements, including body language, and the ‘hidden’
meaning of speech utterances, are discussed further in later chapters. Non-verbal
communication was also sometimes used as a communication tool with other people of
different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. This includes the usage of gestures like
thumbs-up and clapping, head movements like moving one’s head up and down to agree
or side-to-side to disagree, and also emblems to symbolise religious belief, like the sign
of the crescent moon and star to symbolize Islam. Relationally, this sign plays an
important role in Malay student lives in locating a mosque in which to pray, ‘halal’
(permissible) foods, ‘halal’ restaurants and Islamic celebrations. My findings show that
one of the significant criteria associated with Malay-Muslim identity relates to the
consumption of ‘halal’ foods. Chapter Four of this thesis provides more in-depth
explanations on what ‘halal’ foods mean to Malay Muslims students outside Malaysia.
As this research seeks to complement the already existing studies on identity in
Malaysia and outside Malaysia, I will review some of the previous studies on this topic
that I have found important and significant to my own research, especially in assisting
me to construct my own view about Malay student identity formation, maintenance or
adjustment outside Malaysia's context.
59
Review on the Study of Identity in the Malaysian Context
In the humanities and social sciences, there is a large volume of literature from
psychology, sociology, anthropology, political science and history on their respective
theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of ethnic identity in Malaysia.
My research is generally grounded in cultural and social anthropology. Other more
specific approaches are in the studies of ethnic relations, ethnic identity and the
anthropology of religion. In pre-colonial times the people called the Malays were living
in numerous settlements along the coasts of the Southeast Asian archipelago. Intensive
trade interaction and population movements occurred between the many islands of the
archipelago and beyond, and many Malays were intensively involved in this trade (Li
2003, p. 138; Reid 1989, p. 282) - hence, the status of the Malay language as a lingua
franca in the region.
In looking at ethnicity and identity in the Malaysian context, Mansor Mohd Noor (1992)
suggests that ethnicity is on the wane as a force for identification in Malaysian society.
He adopts a ‘rational choice’ approach to argue that economic growth and
modernisation contribute to a thinning of the ethnicity concept in Malaysia. He initially
criticises political leaders who play up the ethnic card for exigencies of political power,
claiming that rational choice is a tool for harmonising ethnic relations. What Mansor
questions in his thesis is the idea that individuals can be always swayed by bringing up
issues of ethnicity. However, my discussion among the Malay postgraduate students
shows that Mansor’s propositions on the decline of ethnic identity in Malaysian society
are too simplistic as I demonstrate in my research findings. Although religious identity
is found to be more important than ethnic identity, the latter still plays an enormous role
in the Malay student’s life in Australia as documented in Chapter Four.
Soda Naoki (2008) in his PhD thesis on the formation of Malay Identity in Colonial
Malaya discusses the indigenization of colonial knowledge in identity formation,
dividing it into two phases. The first phase is the ‘transmission’ that lies in the process
through which new apprehensions of colonial society were transplanted from British
colonizers to Malays. The second phase is the ‘appropriation’ through which Malays
themselves reorganized their acquired knowledge and made use of it for their own sake.
Malay identity was then defined with reference to the concept of Malay territorial
boundaries at three levels: individual Malay states (negeri-negeri Melayu), Malaya
60
(tanah Melayu), and the Malay world (alam Melayu). According to Soda, the
framework of knowledge brought by the British colonizers was not totally absorbed by
the Malays since the latter also accommodated a modern concept of Malayness in terms
of their positive transformation and appropropriation. Soda’s distinction between
transmission and appropriation suits my discussion on how Malay postgraduates
defined themselves as Malay and to what extent they were willing to make adjustments
to their identities in the countries in which they were staying. This is highlighted by my
informants, as reported in Chapters Three, Four and Seven.
According to Lee (2004), in his study of race relations in Malaysia from 1993-2003,
Malaysians are under no illusion that they have shed their racial identities to embrace a
single national identity. The questions of race relations in Malaysia centres on how
multiculturalism and nationalism are successfully presented as vehicles of integration,
overshadowing the everyday issues of racial politics, and the extent to which the latter
have become less transparent as national identity is developed as an arena of new
imagery. Chapter Six and Seven of this thesis further discuss the idea of how Malay
postgraduate students are building their rapport with people of other ethnicities in
Australia and at what point does their own ethnic and national identity plays a role in
their everyday encounters with others.
Lee Su Kim (2003) in her research paper looks into the idea of identity and English
language in Malaysia. Viewing Malaysia as a multilayered society she considers how
identity shifts take place frequently in strategic and non-strategic ways as people
navigate their way in society in search of acceptance and belonging. One of her
respondent, who is proficient in English, claimed that mastery of English language does
not in any way detract her from her Malay identity. The same respondent also says that
when one learns a language, one also learns about the culture as well, but does not
necessarily internalize the values of that culture, especially if one has a strong alternate
cultural identity (Lee Su Kim 2003, p. 145). Her findings also suggest that language is
seen as a tool for both acceptance and distancing. Accordingly, one will employ identity
shifts as they seek acceptance, belonging, or both. One’s personal journey thus
highlights the often intricate relation between language and identity. A similar situation
also is discussed in this thesis where Malay students felt that using English language
was a way for them to be accepted by the locals and it allowed them to trancend the
61
cultural borders of their own language group and access the views and ideas of others.
These issues are discussed in Chapter Seven.
According to Spaan, Naerssen and Kohl (2002), the question of Malay identity is
complex. On the one hand, it is related to Islam and the Islamisation of Malaysian
society. On the other hand, economic modernisation has weakened the society’s
traditional aspects. Communitarian values have given way to individualistic values,
shared by members of the middle classes, regardless of their ethnicity. Nation building
is making headway, albeit slowly, and more and more young Malaysians identify
themselves first as Malaysians rather than Malays, Chinese or Indians. A study by
Krauss et al. (2006) looked at the regional differences in religiosity between rural and
urban Muslim youth in Malaysia. Their findings indicated higher levels of religiosity for
rural Muslim youth than their urban counterparts across all the religiosity variables.
According to them, whereas ethnic Malays are the majority in Malaysia, ethnic Chinese
constitute the predominant group in urban centres. This factor is also discussed in
Chapter Three on my respondents’ backgrounds; respondents came from various states
in Malaysia, some from urban areas and some from rural areas. The differentiation
among them will be reviewed further in other chapters of this thesis in relation to their
existing ethnic and religious identity.
Wendy Mee (1998), in examining issues of cultural and technological change in
Malaysia, focuses on the impact of new communication technologies, the internet in
particular, on ethnic identity in Malaysia. Her argument tends to focus on the
technological changes, but posits that among the Malays there are issues that tend to be
unchangeable and non-elastic, especially in relation to a person’s religion. Ethnic
identity is a variable construct influenced by the process of modernisation (Okamura
1981; Nagata 1974). Modernisation should not be treated as a present reality, but as
continuous stages of socio-political and economic development. It can be inferred that,
throughout history, modernization has had a critical impact on ethnicity; not only does it
break down ethnic divisions, but also (re)creates new ones (Melson and Wolpe 1970).
A different view of ethnic identity was put forward by Amira Firdaus (2006) by looking
at media preferences. She argues that ethnicity is associated with news and media
preferences, with each ‘race’ preferring certain newspapers, television channels and
radio stations. She also pointed out that the media’s government-sanctioned practice of
62
ethnic-narrowcasting is successful, and national integration is virtually ignored in
Malaysian media. On the other hand, according to Turner (2002, p. 1), despite modern
technologies that mediate communication among individuals, face-to-face interaction is
still primary in one’s identity formation. Turner asserts in his social theory that despite
dramatic changes in the nature of human relationships in the period of post-modernity,
certain basic human tendencies toward emotionally inflected, physically co-present
social interactions remain strong.
Kaur and Sidhu (2009), in their study ‘Postgraduate Student’s Learning Experience in
Malaysia’, concluded that diverse student cohorts bring with them an array of cultural
and linguistic knowledge and learning experience which can enhance the student
experience. Also, having a thorough working knowledge of postgraduate students’
actual learning experiences can have a tremendous impact on a university’s curriculum,
discipline, cultures and work practices. Kaur and Sidhu’s study focuses on experiences
of postgraduates in Malaysia, while I will attempt to provide findings on some
experiences of Malay postgraduate students outside Malaysia. However, my focus is
relating the Malay postgraduate experiences with their identity adjustments or
maintenance in the more inclusive context of studying outside Malaysia.
Review on the Study of Identity beyond the Malaysian context
Following from the discussion of studies on identity above, there have been numerous
articles and studies that focus on and/or attempt to examine the formation of Malay
identity, but little scholarship has analyzed Malay identity outside Malaysia. Australia's
relationship with Malaysia is diverse and is underpinned by strong people-to-people
links, notably in education (Australian Bureau of Statistics Year Book, 2009-2010).
According to the Australian Education International Enrolment Data (2009), the number
of Malaysian student enrolments in Australia was 23,103 for 2009, as shown in Table
2.1. Furthermore, the state of Western Australia is the second preference for Malaysian
students after Victoria (Table 2.2). The continuing high numbers of Malaysian students
in Australia gives us an idea of how Malaysians are getting heavily involved in
international relations and world culture. However, there is no breakdown of Malaysian
63
students’ enrolments according ethnic groups available in Australia or Malaysia in my
ascertainment.35
There have been numerous studies regarding other foreign students’ identity and some
will be reviewed in regard to issues comparable to this study. Adibi (2003) looks into
identity and cultural change among Iranian youth in Australia. His findings indicate that
Iranian youths in Australia are not clones of their parents. Their life experience is
different and thus their attitudes, values and behaviours. Adibi also concludes that the
emphasis now is the shifting of individual identity towards collective identity, where
one can see that while Iranian youth has many similarities with mainstream Australian
youth in their attitudes and aspirations, many differences still exist. In this research what
is of interest to me is the idea of shifting identity towards creating their collective
identity in a new environment.
Table 2.1: International Student Enrolment in Australia from Top 10 Source
Nationalities, 2005-2010
Nationality 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
China 84,476 93,533 110,846 131,210 154,777 167,767
India 27,436 38,649 62,818 96,407 120,913 100,310
Republic of Korea 26,107 30,861 34,230 35,133 35,708 33,986
Vietnam 5,295 6,711 9,626 15,844 23,755 25,788
Thailand 16,404 17,708 19,736 22,229 26,460 24,882
MALAYSIA 19,249 19,029 19,732 21,091 23,103 23,247
Nepal 1,279 2,670 9,076 18,002 24,579 22,019
Indonesia 16,053 14,885 14,776 15,975 17,867 18,378
Brazil 7,022 10,086 12,433 15,899 17,529 16,072
Saudi Arabia 1,035 1,864 3,631 7,788 12,599 13,271
Other nationalities 139,827 143,957 153,171 161,566 174,645 173,399
Total 344,183 379,953 450,075 541,144 631,935 619,119
- Source: AEI International Student Enrolment Data 2009 (Table A)
35 I have searched through various sites and statistics departments in Malaysia and Australia, but have
been unable to get the statistics on student enrolment in Australia's universities according to ethnic
differences. I am also aware that issues of ethnicity are considered sensitive by Malaysians and possibly a
private matter to Australians.
64
Table 2.2: Malaysian Student Enrolment according to Australian State/Territory,
2008-2010
Australian State/Territory 2008 2009 2010
Victoria (VIC) 7,995 8,641 8,592
WESTERN AUSTRALIA (WA) 4,012 4,312 4,223
New South Wales (NSW) 3,539 3,912 3,852
South Australia (SA) 2,258 2,482 2,538
Queensland (QLD) 2,104 2,444 2,670
Tasmania (TAS) 721 755 759
Australian Capital Territory (ACT) 450 531 574
Northern Territory (NT) 12 26 39
Total 21,901 23,103 23, 247
Source: AEI International Student Enrolment Data 2009 (Table D)
A research report by Brown and Hartwell (2010) examines how international
postgraduate students in Britain attach meanings to food they eat in a new culture.
According to Brown and Hartwell, these research students preferred to eat mostly
home-cooked national dishes because they perceived those foods to be healthy, tasty
and emotionally comforting. In other words, the local dish is also seen as contributing to
harmful effects on physical health due to high fat and sugar content, as well as being
less tasty. One of the main issues discussed in this thesis shows that the Malay students
tend to cook their own meals. One of the reasons highlighted by my informants is
because foods in Australia are expensive. However, another main reason identified for
this is because Malay-Muslim students are only consuming ‘halal’ foods, as discussed
further in Chapter Four.
Alhazmi (2010) in his doctoral research looked into the transition from a gender-
segregated culture among Saudi international students into a mixed gender environment
in Australian institutions. His study indicates that the Saudi culture of extreme gender
segregation has impacted the Saudi students, particularly in their ability to relate to their
peers in a coeducational environment, even though not all experiences in the new mixed
gender environment were negative. My study shows how maintaining their gender
position in accordance with their religious identity is taken into context of the Malay
65
postgraduate gender identity. Further discussions on the issue of Malay postgraduate
gender identity adjustment in relation to their religious identity are to be found in
Chapters Five, Six and Seven.
Chaudhury and Miller (2008) in their study attempt to explore some preliminary
understanding of religious identity formation among Bangladeshi American Muslim
adolescents. In their findings, they uncovered the presence of two distinct groups of
adolescents with respect to religious identity formation, to which they refer as ‘internal
seekers’ and ‘external seekers’. According to Chaudhury and Miller, the external
seekers are the ones who look outside of their religion for answers by exploring other
faiths or abandoning religion altogether in making a decision about their personal
religious stance, while the internal seekers are the ones who look within their pre-
exisiting religion to resolve any conflicts or questions that they have about their faith. In
reference to the Malays, my data supports the relevance of the idea of the external
seeker, in as much as my informants made religious and cultural adjustments, but they
did not fundamentally change their identities as Malay and Muslim. Their religious
identity adjustments emerged only from within the Islamic religious context and did not
require a departure from expected religious practice. Internal seeking was achieved by
reading and understanding the Al-Qu’ran and other Islamic texts and through discussion
with religious leaders or religious study groups (sometimes refer to as ‘usrah’). I have
related and discussed some of these situations, such as the position of the ustaz or
religious teacher and the usrah group, in Chapters Five and Six.
Schmidt (2004), on the other hand, analyses Islamic identity formation among young
Muslims in Denmark, Sweden and the United States. She describes the process of
transnational identity formation according to four different themes: (1) visibility and
aesthetics; (2) choices; (3) transnationalism; and (4) social ethics. In this article, she
points out the existence, paradox and challenges of transnational Muslim identity
formation in the West Europe and the United States and the significance of the
legislative framework of nation-states as aspects to which Muslim must constantly
relate and which affect the localized practice of boundless Islam. She concludes by
underlining the importance of comparative research among Muslim minority
communities in those regions and beyond.
66
Lewthwaite (1996) explores how international students adapt to their new academic,
social, cultural and linguistic environment at Massey University, New Zealand.
Lewthwaite’s study is similar to mine, but his study covers international students from
Indonesia, Taiwan, Thailand and Japan. In his findings, Lewthwaite suggests that
besides identifying the obstacles to integration, such as loneliness, cultural mismatch,
frustration at a lack of integration with the locals, there was no high level of stress
reported. Lewthwaite concluded that the greatest block to the adaptation process was the
lack of intercultural communicative competence. This refers to the inability to deal with
misunderstandings and to empathise with host students, along with an inability to
establish interpersonal relationships, resulting in slow integration. Based on similar
observations, I would argue that interpersonal communication is an important element
in Malay student life outside Malaysia as well. Chapter Six of this thesis discusses
further the significance of interpersonal communication in Malay students’ identity
formation or adjustment.
Swami et al. (2010) in their recent study have looked into sociocultural adjustment
among sojourning Malaysian students in Britain by focussing on Malaysian Malay and
Malaysian Chinese undergraduate students. They report that Malay students are
significantly poorer in their sociocultural adjustment than Chinese students. They
observe that this situation is basically due to factors associated with the students’ family
income, language proficiency, perceptions of cultural differences, and discrimination.
They suggest that participants with higher English proficiency were better adapted,
partially because they perceived less cultural differences and had more contact with host
nationals. They conclude that the effects of income on socio-cultural adjustment are not
difficult to understand. For example, higher incomes may afford greater use of cultural
resources such as community resources (Garcia et al. 2002) and more contact with
networks left behind in the home country (Schultz 2001). In contrast to this, with the
increasing number of sponsored Malay postgraduate students going overseas, I argue
that the effects of family incomes do not contribute much to their adaptation process.
However, my observations support theirs that English language proficiency is a positive
factor in establishing contact with the host nationals. This is also revealed by my
informants in relating to their academic pursuits, as discussed in Chapter Seven.
67
Sato and Hodge’s (2009) research presents findings that could be associated with my
own findings regarding the importance of religion in Malay student life. According to
Sato and Hodge, Asian international students involved in their studies were proud to be
Japanese, Korean and Taiwanese respectively. Their findings show that during their
doctoral experience these students came to a deeper appreciation of their own culture,
values, and beliefs as Asian people. They also became increasingly aware of how their
values and beliefs helped sustain them during this experience, especially as they felt
isolated or marginalized by others. As will be demonstrated, the same situation could be
seen in the Malay postgraduate students’ experience in Australia, even though their
stress centres more on their religious beliefs and practice that keep them going
throughout their journeys as doctoral students. I propose that Malay-Muslim students
embrace the ideas of hikmah (hoping for a good outcome in the future after facing
challenges in their life of hard work), nasib (things happen as they are meant to happen)
and tawakal (resign or to trust in God) in their daily encounters. I also argue that ideas
of hikmah, nasib and tawakal are viewed as parts of a symbolic religious boundary that
the students use to maintain their Malay and Muslim identity, as further discussed in
Chapter Eight.
Tang (2010) discusses the issue of transnational migration and diaspora that fractures
the parameters of nation and identity in Chinese-born American writer Chuang Hua’s
novel Crossing (1968). Tang points out that the act of going global through
transnationalism implicates the simultaneous act of going local. This entails both an
embedded hybridity and a cultural locality of an imagined homeplace that double back
on the migration routes (Tang 2010, p. 25). In other words, instead of merely
destabilizing and disintegrating the concepts of nation and identity, migration
paradoxically contributes to their reinstallation as re-imagined culturalized entities
(Tang 2010, p. 26). The situation mentioned by Weimin Tang as double act migration
also applies to the Malay postgraduate students’ as their act of going global involves a
simultaneous act of going local, towards a localized hybridity and a temporary state of
re-imagined homeplace in Australia. The various forms of temporary adjustment made
in this context are discussed in Chapter Seven.
An attempt at looking at Malays in Australia has been made by Asmah Haji Omar
(2008). In her book titled ‘The Malays in Australia: Language, Culture and Religion’,
she considers Malays migrants who have become citizens and permanent residents in
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Australia. They constitute a minority group who have sought to make a better living for
themselves by leaving their homeland. According to Asmah, the Malays in her study
have to be able to participate in the mainstream way of life of Australians in terms of
their language use, formal education for themselves and their children as well as in
understanding the policies, rules and regulations of their new country (Asmah Haji
Omar 2008, p.x). Asmah manages to highlight the significant aspects of the Malay lives
which make-up their Malay identity in Australia, in particular their language, culture
and religion. While my research likewise highlights these three dimensions of Malay
postgraduate student’s ethnic and religious identity, a key difference lies in the fact that,
unlike Asmah’s subjects, the Malay postgraduate students with whom I worked will
return to Malaysia once they have completed their studies. They thus experience and
view their time in Australia differently. The adjustments of and restraints on Malay
studentidentity is discussed further in Chapter Seven.
Similarly, an earlier examination of Malays in Western Australia was made by Wan
Hashim Wan Teh and A. Halim Ali (1999) in their book ‘Rumpun Melayu Australia
Barat’ which seeks to learn about Malays in a global perspective. The authors consider
the idea of Malays as a minority or ‘diasporic Malay’ that has moved out of the Malay
World, into Sri Lanka, Mecca, South Africa, England, Surinam, United State of
America, Australia, Canada and Europe (Wan Hashim Wan Teh 1999, p. 11). Wan
Hashim Wan Teh reviews his study by referring to Robert E.Park’s idea of race
relations cyle. This idea stated that encounters and interactions between minorities and a
dominant group will cause the minorities to assimilate into the dominant group culture.
Findings revealed that migration has transformed Malay economic and cultural life.
Despite this, Malays did not lose either their Malay or Muslim identity. Instead their
exposure to and involvement with the locals helps them to strengthen their Malay
identity. Nevertheless, Wan Hashim also notes that there was no assurance what will
occur among the second or third generations to come. Despite the adjustments they
make, Malay-Muslim postgraduate students involved in this study still demonstrate a
strong lived commitment to their Malay-Muslim identity as highlighted in Chapters
Four and Five.
In looking at the Malay Muslim students in Western Australia, I also acknowledge a
certain unevenness. Some of the students prefer to be closely associated with the wider
Australian community and have an open, confident attitude to the outside world, while
69
others feel the need for an Islamic space in a community of their own, where they can
‘be themselves’ (John & Saeed 2002). Therefore, discussion of the findings will look at
the idea of how some Malay students prefer to interpret their experiences and ideas
broadly, while others are more conservative and guided by norms of conduct set out in
particular traditions of Islam. By whatever means, they will have to find a way that suits
them in order to respond to this new situation, whilst adjusting or maintaining their
ethno-religious identity.
Chapter Summary
In the context of the theoretical frameworks discussed in this chapter, I have explicated
a number of perspectives on identity: the culturalist perspective, particularly that is
known as primordialist perspective, the situationalist perspective, and the symbolic
perspective. I have also reviewed the relational approach of interpersonal
communication as a framework for understanding identity issues. In figure 2.1, shown
in the earlier part of this chapter, I show how I positioned the Malay postgraduate
students’ identity process and adjustment in their new environment. The idea put
forward by Barth provides an important overview of an approach that contains elements
of both primordiality and situationalism. I found Barth’s (1969) variant of
situationalism, to be influential in analysing ethnic identity as an aspect of social
organization. Other theorists, influenced by symbolic approaches, have noted the
necessity to treat cultural elements as well. In terms of the ethnic and religious identity
of Malay postgraduate students, I argue that Malay culture, adat and religion are
important elements in their identity adjustment or maintenance decisions. This literature
review reveals that there is a dearth of research into Malay students’ identity and life
experience outside Malaysia. I have explored some of the approaches significant to this
study by showing how these approaches are used differently in different contexts.
This chapter also provides some overview of studies on ethnic identity, ethno-religious
identity and identity adjustment that have been conducted in Malaysia and beyond
Malaysia. Various research foci and findings have been highlighted as pertinent to my
study. However, there has not been much study relating to Malay postgraduate ethno-
religious identity outside Malaysia. In my treatments of research by others, I have
foreshadowed the upcoming discussions of my own findings in relation to the Malay
postgraduate students’ identity adjustment, including such aspects as consumption of
70
‘halal’ foods, religion, academic position, communication and recreational patterns, and
use of the symbolic perspectives of hikmah, nasib and tawakal.
Malay students selected in this research are found to be quite aware of the importance of
forming and maintaining their ethnic and religious identity when dealing with others.
Their concerns are apparent in making adjustments or maintaining their religious
identity in different situations in their everyday life. Seldom do the students transform
their ethno-religious identity whilst in Australia in any manner that goes against their
religious beliefs. The next chapter will discuss further the methodological framework
adopted for this study, including discussions on the setting and informants’
backgrounds.
71
CHAPTER 3
Methodological Framework: Setting and Informants’ Backgrounds
Well-crafted ethnographies possess a ‘weblike character’, allowing readers
to use data offered in support of one idea to confirm or disconfirm other ideas.
(Katz 1988, p.142)
Introduction
This chapter discusses the overall background of my research design and methods used
in this study. It will begin with the background of my study by outlining the research
aims and methodology used to collect data from my informants. It provides justification
for the ethnographic and qualitative approach taken in the study and explains how
recruitment of informants took place. This is followed by a more general discussion of
the background of the informants involved in this research.
Researcher as Ethnographer and Insider: A Review
I noted earlier that as a Malay student pursuing my study in Western Australia, I am
both an ethnographer and an insider researching within my own subculture. This is also
one of the reasons that prompted me to look at the adjustments of Malays outside
Malaysia. I will explain further my position as an ethnographer and also an insider in
obtaining the data that I needed. What has engaged me is the idea that most
anthropologists, sometimes referred to as ethnographers in the context of their field
research, are ‘outsiders’ immersing themselves in an entirely different culture
(Malinowski 1922; Barth 1993; Evans 1999). Gellner (1995, p. 17) stated that those
who investigate ‘primitives’ can no longer indulge in the fantasy of the ‘ethnographic
present’. According to Gellner, anthropology is currently being pulled in different
directions by its substantive and methodological definitions. There are some relatively
stable societies, but they are not primitive. There are some ancient societies, but they are
not stable. Ethnographers often write their ethnography in the past tense, but develop
their analytical points in the ‘ethnographic present’ (Emerson 1988). So, ironically,
anthropologists are liable to be historians of ancient societies, and presentist students of
developed ones. According to Hammersley and Atkinson (2007, p. 1), ethnography
refers to an integration of both first-hand empirical investigation and the theoretical and
72
comparative interpretation of social organization and culture. In terms of data
collection, ethnography usually involves the researcher participating, overtly or
covertly, in people’s daily lives and gathering whatever data are available to shed light
on the issues that are the emerging focus of inquiry.
I have conducted fieldwork based on participant-observation, which hinges on the
dynamic of the contradictory synthesis of subjective insider and objective outsider.
McCall and Simmons (1969, p. 1) defines participant-observation as a characteristic
blend or combination of methods and techniques that is employed in studying certain
types of subject matter. Angrosino (2007, p. 38) sees participant-observation occurring
when a researcher interacts with the people studied in ways that go beyond the simple
researcher-and-subject and carries out observations from the perspective of an insider to
the group. Ethnographers are committed to going out and getting close to the activities
and everyday experiences of other people. ‘Getting close’ minimally requires physical
and social proximity to the daily routine of people’s lives and activities, and seeks a
deeper immersion in others’ worlds, to grasp what they experience as meaningful and
important (Emerson, et al. 1995, p. 2).
According to Barrett’s view (cited in Bruenjes 1998, p. 67), anthropological researchers
who are not outsiders can identify themselves as insiders (that is researchers from a
dominant ethnic group conducting research at home), as native anthropologists (that is,
researchers from a minority group studying their own people), even as Indigenous
anthropologists (those one who conduct research in their own society)36
. In relation to
this research, I would qualify myself as a native anthropologist since I am not
conducting this research in Malaysia. One of the dilemmas I have to face as a ‘native’
anthropologist was to deal with the assumption that I can represent an unproblematic
insider’s perspective (Narayan 1993). An ‘insider’ refers to the person who conducts
research on the cultural, racial, or ethnic group of which he himself is a member (Jones
1970, p. 251). I find Jones’ interpretation suits the position I occupy in this fieldwork
even though my position as native anthropologist still suits me best because I am
looking at my own society outside Malaysia. If I were to see myself as an insider
anthropologist here (by considering Western Australia as temporary home), then there
36 Messerschmidt (1981, p. 13) also breaks the anthropology researcher into three categories. (insider,
native and indigenous) According to Messerschmidt, the term ‘indigenous’ anthropologist refers to Third
World anthropologists who do their fieldwork in their own societies.
73
would be no ‘outsiders’ in relation to my study. However, being an ‘insider’ (as a
Malay) gives me entrée into settings and situations and to become part of their everyday
scene, so people do not bother to consciously modify their behaviours to accommodate
my presence (Angrosino 2007, p. 39). Wolcott (1981) described his experience in
conducting fieldwork at home and abroad. When he conducted his fieldwork abroad
(Africa) he avoided confronting sensitive issues and was highly apart, instead he was
deeply involved and critical when conducting his fieldwork at home (the United States).
Sluka and Robben (2007, p. 2) believe that as an insider, the fieldworker learns what
behaviour means to the people; as an outsider, the fieldworker observes, experiences,
and makes comparisons in ways that insiders cannot or would not, that is when the
outsider discerns patterns of behaviour of which the actors are unaware. Insiders who
are able to step back from time to time to record the scene in an objective manner (i.e.,
to see the scene independently of their autobiographical interest in it) become
participants-as-observers (Gold 1958). Participant observation requires a degree of self-
awareness and, according to Smith (2005, p. 96), once we have a good sense of who we
are, not only as researchers, but also as human beings, we are more likely to be effective
participants-as-observers.
I believe that one’s position as an insider in her or his own community helps facilitate
interviews with the participants. Therefore, it is important to consider the idea of
reflexivity, which refers to the researcher’s own representation of self (Coffey 2002;
Lichtman 2006). In undertaking seemingly solitary tasks, individuals engage in
reflexive activities in which they are able to address themselves and respond, explicitly
and implicitly, using a shared language (Perinbanayagam 2005). In Mead’s (1936, p.
134) words, ‘It is by means of reflexiveness – the turning back of the experience of the
individual upon himself – that the whole social process is brought into the experience of
the individual.’ To be reflective is therefore to think back and possibly describe to
someone who said what in the argument; to be reflexive is to stand back, reflect on the
argument and reflexively ask questions about one’s own involvement (Watt 2010, p.
187).
Being an insider researcher, I have also incorporated autoethnography, ‘the ethnography
of one’s own group’ (Reed-Danahay 1997, p. 2), in this research. The basic assumption
in autoethnographic representation is that the researcher is a member of a cultural or
74
social group, and her or his personal experiences accurately mirror the experiences of
the group as a whole (Angrosino 2007, p. 65). I have chosen this method because I
believe that the study of self-narratives and self-discovery is beneficial for
understanding others. According to Chang (2008, p. 34), if ‘others’ refers to member’s
of one’s own community (others of similarity, in this case, other Malays), the self is
reflected in others in a general sense and can act to smooth the transition to
understanding the self. If ‘others’ refers to members of other communities (others of
difference), understanding the similarity between self and others captures only a portion
of understanding others. All ethnographers will select and edit their observations, but in
dealing with one’s own culture, there is a tremendous amount of selecting out. The way
to select and edit one’s observation to preserve more ethnographic comprehension is to
find the unfamiliar within the familiar, to make clear that things are not what they seem
and to reach behind the façade of ordinary behaviour and belief to the deeper
implications of social action (Goldschmidt 2009, p.18).
Even though autoethnography has been criticized by some as self-indulgent (Coffey
1999) and the researcher-self as problematic (Holt 2003), I feel that some of my
personal experiences can be considered a part of the experiences that the Malay students
face in their everyday life. Thus, I do not agree with the attribution of self-indulgence,
but realize that most of the insights and experiences shared with me by other Malay
students are useful evidence in this research, as well as in relation to my own
experience. In this research, my status as an insider alone does not exhaust all
information and findings for this research. Instead, I have also relied on various other
methods and not just autoethnography. As Fetterman (1998, p.96) writes, researchers
need to see patterns of thought and action repeated in various situations and with
various players; the search for pattern is, therefore, an important test of the reliability of
the research.
I also believe that my position as an insider in my own community has helped to
facilitate my research. My experience and knowledge of Malay adat and Islamic
religion, which govern the Malay students’ lives, is an advantage in my research.
However, regardless of my familiarity with Malay society, it is also clear to me that I
am facing my own community – ‘others of similarity’ – in an environment of a
surrounding society – ‘others of difference’ – to reveal ways the student informants in
this study transform, adjust or maintain their identities (Chang 2008, p. 34). In other
75
words, both the researcher and the informants are experiencing the transnational concept
of ‘home’ and ‘away’ (Amit 2000, p. 15). I realized that my insider status is
exceedingly relevant in studying my own ethnic community. I could hardly separate my
private life from my field work. In a way it brought a kind of easiness for me to be
involved with people of the same ethnic background, but at the same time I would say I
do feel a bit awkward, meaning in some situations it would be an advantage to me, but
in other ways it involves setbacks. Therefore, it is also necessary to review possible
different experiences by an insider and outsider researcher in conducting research
among Malays, as will be discussed in the next section
Being Courteous or Being Cautious? An Insider versus Outsider Review
This research was conducted among the Malay students to document and to analyze
their experiences, problems, and adaptation processes in relation to their ethnic and
religious identity. This includes unexpected encounters like racist remarks or actions,
different cultural practices and ethics. What I would argue here is that Malay students in
Western Australia still hold on to the ethical ways instilled by Malay culture, which
include knowing proper and acceptable ways to talk to parents, friends and strangers.
Some of the important aspects of interviewing Malays are to conduct the interview in a
calm and courteous way, to articulate issues, and to use appropriate non-verbal
communication. These elements will be discussed further in relation to insider versus
outsider positions and possible feedback from Malay participants.
I was aware of how difficult it is to get Malay participants to open up during interviews.
The idea of friendship as part of the method of qualitative inquiry appeals to me
(Tillmann-Healy 2003). Gaining entrée as a researcher is not easy and making friends
with informants is seen as a much ‘softer’ way to introduce myself to them. As
Abdullah (1996) has noted for Malays, building relationships comes before getting
down to business and engaging in social pleasantries is seen as a form of ‘ice-breaker’
which can smooth the flow of conversation, unlike Westerners who are more direct and
explicit. Silence is an important element of Malaysian communication. Pausing before
responding to a question indicates that they have given the question appropriate thought
and considered their response carefully. Many Malays do not understand the Western
propensity to respond to a question hastily and can consider such behaviour thoughtless
and rude.
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Conducting an Interview in a Calm and Courteous Manner
As an insider, what I noted during an interview is the tendency of the participants
involved to get carried away in discussing issues that are not related to the questions
asked of them. The situation is due to the researcher being an insider because there are
other issues or matters they wish to point out that are irrelevant to the research, but
could be relevant to the researcher as a fellow Malay. Therefore, it is best to stay calm
and courteous in receiving their views on matters that are not pertinent to the posed
questions. In this situation, being an insider is a challenge compared to being an
outsider. In one interview a participant was asked about the subject of communication
between family members among the Malays as compared to the Western Australian
family. One of the participants answered how in Australia children communicate with
their parents with no sense of respect (i.e addressing their parents with their first
names).
As an insider, it was assumed that I understood the implicit comparison made by the
participants in relation to communication between parents and their children in Malay
cultural practice, that is, that among the Malays the common form of communication for
children to use involves terms like ‘ibu’, ‘mak’ or ‘ummi’ (all terms relating to mother)
and ‘ayah’, ‘bapa’ or ‘abi’ (all terms relating to father), to name but a few. Children
should never address their parents by name because it connotes disrespect and a lack of
manners. The Malay participant therefore is being courteous in answering the questions
through indirection because they are willing to make the comparison between the two
cultures. This points out how communicative cultural practice among the Malays
frequently involves indirect statements (Figure 3.1). They tend to give the listener a hint
rather than making a direct statement about something. This form of communication
tends to be indirect and subtle. Here, one might have to rely on the non-verbal
communication like their facial expressions, voice tone or body language.
Figure 3.1 Western and Malay Ways of Expressing Views
Western way Malay way
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If the interviewer were an outsider and the same question was asked, the participant
would provide a more precise answer in assuming the researcher’s unawareness of their
culture, except regarding the questions asked. In relation to this, the participants are
being more courteous to the outsider researcher compared to the insider researcher. The
tendency of the Malay respondents to explain further the reason for the usage of the
terms is highly desirable and is considered a positive point for the interviewer.
However, the setback to the situation is that further explanation from the Malay
participant should not be anticipated. The reason is that Malay participants tend to fix
their answer to the questions asked rather than going into details about the Malay
practices in everyday life, unless the next question requires them to explain further the
idea of communication in the parent-and-child relationship among Malays. The
participants are more cautious in relating their culture to the outsider if they see their
culture as being better compared to the outside culture. In another participant’s
interview, she told me how she came across a local from Western Australia whom she
considered rude, but then continued by saying that maybe the local was not rude, but
was a bit rough. She might not say this out loud if the researcher was an outsider.
The Concept of Face
Malays have a strong moral-cultural stance about saving ‘face’ and avoiding hurting the
feelings of others. The concept of ‘face’ in origin is Chinese (Ho 1976, p. 867), yet
many other cultures and languages use the term face in reference to one’s honour or
reputation. For the Malay, the term that is used to describe the idea of saving face is
‘jaga air muka’ (saving one’s face). Ho (1976, p. 883), defined face as ‘a concept of
central importance because of the pervasiveness with which it asserts its influence in
social intercourse; thus it is virtually impossible to think of a facet of social life to
which the question of face is irrelevant’. In other words, people from some cultures tend
to favour directness, while people from other cultures (like the Malays) favour less
directness (Bowe & Martin 2007, p. 4). Goffman (1967, p. 13) suggested that ‘each
person, subculture and society seems to have its own characteristic repertoire of face-
saving practices, yet these are all drawn from a single logically coherent framework of
possible practices.’ In this paper ‘face’ is used in terms of persons and societies and not
just individuals. Among the Malays, to ‘jaga air muka’ (maintain face) of others is one
way to strive for harmonious relations.
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Furthermore, as an insider researcher, the ability to conduct an interview among the
Malays in a manner that is anticipated by the Malays is a must. The tendency for the
participants to look at me as one of them, assuming that I understand the proper way of
communicating with them, is an asset, but also a disadvantage. Twenty-five out of the
thirty participants chose to use the Malay language during the interview because it is
their mother language. It was easier for them to express their thoughts and opinions in
relation to the questions asked, and they felt there are many expressions in the Malay
language that are hard to translate in English. The other five participants used the
English language to help reduce my workload in transcribing and translating. The idea
of helping each other is another aspect of Malay culture that is understood. However, I
believe that as a tool in the interview, it is important to be critical without being
judgmental (Kvale 2007). Furthermore, this ethnographic interviewing is semi-
structured to allow flexibility for the participants to express themselves (Spradley 1980;
O’Reilly 2005; Kvale 2007).
In the case of an outsider researcher, the Malay participants would not be as cautious or
put forward information in the same manner as they do with the insider researcher. To
an outsider their answers would be more detailed in comparing Malay culture with the
other culture because they would explain the Malay culture first before making any
comparisons. This could possibly be because the outsider is seen as someone who has
no knowledge of Malay culture and needs to be taught about it. So the Malay
participants will be more courteous in answering, while at the same time, being cautious
not to mention or compare things that describe the negative side of their own culture.
This all goes back to understanding the Malay culture and way of life. The well-known
traditional Malay saying referred to earlier in chapter one, ‘biar mati anak, jangan mati
adat’ (‘better your children die than your traditions/customs’), is related to the Malay
idea of the importance of maintaining Malay culture and identity.
Articulating Issues in an Indistinct Manner
The ability of an insider or outsider researcher to articulate more explicitly the answers
put forward by Malay participants is important. I would argue that Malay research
participants will attempt to articulate an issue without mentioning the person or party
involved in the respective situations. In this case, the researcher will be provided
information about issues relating to Malay students lives, such as their problems, their
79
adaptation processes, and their experiences with the locals. However, the articulation of
these issues can be indistinct, and it can be difficult for the researcher to get the ‘real
answer’ out of the Malay participants. A participant recalled her personal experience
while walking in the city by saying, ‘they were making noises, and then they were
showing signals, whatever, that we all know.’ From her statement, she assumed that the
researcher, as an insider, would understand to whom she was referring and what the
signals meant. It is difficult for the researcher to write down what really happened. The
situation might be interpreted in two ways, either she might have come across others of
a different ethnic group, and the signals were warning signals or she was facing locals
who see her as an outsider and were making improper remarks to her. This example
shows the ambiguity faced by the insider researcher, even though I was able to
disambiguate her words and interpret what she meant after further conversation.
In the case of an outsider researcher, the Malay participants might actually articulate the
issue in a more straightforward way by mentioning what the signal means and what the
signals look like. However, whether the outsider researcher would be able to interpret
the signals in the way the Malay participants understood them is uncertain and is related
to the issue of the diversity of symbolic meanings that can be assigned to the same sign,
which may have different meanings to others.
Usage of Non-verbal Communication
In addition to the use of the Malay language, some ‘non-verbal’ communication serves
a number of purposes, depending upon the context in which it is utilized. ‘Non-verbal’
is commonly used to distinguish all forms of human communication which are not
controlled by the spoken word. Some of the obvious functions it has are to replace
speech, complement the spoken word, emphasize parts of the verbal message, help to
regulate the flow of communication between the speaker and listener, and to define
acceptable patterns of behaviour in a variety of social settings (Hargie & Dickson 1981,
pp. 18-23). In other words, it involves functioning body activity, gesture, facial
expression and orientation, posture and spacing, touch and smell and those aspects of
speech that can be considered apart from the referential content of what is said (Kendon
1981, p. 3).
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The insider researcher’s ability to interpret the meaning shown by Malay participants
through the usage of non-verbal communication is an asset in understanding what they
‘actually’ mean when answering an interview question. This aspect also involves the
paralinguistic stress and intonation when uttering certain words. Malay respondents
have a tendency to use a word with ‘hidden’ or ‘subjective’ meaning and not as a
straightforward answer. One participant exclaimed she is less open with outsiders and
only talks about positive things in her life if she is around them. Instead, if she is with
another Malay, it will be easier to express her feelings. A common non-verbal form of
communication used by the Malay respondents that was identified in this research was
the usage of their eyes when using words that actually portray an ‘opposite meaning’ to
the said words, like stressing a ‘Yes’ answer that instead means ‘No’, a reversal that
could be reinforced by facial expression and describing things using their hands. As an
insider, I easily read such paralinguistic and kinesic cues in interpreting their real
answers.
For an outsider researcher non-verbal communication may pose problems, especially if
one does not understand the Malay culture/adat and their repertoire of face-saving
practices as mentioned by Goffman (1967). In other words, a person also acts in terms
of values that are important to her or him because s/he forms a part of certain groups
and takes part in institutionalized activities, with their own internal value systems to
which s/he subscribes. In short, a person does or does not do certain things because
moral values, or in this case, the Malay culture/adat, as well as the social, cultural and
physical environment, form the constraints within which s/he acts (Boissevain 1974, p.
8). It is therefore important for an outsider researcher to understand the importance of
staying calm and being courteous when conducting an interview with a Malay
participant, being aware of their way of articulating issues and also of their usage of
non-verbal methods of communication that could signify a ‘hidden’ meaning.
Therefore, I would suggest that if one is unsure about the affirmative response received
from Malay participants, a researcher should continue with the discussion by rephrasing
the question in several different ways so that more subtle answers are elicited. Malay
participants may laugh at what may appear to outsiders as inappropriate moments, such
as when a sensitive question is asked. This strategy is used to conceal uneasiness.
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Considering all these facts in my research, I am convinced that it is important to
examine and understand the Malay participants first, before proceeding further into how
they perceive and identify themselves. The next part will highlight some the major aims
of this research in identifying how the Malay participants revealed their experiences of
being Malay-Muslim in Western Australia, while also maintaining their ethnic and
religious identity.
Recruiting Informants, Field Sites and Fieldwork Duration
The informants for this research are Malay postgraduate students pursuing either their
Masters or Doctorate in Western Australia (as am I). I was first introduced to the Malay
students in Western Australia by a female Malay friend I knew in Malaysia through a
preparatory course, the Biro Tata Negara (BTN)37
, before pursuing our study abroad.
The course is compulsory in Malaysia for all sponsored students who are pursuing their
studies overseas. BTN is an effort to cultivate the spirit of national citizenship; in
Malaysia, national education and unity became, in the government’s own words ‘the
over-riding objective’ of the education system (Lim Teck Ghee et al, 2009). BTN is also
intended as a devise to nurture the spirit of patriotism among Malaysian students,
making it possible for them to avoid conflicts, or to resolve them peacefully, by
respecting the different cultures and values of each ethnic group. Indeed, such policies
have been to some extent successful in eliminating ethnic tensions in Malaysia.
According to Shamsul (2008), if education policy is not sensitive to the issue of social
cohesion and does not incorporate the perspectives of key stakeholders, it can be
divisive and alienating, contributing to injustice and violence.
I first arrived in Perth on the 30th
December 2008. I was lucky to know other Malay
students such as my friend who had arrived a semester before me. Even though I did not
37 Biro Tata Negara (National Civics Bureau, or simply BTN) was established in 1974 as the Youth
Research Unit. BTN's stated objective is to nurture the spirit of patriotism and commitment to excellence
among Malaysians, and train leaders and future leaders to support the nation's development. More
information on BTN can be found at its official website:
<http://www.btn.gov.my/v2/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=424&Itemid=198>
However, from my own personal experience and feedback from others who have attended BTN before,
they felt that some of the activities lined up for participants are irrelevant and stressful for them. This is
because they are going to pursue their study and not joining ‘the army’ (as some pointed out). What is
agreeable to participants I talked to is the latent function of this program in addressing the efforts and
hardships of the ruling government to sponsor and to gain support from the participants as a whole. This
is purely based on reviews and discussions with a small number of participants who had attended the
program previously.
82
meet with her upon my arrival, it was good to know that I knew her in advance. I
somehow felt a little more secure knowing there was someone who could guide or
advise me if I was not sure about the new things I was facing. This became a foundation
for my newfound research interest on Malays outside Malaysia. The fieldwork I
undertook in Western Australia was an enriching experience for me both personally and
academically. It enabled me to become an insider anthropologist living and interacting
among ‘others of similarity’ and ‘others of difference’. I will forever cherish these
experiences. In other words, the researcher and the informants are experiencing the
transnational conceptual distinction of ‘home’ and ‘away’ in perspective (Amit 2000, p.
15).
The process of recruiting informants was based primarily on a snowballing sampling
procedure and the informal Malay students’ yahoo mail account list known as MAWAR
(Malaysian Student Western Australian Ring). Through friends I managed to get in
touch with my informants by e-mail. In relation to the university ethics, all informants
participated voluntarily, read the information sheet on my intended research and signed
a consent form. On the 18th
of April 2009, the MAWAR email group formally re-
established itself as the Malaysian Postgraduate Students’ Association Western
Australia (MyPSA).38
Its members are postgraduate students studying in universities
throughout Western Australia,39
including The University of Western Australia (UWA),
Curtin University, Murdoch University, Edith Cowan University (ECU) and Notre
Dame University.40
Therefore, my main field site for this research comprises the four government
universities in Western Australia where most of the Malay postgraduate students in the
state are pursuing their studies. However, I did not include Notre Dame University as a
field site since I have not come across any Malays who are pursuing their study there or
even know anyone from there.41
During my fieldwork, I have examined the experiences
of the students as Malays and as Muslims living in Perth. I asked the informants about
the significance of their identities in their daily lives, the difficulties in maintaining
38 Information’s regarding the history, organizational chart, objectives and activities of MyPSA can be
found at <http://www.mypsa-wa.org>. Please note that the website is in Malay. 39 Please refer to Appendix 1 for a map of Western Australia. 40 Please refer to Appendix 2 for UWA, Curtin, Murdoch and ECU university campus maps. 41 I had little idea or reason why there were not many Malay students at Notre Dame. However, I was
informed that Notre Dame University is a Catholic University, which I could assume as one of the
reasons that might not attract Malay students. It also has few postgraduate programs.
83
these identities and whether they are making adjustments or transforming their identities
to fit into the new socio-cultural environment. If they do encounter problems, are these
problems related to their ethnic or religious identity and how do they overcome them?
Several of my informants described experiences in Perth which they believed to be
racist and discriminatory in regard to their religious identity. This could be related to
what I have mentioned in Chapter One, on the after effects of the September 11 attack
and some misleading attributions of terrorism to all Muslims in general.
I interacted with my informants in various field sites. Since some informants even
invited me to their home, office or other places around the university campus, I was able
to gain insight into their daily routines and surroundings. I have also met with some of
my informants informally, for example at the market, shopping complex, restaurant,
health clinic and hospital. I feel that besides the formal sites, the other settings that are
involved in this research constituted part of this ethnographic research, giving it greater
depth.
The primary concentrated period of my fieldwork took approximately twelve months
(January to December 2009). However, my preliminary involvement with the
informants began about six months prior to the start of my fieldwork. During this time I
gathered as much information about Malay students in Western Australia as I could,
getting in touch with a few of them to talk about their personal experience during their
time in Western Australia. Much of the information that I gathered was focused around
their experiences being Malay and Muslim in Western Australia. Some of the earlier
encounters in my preliminary informal fieldwork were with the Malay senior
postgraduate students and those who were returning to Malaysia. They provided me
with useful insights and ideas of what the Malay students are going through. The salient
issues from my preliminary fieldwork guided me through my research. My fieldwork
officially terminated at the end of 2009, but the journey to gain rapport with the current
and new Malay students still continues. New issues arising in relation to the Malay and
Muslim identity have been noted up to the completion of this research.
Collection of Data
The methods selected for this research are those used in cultural anthropology and
sociology, which conform to the standard techniques that emphasize confidentiality and
84
voluntary participation based on informed consent. This is a qualitative study using an
ethnographic approach. Qualitative research seeks to understand the what, how, when,
why and where of an event or an action in order to establish its meaning, concepts,
definitions, characteristics, metaphors, symbols and descriptions (Berg 2007, pp. 2-3;
Creswell 1998, pp. 14-16). It does so by analyzing words, actions and inter-
relationships rather than numbers, and by reporting the detailed views of the people who
have been studied. Therefore, I used a variety of data collection methods, such as
participant observation, in-depth interviews and discourse analysis. My analysis relies
heavily on data from these sources. As an insider to the Malay student community in
Perth, I reflect on my own experiences as a Muslim Malay student studying abroad and
use this insight in my reflexive analysis of the comments and experiences of the
postgraduate students whom I interview (Goffman 1989, p. 125).
Participant Observation
Participant observation is one of the main methods I have used to collect data. This
method has enabled me to get better acquainted with the Malay students I met. I also
managed to immerse myself with other Malay students to see how they respond to
events as they happen and experience these events and the circumstances that give rise
to them (Emerson et al. 1995, p. 2). Liamputtong and Ezzy (2005, p. 169) explained:
[I]mmersion in ethnographic research is about being with other people; it is
about learning about how people respond to situations, how they organize their
lives; it is about learning what is meaningful in their lives. Through this
immersion, the ethnographers themselves experience events in the same way as
the local people. They then are able to see things from the people’s
perspectives and hence to have a deeper understanding of the people they are
learning from.
I have spent my time with my key informants and the Malay student group by visiting
them and participating in various informal and formal gatherings, including outings
organised by them. Sometimes I was also invited to participate in ‘open-houses’ hosted
by the Malay students at their houses, to the park or even on trips to places like
Arraluen Botanical Garden, strawberry picking in Wanneroo and the Malaysian
Postgraduate Family Day’s gathering. These gatherings were mostly limited to the
Malay student network, but there were a few rare exceptions in which other ethnic
groups joined in. The reasons for this are discussed further in Chapter Five.
85
As observers, what we see through our eyes, how we see it and how we represent what
we see are crucial in constructing as true a picture as we possibly can of the research
culture we study (Scott-Jones & Watt 2010, p. 107). My position as an insider made me
comparable to my informants in many ways: as a Malay, a postgraduate student, a
Muslim and someone having same contact and networks as they do. However as an
ethnographer and anthropologist, this whole new experience was something that I
looked forward to. I began my journey with so much on my mind and hoped to make
new findings and to gain experience and knowledge, but at the same time I questioned
myself on where and how I should start. I began by establishing rapport with the Malay
students and being friendly with them.
Semi-structured Interviews
Conducting informal or formal interviews is another method that I have used in this
research. Formal interviews were conducted with my key informants on a one-to-one
basis. Each interview lasted between one to two hours. The interviews have helped in
gathering more thorough information and also in understanding the informants’
opinions, backgrounds, comments and recommendations on various issues relating to
Malay students. The data gathered from interviews provide useful insights into the
informants’ lives. Each informant gave informed consent for the interview to be
digitally recorded aurally. The more informal interviews were more like informal
discussions throughout which I took notes. In the case of those Malay students who
have returned home, interviews and discussions were conducted via e-mail.
During the formal interviews, twenty-five out of my thirty key informants chose to
speak Malay, their mother tongue, as noted above. It was easier for them to express their
thoughts and opinions in relation to the questions asked. They felt that many Malay
expressions are difficult to express in English. I translated some of these words into
English to reflect original meanings as closely as possible. However, five of my key
informants chose to use English during the interviews. They thought this would make it
easier for me to transcribe and help to reduce my workload. This, I would suggest, is
one of the positive outcomes of the friendship methods I discussed earlier. However,
when translating from Malay to English I attempt to be faithful to the original words
and also attempt to evoke the same emotional response to the original text (Larson
1984, p. 33). Therefore while translating I have endeavoured to maintain the emotional
86
tone of a passage in creating the feeling or urgency, persuasiveness, tentativeness,
exuberance or despondency (Larson 1984, p. 425).
As Kvale (2007) puts it, the researcher him-/herself is the tool for interviewing and
should be critical without being judgmental. Furthermore, most ethnographic interviews
are relatively unstructured to allow flexibility for respondents to express themselves
(Spradley 1980; O'Reilly 2005; Kvale 2007). With that in mind, I prepared some
guiding questions which I divided into two sections. Section A questions were related to
general information on informants, including personal background, marital status,
family background, educational background, reason for choosing their respective
universities and their feelings when they first arrived. Section B continued with
questions relating to their experiences living in Western Australia in relation to their
being Malay and Muslim, and included the socio-economic and personal issues that
they encountered in the new environment, their expectations, difficulties and concerns.
Discourse Analysis
Discourse analysis has been used to analyze all observations and recordings of a series
of interactions between participants at social events or gatherings. According to Harris
(1952, p. 1), who first coined the term, discourse analysis concerns a method of
examining connected speech or writing. Harris (1952, p. 30) pointed out that discourse
analysis yields considerable information about the structure (in terms of what is subject
and what is predicate, or the like) of a text and the role each element plays in such a
structure. Unlike conversation analysts, who focus exclusively on talk in interaction,
discourse analysis examines all forms of verbal and textual materials: spoken and
written accounts, letters, scientific journals, newspaper reports, and so on. The object is
to describe the way that such discourse is constructed, and to explore the functions
served by specific constructions at both the interpersonal and social level (Gilbert 2008,
p. 445).
Geertz (1973, p. 19) pointed out that the ethnographer ‘inscribes’ social discourse; s/he
writes it down. In doing so, s/he turns it from a passing event, which exists only in its
own moment of occurrence, into an account, which exists in its inscription and which
thus can be reconsulted. The discourse analysis here focuses on knowledge about the
speech needed for successful communication beyond the word, clause, phrase and
87
sentence. I also consider the ways in which the use of language presents different views
of what is considered to be Malay identity. I examine how the use of the Malay
language influences relationships among students, as well as the effects the use of
language has upon their social identities. Discourse (conversational) analysis focuses on
talk. But talk, and other human sound, is only one component of interaction (Moerman
1988).
A discourse is therefore seen as a communication of thought by words, talk or
conversations that relates to identities in this research. However there are many
approaches to discourse analysis (see, for example, Schiffrin 1994; Van Dijk 1997;
Tannen et al. 2003; Rogers 2004); these different approaches fit different issues and
questions, but sometimes reach similar conclusions (Gee 2005, p. 5). Based on these
assumptions, Gee (2005, p. 98-101) has listed seven components of any situations in
using discourse analysis:
1. Significance (how and what different things mean)
2. Activities (activity as a component of any situation)
3. Identities (identity seen as a component of any situation)
4. Relationships (the relationships that the people involved, enacting and
contracting with each other)
5. Politics (the distribution of social goods)
6. Connections (how in any situation things are connected or disconnected,
relevant to or irrelevant to each other, in certain ways)
7. Sign systems and knowledge (various ways of knowing as operative, oriented to,
and valued or disvalued in certain ways)
In interpreting and analyzing my data, I occasionally return to these elements which are
integrally intertwined with one another. For example, when I used a small room in the
library to conduct my interview, surrounded by four walls, the interview activity, the
talk, identities, the relations, the questioning and answering, take on different meanings
that emerge in the interaction than if I were to conduct the same interview in a different
material setting (in the open space or in the informant’s house).
88
In another review, Gilbert (2008) has explicated the distinct approach of Foucauldian
Discourse Analysis (FDA), as drawn from the writing of Michael Foucault. Broadly,
Foucault tried to identify the regulative or ideological underpinnings of dominant
vocabularies that constrain the way in which we think about and act in the world. Parker
(1992, p. 61), on the other hand, defines the notion of discourse as ‘a system of
statements which constructs an object’. Discourse, according to Parker, shapes how we
might participate in social life because it furnishes subject positions, roles or parts with
expectations about the behavior of incumbents. Therefore, Parker sees Foucauldian
Discourse Analysis as examining how ‘discourses facilitate and limit, enable and
constrain what can be said (by whom, where, when)’ (Parker 1992, p. xiii). Discourse is
thus not only about method; it is also a perspective on the nature of language and its
relationship to the central issues of the social sciences. More specifically, discourse
analysis is a related collection of approaches to discourse, approaches that entail not
only practices of data collection and analysis, but also a set of metatheoretical and
theoretical assumptions and a body of research claims and studies (Wood and Kroger
2000).
In this research, the discourse analysis I used is based on Fairclough’s (2001)
framework as shown in Figure 3.2. According to this framework, discourse is seen as
simultaneuously a piece of text, an instance of discursive practice, and an instance of
social practice (Fairclogh 1992, p.4). Here, the text refers to the language analysis of
texts, discursive practice refers to the nature of the processes of text production and
interpretation, and social practice refers to issues of concern in the discursive event and
how it shapes the nature of the discursive practice (Fairclough 1992, p. 4). In viewing
the discursive process of my informants, and the Malay postgraduates as a whole, the
materials or documentations that were used include the MyPSA e-mail groups
discussions, newspaper clips, posters of activities conducted, and feedback letters by
respective parties in relation to the Malay postgraduates (including their family
members) everyday issues like ‘halal’ food, health insurance policy etc.
89
Figure 3.2 Fairclough’s three-dimensional conception of discourse
According to Moerman (1988), most of the conversation analysts have worked on
English, and his study of Lue, a minority language in Thai conversation reveals it is
different from American conversation. This is due to the fact that not only is it in Thai,
but the people doing it are being Thai together, and Thai conversation must be radically
different in what it substantively communicates, expresses and represents. This means
the specific features that the transcript reveals are features of the ‘natural’ world in
which the talk actually occurs (Moerman 1988, pp. 3-13). The need to consider specific
relationships was demonstrated by Lawson and Sachdev (2000), who found that code
switching occurred most often within friendship contexts. This suggests that identity, as
well as how one expresses oneself, can vary across social situations (Kiang, Harter &
Whitesell 2007, p. 279), and discourse is what makes us human (Graesser et al. 1997, p.
165). Therefore, I have attempted to analyze the discourses shared among Malay
students in forming, adjusting or maintaining their ethnic and religious identities in
Western Australia.
I also analyze the ‘nonverbal form of communication’ in which interpersonal
communication is conducted by means other than words (Kendon 1981, p. 3), such as
body movements, gestures, facial expressions, posture and spacing, touch and smell and
those aspects of utterance that can be considered apart from the referential content of
what is said. These inform the notion of co-presence, a term used by Goffman (1963),
in which interactions are seen to be ‘focused’ (instances where individuals come to
jointly sustain a common focus of attention) or ‘unfocused’ (mutual adaptation when
they merely co-present to one another) (Goffman 1963).
90
With regard to qualitative databases for analyzing ethnographic data (the most popular
today are NVivo and Ethnograph), Hammersley and Atkinson (2007) provide a strong
critique of the limitations of software, in particular Ethnograph. According to them,
understanding and interpretation are the outcome of interactions between ethnographer
and the data, which are themselves constructs. Therefore, there are no mechanisms for
those complex processes of reading and interpretation; for these tasks, computer
programs are no substitute for the human ethnographer. In other words, the key skills
required for analysis of ethnographic data are reading, reflection and interpretation
(Geertz 1984). These processes will guide my interpretation and analysis of the
fieldwork data.
The data I have collected in this research give an overview of the lives of the Malay
students outside Malaysia and their efforts in maintaining and adjusting their ethnic and
religious identity. I have classified my data and information to identify the informants’
ideas of Malay and Muslim identity. In this case, I have discussed with my informants
to whom I shall refer as Saudara (for the male informants) and Saudari (for female
informants) followed by an initial from the alphabet, but not referring to their real
name’s initials in order to maintain privacy. I used Saudara or Saudari in my
conversations since it is considered a common and polite way to address someone
informally. At the same time it helped the informants feel more comfortable around the
researcher. This term is commonly used in Malaysia when addressing someone,
regardless of their position, except when referring to family members. It does not refer
to someone’s status or other professional position. There are other terms that can be
used, such as ‘Tuan’ (Mr.) and ‘Puan’ (Mrs.), but these are too formal for daily
conversation and are more often used to address a person of higher status or in formal
functions. I also initially avoided using the terms ‘Abang’ (Brother) and ‘Kakak’ or
‘Kak’ (Sister) since this would sound too informal, and it is commonly used for close
acquaintances, relations or friends who are older than the addresser. The terms Abang
and Kakak are commonly used explicitly when addressing one’s elder sibling. As an
insider, my understanding of the appropriateness of using these terms besides
addressing a sibling, as generally understood by an outsider, is an asset in the research
process. This helps to avoid any misapprehension and awkwardness between the
informants and the researcher during conversations.
91
Through the course of my fieldwork, I got to know my informants better and joined
activities and shared experiences with them. By spending time with them and becoming
their friend, I started addressing those of the same age as me by their name and for
informants who are older than me I used ‘Abang’ or ‘Kak’ in informal conversations.
This allowed me to gain more insight into their lives. As a result, the relationships I
have developed with the informants help me expand my social networks with the Malay
student community in Western Australia. Since I am also an ‘insider’ and shared similar
experiences in Western Australia, they felt at ease in sharing their problems and feelings
related to their academic studies, their families, their friends and their experiences as
Muslims. However, my only setback as an insider, a Muslim and Malay, was the extent
to which I could interact with male informants. These interactions were often limited to
formal discussions lasting only a few minutes during informal gatherings, since it is a
common practice among Malays that during any gatherings women and men mingle
‘separately’. There are no specific boundaries to this, since males and females share
child-minding roles, but it is ‘expected’ that the men and women will form sex-
segregated groups at social gatherings. In this case, I overcame my problem by getting
to know Malay males in advance, especially through their contacts with my husband.
The informants provided me with feedback on issues related to Malay male students’
experiences in Western Australia, which are discussed further in Chapter Four. In this
case, my husband sometimes played a role as my unofficial intermediary and sometimes
informant. He sometimes highlighted issues relating to activities that were being held or
were going to be held by the male postgraduates and the ‘Turist’ (a group name created
for postgraduate student spouses, consisting of either males or females), such as sports,
fishing trips, or get-togethers at various ‘halal’ restaurants around suburbs in Western
Australia.
Like other Malay students, I belong to this group and share many of the same feelings,
as revealed during my contact with them (as discussed in Chapters Four and Five). As
an insider in an outsiders’ world, I feel my status is not at all that easy to interpret. I
have access to my own culture, but in different cultural settings. I identify myself as
Malay among Malays or Muslim among the others, but my challenge here is to look at
how Malay cosmopolitans are maintaining their identities in a different cultural
environment. However, the strategies and approaches I use, such as building rapport and
friendship with informants during my fieldwork, have helped me gain a richness of
experience and many insights from my informants.
92
Informants: General Backgrounds
In order to understand my informants’ broader experiences of studying abroad, it was
necessary for me to evaluate their general social backgrounds. The data presented below
present a summary of the responses of informants to simple questionnaire handouts
distributed during my fieldwork. Table 3.1 summarises the general backgrounds of the
thirty interviewees.
As shown in Table 3.1, eighteen informants have had some previous experience
visiting, living or studying overseas, before pursuing their studies in Western Australia.
It is notable that among these informants, one has lived in the United Kingdom because
her father was working there for about two years, and another informant has worked
temporarily as a stock-broker in Wall Street, New York, in the United States. There are
four informants who have been overseas for short periods of time, between two weeks
and one month, staying variously in the UK, Belgium, India and Australia to visit
family members, on work visits, or to present papers at conferences. Another twelve
informants had earlier pursued their Bachelor or Masters degree overseas in the United
Kingdom, United States and Korea. Two informants had previously been Curtin
University students when they were doing a twinning program at Masters level. They
say they only stayed for six months and felt they had not really explored Perth in those
days because of the tight class schedules.
93
Table 3.1: General Profiles of 30 Informants (Categorized by Groups)
Categorization Sub-characterization Total
Gender
Female
17
Male 13
Marital Status Married 26
Single (Never married) 3
Others (Single parent/Divorcee) 1
Age (years) 25-30 5
31-35 13
36-40 12
Postgraduate Level PhD 28
MA 2
University in Australia The University of Western Australia (UWA) 10
Curtin University of Technology 10
Murdoch University 5
Edith Cowan University (ECU 5
Previous overseas visit(s),
living or studying
experience
Experienced
No Experience
18
12
94
In identifying my key informants through the discussions in Chapters Four, Five and
Six, I use pseudonyms to protect their privacy. I informed them that I would not reveal
their true names and it was on this basis that they trusted me with their personal details.
Informants involved in this research are from the Malaysian middle-class which was
discussed earlier in Chapter One. The number of siblings the informants have varies
between one to eleven persons. Among these informants, eleven are eldest children in
sibling groups ranging from two to nine. Two hold the position of second child in
sibling groups of four and seven, two are the third child in groups of five and eight
siblings, one is the fourth child of five siblings, two are the sixth children of eight and
twelve siblings, and two are the youngest of three and four siblings.
All informants were born in states located in the Malaysian Peninsula: eight are from
Perak, eight are from Johor, four are from Kelantan, three are from Kedah, three are
from Kuala Lumpur, two are from Pahang, one is from Malacca and one is from
Penang. However, during their childhood most informants have resided in other states
than those in Peninsular Malaysia, notably Sabah or Sarawak, many following their
father’s work commitments. Six informants’ fathers are retired teachers, seven are
retired government officers, four are businessmen, one is a bank employee, one is an
accountant, and one is a factory worker. Another two work and live in FELDA (Federal
Land Development Authority)42
areas, and five worked and managed paddy fields.
However, informants who were born in rural areas moved to pursue their study in
boarding schools in other states after they had completed primary schools. Their
personal background information is summarized in Table 3.2 below.
42 FELDA (Federal Land Development Authority) is a Government agency that handles resettlement of
rural poor into developed areas, and it is the world’s largest plantation operator of oil palms, mainly
across Peninsular Malaysia. The official website for FELDA can be found at <http://www.felda.net.my/>
95
Table 3.2: Personal Background Informations of Informants
Siblings
Eldest child
(out of two, three, four, five, six and nine
siblings)
Second child
(out of four and seven siblings)
Third child
(out of five and eight siblings)
Fourth child
(out of five siblings)
Sixth child
(out of eight and twelve siblings)
Youngest child
(out of three and four siblings)
11
2
2
1
2
2
Total (20)
States of Origin in
Malaysia
Perak
Johor
Kelantan
Kedah
Kuala Lumpur
Pahang
Malacca
Penang
8
8
4
3
3
2
1
1
Total (30)
Parent’s occupation
Retired government officer
Retired teacher
Businessman
Bank employee
Accountant
Factory worker
FELDA settlers
Manage and work in paddy field
7
6
4
1
1
1
2
5
Total (27)
96
Table 3.3 shows the responses of twenty-seven informants on the basic criteria they
associated with the idea of being Malay. Three informants stated that they felt they had
discussed the issues in depth with me during the interview and had already answered the
questions.
Table 3.3: Basic Criteria Associated as ‘Malay’ by 27 Informants
Basic Criteria Associated as Malay Yes No Not
Available
Born in Malaysia 20 6 1
A Muslim 25 2 0
Speaking the Malay language 24 3 0
Adhering to Malay custom/practice 25 2 0
Eating ‘halal’ foods 26 1 0
Interacting with other Malays 23 4 0
Assisting other Malays 23 3 1
Joining Malay/Muslim major celebrations 26 0 1
Informants in this research are enrolled in various fields of study in one of the
universities involved, as shown in Table 3.4. Twenty- seven informants are students
sponsored by the Malaysia Ministry of Higher Education and their respective
universities in Malaysia. Two are sponsored by government agencies in which they
work in Malaysia, and one informant was self-funded. In Table 4.3, the various fields of
study of the informants reflect how the Malaysian government is trying to enhance the
qualifications of their academic professionals in all related fields to assist in the
country’s educational development. Engineering is among the fields most in demand in
Malaysia to develop the economic sector. The number of informants attached to the
universities in Malaysia is shown in Table 3.5.
97
Table 3.4: Informants’ Field of Studies Enrolled in UWA/Curtin/Murdoch/ECU
Course / Field of study Total
Engineering (Chemical / Instrumental / Mechanical) 6
Accounting 4
Taxation and Audit 2
Human Science 2
Human Resource Management 2
Education 2
Mathematics 2
Business Management 2
Soil Science 1
Bioscience 1
E-commerce 1
Mass Communication (Mascom) 1
Information Technology 1
Veterinary Science 1
Construction Management 1
Computer Science 1
98
Table 3.5: Informants’ University or Government Department Attachments in
Malaysia
University or Government Department in Malaysia Total
MARA University of Technology / Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM)
4
Northern University of Malaysia / Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) 4
University of Malaysia, Terengganu / Universiti Malaysia Terengganu (UMT) 3
Putra University Malaysia / Universiti Putra Malaysia (UPM) 3
International Islamic University Malaysia / Universiti Islam Antarabangsa Malaysia (UIA) 2
University of Technology, Malaysia / Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) 2
University of Malaya / University Malaya (UM) 2
Tun Hussein Onn University of Malaysia / Universiti Tun Hussein Onn (UTHO) 2
Sultan Idris University of Education /Universiti Pendiddikan Sultan Idris (UPSI) 1
Islamic Science University of Malaysia / Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia (USIM) 1
University of Malaysia, Sarawak / Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS) 1
Malaysian Public Works Department / Jabatan Kerja Raya Malaysia (JKR) 1
Department of Veterinary Service, Malaysia 1
What I have provided here is a limited overview of the postgraduate informants in
regard to their academic and government service backgrounds. I am aware that in
looking at their identities as Muslims they can potentially be associated withvarious
ethnically heterogenous ummah, and some Malays might subscribe to certain religious
or organizational orientations43
such as those of Jamaah Tabligh, Jemaah Islamiah
Malaysia, Darul Arqam or other Sufi schools. However, the informants involved in this
research all identified themselves as Muslims, but did not specify whether they
subscribed to any particular religious orientation beyond that. I did raise the question
but none were willing to describe their religious orientation further except to say that
they are Malaysian Muslim. Respecting my informant’s personal feelings on this matter,
43 Allport and Ross (1967) explain the emphasis on religious orientation as general rather than unique to
certain religious denominations or modes of conduct. They identified two major motivations underlying
all religious behaviors which they refer to as intrinsic and extrinsic. According to them, people with an
intrinsic orientation find their master motive in religion. Other needs, strong as they may be, are regarded
as of less significance, and they are, so far as possible, brought into harmony with one’s religious beliefs
and prescriptions. Having embraced a creed the individual endeavors to internalize it and follow it fully.
It is in this sense that one lives his/her religion (Allport and Ross 1967, p. 434).
99
no further questions were asked along these lines. However, I can generalise that, all
spoke the common language of Malay and identified with the Shafi’e branch of the
Sunni Islamic order (Peletz 1995, p. 80). Therefore, it can be assumed that all of them
belong to Shafi’e Mazhab (Madhab)44
as practised by the majority of Malaysian
Muslims.
Since nearly all informants are sponsored students, I examine in this chapter the issues
related to their social and economic life with the limited funding received from the
government. Informants also shared how their continuous interaction and contact with
other Malays assisted them to overcome some financial difficulties, including through
donations that were planned to assist Malay students who faced mishap or misfortune
during their stay here. I consider these issues to emphasize the importance of
interpersonal communication in assisting with their distinctiveness as Malay students in
dealing with their new environment as discussed next.
Chapter Summary
As a Malay and Muslim student myself, conducting this research was at times strenuous
and demanding. I have overcome this by sharing these feelings with other Malay
students. Getting to know the informants personally and understanding their
backgrounds assisted me in looking at how the overseas experience affected them and
how they were adjusting or maintaining their identity in order to fit into the new culture.
I have also discussed the reasons behind and advantages in using an ethnographic
approach based on friendship to gain rapport with my Malay informants. I argue that
being an insider or ‘native’ in ethnographic research, while being different, is as
strenuous and demanding as being an outsider. I believe that using ethnographic
methods to study Malay overseas students has proved more insightful to other
qualitative methods available. This is related strongly to who the Malays are and to their
44 Mazhab or Madhab can be translated as ‘way’, meaning different Madhab reflect different opinions on
some laws and obligations of the Shariah (Islamic law). There are four main Madhab in Islam, Shafii,
Maliki, Hanafi and Hanbali. The Madhab in reality constitutes a mercy and means of unity in Islamic
Ummah.<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mad%27hab> In the Southeast Asian region, most Muslims
subscribe to the Shāfiʿī school of thought or Madhab. In many cases, this school of fiqh is considered
moderate in the application of ritual practices compared with the other three major schools in Islam:
Ḥanafī and Mālikī being more flexible and Ḥanbalī stricter (Farah 2003, p. 197).
100
cultural practices. I have also attempted to summarize how my thirty informants were
recruited.
In an effort to recognize whether a Malay participant is being courteous or being
cautious, it is best to understand their culture and adat in advance. Thus, as noted earlier
in this chapter, the best way to understand the Malays is by living among them and
observing their daily life. The expectations of the members of the community towards
an insider researcher, I believe, are stronger. Here I refer to G.H. Mead’s idea of trying
to be ‘reflexive’ by turning back the experience of the individual upon him/herself.
However, all insider or outsider researchers, in some way, will come across difficulties
in accessing information from participants because of their own personal attributes,
such as age, sex, skin colour or even social class (O’Reilly 2005). In Chapter Four,
which follows, I provide further insight into how Malays are distinctive from others.
101
CHAPTER 4
Malay Distinctiveness: Insights on Identity and Other Cultural
Features of Malay Students Overseas
Cultures are made of continuities and changes,
and the identity of a society can survive through these changes.
(Kwame Anthony Appiah 2007, p. 3)
Introduction
Malays have distinctive ideas of who they are, as an ethnic group and as Muslims. This
chapter explores conceptions of Malay distinctiveness in a new environment. To begin,
I will present information on the general backgrounds of my informants. I will then
provide an insight into the features that Malay students associate with their ethnic and
religious identity. This encompasses the importance of these features in their daily
recognition of themselves and their distinctiveness with respect to other ethnic groups,
other Muslims and other Malays. The strength of social identities, as discussed in
Chapter Two, relies both on the extent to which these identities depend on the reactions
of other people, and the extent to which they bring satisfaction to the the Malay
postgraduates themselves. Such identities are made evident through the use of
behavioural, linguistic and other markers. Some of the features that will be discussed in
the following, include usage of the Malay language, Islamic religious practice, evident
in dress codes and the consumption of halal (permissible) food, providing insight into
the students’ Malayness in Western Australia. These insights are important in
describing how their identity, which they considered less compelling (i.e. took for
granted) in Malaysia, has become significant once it is formulated in relation to the
local population of their country of sojourn, Australia. In summary, I will argue that the
idea of being distinctive is socially important in a foreign or new environment in
avoiding a mistaken identity or being confused with other ethnic groups found in the
Southeast Asian region.
Engaging Malay Distinctiveness in Identity Features
One of the first things Malay postgraduate students need to do upon contact with others
is to act outtheir Malay-Muslim identity. In doing so, they conform o the process long
102
ago formulated by Mead (1934) in which an individual interacts with others in order to
create an identity. Mrad called this process ‘identity negotiation’ and here it entails the
development of a consistent set of behaviours that reinforce the Malay-Muslim
postgraduate identity. I was ready to listen to various representative answers from the
Malay students regarding how they understood the idea of being Malay-Muslim. My
expectation in embracing a typical definition of Malays was also moderated in regard to
Malay-Muslim participants who are of mixed descent and mixed parentage. I
anticipated earlier that my informants would come from heterogeneous ascendants, but
at least identify themselves as Malay. Given my own descent, the circumstance is
comprehensible, since I am Malay. My parents are also Malay, but my grandparents on
both sides are of mixed descent. As discussed in Chapter One, the ambiguous definition
of the term Malay is considered a part of being Malay in Malaysia. To begin with, Zie45
,
a Malay female postgraduate student, is of mixed parentage. Her father is Malay, and
her mother is Chinese. Zie believes that Malays are just a group of people who actually
adhere to the constitution. Their Malayness is a way they identify themselves in public,
in Malaysia. This is because Malaysia is also comprised of other major ethnic groups,
such as the Chinese and Indians. So if you happen to adhere to the characteristics of the
Malay people, as stated in the Malaysian Constitution, or practise the Malay culture,
you are therefore Malay. Zie believes:
[T]he main principle of a household, or my home is that we have been brought
up as a Muslim. So, my parents never really brought us [her sister and herself]
up to identify ourselves on the emphasis of being Malay but more on being
Muslim. The Chinese will see me as Malay; the Malay will see me as Chinese.
So, where do I fit in? So, in our home, the principles that we hold on to are
basically based on religious background rather than ethnicity.
(Interview excerpts with Zie)
This situation is common in Malaysia, and I agree with Kahn (2004), who articulates
how people who classify themselves as Malay are basically the descendants of
linguistically and culturally diverse peoples from different parts of the archipelago,
sometimes including descendants of Indians, Arabs, Chinese and others who may have
come to the region centuries ago, usually intermarrying with the local Malays. In other
words, in the case of Zie, her family, especially her father, as mentioned by her several
45 Pseudonyms are used to refer to all research respondents to maintain privacy.
103
times during the interview, has provided her with the parameters of her religious
consciousness (Cohen 1994b). Here, I would argue that it is important to acknowledge
individual Malay students’ own consciousness of their differences from other Malay
students. Even though they are also marked by their collectively imposed Malay
identity, as underlined by the Malaysian constitution or general public manifestations of
being Malay, many are able to articulate distinct personal identities as well.
Safi, another Malay female postgraduate student, said that it was sometimes
complicated for her to describe her identity because her name reveals that she is of Arab
descent46
. Eventually, she faced problems when filling out forms in Malaysia that
required her to state her ethnic group or descent. In this case, she decided on using
Malay as her ethnic background. The reason given was to avoid needing to give any
further clarification about her Malay identity. However, she admits that she does not
face this problem here because questions of ethnicity or religion are seldom or not at all
asked when filling in forms here. In contrast to this, I am also aware that here when
questions of ethnic background are asked, they normally distinguish those who are
Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islanders, but do not specifically ask for one’s ethnic group
affiliation. The same situation also occurs in relation to one's religion.
Safi stated that if she was asked about her keturunan (descent), then she would say
Arab, meaning she is a descendant from Middle Eastern countries, though her mother
sometimes asked her to use Malay instead. However, the idea of Arab descent is still
much emphasized within the rest of her family. Safi clearly stated that when she goes
about her daily business and encounters with others, she will highlight her Malay
identity if required. As stated by Safi:
[I] think being a Malay, you are born with it. Wherever you go, it is there with
you, but I don’t think you need to act by admitting to it. However, being a
Muslim, you have to pray, and act in accordance to your relationship with God.
This is because it is always your core. But, a Malay, that is just where you are
46 In Malaysia, names that start with Sharifah (female) and Sayyid (male) are often associated with Arab
descent. Sayyid in Arabic literally means Mister. As an honorific title, it denotes males accepted as
descendants of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad (p.u.h.) through his grandsons, Hasan ibn Ali and Husin
ibn Ali, sons of the prophet's daughter Fatima Zahra and his son-in-law Ali bin Abi Talib. Daughters of
Sayyids are given the titles Sayyida, Alawiyah, Syarifah, or Sharifah. Children of a Sayyida (Alawiyah,
Syarifah or Sharifah) mother, but to a non-Sayyid father cannot be attributed the title of Sayyid. However,
they may claim the title Mirza by maternal descent (Ho, 2006, p. 149).
104
from and that is part of your identity. You would not change [it] at all regardless
of how long you stay away [from Malaysia].
(Interview excerpts with Safi)
Safi presents herself as most Malay-Muslim women do in general. For example, she
seems to take things more lightly and moderately. This is what is meant by the concept
of ‘hikmah’ (hoping for a good outcome in the future after facing challenges in one’s
life or hard work) and ‘nasib’ (things happen as they are meant to happen) as part of a
symbolic religious boundary in maintaining their Malay and Muslim identity, as
mentioned in Chapter One. In relation to her own situation of mixed parentage and the
mix of different cultures in her upbringing, Zie emphasized more forcefully her Muslim
identity and how religion and faith played an important role in her life. According to
Zie, her Malay identity appears more significantly when she is with a group of
Malaysians students.
[W]e [referring to her other siblings and herself] used to have problems because
we did not behave like either one [as Malay or as Chinese]. I got a bit of this
[Malayness]; I got a bit of that [Chineseness]; but I am neither here nor there.
So, where do I go [fit] in? I cannot go all the way through with this [Malay]
group. Neither can I go all the way through with that [Chinese] group based on
religious beliefs. I formed my own identity, my own balance which is different,
so that is where I learn to balance it. That is why I cannot follow through totally
on both sides. So, it is always religion. As long as I am along the religious path,
that is it, that is my guideline.
(Interview excerpts with Zie)
Zie is my only female informant who does not wear a head scarf, but in my opinion, she
has shown a very strong stand in her religious faith. However, I am not making any
proclamation about the level of religiosity of my other informants. In the interview and
my informal conversations with her, Zie stressed the importance of her religious faith as
a Muslim in guiding and supporting her through her daily life and in dealing with her
emotional and psychological situations. Being a Malay is not something she would
stress herself, but she resorts more to the importance of her religious identity in her life.
When questioned about how she identifies herself as a Malay-Muslim woman, given
that she does not wear a head scarf, as is common among Malay-Muslim postgraduate
students studying abroad, Zie answered that what is inside [one’s heart] and one’s niat
(intention) is most important because the religion does not set forth a guideline about
how to see this character. Therefore, she proclaims herself a Muslim. Here, Zie is
referring to one’s intention as the real basis of their religion. The use of the word
105
‘intention’ signifies that when someone is intent on doing something, they do it of their
own volition, not by being forced to by others.
Zie feels that Muslims students studying overseas should try to perform well and do
their best as postgraduate students to achieve their goal of attaining a Masters or
Doctoral degree. These, she says, can be achieved through hard work and dedication,
but not through the wrong ways (such as cheating, working for an income rather than
studying, etc.). These efforts, she says, are the things that come from your heart because
you are a Muslim. The outcome is not determined by outer surface characteristics, like
wearing a headscarf, in identifying yourself as a Muslim, but by acting in accordance
with Islamic principles. Zie thus stressed that collective identity itself is the product of
individual members’ intentions and efforts, and that this is the most appropriate way to
understand one’s collective identity. It is clear that her Islamic religious principles have
given her ways in which to think about herself and how to locate herself while she is
studying in Perth.
This reminds me of how my late father reacted when I told him of my intention to wear
the headscarf. He asked me if the reason I wish to wear the headscarf was because of
current fashion or because of my own personal religious devotion. My answer was the
latter, and he supported me. However, if it was because of fashion, then he would have
been against it. The reason given was that it would bring disgrace to my family and me
if I take the headscarf off once I do not like it anymore. This is what Zie meant about
one’s intention as an important factor in looking at one’s religious identity; this
intention will guide one in being a true Muslim, but not Malay. It all boils down to
one’s faith. She also explained that you can never judge a person on appearance, but
that it is what is on the inside that is most important. It is an individual thing, and it is
between oneself and God.
Wani, another female postgraduate illustrated her ideas on assertive features of Muslim
identity, but without full Islamic practice. According to her, when she was in the United
States, her Arab-Muslim friend asked her to go to a bar. She declined the invitation, but
her friend said that they could just have juice (non-alcoholic drinks). Wani felt herArab-
Muslim friend still follows the common practices of a Muslim (like praying, fasting in
Ramadan, eating halal (permissible) food and not drinking alcohol), but pursued an
inconsistent lifestyle when measured by her conception of true Islamic teachings.
106
In another instance, Wani also mentioned that even though she is a female Muslim, she
still shakes hands with non-Muslim males. According to her, her practice is meant to
show her respect to such people as her supervisor, her colleagues, friends and people
she has met in such formal circumstances as meetings, seminars or conferences. Wani,
under certain circumstances (i.e. on a situational basis), will shake hands with males of
non-Muslim background, but would hesitate to or not at all shake hands with a Muslim
male. She explained that she will only shake (non-Muslims’) hands if they were the first
one to hold out their hand on a professional basis. Here is an example of an adjustment
of behaviour associated with Malay women’s gender identity with respect to their
religious faith. It has been modified by such factors as education, status, occupational
residence, social class, and social network (Nagata 1995).
My observation and participation also revealed that Malay male students realized their
religious identity through congregational prayer. All of the male informants in this
research proclaimed that their Muslim identity is authenticated through Friday
congregational prayer. Friday congregational prayer is performed during the noon
prayer time (Zuhur) and is compulsory for all Muslim men. They need to be present at
the mosque or prayer house (surau or musolla) at that time. It is not compulsory for
Malay-Muslim women to attend them, but they can take part in the prayer if they want
to. In fact, women are seldom present at the Friday congregational prayer because it is
not normative practice in Malaysia. However, female Muslims from other ethnic groups
like the Middle-Easterners are commonly seen joining the Friday Congregational
prayer. This can be viewed in relation to their religious practice and beliefs in
accordance to their ‘Mazhab’ (Madhab)47
The Malay men will get together, and their
Muslim identity is their principal identity in conjunction with the Friday prayer,
alongside other Muslims from other regions. Congregational prayers, therefore, emerge
as an influential factor in identifying a male Malay-Muslim student in Western
Australia.
47 Mazhab or Madhab meaning different Madhab reflect different opinions on some laws and obligations
of the Shariah (Islamic law). Please refer to Footnote 44.
107
Salat (praying)48
, one of the five pillars in Islam is still one of the main features that
Malays tend to use to identify themselves as Muslims regardless of their sex. As
Muslims, my informants direct their explanations of being a Muslim to their practices;
praying and fasting are the most common practices. The inclination for the interviewees
to emphasize praying is apparent. The inclination for the interviewees to emphasize
praying is apparent. The Malay-Muslim students highlight the importance of performing
their prayer regardless of where they were. This does not mean that they are not
proclaiming the same thing in Malaysia, but if they are in Malaysia, it is assumed that
everyone knows that a Muslim will pray five times in a day. To justify this, in Malaysia,
one can easily find mosques or surau or musolla (a smaller praying place than a
mosque)49
, even in big shopping complexes, where it is essential to provide a place for
Muslims to pray.
Malay students in Western Australia take a more pragmatic stand in maintaining their
Muslim identity. Statements from Wani and Azam draw attention to how Malay
students, are making adjustments to their daily life to maintain their religious identity.
[I]f you are talking about religion [Muslim identity], definitely your prayer. For
me it is not my routine, instead I believe I should do it [where ever I am]. I will
bring along [a] compass and the prayer mat and I will pray. I do not feel
ashamed, and I do not feel awkward. I can also pray under the tree. Like last
time when I went to Caversham [Wildlife Park], there was no place to pray, but I
still prayed. It was very easy and it only takes five to ten minutes.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
[W]e really felt the importance of solat [performing prayer] especially when we
are overseas. Everywhere we go, we will also think where to perform solat. It
does not matter where, as long as we can perform solat, like on the field. There
was one time, even when I was in the cinema, I thought we [with his other
48 Ṣalāt, in most books of fiqh, is literally defined as duʿāʾ: prayer, supplication, or invocation of God. In
prayer, Muslims recite verses of the Qurʾān, pray to God and appeal for His forgiveness and praise and
glorify His names. All recitations must be in Arabic, although the person praying may not know what he
or she is reciting. In most cases in Southeast Asia, most women do not know the meaning of the entire
duʿāʾ they pray in Arabic. All of them know the meaning of a few words, of course, but as this is not
considered compulsory many women are not much concerned with the meaning of what they recite in the
prayer, although they count it as important. In any Muslim community in Southeast Asia, as in any
Muslim communities in the world, ritual prayer (ṣalāt) is observed five times a day: ṣubḥ, ẓuhr, ʿaṣr,
maghrib, and ʿishāʾ. These five prayers are held to be compulsory (wājib). Other prayers are considered
optional, such as the night prayers (ṣalāt al-tarāwiḥ) during the month of Ramadan (Zulkarnaini 2011). 49
The surau or musolla could just be a small room converted into a prayer room or even sometimes a
small surau is provided in the basement or top floor of most shopping complexes.
108
friends] were going to miss our Asar prayer, so we even pray in the cinema [at
the back where there was space] and there was no problem.
(Translated interview excerpts with Azam)
Azam’s admission was a surprise to me. This could be because, as a Muslim myself, it
never occured to me that I should be willing to perform salat in a cinema. However, this
is another matter that I have to be reflective about; since some Muslims, especially
those students who have children, suggested that a cinema is not a suitable place to
pray. In performing the ritual salat regardless of place, Azam is holding strong to his
Muslim identity regardless of where he is. So, Azam is being assertive about his
religiosity, even if he is trying to enjoy himself in a cinema. On the other hand,
performing salat in a cinema is unlikely to be followed by those Malay-Muslim students
with children and also in reference to a clean place for performing their prayer. Even so,
as Malay-Muslims, the important thing for them is their continuous Islamic practice,
and commitment is an important criterion to support their Muslim identity.
Wani clearly stated that her belief and practice as a Muslim have been part of Malay
Muslims’ upbringing. Since it is part of their upbringing, their level of religiosity is
something that is conveyed and taught as part of their Malay cultural lifestyle. It is not
easy to define Malay lifestyle. The World Health Organization (WHO 1986, p. 117)
broadly defined ‘lifestyle’ as ‘a general way of living based on the interplay between
living conditions in the wide sense and individual patterns of behavior as determined by
socio-cultural factors and personal characteristics’. In this study, I would define Malay
lifestyle as a set of behaviours which influenced their choices of identity with no
implications with regard to the natural or social characteristics of their individual
environments50
.
For Malays, there are many people whom one does not question – parents, friends or
sometimes teachers – in matters related to cultural or religious practices. During their
socialization process, it is not that no questions are asked, but it is more related to the
idea of respecting the elders, and what the elders ask or want one to do is for one’s own
good. Therefore, when Malay students are overseas and questions of their ethno-
religious identity are raised, it makes them become more aware of who they are and all
50 See also Contoyannis & Jones 2004.
109
the things that they had taken for granted before when in Malaysia. In this case, we see
Azam and Wani publicly portray their Islamic self-images as believers both
descriptively and analytically to explain the nature of Muslim religiosity overseas.
Therefore, their religious consciousness, as a product of interpretive Malay
communities, is constituted by their symbolic religious beliefs and convictions that
guide their religious behaviour and practices of being faithful as Malay-Muslim (Riaz
Hassan 2008).
In relation to this, how Malays are socialized to hold on to their Muslim identity is
actually much related to Malay culture itself. The Malayness exhibited by Malay-
Muslim postgraduate students is detectable in a wide range of their cultural and
religious practices (Harris 1996). The Malay language has become another distinctive
feature of Malay-Muslim identity in the context of personal identity and social identity
formation. This means that language reflects and expresses the culture of its speakers, or
the way of life they lead, as well as their physical and social environment, as shown
schematically in Figure 4.1 below. As suggested by Sapir (1963) this function is borne
by the vocabulary of the language concerned. This will be discussed next in the context
of how languages distinguish the Malay students as Malay-Muslims from other
Muslims, and from other ethnic groups.
Figure 4.1: Malay-Muslim Postgraduate Reflections of their Malayness and
Aesthetic Features – Overseas Context
110
Malay Language: A Distinguishing Feature of Malay Students’ Identity
It is undeniable that one of the most important symbols in group life is language, and it
is also the major legitimizing factor in all institutions (Katz 1996). Language, therefore,
is recognized to be of major importance in explaining one’s identity and its ability to
influence social identities and relations among Malays. My focus of discussion is on the
importance of the aesthetic values in Malay speech. The concept of the aesthetic
descends from the concept of taste and is also used to designate, among other things, a
certain kind of object, judgement, attitude, experience and value (James 2009). Kant
(1790) brought the concept of taste into opposition with the concept of morality, and so
into line, more or less, with the present concept of the aesthetic. The term “aesthetic”
derives from the Greek term for sensory perception, and so preserves the implication of
immediacy carried by the term taste (James 2009). Aesthetic, then, simply functions as
an adjective corresponding to the noun taste. I want to stress that in this research, the
term asethetic is not used to investigate the moral aspects of art or art criticism. My
discussion here is to look for various aesthetic features, or issues of taste, revolving
around the lives of Malay students in Western Australia, in reference to such things as
language, food and clothing.
The metaphor of language ‘pushing boundaries’ came from noting that as individuals,
we pushed the many boundaries that encapsulated us as students, researchers, mothers
and ethnic group members (Vasquez 1994, p. xiii.). Therefore like language, we found
ourselves constantly moving in and out of insider-outsider roles and vice versa.
According to Tham Seong Chee (1977) languages are circumscribed culturally and
environmentally with expressions marking barriers among languages, as is also true of
cultural differences (Bourdieu 1990; Geertz 1973). Communication is intrinsically
important in social life, making it an important feature in generating one’s identity. The
usage of language among the Malays also tends to vary according to class, status and
state of origin in ways that would probably be understood only by other Malays. All of
my informants except one believed that language is an important identity marker in
being Malay. That one informant is Zie, whom I had mentioned earlier and who is of
mixed parentage (Malay and Chinese).
My informants alleged that knowing how to speak the Malay language is a necessity
when it comes to their everyday conversation. One’s language is also considered a
111
distinctive property in distinguishing an ethnic group from all the other ethnic groups
only when the group needs to be distinguished from another group (Matsuo 2009).
Therefore, the Malay language can be considered a distinctive feature in distinguishing
the Malay students from those who are in contact with them in some way or other. In
other words, as proposed by Matsuo (2009), the sharing of a given language by
members is sometimes a matter of perception rather than a matter of action. As stated by
Haviland (1999, p.10), people choose words and sentences to communicate meaning
and what is meaningful in one culture may not be in another. Language affects and is
affected by the rest of our culture, but I would also argue that language does play a role
in the process of adjustment to (and sometimes inclusion in) a new culture or
environment, since language is a distinguishing feature than can reflect one’s ethnic
identity.51
Wani claimed that language is a significant part of one’s identity, besides religion and
culture. She highlighted the importance of Malay language as a feature of her Malay
identity because according to her the Malay language spoken by Malaysian Malays is
different from Singaporean Malay, Indonesian Malay and Brunei Malay. Language
therefore can be seen as an instantly recognizable in-group marker that can immediately
identify someone as one of us or one of them. In relation to this, a distinctive accent is a
criterion that is involved in differentiating one group from others. In other words, I
would argue that even though the Malay language is spoken among Malays in other
parts of the Southeast Asian region, the Malay language as spoken by Malaysian
Malays can be interpreted differently by other Malays of a similar culture or worldview
outside Malaysia. This agrees with Whorf's view that linguistic patterns determine what
the individual perceives in this world and how one thinks about it. Since these patterns
vary widely, modes of thinking and perceiving among groups utilizing different
linguistic systems results in basically different worldviews (Fearing 1954).
However, Hani gave a different interpretation about the role of language. According to
her, one of the Malay students she met at an official Malay postgraduate meeting last
year, also a mother of two children, told her that since arriving in Western Australia, she
and her children had been conversing in English and not in Malay. The reason given by
51 Chapter Six discusses how language does contribute to the aspects of inclusion and exclusion that are
faced by the Malay postgraduate students here in various encounters.
112
her was that she wanted her children to really experience the Western surroundings. It
was not really clear what she meant by experiencing Western surroundings, but to my
understanding, she probably meant that she and her children would be received (i.e.
included) better by the locals if using English, rather than the Malay language. On the
other hand, Hani does not see this as something positive in being Malay. She informed
me that it is good to use English, but not to the extent that one is no longer behaving as
a Malay. By this, Hani was referring to the other students’ idea of not mixing with other
Malays in order to more fully immerse oneself in the Western way of life.
The person involved is an international student and a foreigner, having used a different
language, but trying hard to fit into the new environment, being far and away from the
Malay society and friendship networks. From another informant, Hana, who knew her
briefly, I tried to get more information about her current situation. I later found out from
Hana that the student had recently gone back to Malaysia due to depression. Hana
concluded that her friend’s depression was probably caused through trying to become
someone she was not. According to Hana, the student’s decision to stop mixing with
other Malays contributed to her problem because the best person to talk to when one has
a problem with other people in a new place is one of your own people, in this case other
Malay students. For Hana, in such circumstances, it is important that a person be
engaged in discussion with people of similar ethnic and cultural background. Extreme
social segregation from a person’s own ethnic group, particularly in relation to members
of the same educational position and experience, is not a wise or sensible decision,
especially if one is a postgraduate student who needs all the moral and psychological
support in dealing with new academic challenges and new surroundings (see Chapter
Six).
However, in Zie’s case, English has been the first language used in her family
communication since she was young. The use of English in her family was because they
lived in the United Kingdom during her early primary school years. According to Zie:
[O]ur first language is English [at home] from the day we were born. This is
because of the different ethnic [Malay-Chinese parentage]. We only speak
English at home because my mother’s Chinese, and my dad is Malay. Since
Malay is the medium of instruction back home [in Malaysia] I learnt Malay. We
also learnt Chinese [language]. So, we are trained in both [languages]. I always
feel that language has some role in terms of the way we look at things.
(Interview excerpts with Zie)
113
Zie’s final comment above in relation to the role of language in influencing our
perceptions was explained as a feature of Malayness that will assist her in looking at
things the way a Malay does. According to Zie, what she meant by this referred to how
one could have access to materials or general information. I have known Zie since I was
in Malaysia a few years ago, but we had not met since. I met her again in Perth through
another informant. Even though Zie often uses English in her personal life, including
with her two children, she uses the Malay language when encountering other Malays
here. She admitted that when she uses the Malay language with other Malays, it makes
certain things easier and clearer for her and other Malays, including her Indonesian
friends. Compared to the earlier discussed situations, Zie sees the Malay language as
something that easily identifies her as a Malay, regardless of her physical appearance
(i.e. she is the female informant who does not wear a headscarf). The Malay language is
considered by many Malay students as a distinctive feature for the Malay student group
overseas in maintaining their personal and social identities.
In their everyday conversations, Malay students often use Malay expressions in
referring to persons, situations, or in using Malay proverbs in explaining things. For
example, Malays often used the expression or term Mat Salleh52
when referring to the
white people or white foreigner. When a Malay student used the term in conversation
with other Malay students, it was understood as referring to the white people or the
Westerners. Li described language as important in his efforts to get to know others.
According to Li:
[I]n terms of language [with other Malays] there is no problem. For example, we
know our limit when we make jokes, and it is seldom very formal. However,
when we are with the ‘Mat Salleh’, we feel scared [hesitant] because sometimes
when we try to make jokes, we get frustrated. Once I tried to make a joke, but
suddenly my friend appeared angry and upset. I never dared to make any more
52 The term Mat Salleh is believed to derive from the English expression mad sailor. The origin of this
term varies from stories told by individuals. One hear-say is that it goes back in the Malacca Malay
Sultanate Era, in the 1400’s. At that time, Malays frequently came into contact with drunken sailors who
were Westerners, and they were referred to as mad sailor. The locals then pronounced the expression as
Mat Salleh. This expression is now commonly understood this way among the Malays. Back then, ‘Mat
Salleh’ did not refer to any specific gender, simply referring to the whites of either sex. However,
sometimes in current usage ‘Mat Salleh’ refers to the white male and ‘Minah Salleh’ to the white female.
Another recent explanation given by a friend of mine, and based on a 1803 document she has came across
(as shown in Appendix 9), is that a Malay Captain Mohamet Sally, was appointed by the British to
represent the Malays at that time. Captain Mohamet Sally was said to act, dress and talk like the white
people (British) who thus became known a Mat Salleh. These are just two hearsay versions of the origin
of the expression Mat Salleh, but in general this term means foreigner and is popularly applied to
foreigners of European ancestry specifically. However, sometimes, but not always, it takes on a
derogatory tone.
114
jokes, only formal conversation. This is because we do not really know their
culture or how to make jokes. Therefore, I am more comfortable with other
Malays, our culture, our language.
(Translated interview excerpts with Li)
Therefore, the use of the Malay language is one of the distinctive features for the Malay
students overseas in comparison to other groups. This discussion emphasizes how
Malays students continue using the Malay language in their everyday encounters,
especially when they are involved in any formal or informal gatherings organized by the
Malay postgraduate students. As revealed in the earlier discussion, rejecting one’s own
culture could lead to negative outcomes due to the lack of support and communication
with others of the same group. The situation may be different in other circumstances,
but in this research, the importance of communicating with others from the same ethnic
group and of the same language, regardless of their state dialects, is a great support in
their adjustment process overseas. The language itself consists of aesthetic values that
could only be understood by other Malays, including the usage of proverbs, terms (like
‘Mat Salleh’), and jokes that are only understood among the Malays. Therefore, this
refers back to the fact that people’s world-view stemming from language can better be
explained by the way people react to certain words, phrases, sentences or even jokes as
mentioned in this research (Asmah Haji Omar 1985).
In the Malay language, the terms ‘cantik’ (beautiful) and‘sopan-santun’ (acting politely)
most commonly refer to someone’s appearance, especially when a Malay female wears
their traditional clothing, ‘Baju Kurung’. This aesthetic feature is integral to the
postgraduate students' ethnic and religious identity as Malays. The next section will
explore further how clothing is also considered as part of Malay identity outside
Malaysia. I will also attempt to relate how religions have made an impact on the
refashioning of the traditional clothing to fit into the idea of Malayness and religiosity.
Clothing: An Aesthetic Feature of Ethnic Identity, Religious Identity and Malayness
In contemporary society objects can play a very important role in establishing our social
and personal identities. According to Woodward (2007), objects can stand for particular
features of a person in the absence of interpersonal contact. Objects assist the effective
performance of personal identity. It is difficult to explain the idea of Malay-Muslim
115
aesthetic traits as part of the identification process, especially when maintained across
space and time contexts. In other words, when a female Malay-Muslim wears a
headscarf (tudung) outside the boundaries of space and time that define the meaning of
the headscarf, it can appear incongruous, inconsistent or even disturbing to others of a
different culture. Schmidtz (2004) identified how Muslims are more visible in Western
countries because of practices that are unfamiliar to the majority population. These
practices include symbols of a woman radiating a religious identity (through wearing a
headscarf), as well as her performance of religious observances and the combinations of
symbols linked to her appearance. If her attire (in this case the headscarf) was removed,
the integrity of her identity would disintegrate.
According to Thourlby (1978), there are at least ten types of messages that aesthetic
features of clothing convey to others: notably social, economic, and educational
background and success, as well as trustworthiness, and moral character. In general, the
Malay-Muslim students in Western Australia are able to converse professionally in their
daily encounters regardless of what they are wearing, as long as their attire fulfils the
basic requirements of proper Muslim clothing, as discussed earlier. Some adjustments
are made to the clothes they wear in Western Australia because of its weather varations
across four seasons.
However, in the case of Malay-Muslim female postgraduate students who originate
from the ethnically polarized Malaysian society, forms of Islamic attire have become
one of the most visible symbols of ethnic identity, an instant medium of communication
about status, readily perceived (Nagata 1995, p. 113). According to Nagata (1995), in
the international scene, some variant of Malay-Muslim dress when combined with
distinctively Malay touches, such as batik cloth, or the cut of the baju kurung
(traditional female Malay attire), may function as a national costume, particularly in
foreign student communities as shown in Figure 4.2 below.
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Figure 4.2 Examples of Baju Kurung Styled for Female Malays
The baju kurung (above) fits in with the Islamic dress code norm in its objective of
preventing women from expressing or displaying their bodies and promoting a moral
code that accords to women, and enables them to interact with, honour (Riaz Hassan
2008). According to Roach-Higgins and Eicher (1992), the word clothing is most
frequently used to emphasize enclosures that cover the body and generally omits body
modification. They propose that it is almost inevitable that clothing conveys personal or
social values. For example, clothing covers the body; therefore it must protect and be
good for the wearer. If it does not cover certain body parts, it may be immodest and bad,
at least to some people (Roach-Higgins and Eicher 1992, p. 4). In the case of the Malay
students’ distinctive cultural features, I argue that traditional Malay attire does provide a
sense of Malayness for students overseas. Their dress portrays their group identity, and
it also sets a platform for advancing verbal communication with other Malays and other
ethnic groups.
However, on a day-to-day basis Malay postgraduates were found to wear casual
garments when they went to their respective universities or other public places like
supermarkets. One informant told me the reason for this is because in Australia
everyone dresses casually and no-one actually ‘looked’ at you and commented on the
dress you wore. Casual dress is seen as part of the local culture. The situation is
different in Malaysia because most girls wear baju kurung. It is worn to work, public
functions, formal functions and it is also a part of a school uniform for the girls in
public schools where Chinese and Indian girls also wear them.
117
In general, the connection between Muslim women’s attire and their religious
participation or practice is entrenched to the point that assumptions on personal
behaviour and religiosity are often based on clothing alone (Nagata 1995). In other
words, Malay women who wear headscarf (tudung) to express their Islamic identity are
sometimes directed by specific goals. This brings in the discussion of how gender
identity makes a difference. As Nagata has suggested, the Malay female students’ act of
changing their attire, in this case wearing the headscarf, is either a means of achieving
certain ends, a form of meritorious behaviour to be rewarded, or an expression of
gratitude once their goals are achieved. However, how the female Malay informants
involved in my research dress or their external appearance is not providing any guide to
their interests or special qualities. What I observed in this research is that all of my
female Malay informants (with or without headscarf) are wearing decent (cover their
aurat53
) and casual dress, with pants or long skirts in their everyday business. They
normally dress up in their traditional attire when attending gatherings or celebrations
organized by other Malay families or the Malay postgraduate students group. These
situations and scenarios are discussed further in Chapter five.
My male Malay informants seldom highlighted dress code as a measure for conferring
identity. They identified Malay women who wear a headscarf as a Muslim, but could
not or did not assert any particular dressing code for a Malay man. Most of the Malay
male informants involved basically describe a woman wearing a head scarf as fulfilling
a fitting criterion for how a good Muslim woman should dress. Safi also felt that her
dressing code is an important criterion when addressing the portrayal of a ‘good
Muslim’ image. Interestingly, Safi also noted that the way a female Malay-Muslim
student wears her scarf also reveals her Malayness.
[T]he first thing would be [to identify herself as] Muslim. You do not tell them
[others] that you are a Muslim. Because you are wearing the scarf, people know
that you are a Muslim. People would keep seeing that I am wearing my identity.
Sometimes, the way I dress, like when I wear the head scarf, people know I am a
Muslim. So, I have to act and dress accordingly. I cannot really wear something
really tight [referring to body fitting dress or pants or skirts] with the scarf. People
53 Aurat or 'awra is one of those words whose complicated layered meanings and range of possible
referents are richly suggestive of the androcentrism of dominant Arabic culture and of the connections it
made between women, sexuality, and shameful and defective things. Its meanings include blind in one
eye; blemished defective; the genital area; generally parts of the body that are shameful and must be
concealed; women's bodies; women's voices; and women (Ahmed 1992, p. 116). Generally, Malay
women are taught that women’s aurat in Islam extends from the top of the hair to the hands and feet (and
includes the voice), and in men from the navel to the knees.
118
know that this is a Muslim lady, and this would reflect back on Muslims [overall].
So, the way I act and the way I dress, I feel that I need to represent Islam correctly.
[I]f you want to see whether someone is a Malay-Malaysian or Malay-Brunei, you
can see from the way they wear their headscarf. The Brunei normally wears [a]
headscarf that is shinier, and Indonesians have their own style of wearing their
scarf. However, now everything is a bit mixed, because people get to buy scarves
from other. So, it is quite hard [to differentiate the Malaysian-Malays from other
Malays].
(Interview excerpts with Safi)
Recounting an episode in one of the gatherings conducted for Muslims in Western
Australia in conjunction with one of the Islamic celebrations, I tried to distinguish
female Malay-Muslim students from Indonesians. Interestingly, I managed to identify
these two groups quite clearly by paying attention to the different way they wore their
headscarves and the materials from which they were made. I confirmed my guesses by
listening to their language. I also came across a Singaporean student in a prayer room,
who smiled and greeted me. She then asked me whether I am from Malaysia and I
answered yes. Interestingly, she said, ‘I knew that because one can only find that type of
headscarf in Malaysia’. The situation basically elucidates the aesthetic features of
headscarf material and design, which were associated with a female Malay-Muslim
identity outside Malaysia, as discernible by other Southeast Asian Malay-Muslims. The
ability of Malay women to buy and wear heasdscarves from other countries also spurs
their cosmopolitan identity through the global diffusion of headscarf styles.
In Malaysia however, Malay women from different states can be seen wearing the same
style of headscarfs. The same style here means the current style that is fashionable and
worn across Malaysia at a particular time. Here the various fashions and styles in
wearing a headscarf are constantly changing. In recent years, Malay women in Malaysia
have adapted to many styles and ways of wearing headscarfs through global fashion
fusion. Although more ways were introduced in how one could wear the headscharf,
Malay women still have the right to choose, either to follow a particular fashion trend,
or to just stick to the basic wearing of a headscarf because, either way, their religion
requires them to cover their aurat.
Another encounter with a Malay-Muslim girl provides an unlikely reflection about the
idea of Malay-Muslim female façade that is often characterized as reserved and seldom
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vocal. During a short conversation with her on her idea of greeting people and making
friends, she pointed out that it is important for us (Malay-Muslim women) to make the
initiative to greet someone first in order to gain the other person’s respect. According to
her, by keeping quiet when you are wearing a headscarf and being rigid, you will have
problems when dealing with new people and environments. This idea of hers really
captivates me because in her statement, the aesthetic trait of Malay-Muslim women
wearing a headscarf could contribute to communication problems with others. However,
she does not make any reference to whether Malay women without a headscarf will
encounter the same experience if they are in the same situation.54
She does wear the
headscarf.
The emphasis on aesthetic traits as a form of Malayness also appeared among the male
Malay-Muslim students, but from a different perspective. One example of male Malay-
Muslim aesthetic accounts of their Malayness was witnessed during a Muslim Eid Fitri
Celebration55
.
Researcher’s note: September 2009
Today, 29/09/2009, I hosted a ‘Rumah Terbuka’ (open-house)56
for my friends,
relatives and neighbours as part of the Eid Celebration. Today’s special menu is
prepared by my mother that is ‘penang mee rebus’, beef curry and traditional
home made raya cookies. Among those who attended was my neighbour, Tracy,
a local who was having a great time enjoying the traditional Malaysian cuisine
prepared by us.While enjoying her food, we chatted about our traditional dress
and; the open-house concept. She really enjoyed listening and jokingly said ‘I
should convert to Islam then so that I can enjoy all that’. During our
conversation, my friends started to arrive. Some of them are the undergraduate
and postgraduate students from Curtin and UWA.
54 I tried to continue the conversation with her later, but she had to rush off for another engagement. I did
not manage to get her contact number and sadly was not able to meet her again for another interesting
conversation. 55
The Eid Fitri celebration, one of the Muslim major celebrations is observed in the month of Syawal of
the Muslim calendar, at end of the month of Ramadan, Muslim fasting month. 56
The rumah terbuka (open house) is a unique and peculiar Malaysian tradition in which people ‘open’
their doors and welcome friends, relatives and even strangers into their homes during major festivals and
celebrations such as Christmas, Hari Raya, Deepavali, Chinese New Year, Hari Gawai, and the Harvest
festival. Ethnic festivals are prominent among recurring special events in Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society,
and the holding of ‘open house’ to accommodate the exchange of goodwill visits is a central feature of
festival celebrations. The intra-ethnic exchange of goodwill visits is a tradition of long standing but, since
Malaysia independence in 1957; interethnic visiting has been promoted as part of social planning to
increase contact and understanding across ethnic lines and to develop sentiments of national unity
(Armstrong 1988, pp. 127-137).
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Tracy and my Malay friends had friendly conversations. At one stage, Tracy
commented to one of the male Malay postgraduate students, Ahmad, on how
smart he looked in his ‘outfit’. She was referring to the traditional attire for
Malay men known as Baju Melayu (as shown in Figure 4.3 below). Ahmad wore
a complete set of Baju Melayu that day in conjunction with the celebration. He
was beaming with pride when explaining about the Baju Melayu to Tracy.
Ahmad’s expressive remarks about his attire (Baju Melayu) bear witness to the
Malay aesthetic perspective in disclosing his Malay identity.
Later in the evening, Tracy had her friend along with her two kids visiting and
the kids (a boy and a girl) were playing outside her house. My daughter was
playing outside too. Then they were all playing together. The boy then asked
whether is it okay for them to come into our house, and my daughter said it is
okay and invited them in. Just then Tracy came out of her house with her friend
and joined us again for the second round of treats with her friend. But, this time
around Tracy was the one recommending the cookies my mum made to her
friend and helped herself to the ‘penang mee-rebus’ again. She jokingly asked
me what time should she come back for dinner too.
Figure 4.3: Traditional Attire of Malay-Malaysian Male
Besides language and clothing, food consumption is another truly valued aesthetic
feature of Malay culture and identity among Malay-Muslim students. All of my
informants reveal the importance of consuming halal (permissible) food as a Malay and
Muslim. My research, therefore, also attempts to understand the practice of Malay-
Muslim students’ culinary consumption in their efforts to be accepted in the new
culture.
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‘Halal’ (permissible) Foods among Malay-Muslims: Between Taste and Identity
In the discussions in this chapter and those that follow, the idea of halal (permissible)
food is seen as an intrinsic aspect of Malay students’ religious identity. The term halal
literally means ‘lawful’ or ‘permitted’. The Islamic religious texts, the Qur’an and the
Sunnah57
, exhort Muslims to eat the good and lawful food that God has provided for
them, but a number of conditions and prohibitions pertain. Advice and encouragement
on consuming halal foods are also found in a verse quoted from the Holy Quran, where
Muslims in general are advised to eat good and untainted things and not to indulge in
impure, bad or harmful things, which would be following their open enemy, Satan (the
devil).58
Furthermore, Muslims are expressly forbidden from consuming haram
(forbidden) food (Johan Fischer 2005), such as carrion, spurting blood, pork, and foods
that have been consecrated to any being other than God Himself. The lawfulness of
meat depends on how it is slaughtered.
Ritual slaughtering requires that the animal be killed in God’s name by making a fatal
incision across the throat. In this process, blood should be drained as fully as possible.
Another significant Islamic prohibition relates to wine and any other alcoholic drink or
substance, all of which is haram in any quantity or form (Denny 2006, p. 279). In
addition to clear cases of halal and haram, if one is doubtful about consuming any
foods, those foods are best avoided. This is referred to as ‘gray area’ (mashbooh),
between clearly lawful and clearly unlawful, and there are differences of opinion among
religious scholars and those suspicious of any undetermined or prohibited ingredients in
a commodity (Riaz & Chaudry 2004, p. 6-7). Whether a food is considered halal or
haram, ‘depends on its nature, how it is processed, and how it is obtained’ (Riaz &
Chaudry 2004, p. 14).
Interestingly, this situation can be explained in the context of Malay students’ religious
identity as ‘what people do with and to ideas and practices before we can understand
what is involved in the secularization of theological concepts in different times and
places’ (Asad 2003, p. 194). Fischer (2005) explained the relevance of halal food in the
lives of Malaysian Malays living in London. Fischer noted that concern over foods
57 Sunnah refers to the teaching of Prophet Muhammad (p.u.h.) in Muslim life.
58 Cited from Surah Al-Baqarah, 16, 2:168 of the Holy Quran, ‘O People! Eat what is lawful and good on
the Earth and do not follow the footsteps of Satan, for he is your open enemy’.
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being halal is more pronounced in some Southeast Asian countries, such as Malaysia,
Indonesia, Brunei, and Singapore, than in much of the Middle East and South Asia. He
suggests that the reasons for this are many, but the proliferation of halal in Malaysia
cannot be divorced from the fact that over the last three decades Malaysia has witnessed
steady economic growth and the emergence of large groups of Malay-Muslim middle-
class consumers, as well as centralized state incentives to strengthen halal production,
trade, and consumption. Furthermore, since independence from Britain in 1957, and
more so since the early 1980s, the state in Malaysia has effectively certified
standardised and bureaucratised Malaysian halal production, trade, and consumption
(Fischer 2005, pp. 276-80). One key effect of these transformations is the deepening
and widening concern for halal commodities among Malay-Muslims, which Fischer
labels ‘halalisation’. Therefore, Fischer (2005) argues:
[T]he more cultures of consumption assert themselves, the more controversies
over what Islam is, or ought to be, is intensifying. As new consumer practices
emerge, they give rise to new discursive fields within which the meaning of
Islam and Islamic practice are being debated.
Similarly, I found that Malay students in Western Australia emphasised the importance
and relevance of consuming halal foods. While exposed to a wide range of foods in
Western Australia, the Malay students took steps to avoid any substances that may have
been contaminated with porcine residues, alcohol, gelatine, glycerine, emulsifiers,
enzymes and flavourings (Riaz and Chaudry 2004, pp. 22-25). According to Fischer
(2005), Malay-Muslims in London felt that Malaysian Muslims are stricter in their
religious cultural practices for three main reasons. First, they were taught a relatively
strict Shafi’i school of jurisprudence, which is dominant in Malaysia. Second, they had
experienced their distinctive homeland observances of halal practice and discourse. And
third, Islam is forcefully evoked through schooling and the education system in
Malaysia. Therefore, Malays outside Malaysia who sometimes find it difficult to get
hold of halal foods, often consume vegetarian food as an alternative. The religious
requirement of consuming halal foods among Malay-Muslim students in Western
Australia reveals their preference to eat at home, as a cost-saving measure and one
through which they have a higher degree of confidence that the food they eat will be
halal.
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However, in some cases Malay-Muslims who have been residing outside Malaysia for a
long time are not really exposed to the Malaysian context of halal certification. One
elderly Malaysian citizen who had lived in Perth for more than 20 years felt that
nowadays the Malay-Muslim consumption ideals are just part of the changing political
processes of Malay Muslim identities in Malaysia. This is because in Malaysia in the
1970s the concept of halal was based on trust, such that the relevant authority (like the
butcher) would inform the buyer (Malay-Muslim) if he or she provided halal meat or
not. Nowadays, most Malays will only opt for butchers that have a clear halal
certification in front of their shop windows. If a Malay-Muslim student is not certain
whether a food is halal or not, besides preferring vegetarian food, they will say a prayer
before eating the food. As one of my informants explained, ‘[T]he food that you eat is
running in your blood stream and it will become part of your body and what you eat is
who you are’. Therefore, it is important to eat halal foods every day in order to affirm
one’s religious identity in conjunction with other Malay-Muslim identity approaches in
Malaysia. Fischler (1988) also argued that if we do not know what we eat, how we can
know what we are.
Therefore, I argue that the halal food consumed by Malay-Muslim students is
contributing to their religious identity overseas. The importance of elucidating halal
food is clearly highlighted by all my informants. Identifying halal food is among the
first things that Malaysian Malay students seek to know after their arrival here. The
newly arrived Malay postgraduate students will seek other Malay students or Muslims
to assist them in identifying where to find in Western Australia halal foods, meats,
bakeries, etc. Another informant, Anni, stated her concern about the level of Malay
students’ consciousness of consuming halal foods here compared to Malaysia:
[I] am concerned [about halal food] because I see that people here are so
concerned about ‘halal’. Some [students are] complete with [a] list, especially
people [referring to other Malay students] in Perth who are somehow too
particular. So, sometimes I feel there are too many things you know [that are not
‘halal’]. I feel a bit of the culture shock, because in Malaysia we are not so
concerned about it. However, for the food, we will stick to halal food.
(Translated interview excerpts with Anni)
What is revealed by Anni is a common feeling for most new students here. Anni
highlights that some other Malay students are too particular on the matter of halal food.
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However, Anni also makes it clear that she herself will stick to halal food and will not
eat non-halal food. Anni said that she started to become more cautious about halal
foods in Western Australia, but admitted that those things she used to buy in Malaysia,
like biscuits, sweets etc., she would buy without being too rigid on the matter. Among
the Malay postgraduate students in Western Australia, there are a few who hold formal
posts in the Malaysian Postgraduate Association, who felt obliged to contact the
relevant producer and confirm the status of the ingredients of some of the foods that are
questionable to the Malay-Muslims students. It is important to note that the Malay idea
of halal food differs from that of other Muslims from other ethnic groups or from other
religious orientations. One example was given by Raha who explained how her
understanding of halal differs from that of an Indonesian friend of hers. One day she
went to a shop to buy chicken stock but hesitated to buy it since there was no halal
certification on it and Raha was not sure whether the chicken used were slaughtered
according to the Islamic way. By contrast her Indonesian friend said it was just a
chicken and not an animal like a pig that is haram in the eyes of Islam. I personally
have encountered a situation where I questioned the halalness of the sausages sold in
one of Perth’s carnivals since I saw it was cooked side by side with other sausages (non-
halal). At the same time I saw a Muslim lady (from Somalia) and her children buying
the sausages from there. In a short conversation with her, I asked her whether the
sausages sold were halal and she answered it was okay because she bought the chicken
sausages and not the non-halal ones. In this situation as a Malay-Muslim, I was taught
that halal means the food should not be incontact with other non-halal food. If we are
sure that the food has been ‘contaminated’ (through contact) with non-halal foods, we
should avoid that food too. However this is not always how Muslims from other ethnic
groups feel and practise.
This also suggests that foods are considered as an aesthetic feature that relates how
Malay-Muslim students review their ethnic and religious identity as well as maintaining
their Malayness. In relating food as an aesthetic feature, it all depends on how one
interprets and explains their opinions, approaching food as a system of communication
(Douglas 1982), part of rituals (Yalman 1969; Tambiah 1969), and/or in terms of food
avoidances and taboos (Wilson 1980). In my present research, halal food presents a
symbolic aesthetic Malay culture by taking into account their newly encountered
environment, as well as their thinking and talking about food.
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Restrictiveness in consuming only halal foods among Malay postgraduate students
makes them opt for cooking their own food, Malay food. This ultimately has become a
feature in highlighting their Malayness overseas. This is apparent with consumption of
Malay foods rather than Western food. A description of a Malay everyday meal by
Brissenden (1996) consists of a plate of rice surrounded by a number of side dishes
dictated by situation, season, region and supply. These side dishes are to be understood
as complements to the rice rather than dishes to be eaten in large quantities for their own
sake, and they might include small amounts of flavoured fish, meat or vegetables
(Brissenden 1996, p. 91). In a conversation with Mira, she highlighted that since her
arrival, eating rice is still compulsory for a Malay, and she had not changed since. Even
the foods that she prepared are still the same as in Malaysia, for example, ‘asam pedas’
(sour and spicy stew dish), ‘masak lemak’(coconut milk with turmeric), and ‘kari’
(curry). She even informed me where I can buy ‘daun kesum’ (Vietnamese mint) to
cook ‘asam pedas’: Bunnings, a hardware store. Ultimately, the encounters with my
informants and their participation also unveil how Malays here stress the importance of
Malay aesthetic traits in relation to their Malay and Muslim identity formation and
adjustments. As stated by Mira:
[B]eing Malay-Muslim would not restrict you [us or the Malay] from doing
anything else. That is why I always tell them [the others] if you can respect
those [who are] vegetarian, it is not wrong to respect those who are Muslim.
(Translated interview excerpts with Mira)
In some circumstances, a different view is highlighted by another informant, Izzi.
During his attendances at conferences or seminars he requests halal food. In most
situations, Malay postgraduate students claim that it is quite impossible for them to
request halal food, so they request ‘vegetarian’ food instead. However, Izzi will only
consume ‘vegetarian’ food if he really does not have any other options, including
forgetting to bring his own food. Izzi’s idea of vegetarian foods is:
[V]egetarian food might not be ‘halal’ because they might put alcohol (like
wine) in their vegetables or in the gravy [when cooking]. They might even use
the same knife that is used to slice ham. But, if I am too hungry, I will consume
it because I have to, like when I attended a course which was far away from
here.
(Translated interview excerpts with Izzi)
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Izzi’s attitude to food is a very cautious one, even though he admitted he will consume
vegetarian foods if he has no other choice. His level of religiosity or Islamic knowledge
could have been a factor in his strict views on matters concerning food compared to
other Malay-Muslim students who without hesitation see vegetarian foods as an option
to halal food.The same situation could be said in reference to Malaysia. If there is a
conference or seminar organized at local or international levels in hotels in Malaysia,
their only other option is still ‘vegetarian’ foods. In Malaysia, Malay-Muslims, like Izzi
or other Muslims attending, would feel more confident eating the ‘vegetarian’ food
because of being aware of Malaysia as an Islamic country.
The discussion above reveals that the performance of identity by Malay-Muslim
students through proper Islamic consumption is embedded in a range of practices
(Fischer 2008, p. 188). Students studying overseas maintain the taste of Malayness in
their food and also their religious identity when they are attending seminars,
conferences or workshops. Fischer argued that ‘getting consumption’ right socially in a
Malay-Muslim context has everything to do with the body of and within consumption.
As also discussed earlier, especially in relation to the Malay aesthetic features involving
clothing and food, this means that Malay-Muslim bodies, are disciplined by a multitude
of moral sentiments (Fischer, 2008). As in the case of food, the moral sentiment
(practicality to be acted upon) is more salient than aesthetic taste. In explicating the
aesthetic features of clothes and taste of Malay-Muslim students, the concept of the
aesthetic can be enlarged in relation to the cross-cultural perspective. In other words, it
can be applied to other aesthetic features including combining the various senses
(besides vision and taste) of their Malayness next.
Other Features in Particularizing Malayness
It is obvious my Malay-Muslim postgraduate informants have actually suggested some
other features of their Malayness other than those features discussed earlier. What is
presented here is the Malay students’ percipience of their Malayness. Lian Kwen Fee
(2001) has observed that even in modern times, descent continues to be a key criterion
for deciding membership of the Malay aristocracy. One’s name is then considered a part
of one’s human identity that cannot be taken lightly.59
So, what is in a name? Research
59 The significance of this right to a name in the formation of identity has been recognized by the
Convention on the Rights of the Child, General Assembly Resolution 44/25, UN Doc.A/44/736 (1986).
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has demonstrated that names are more than just a simple means of identification: They
shape the way others think of us, the way we view ourselves, and the way we act
(Lieberson 2000). Name choice can also be a powerful way to make a declaration about
cultural identity (Fryer & Levitt 2004) and can also be an indicator of status (Levitt &
Dubner 2005). One of my female informants, Wani, who originated from Ipoh, Perak,
in peninsular Malaysia exclaimed that she was from the Perak royal family because it is
shown in her name. In this case, Wani felt that her Malayness was real compared to
other Malays whom she felt were not as pure Malay because of mix-blood or even if
they are from Indonesia, they are not ‘Malay’ as she sees it. Her notion of Malayness is
to have a true Malay blood ties which runs in the royal family.
[B]oth of my parents are Malay. They are originally from Ipoh. As you can see
from my name, it indicates that we are originally from Perak. Normally, those
from Perak who are from the royal family will carry the name ‘Meor’, ‘Wan’,
‘Siti’, ‘Sayyid’, ‘Sharifah’. My father, he is ‘Meor’ [referring to the first part of
her father’s first name] and my grandfather is a ‘Megat’ [referring to first part of
her grandfather’s first name]. My mother is ‘Puteri’ [referring to the first part of
her mother’s first name],[She] is from the Perak royal family.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
Wani associated her name with her aristocratic status when questioned about how she
sees her Malayness. Other informants from the same state are similarly aware of the
connection or usage of these names in relation to one’s status in Perak. Wani’s
interpretation of how one is Malay is an example of Barth’s neglect of the idea of
kinship metaphors in defining ethnic identity. Wani’s is looking into the idea of her
biological ancestries as a way to defining her Malayness. However, other Malay
students from a different state in Malaysia were not aware of the relation between one’s
name and their status. In other words, Wani believed that she is of ‘pure’ Malay descent,
and this is revealed in her name. What Wani reveals here is her personal percipience in
relating her name with the idea of Malayness, but at the same time emphasizing her
aristocratic background as making her more Malay than others, but she did not indicate
further as to how she was more Malay than other Malays in her everyday practice. In
my other encounters with her on various occasions like gatherings held among Malay
students, Wani has not actually revealed her status to others and communicates with
ease and is sociable with other Malays. Here what is revealed by Wani about her name
is something that is part of her pride as a Malay, a feature of her own preferences
compared to other aesthetic features like language, clothing or halal food consumption.
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She does mention these features eventually throughout our interview, but her first idea
of her distinctive Malayness lies in her name.
Another female informant Anni does not agree with the idea of a name as a personal
trait or religious or ethnic identity maker. According to Anni:
[S]ometimes Malays whom we thought are Malay based on their name might
not be a Muslim. Lately, we read news [forwarded to Malay postgraduate
student e-mails] [about persons who] have a Malay name, but their manner
shows otherwise. Sometimes, even though their name is [can be referred to as]
Malay-Muslim, they might not practice Islam as well. [Therefore,] not all
Malays are Muslim. Sometimes, Malay names are not Islamic.
(Translated interview excerpt with Anni)
For Anni, one’s name is not a feature determining religious identity. In relation to this
Anni’s declaration that not all Malays are Muslims is taking a stand against how Malay
is defined in the Malaysian Constitution where a Malay is a Muslim. What is arguable
here is that a Malay name is not a revealing factor or indicator of a Malay-Muslim who
practices the ‘proper’ Islamic way of life. Anni explicated further her view by referring
to the idea of someone with a Malay name, but not practicing as a Muslim. She then
referred to an e-mail, of which I was also aware, about an incident involving seven
missing Malaysian students who were studying at several Western Australian
universities60
(three of them were studying at Curtin University, while another four were
from various other universities in Western Australia). Interestingly, this incident was
portrayed from two different perspectives: first in relation to the student position, and
second in the parents’ view, as the media highlighted the situation.
One female student, Ipah was reported to have been hospitalised after consuming fifty
Panadol tablets to relieve her stress. After her discharge, she went with two Australian
men whom she had befriended. Her parents reported her missing after they had failed to
make contact with her since October 2008. The issue raised by the parents and
highlighted in the Malaysian local newspaper (Utusan Malaysia) was that since Ipah
had left the hospital with two Australian men, her parents feared that their daughter may
have been demoralized into giving up her studies and, worse, been led away from Islam.
60 All of the seven undergraduate students were sponsored by a Malaysian government-linked company.
This incident was reported in November 2008.
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Finally, it was revealed that Ipah was not actually missing, but instead had quit her
study (in August 2008), started working and had been promoted with an attractive
salary just before she was reported ‘missing’ by her parents. The reports faded away
once it was clarified that all the ‘missing’ students were asked to return to Malaysia. So,
reacting to this story, Anni believes that one’s name alone does not justify labeling
people as Muslim when they do not act like ‘good Muslims’, as in the case of Ipah, who
tried to find an easy way out of her dilemmas by trying to commit suicide (considered
dosa or a sin).
Through my observations, I also found additional criteria associated with naming
practices, and addressing others, such as a speaker’s father, mother, siblings, husband or
wife. Irrespective of whether people live within a highly individualizing or highly
socialized environment, they still have the task of understanding themselves as
individuals within a social context (Miller 2009, p. 1).In the Malaysian case kin terms
are used as the symbolic order of person-definition (Streeck 2002, p. 318) In other
words, the use of kin terms of address and reference give individuals roles with which
to cooperate. Traditionally, Malay children will address their father as ‘ayah’ or ‘bapa’
and their mother as ‘ibu’ or ‘mak’. Siblings use for each other such terms as ‘Abang
(brother), Long’ (Long is a short-form for the term ‘sulong’ or the eldest son), ‘Abang
Ngah’ (Ngah is a short-form word for ‘tengah’ or the middle) or ‘Abang Chik’ (Chik a
short-form word for ‘kecik’ or the youngest or smallest).
The same convention would be used for the eldest daughter (‘Abang’ is replaced with
‘Kak’). In addressing one’s husband or wife, traditionally some Malay wives will
address their husbands as ‘Abang’, but once they have their first son or daughter, in
most cases they will start to address their husband as ‘Ayah nyer’ or ‘Bapa nyer’ (nyer
refers to either their son or daughter). However, I knew a female Malay postgraduate in
Perth who actually addressed her husband as ‘Walid’ a term for addressing a father in
the Arabic language. Wives are sometimes addressed as ‘Ummi’, an Arabic word for
mother. However, some husbands and wives have started to address their spouse as
‘Yang’ or ‘Sayang’ (meaning ‘my love’ or ‘my darling’). Islam thus contributes to how
Malays address their next of kin with Arabic terms (commonly associated with Islam)
instead of adhering to traditional Malay practice. In other words, addressing usages
among Malays as form of communication are carried out by Malay students in various
ways to which they are accustomed. Therefore, kin terms can be considered as another
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feature used by Malay students in relating personal preferences among the Malay-
Muslim postgraduate student in distinction to others.
Besides naming and addressing practices, Anni perceived physical features as an
important way one to identify oneself as a Malay. According to her, although some
features are considered much less compelling, we cannot deny the fact that, when one is
outside one’s own country, physical appearance is still significant in relation to the
visible differences from the locals. The differences might not be socially important, but
still can be considered to be powerfully ‘situationally accessible’ (Kurzban & Cosmides
2001) in order to avoid mistaken identity. As Safi has pointed out, ‘to judge whether
someone is a Malay from their physical appearance can be confusing’. She exclaimed
that she could not judge whether someone she just met whose skin and looks are like
Malays (her statement here reveals she does have some idea of how a Malay appears
physically) came from Malaysia or Indonesia. It is more confusing if the person is a
Christian rather than a Muslim. So, Safi would rather identity herself as Muslim when
outside Malaysia to avoid any form of confusion concerning her Malay identity,
especially when she is attending conferences, workshops or seminars.
Chapter Summary
This chapter has begun by providing general background information of the informants.
This was then followed by discussions on the significant cultural features that Malay
students overseas use to differentiate themselves from others. This was viewed in
relation to the various forms of identity, especially their ethno-religious identity. Their
own idea of Malay identity relates to their presumptions about their authenticity and
indigeneity as Malays (Kahn 2004). It is evident here that Malayness is rarely a fixed
identity, even among the Malay students overseas. Malayness thus has a potential to be
a cosmopolitan identity with implications for religious and cultural interaction with
others. Some of the identifying features discussed in this chapter refer to the various
aspects of the students’ daily encounters, including language, halal food consumption,
and aesthetic traits.
Besides using the Malay language, food, clothes, and other aesthetic qualities are used
to distinguish the identity of Malay students in Western Australia. This allows Malay
students overseas to satisfy the need they feel for a sense of order in their new
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environment, including avalued place for themselves. Their ability to feel right, look
right and act according to valued norms derives from their relationships to objects and
discourses. Malay postgraduate students adhere to aesthetic features that connote for
them a sense of balance, form, contrast, integrity and consistency (Miller 2009). As
Miller claims, the aesthetic order in which individuals live is more than merely a way
they make sense of their lives: it is their lives.
The explicit desire of the Malay-Muslim students to be provided with emotional support
is an underlying rationale for their expression of Malayness in order to relate to people
who are in fact emotionally close to them, but not related by blood (Wilson 1967, p.
125). The next chapter will explore this range of cultural and religious practice,
revolving around how the Malay students develop, adjust or maintain their ethnic and
religious identities in dealing with their new environment. It focuses on how decisions
made or considered by the Malay students interact with their religious beliefs, as well as
their cultural and adat practices.
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CHAPTER 5
Social Life Experiences: Dealing with New Challenges, Interactions
and Leisure
‘If a map is accurate and you can read it, you won't get lost;
if you know a culture, you will know your way around in the life of a society’
Kluckhohn (1949, p. 28)
Introduction
This chapter will explore and discuss findings related to Malay students’ social life and
how they deal with new challenges including how relationships between Malay students
(as outsider) are established with locals. The idea of reciprocity is highlighted in
relation to Malay student life and communication. My discussion relates to the wide
range of social, cultural, economic and religious practices involved in dealing with the
new environment. As mentioned earlier in Chapter Three, eighteen out of thirty of my
informants had previously visited, lived or pursued their study overseas. Therefore, it is
interesting to note some of their past and present experiences and the comparisons they
made on their cosmopolitan experience between other contexts and Western Australia.
My discussions will attempt look at the Malay cosmopolitans and the internationally
inexperienced Malay students with regard to social life experiences, challenges, and
interactions.
.
This chapter discusses how Malay postgraduate students prepared themselves to
undertake overseas study and the various new challenges with which they need to deal
upon arrival. I explore some situations relating to their efforts to reinforce their ethnic
and religious identities in relation to their interactions with other Malays, other
Muslims, other Asians and the multicultural local community. What is highlighted
throughout this experience is the fact that decisions made by the Malay students
prioritise religious identity, which is seen as almost non-negotiable compared to their
ethnic identity.
133
Malay Cosmopolitanness and Reciprocity: Experienced versus Fresh
Cosmopolitans
According to Kahn (2004), Malay-ness has the potential to be a cosmopolitan i.e. non-
exclusionary identity, one that implies religious and cultural interaction, and
commercial exchange. However, in this process reciprocity is highly idealised, since it
is a vital principle of society (Hobhouse, 1951). Reciprocity is treating other people as
other people treat you, voluntarily and not as a result of a binding exchange agreement
(Kolm 2008). It is a form of mutual or cooperative exchange of privileges or favours
that is anticipated between two or more individuals or groups. The idea of reciprocity is
common to every culture and there is a universal norm of reciprocity that obligates
people to reciprocate each other in an appropriate or sufficient manner so that giving
and returning something may be compared (Gouldner 1960). Gouldner (1960, p. 176)
pointed out that reciprocity can also be called a ‘starting mechanism’, which helps to
initiate social interaction and is functional in the early phases of certain groups before
they have developed a different customary set of status duties. Furthermore, Gouldner
also suggests that the idea of reciprocity can also be analyzed as a moral norm, that is,
as one of the principal components of moral codes.
The idea of being a ‘fresh cosmopolitan’ emerged through the usage of the term by my
Malay informants who saw themselves as being first-timers outside Malaysia (‘fresh’)
or as having experience staying, studying of visiting other countries beyond Malaysia,
as mentioned in Chapter 3. In this context, I used the term fresh cosmopolitan as
referring to someone removed from where they are closely associated within their own
culture and economy. So, they will be interconnected to their ‘new sense of place and
culture’ (Manzini 2007, p. 236). The term ‘experienced cosmopolitan’ is used to refer to
someone who has some previous experience and the possibility of being influenced by
the events they had encountered in other parts of the world. Although they are located as
fresh or experienced cosmopolitans, the Malay postgraduate student’s identity will be
reviewed in regard to their idea of being Malay and Muslim in Australia. Therefore, I
argue that in the case of Malay cosmopolitans, either first-timers or those with previous
overseas experience, reciprocity is considered a way for Malay students to attempt to
break the ice or overcome barriers in their interpersonal interactions overseas.
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The idea of reciprocity and moral reciprocity is found in a Malay proverb, ‘Orang
Berbudi Kita Berbahasa, Orang Memberi Kita Merasa’ (Every person who is rewarded
with a gift, must be thankful). This proverb cannot be translated literally into the
English language, but essentially it refers to the idea that if somebody does us a good
turn, we must at least show our appreciation by being courteous to them (moral
reciprocity). The second part refers to the idea that if someone gives you something
(food or other things), you should enjoy it. This idea is pervasive in Malay culture and
is related to how the Malay students face their challenges and adjust their identities. As
revealed by one informant, Wani, whom I referred to as an ‘experienced cosmopolite’
because of her previous experience living overseas, her Muslim identity has always
come first. Wani stressed the importance of mixing with others besides the Malays and
in a reciprocal manner. According to Wani:
[I] did not mix much with Malays because there are few of them [in the US], but
there are so many of them here [in Australia]. However, I do advise my friends
that, if they want to get to know other cultures, it is better to mix around, not
only with the Malays. For example, mix around with your class-mates and also
supervisors. If you mix around only with Malay[s], you would not gain a lot of
experience. Last time I always mix with the Americans, Chinese, and Indians.
That is why I have many non-Muslim friends.
So if you are talking about their custom, I knew that they have practice like
‘Baby Shower'61
, and I have experienced attending them. My American friends
have ‘Baby Showers’, and I joined them, because it is just part of their custom,
not religion, so it does not matter to me. However, if it is held in church, I might
reconsider attending them because as a Muslim, there are principles I need to
adhere to.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
61 ‘Baby Shower’ refers to parties held in honour of women who are about to become mothers, thus
accompanying one of the major role transitions that most women undergo during their lives. Traditional
baby showers are characterized by exclusively female guest lists. Usually the recipient's mother is
included, as well as her sisters and possibly some aunts, nieces or female cousins. Typically friends are
present, particularly friends who have had babies. While mothers of all ages are therefore included,
unmarried girls (sisters, cousins, or nieces) are likely included only if they have reached adolescence.
This helps to consolidate the atmosphere which is suggestive of an initiation into the mysteries of
motherhood. The atmosphere of initiation and mystery is further heightened because traditional showers
are always held prior to the birth of the first baby, unless nature accidentally intervenes. The atmosphere
is also characteristic of a child's party. At a traditional shower the gifts are from individuals or from
groups, and cover an enormous range of values. One central purpose which the traditional baby shower
serves, then, is to equip the new mother with the clothes, toys, and furnishings she is going to need for the
new baby. The gifts serve an economic purpose, but at the same time serve to reinforce the new mother's
dependence on a community of other women. And this dependence is not only based on financial and
even emotional support (Fischer & Gainer 1993, pp. 320-324).
135
Wani’s cosmopolitan status is an asset to her since her previous experience had made
her more prepared when she came here. She also elucidates her survival experience and
how she was fine without any assistance when she first arrived here. According to
Wani, she had a Palestinian student, an international student who voluntarily62
came to
see her on the day she arrived. She got to know other Malays once she had settled down.
Her declaration characterises her new Malayness or cosmopolitan identity in terms of
vocalness and openness compared to the traditional Malay society. According to Wani,
her earlier exposure in living overseas and dealing with new culture has contributed to
the way she acts and sees things beyond the local context.
[G]enerally when I am in Malaysia, I realized that the fact that I have been
away before. I was an undergraduate there [in the US] and after coming back
from the US, I started working again. I realized that previously [before going to
the US], I was not that outspoken in school or in high school. But, after coming
back from the US, I realized that I have been more vocal in my views. If I want
something to be done or if I see something [in her opinion] that is not right, I
would speak up and suggest that it is not right and try to correct them.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
For the inexperienced or the first-timer, arrival in Australia was met with a lot of
expectations, as explained by Mas.
At least when we have friends, we have hope. When we are in need, we can
hang on to the people of the same group, who understand our adat, our needs
and the way we think. There was one time--in fact, two times--I had to take my
child to a hospital Emergency Department. My friends here helped me willingly
and supported me spiritually. Then, we became close friends and eventually we
became like family. If they were in need, we helped. If we were in need, they
helped. Twice I had to take one of my kids to the Emergency and leave the
others with my friends, and they looked after them and had them sleep over at
their house.
(Translated interview excerpts with Mas)
The importance of communication emerged when Mas needed to take one of her
children to hospital. Mas felt that her friends were like family and that she could trust
them to look after her children. On the other hand, her friends could not have refused to
62 The Palestinian student was requested by the International Centre office to assist Wani on the day she
arrived, since she was the only Muslim student around at that time. She agreed to assist Wani by showing
where to get halal food, the location of the prayer room etc.
136
help her they were like family, and as such she believed they felt obliged to assist and
support her. Fascinatingly, most of my informants and other Malay students here
seemed to know other Malays in advance, either friends, colleagues, relatives or even an
on-line friend they had never met face-to-face. This eventually creates a small
interconnected Malay community whose members are of importance to one another.
Therefore it became their initial step in familiarizing themselves to the new
environment, and provides assistance in their adaptation process. This includes the
informal e-mail group for Malay postgraduate students known as MAWAR (Malaysian
Western Australia Ring). This e-mail group provides general information to new
students before or after arrival. Anyone from Malaysia who is coming to Western
Australia to pursue study can request for their name to be added to the group e-mail list
regardless of their ethnic group. One issue of concern for new inexperienced academic
cosmopolitans is how to deal with the idea of coming out of their comfort zone. This is
shown in Figure 5.1.
Figure 5.1: Engaging Reciprocity in Malay Postgraduate Students Life and
Identity
Leaving the Comfort Zone: Initiating New Student Identities
Malay postgraduate students believe that going abroad to pursue their study provides a
chance for some kind of transformation. The move is considered to have life changing
potential. They see it as an opportunity to strive for academic excellence in their work.
In other words, leaving one’s comfort zone is a way to experience other cultures and
take advantage of the different environments and opportunities to further their
knowledge, experience, and academic careers. The comfort zone is a behavioural state
137
within which a person operates in anxiety-neutral condition, using a limited set of
behaviours to deliver a steady level of performance, usually without a sense of risk
(White 2009). In other words, one’s comfort zone is referred to as one’s own space
where we feel comfortable to live and act, with no perceived risk of threat.
I personally believe that to some extent these students benefited from this exposure
beyond their comfort zones. The benefit is obvious at the professional level and may
also relate to personal life for some. I argue that when Malay students leave their
comfort zone and experience living abroad, it initiates a new experience that could
change their views and attitudes towards other cultures. However, all of my informants
are considered fortunate in pursuing their study here. They are sponsored by their
respective university or government department along with the Malaysian Ministry of
Higher Education. Few scholarships are available every year. Nevertheless, how the
Malay students explained their experience of leaving their comfort zones to pursue their
studies in Western Australia varies. Aja, for example, saw the opportunity to study
overseas as something to which she looked forward and through which she could meet
new people and experience a new environment.
[W]hen I told my deputy dean that I was coming here [Western Australia] to
study, he asked me, whether I was sure I wanted to go, and if I thought I could
go. I told him I felt like going to another place [to pursue her Doctorate]. I
wanted to look at new things, because in my life, I have moved a lot. I will
accept [an] offer from anywhere. So, I think the most important thing is to be
mentally prepared because we are going to another people’s place. Just like the
Malay saying ‘kalau masuk kandang kambing, mengembek’63
. So, we have to do
that, but not to the extent that when we are attending any functions, we have to
follow their [white people’s] culture, like drinking beer and eating what they eat
- that is wrong.
(Translated interview excerpts with Aja)
Aja’s personal background motivated her to make the decision to pursue her study in
Perth. Her self-motivation played an important role when leaving Malaysia.
Furthermore, her optimistic views on facing new things in her life helped her to prepare
herself mentally and physically. In other words, Aja hoped to experience the difference
of a particular experience in relation to language and culture, object and images
(Rutherford 1990) that differ from Malaysia. Alongside her willingness to face the
63 ‘If you find yourself in a sheep-fold, you bleat’. This Malay saying is equivalent to the English saying,
‘When in Rome, do as the Romans do’.
138
changes, Aja still felt the need to justify the differences that could threaten to decentre
her as a Muslim. In relation to leaving her comfort zone, Aja tried to articulate some
order in familiarizing and adjusting herself to the new environment. At this point, the
idea of a sense of belonging plays little part in her efforts to initiate her new student
identity overseas. On the other hand, her religious knowledge assists her to avoid any
social consequences that are against Islamic practice.
In the struggle for a new way of life overseas, another informant, Nini, stressed the
importance of her Malay roots. She considered her Malay roots as a main indicator of
her Malay identity in order to support her survival in a foreign land. According to Nini:
[I] came here with my husband and kids. There are the five of us. This is the first
time I am leaving my family [referring to her parents]. So, there is no word to
describe how sad I am. However, for me the first thing that mattered [upon her
arrival in Western Australia] was not the culture shock, but the change that I was
worried about was [idea of] being Malay. Malays depend a lot on their roots,
and their place of origin, so, now, we have moved out of our comfort zone. I am
scared because normally Malay[s] will go back to their roots, and they will keep
feeling this is not their place. Therefore, I kept reminding and teaching myself to
deal with it for my kids.
(Translated interview excerpts with Nini)
Nini, as a fresh and new cosmopolitan, proclaimed her deep concern about leaving her
comfort zone. Nini’s self-conscious recognition of the distinctiveness of her Malay
roots and place of origin speak of her ethnic identification (Smith 1981). Nini’s level of
consciousness is apparent in her feeling of not being in her own place while she is here.
In relation to this, Kahn (1992, p. 163) argues that Malays may identify themselves
differently in different contexts, just as the average Australian may use an ultimately all-
inclusive notion of ‘Asian’. My further acquaintance with Nini revealed that she is from
a well-off family where her father is a Dato’64
. I was informed by other informants that
her father even gave her AUD$30,000 in cash to buy a new car in Western Australia. In
relation to her idea of Malay roots, members of the Malay elite choose to construct
themselves and their identities differently by designing their lives in ways that differ
from other Malay postgraduate students (Kahn 1992). As a new Malay cosmopolitan
student, Nini would probably encounter fewer problems in her adaptation process, for
64 Dato' is a title conferred by Governors, rather than Rulers of Malaysia, that is the most common title.
The wife of a Dato' is referred to as Datin. The title Dato’ is given by individual states that have a Sultan
and not a head of state nominated by the state legislature.
139
example, in getting accommodation and access to material culture. Nini has redefined
herself in ethnic terms, where certain beliefs [her Malay roots] are reaffirmed and values
reinterpreted when she is overseas (Andaya 2008). Nini also stressed that when she is
here, she finds ways to keep track of what new issues arise about Malays in Malaysia
and also keeps in touch with her friends and colleagues in Malaysia through e-mails,
facebook and calls. She felt these steps are important for her to keep reminding herself
of who she is, a Malay.
The progression of wealth allows a person to pay for an environment that will lead to
the development of the individual’s and family’s preferred kind of lifestyle (Gerth &
Mills 1995). Mas highlighted her situation as a middle-class Malay postgraduate student
who left her comfort zone. She stressed how she and her family had to temporarily
sacrifice their luxurious life in Malaysia and lead a more ‘average’ life in Perth. In this
research, all of my informants referred to their ‘average’65
life here.
[I] was really mentally tired and physically tired. I was quite scared spiritually
and mentally because at that time I was thinking about the children. How are
they going to fit in the new culture? Our language, and lifestyle, of course, will
be different. Some say that during this time [their stay here] we might not be as
luxurious as in Malaysia because we are living in another people’s place, and we
do not know what our expectation was. Now it is not like before [back in
Malaysia]. Here, we cannot go on outings like in Malaysia because here there
are few halal food places compared to Malaysia. Like there [in Malaysia] we
can go to McDonalds, KFC [Kentucky Fried Chicken], and it is a regular thing
that we take them [the children] every month. Here, even though we take them
out, we cannot get foods from stalls or anywhere. Instead, we have to bring food
from home, and we cannot spend too much. So, that is what I stressed to them
[her children], our lifestyle, here is going to be different. If we used to have a big
TV, here we cannot hope for that, only a small TV. I kept telling them from the
beginning, do not expect too much. We just live on what we have, and we have
to be strong.
(Translated interview excerpts with Mas)
Once having left her comfort zone, Mas, expressed a different concern in regard to their
new lifestyle. She made sure that her kids were aware about the changes to their
65An ‘average’ life for Malay postgraduate students here basically referred to having a proper house to
rent, owning one or two cars for some to move around (normally it is a second-hand car with price
ranging from AUD$1000.00-AUD$5000.00). For some the need to have two cars is because of the
students and their spouses having to delegate work in dealing with their children schooling, spouse’s
work, and other tasks. They also have the basic white goods in their home, like a television, refrigerator,
washing machine and microwave-oven. For others, it included sofas and bedroom suites passed down or
sold by other Malay postgraduate students who had returned to Malaysia.
140
lifestyles. Mas wanted her kids to be prepared for that. However, the changes
anticipated by Mas in relation to her family’s lifestyle did not mean that there was a
downward movement in her economic opportunity. Instead, the changes of Mas’s
lifestyle show how individuals and groups are differently affected by changes in the
opportunity and cost structure of the new place, Australia (Bensman & Vidich 1995).
In other words, the different lifestyle can be associated with the currency exchange rate
between Malaysia and Australia. On the other hand, another criterion associated with
the changes in Mas lifestyle was the inability to buy fast-food like McDonalds and
Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC). In Australia, chickens are not slaughtered according to
Islamic practice, and these premises also sell other non-halal food, like bacon.
However, my encounters with other Malays reveals that they do stop by at these fast-
food restaurants to buy sundaes or French-fries, but only after enquiring into whether
the oil used for cooking the fries is vegetable-derived.
However, another informant, Shima, who can be described as a fresh cosmopolitan, put
aside the idea of buying anything from these fast-food premises. The reason was
because she had to consider and to deal with her husband’s feelings of hesitation when
they first arrived. According to Shima:
[I]t was so hard for me leaving Malaysia. My major concern was my husband.
This is because to compare my husband’s ‘environment’ [background] with my
‘environment’ [background]. He is like ‘Mat Kopiah’ 66
[religious] a bit. So,
when we were coming here, my major concern was him because he will want to
know whether we can eat this and that or not. So, to prepare him mentally, it was
slightly difficult because he will be, like, is this ok or not? Is this place clean for
us to praya among other things [having hesitation]? As for my children, my
main concern was their health due to the weather, their schooling, and being
scared about what they are going to eat. Actually, when I wanted to come here,
his [her husband] parents did not want me to bring my children and husband
with me. They asked me to go alone. My parents, wanted me to leave my kids
with them, but I said, ‘No way!’ As for me, ‘susah sama-sama, senang sama-
sama’ [for better, or for worse]. Then I told my husband that he will eventually
learn, that he did not have to worry about which food is halal because it is easy
to identify. We have to be brave. So, when he saw that his wife [Shima] was full
66 Mat Kopiah is a nick-name in the Malay language used to describe a person who is considered
religious, Mat is a nickname generally referring to a male (similar to Mat Salleh), while Kopiah refers to
the traditional skullcap worn by men during prayer. However, some prefer to wear the kopiah at all times.
Relating back to the discussion in earlier chapter on ‘dakwah’ and aesthetic features of clothing, when
Malay men continuously wear the kopiah, they are often associated with ‘dakwah’ movements or
someone more religious (even though it is not something that can be generalized, but it is understood by
most Malay-Muslims and other Muslims as well). Ironically, the person sometimes does not even wear
the ‘kopiah’; instead, it is a symbolic reference to someone being religious as understood in Malay
society.
141
confidence, he became confident in me, Alhamdulillah (Praise to God). You
know what they [her parents-in-law] said? They are sure that when we go back
[to Malaysia] later, our kids will be thin because they do not eat [the food here].
Luckily, they are used to it [eating foods here] now. However, they [her parent’s
in-law] are worried that my kids will speak Malay all tangled up.
(Translated interview excerpts with Shima)
Shima’s statement highlights issues of having to deal with her parents’ and in-laws’
initial rejection of her bringing her husband and children with her. Shima’s parents and
in-laws were concerned about the idea of their grandchildren being exposed to a new
environment and culture. However, as someone who is optimistic and who has had
previous experience living in Western Australia for six months for her Master degree,
Shima is facing a new challenge now. This is because back then she was single.
However, Shima’s efforts in initiating her new student identity this time around
emphasise becoming a ‘better Muslim’ through her knowledge of Islam. This has to be
done in order to support, guide and motivate her husband and children in dealing with
the new environment. Leaving Malaysia is more challenging compared to dealing with
the new environment. She had to relieve the worries and anxieties of her husband, her
parents and her in-laws. In other words, in furthering their studies overseas, Malay
women and men also contribute to the experiences of their spouses and kids. This fits
into my framework on the categorization of non-experienced cosmopolitans, where
Shima has to put in all her effort, not only in adjusting herself but in helping her family
develop a new sense of place and culture having had no previous experience living in
other parts of the world. The discussions on the role of spouses and their efforts to make
adjustments to the new environment will be covered later in this chapter.
Shima’s reference to her husband as ‘Mat Kopiah’ can be conceptualized in two
different ways. Goffman (1971a, pp. 110-114) used the term front and back stage where
performances of different parts of interaction take place in these two types of context.
According to Goffman, the front stage refers to the place of performances where
different types of fixed ‘sign-equipment’, for example, wearing a kopiah, are in place to
convey the performer’s public (religious) activity and exhibit distinct standards. The
back stage refers to where performances are produced and impressions constructed out
of view. In other words, Shima’s husband is recognized by people through his everyday
religious practice, and it generates active claims, for example, his reputation as ‘Mat
142
Kopiah’ (Herzfeld 1997). The same explanation can refer to other religious ‘sign-
equipment’ among the Malays, like wearing the headscarf (tudung), hijab67
, or jubah68
.
Besides having to deal with leaving their comfort zones in Malaysia, the Malay
postgraduate students also had to leave their comfort zones in work contexts and
reestablish their identities as Malay-Muslim students overseas. Anni explained her
difficulty in adjusting herself to how her supervisors wanted to be addressed, that is, by
their first name.
[F]or most of us, we respect them [the supervisors] too much. Although we can
see that they [the supervisors] want us to address them just by their names and
not their title, it is a different situation in Malaysia. If someone is a Professor
then you have to address them as Professor, more of status-like. So, even though
we as Malays respect our seniors, here they address them [the supervisors] like
friends, not wanting to create a gap between ‘us and them’. It is also obvious
with the Malay, we will talk ‘berlapik-lapik’69
with other people here. However,
the people here are outspoken. They just want me to confront my supervisor. As
for me, I will think ten times before confronting my supervisors on my idea, I do
not dare to. So, when they tell me something, I just keep quiet. I then disagree
quietly within myself. Disagreeing quietly first, then I will go and ask other
people, whether I should confront my supervisor or not. Normally, the Malay
style is to keep quiet in class. Sometimes I need to ask a question, but as people
said, the Malay voice is not here [pointing to her mouth], but sometimes it is
here [pointing to her heart]. They want to speak, but then it is not utterable. We
do have our questions, and it is not that we do not know. Sometimes, other
people asked the same questions. It is just that maybe we are shy, or like what
we said, ‘beradab’70
and the supervisor is like a ‘tok guru’ [teacher] and needs
to be respected. So, there is a slight limitation there [in speaking up].
(Translated interview excerpts with Anni)
According to Anni, she acts how Malay students are taught to act in Malaysia. Even
though she claimed that the exposure she received in Western Australia is valuable, she
still has problems in voicing what she thinks. Anni said that it was not because she does
not want to, but that the Malay student culture she was brought up with taught her to
67 Hijab refers to the practice of veiling by women, covering either the entire face and body or only the
hair and neck. It is different compared to the common headscarf worn by most Malay-Muslims. Wearing
the hijab is commonly associated with Islamic fundamentalism and being very religious (Mustapha
2011). 68
Jubah refers to a long flowing robe that covers the female body (Mustapha 2011) and also known as
long robe worn by male too. 69
‘Berlapik-lapik’ (padding) is a term that literally means to consider and reconsider a sentence before it
is spoken in order to make sure to take account of the feelings of the person being addressed. 70
‘Beradab’ refers to how a Malay person should behave or act properly when they encounter older,
respected or more knowledgeable people.
143
respect her teacher or anyone more knowledgeable. Sometimes she felt that not all
things suggested or discussed with her supervisor were accurate, but she did not point
out the mistakes by reason of respecting her supervisor. She hoped that during her
learning time she would improve herself by learning to voice her opinions, to raise
questions and overcome her shyness. According to Samuelowicz (1987, p. 125),
overseas students are accustomed to being passive recipients of knowledge, and
interactive methods of learning and teaching are seldom used and learning to participate
in a group discussion is one of the most difficult adjustments overseas students like
Anni must make.
Watkins & Biggs (1996) and Kember (2000) argued that Asian students are motivated
by both intrinsic rewards (i.e. the ‘internal’ value of learning, such as interest and
enjoyment of learning new knowledge) and extrinsic rewards (focused on instrumental
values, such as the practical effect of studying on future career or further study). They
pointed out that it was a common misunderstanding that Asian students were motivated
solely by a good career offered by the certificate while they lacked the interest in
working with and studying the materials (Kember, 2000, pp. 112–114). However, in
more recent research on East Asian Learners, Ho (2009) shows that students in East
Asian societies outperformed their Western counterparts. It was shown that East Asian
families place great emphasis on academic achievement, as it is commonly perceived
that having high academic achievement is a means to honour one’s parents and
ancestors (Ho 2009, p. 329). Anni’s concern with ‘beradab’, or being respectful to
others, can be related to the instrisic orientation motivated by her religion. The Malay
value practiced by her was brought harmoniously through her religious beliefs and
prescriptions (Allport and Ross, 1967).
Here, in initiating her new student identity, Anni has to assume her role as an active
participant and develop her critical attitudes to the subject of her studies and formulate
complex issues in a foreign language where exchange of ideas is rapid in comparison to
the academic culture and system that she is used to in Malaysia. The point of Anni’s
statement revolves more around Malay culture compared to religious practice. The
Malay students are notable for their openness to ideas of diversity, but the same reason
presents a challenge for Malay students when they are interacting with others. When the
Malay students meet their supervisor or others, they will seek to fit them into a
hierarchy basis, either through their age, intellectual level or organizations.
144
Anni also described two Malay cultural communication criteria often associated with
Malay students in relation to the academic culture in Malaysia. The first is when they
talked; they have to ‘berlapik-lapik’ (padding or indirectness in Malay speech) and
second is ‘beradab’ (good manners, courtesy, and politeness). According to Cleveland
et al. (1960), the Americans may have difficulty adapting to a culture in which
indirection and innuendo are a way of life. For example, in some Asian languages the
word for "no" is rarely used or is the same word as "yes"; thus, the Asian "yes" may
mean "maybe" or "no." The Asian may consider it better to say an untruth than to cause
another person to lose face, as discussed earlier in Chapter Four on face-saving
situations.
Anni has highlighted the importance of the idea of ‘budi’ in Malay society. According
to Lim Kim Hui (2003), the word ‘budi’ originated from the Sanskrit word ‘buddhi’,
which means wisdom, understanding or intellect. Lim Kim Hui also asserted that once
this word was accepted as part of the Malay vocabulary, its meaning was extended to
cover ethics, as well as intellect and reason, in order to accommodate the culture and
thinking of the Malays. Furthermore, budi also carries many nuanced meanings in the
Malay view and plays a pivotal role in every aspect of Malay life. Lim tried to
synthesize the various positive values of budi in what he called a ‘molecularization’ of
budi (Figure 5.2) because budi can be observed, but not be fully broken down, as the
components of budi are always interconnected and intertwined. Budi is an important
element in the idea of reciprocity among Malay postgraduate students, especially in
dealing with conflicts and tolerating cultural differences.
Figure 5.2: Molecularization of ‘Budi’ – Lee Kim Hui (2003)
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Even though ‘budi’ and ‘beradab’ are part of Malay culture, there is always an
exception to these orientations among other Malay postgraduate students. Rina, for
example, has had to deal with much more pressure during her candidacy due to the
pressure of being alone in Western Australia without family and also without
supervision. According to her, this is the result of her lack of experience in conducting
research, and she found it hard to cope at the candidacy stage. According to Rina:
[F]or me one way to avoid myself from getting distracted and disorganized is to
pray. There was this one time when I was alone for a while, I felt I was lost, lost
in the sense that I was not mentally strong enough. When my husband and my
son went back to Malaysia, I was left alone for a while, around two months. At
that time, I was not strong because of my candidacy [demands], it was so tough.
I was more lost because my supervisors were not around, both of them. I just did
not know what to do. I was crying most of the time. I was crying because it was
hard doing a PhD, not because of not being able to adapt to the new
environment. I felt it was hard because this is my first time doing research, so I
have no experience doing research, like so academic, like this. So, I just prayed
and there was no other person around for me [to whom] to express my feelings. I
normally meet up with friends only on the weekend. They are busy too. So, I do
not want to disturb them at other times. By the way, I am not such an open
person, and I do not like to tell much about myself. Even back in Malaysia, there
was always someone to remind me or to guide me to do my work. So, I called up
my mother, and that was why she came. The three of them came together, my
husband, my kids and he brought my mother along. So, I felt stronger when my
mother was with me.
(Translated interview excerpts with Rina)
Rina claimed that back in Malaysia, her parents or people close to her were there to
remind and encourage her in her work. In Perth, she had to handle the situation on her
own. She tried to overcome the pressure she felt by praying and having continuous
long-distance contact with her family. Studies show that the majority of postgraduate
students have no previous experience of research and thesis writing, and that most are
educators pursuing demanding professional careers (Sayed, Kruss & Badat 1998;
Brown and Atkins 1990). In Rina’s situation, the transition from structured coursework
and frequent contact with her supervisors during her Masters degree to a more
independent work or research experience was difficult and challenging. According to
Brown & Atkins (1990, p. 126), after one deals with difficulties with methodological
skills, one will experience problems of isolation in a more acute form. This is why Rina
felt that her lack of contact with others contributed to the mounting of pressure she was
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facing. Rina’s process of adjustment involved psychological processes that directly
impacted on her performance and functioning as an individual (Robie and Ryan 1996).
Rina’s resort to prayer is a clear link to the importance of the religious component in her
identity. Prayer and religious duty have provided Rina with control in maintaining her
religious identity (Siegel 1969). Siegel (1969), in his book The Rope of God, focuses on
prayer as an effort of concentration, of finding focus in one’s life, the triumph of akal
(rationality) over hawa nafsu (instinctive nature). Through prayer, Rina gained her
energy71
to maintain her religious identity, whilst dealing with her pressure being away
from her family (see also Kermalli 2008). Rina, through her prayers, has used her
rationality to control and make necessary adjustment to her emotions (instinctive
feelings) and centered her focus on maintaining her religious identity.
Here again the issue of border-crossing was raised by Rina when she referred back to
how things were for her back in Malaysia. Therefore, the issue of borders is an integral
part of identities. Since identities are not static but continuously being (de- and re-)
constructed, processes of identity construction require ongoing processes of bordering
and ‘othering’ of us/them (Van Houtum and Van Naerssen 2002, pp. 125-136). These
different situations show that each Malay postgraduate informant has her or his own
personal experience and views in dealing with the idea of leaving the comfort zone and
initiating a new student identity. Poyrazli and colleagues (2001) reported that generally
students sponsored by their home country had more problems than those without such
scholarship support. They suggested that this was due to the additional bureaucracy that
sponsored students dealt with, and expectations of superior academic performance.
However, for the Malay postgraduate students, this is just the beginning of new
experiences in their life, especially in settling down once they leave their comfort zone.
Besides having to deal with being a student again, there are other positive and negative
experiences that the Malay postgraduate students have to deal with in their new place.
This includes the process of getting accommodation, seeking places that provide halal
foods, acclimatising to the weather and finding suitable leisure activities. In relating to
these situations, some find it tough to change their lifestyle, while others have tried hard
71 The idea of energy refers to substance that can be described as all that is. Every thing exists in the form
of energy. One’s thoughts are included in this, as the unspoken word is an energy that is sent out and
travels in the direction given. Prayer has numerous benefits to one’s health and spirits The benefits of
prayer have only been recently confirmed by scientists and health-care researchers (Kermalli 2008).
When the human energy [through prayer] is charged up and bright with vital energy, even personal
troubles tend to slide away (Lindgren et. al., 1997).
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to learn and fit themselves in through contact with supervisors, friends and colleagues.
These experiences will be discussed next.
The New Environment: Constructive and Unconstructive Experiences
All my informants received scholarships and/or have jobs in Malaysia to which they
will return upon completion of their study. Therefore, with limited financial support,
and having to deal with other problems (like language barriers), my informants faced
experiences that they saw as either favourable or unfavourable. This section will explore
some of the experiences the Malay postgraduate students encountered in their new
environments. Barker et al. (1991) noted that problems experienced by international
students are often affected by unfamiliarity with the cultural norms of the host nation,
and cultural difficulties often manifest as difficulties in adjustment.
Accommodation
The first issue of concern for most Malay postgraduate students after their arrival is
getting accommodation. My own personal experience in getting accommodation was
agonising. My anxiety was not just due to the need to find a house, but also linked to
my thoughts of getting my family and kids settled before initiating my own journey as a
postgraduate student. Anni has recalled her situation about her accommodation after her
arrival. According to her:
[W]hen I arrived here, I stayed with Kak Nor and Kak Linda. I felt comfortable
because they are also Malays, and because I did not know the new environment.
What if I had to stay in a residential college or somewhere else, I would be lost
trying to look for Malay people. That was why I chose to stay with them first.
The university offered me a place at the residential college, but I could not stay
there alone [because it is shared accommodation]. So, it was better for me to
stay with Kak Linda. Even though I did not know whether their place was far
from the university or not, at least it was better for me to stay with my own
people [Malay] before I had to adapt myself to the new environment. It is better
to stay with people we know.
(Translated interview excerpts with Anni)
Anni came to Western Australia alone at first, and was later joined by her husband and
daughter. Her choice to stay with Kak Nor and Kak Linda was because they are Malays.
As Wanguri (1996, p. 456) stated, ‘we tend to like people who are similar to us and
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dislike those who are dissimilar’, although it might not always be true in some cases.
Anni, for example, is close to her other colleagues from other ethnic backgrounds and
cultures, but preferred to stay with someone who talked the same language, practised
the same culture and was also a Muslim. Similar situations occur with other Malay
postgraduate students who are single and who live in a shared house with other Malay
students from the same linguistic and cultural background (see Myles & Cheng 2003).
As a result they socialize less with others from Western Australia, and much of their
emotional support comes from within the Malay student group.
For Wani, a female Malay student, mixed gender accommodation was not an alternative
that she was used to or that suited her. She said:
[I] don’t feel comfortable staying with guys. UWA may have a different policy,
but as for Murdoch, they mix students [for accommodation] not only by
nationality, but also gender, and I don’t feel comfortable as a Muslim. So, that’s
why I have contacted a friend in advance. Actually, it is not a friend; I do not
know her in advance. It is just a contact person through a friend. My problem
was only that they mix gender.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
Wani’s statement reveals her concern about being a Malay Muslim woman, and not the
nationality of a person. Her feminine or female gender identity is her prime concern and
overrides her Malay identity in this context, but is related to her Muslim identity. The
same circumstance also applies to Malay-Muslim males. At this point Wani identifies
herself with regard to her gender identity. Among Malay-Muslims students there are
certain occasions where we can see differential treatment according to gender, such as
during religious occasions, functions or practices. For example, in most of these
situations or occasions, the lay-out of the settings would be one side for females and
another for males. Even though it is not strictly a doctrine, normally it is understood by
both genders. Another situation would be during congregational prayers, where males
are lined in one section (normally in front), while females are lined at another section
(normally at the back). However, if the mosque consists of two or more levels, the
women will be situated on the second level for the sake of convenience, like wearing
their ‘telekung’ (prayer cloaks) before prayer. The rationale for such a situation is to
create a harmonious environment and minimize feelings of uneasiness due to being with
those of a different gender. This relates to their cultural and religious background
reproduced in their upbringing process. Some of this is considered a method of social
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control in reducing social problems due to unrecognized or unaccepted relationships
between the sexes. This eventually relates back to the Malay students’ cultural
backgrounds and how they have been socialized by their parents and past experiences.
As for example, in one of the Malay-Muslim students gathering that I have attended, the
hall layout plan in Figure 5.3 shows a settings that is common in most Malay student’s
formal or informal gatherings. However, it is arguable that the layout shows that foods
for women and men are equally distributed and placed side by side. This situation
implies that among the Malay-Muslims there is no superiority of male gender identity
over female gender identity; rather, the layout is intended to distinguish both genders, as
practised in Malay culture.
Figure 5.3: Hall Layout plan for MyPSA Iftar Programme
Farhan’s arrival in Western Australia was made easier by his having a Malay friend
there, but he still encountered difficulties in settling down in accommodation due to his
Malay-Muslim ‘way of life’.
[I] came here alone, but beforehand I contacted a friend I had known since we
were undergraduates. He came and picked me up. I had difficulties finding a
house. Since his wife is coming, I decided to share a house with anyone, whether
they are Muslim or not. I met with three Chinese students to share a house, but I
had difficulties sharing. It all goes back to the issue of food, culture, and
different ways of life. Luckily, I got an offer to stay in a studio apartment.
(Translated interview excerpts with Farhan)
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Since Farhan was single, he was hesitant to stay with his friend for a long period since
his friend’s wife was coming from Malaysia soon. This hesitancy shows that Farhan, a
Muslim, considers it inappropriate to be in the same house with a woman, given that her
husband may not always be simultaneously present. As a Malay and a Muslim, Farhan
understood his friend well, and there were no hard feelings involved. In his effort to get
a house, he found it difficult to share a house with other foreign students due to issues
concerning cultures, food and different ways of life. On the other hand, Farhan also
explained that the Chinese students explained to him that their previous tenants were
also Chinese. So, in this case Farhan admits that it was also possible that the Chinese
students also found it difficult to share a house with Farhan because of his different
ethnic and religious background. I argue that the same situation would have occurred if
Malay students were the ones looking for housemates. One finds that the cultural
difference is under-communicated by the parties in the transaction (Goffman 1959). As
Goffman proposes, all social interactions require a kind of performance. Humans
attempt to control a situation and the impression of the audience through behaviour or
actions through communication. Therefore, facts that are conflicting with a situation are
generally under-communicated. In other words, the public sphere can be defined with
reference to group behavior, such as the use of Malay language and other actions that
are part of Malay or Muslim identity.
The notion of cultural difference as undercommunicated, can also be linked to the
notions of ‘beradab’ where good manners, courtesy, and politeness shared by Farhan
and his friends in interpersonal communication. As in the case of Anni’s reticence in
speaking up to her supervisor, this example reveals the importance of sharing tacit
knowledge in Malay culture, where much does not to be spoken outright and is yet
tacitly understood by interlocutors. As Michael Polanyi (1967, p. 4) wrote in his book,
The Tacit Dimension, tacit knowledge or personal knowledge (Polanyi 1958) refers to
the fact that ‘we can know more than we can tell’. According to Polanyi (1958, p. 49),
‘the aim of skilful performance is achieved by the observance of a set of rules which are
not known as such to the person following them’. So, tacit knowledge is knowledge the
actor has, but nonetheless, like Farhan, cannot or does not have to put it into words, but
acts knowledgeably through skilful performance, as Farhan did with his friend. Hence,
every human being practically holds tacit knowledge, based on their emotions,
experiences and observations throughout their everyday practice, as inflected by culture.
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Another informant, Marwan, also knew someone in advance before his arrival with his
wife. According to Marwan:
[A]ctually my [wife’s] auntie is married to an Englishman here and is a citizen
here. They have one kid. I had never met them. She is from my wife’s side, and
we never contacted her in the past. However, since we were coming here, we
asked her to help us find a house to rent. It was tough getting a house that time,
maybe until now. However, Alhamdulillah (Praise be to God) maybe because
they are citizens, it was easier for them [to rent a house].
When we arrived, Auntie picked us up and informed us that she already had got
a house for us. So the next day [after their arrival] she helped us deal with the
agent, and we just had to sign the tenant contract. Actually, it was not allowed,
but maybe because she is a citizen [it was an exception]. It was quite challenging
when I arrived, even though we knew Auntie, but she is busy. She is a nurse. So,
after that day we were left alone for about a week [in their new house] until we
next saw her.
(Translated interview excerpts with Marwan)
Marwan came here without having to worry about getting accommodation, since his
wife’s auntie had taken care of the matter for them. On the other hand, Marwan felt it
was such a challenging time for him and his wife after arrival because they had to make
other arrangements on their own. He did not know anyone else except his wife’s auntie
at that time. They have braced themselves to get to know Western Australia, and to get
things for their house by taking a bus. At this point, Marwan admitted that he mentally
converted the price of things he bought to Malaysian Ringgit, which made everything
seem so expensive. Marwan's indication of money conversion explained his pragmatic
concern in dealing with the new environment. After a week, he met up with his cousin,
who he did not know was living in Western Australia. Knowing that his cousin, who is
an undergraduate student in Western Australia, was close by made him feel relieved.
Since then his cousin has assisted him to settle down in the new environment by
accompanying him to buy a new car, which meant he had greater mobility.
This is also seen as a basis of why Malays wish to stay with other Malays upon first
arriving. They feel comfortable with other Malays throughout their study; they can rely
on shared tacit knowledge rather than having to explicitly spell out what they mean
when talking or explicitly justify their courses of action. This value also links to what is
considered beradab behaviour. In relation to communication with different cultures,
Basil Bernstein (1971) has introduced the idea of restricted and elaborated language
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codes. The code72
that a person uses indeed symbolizes their social identity (Bernstein
1971). According to Bernstein (1971, p. 76), ‘forms of spoken language in the process
of their learning initiate, generalize and reinforce special types of relationship with the
environment and thus create for the individual particular forms of significance’.
Bernstein explains that ‘in the case of restricted code, the range of alternatives codes is
usually reduced and so it is much more likely that prediction is possible, while in the
case of elaborated code, the speaker will select from a wide range of codes and so it will
not be easy to make accurate assessment’ (Bernstein 1964, p. 57).
Therefore, the elaborated code is maximally explicit and does not depend upon shared
background information by the participants, whilst the restricted code generates
statements that are often elliptical, vague and indirect. However, in the case of using the
latter, since the interlocutors share so much tacit background knowledge, they not only
understand each other, but through doing so reaffirm their belonging with each other.
This is why the Malay postgraduate students feel comfortable with each other as they
understand each other while using a restricted code; distinctions do not have to be
explicitly articulated, but left to nonverbal behaviour because so much is tacit between
them. Therefore, use of a restricted code is suitable for insiders who share
understandings of an issue (tacit knowledge); for example, during conversations they
will use words and phrases like ‘you know’, ‘you know what I mean’ and ‘right’ or
even just almost imperceptible nods of the head or other paralinguistic and kinesic cues.
In contrast, the elaborated code does not assume that the listener shares these
understandings; the elaborated code is more explicit and does not require the listener to
read between the lines.
The non-sharing of these codes and of interpretations of the contexts in which each
should apply can lead to misunderstandings. Triandis, Vassiliou, and Nassiakou (1968,
p. 33) have pointed out:
[a] person from one culture may provide what he considers to be friendly
criticism to a person from another culture only to discover that the other person
interprets it as "hatred." Or, a person from culture A behaves in a manner which
he considers extremely "positive" toward a person from culture B. However, the
individual from culture B perceives the behavior as "neutral," and in turn, the
individual from culture A feels that he is "given the cold shoulder".
72 The term code, as defined by Stephen Littlejohn (2002, p.178) in Theories of Human Communication,
‘refers to a set of organizing principles behind the language employed by members of a social group’.
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Raha, who also knew someone in advance before she came here, never expected to
discover long-distance relatives she never knew existed.
[I] was staying at a friend’s house for two months after arriving in Perth. One
day a Singaporean Chinese came [over to his friend’s house] and said that the
owner of this [Raha’s friend’s] house is his friend. He told me they were
Malaysian. He also told me that he is a Malaysian Chinese converted73
to Islam.
He would pick us up after Maghrib74
to have dinner at his house. So, we went
together to his house. There, his wife came out and greeted us, and we
introduced ourselves. My friend is from Johor, and his wife is from Kelantan. I
am from Malacca, from Kampung Pulai. As fated by Allah (s.w.t), now I have
relatives here. She told me that her mother came from Christmas Island, and she
will take me to see her. It was fair enough that her mother and my grandfather
are [distant relatives] like second cousins. I do not even know them. Her
grandmother stays in Christmas Island. My life was not that hard since I was
destined to have relatives here. Most of the older people back then [in Kampung
Pulai] knew my grandfather. My mother was worried about me when I first
came here. Now, since she has known them [her new found relatives], she has
felt less worried.
(Translated interview excerpts with Raha)
Raha encountered a very constructive experience in Perth, and this would not be the
case if she had not come to Australia. She felt much more at ease and secure in Perth
once she realized that she actually had distant relatives living here. Having relatives in
Perth also put Raha’s mind at rest. The supportive social relationship gained by Raha
was important to her psychological and academic adaptation (Eisikovits and Schechter
2007).
Food
Once Malay students managed to get temporary accommodation or rent a house, their
concerns then turned to other practical concerns like food. Their main concern was
where and how to get halal food. Mead (1997) has defined food habits as the culturally
standardized set of behaviours in regard to food manifested by individuals who have
73 Roberts (1990, p. 102) states that religious conversion refers to a process of ‘turning around’ or
changing direction in life, or a change of world view. Conversion implies not only the subjective
embracing of an alternative set of beliefs, but is also likely to involve the transformation of personal
practices – in diet, dress, social and cultural networks, time schedules or name. Such movement of
religious affiliation is usually accompanied by substantial shifts in subjective identity, cognitive and
affective orientation, and, particularly given Malaysia’s emphasis on Islam as part of the definition of
being Malay, even ethnicity (Lam, 2004). 74
Maghrib is one of the five times of prayer that a Muslim performs everyday. Maghrib prayer is
performed just after sunset and before the next prayer time, Isya’.
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been reared within a given cultural tradition. Raha, for example, worried about her
ability to get halal food in Western Australia. According to Raha:
[W]hen I first arrived I did not know where to get it [halal food], so, I was
slightly worried. Some people [other Malays] told me not to be too rigid when
we are in another people’s country. However, for me, if it is just the food, I
would not die if I did not eat. I can eat other things. For example, a friend of
mine was looking for halal chicken stock, and I showed her the one I was using.
She said, we cannot use this one [the chicken stock] because for her, it was not
stated that the chicken is halal, which means it was not slaughtered according to
the Islamic principles. I thought, she has looked too deep into the matter and for
me if it was just chicken stock, I just ‘tawakal’75
. Just like the ‘E’ [Emulsifier]
code, sometimes I asked the Australian people themselves, and they told me
they normally use vegetarian derived [emulsifier]. Last time I was scared to eat
Fish and Chips, but after I came across some seniors who told me not to be
afraid. According to them too, most shops [Fish and Chips] uses vegetable-based
oil. Sometimes I would even go to a Japanese [food] shop; I just eat fish, as long
as there is no pork in it.
(Translated interview excerpts with Raha)
Raha was actively adjusting her food habits, as she was trying to fit into the new culture
by endeavouring not to be too rigid in her choice of foods, and making choices which
were halal according to her beliefs. That is why Raha as Muslim mentioned the phrase
tawakal if she is not sure of something. Raha felt being too rigid when you are living in
another people’s country is a problem, meaning making an adjustment to a new
environment is necessary. However, if the food or products one is buying are clearly
non-halal, then on should avoid them and find some other alternatives, such as fish,
vegetables and other seafoods. When one buys an item of food, consumes it, or serves
it, these items of food sum up and transmit a situation and constitute more than just
information, perhaps implicating the whole functional system of communication the
very moment these actions constitute it into a sign (Barthes 1997). Anni also
highlighted a similar experience to Raha and stated that as a Muslim we have to tawakal
when we are in foreign land. This is considered a way of taking reasonable precautions
and then surrendering to trust in God. This will assist the Malay students in adjusting
and engaging with others in the new environment.
My discussion of Malay students’ experiences in regard to the importance of consuming
halal foods has highlighted that their religious identity is flexibly maintained by
75 ‘Tawakal’ literally means to resign or to trust in God.
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embracing the basic Islamic concept of tawakal. Here, it is shown how the notion
‘rooted cosmopolitanism’ fits the Malay students who demonstrate flexibility, yet retain
a still basically Islamic response. The essential meaning of this concept is that one must
surrender to God on matters with which one deals in life, once an effort has been made.
Tawakal, among Muslims, refers to trusting in God in all ones’s affairs, especially in
decision-making. In other words, reliance on God does not mean that one should not
take any action and hope everything will be provided, but instead ultimate trust in God
has to be accompanied by efforts and action (Chaudhry 2003). For example, Malay
postgraduate students can access websites that list halal food restaurants through the
MAWAR e-mail group and other halal directories.
Recently a few Malay postgraduate students in Western Australia have begun selling
home-cooked dishes to cater to demand for halal and traditional Malay foods. The
availability and days of operation (normally only on weekends) are advertised in the
MAWAR group list. Three Malay postgraduate families were selling different food items
on weekends when they had more spare time76
. These business enterprises emphasise
the significance among Malay Muslim postgraduate students of interpersonal
communication. In other words, through their communications and contact, they have
encouraged these businesses to proceed. Their savouring of home-cooked foods also
contributes to the success of such enterprises, as do the reasonable prices charged.
According to an informant, the spicy Malay foods initially assist him with dealing with
the weather in Western Australia. Rice and traditional Malay dishes make people feel
fuller, especially when winter approaches.
Weather
Indeed, for some Malay postgraduate students, the anticipation of adapting to the
somewhat colder weather in Western Australia is problematic. In relation to the
transition to life in Western Australia, Li (a male postgraduate student) stated:
[F]or me, the first thing was the weather. It was a bit weird, to say it is hot, but it
is also cold. When I first arrived, I was thinking about my kids, because it was
76 The first family was selling ‘Char Kuew Teow’ on Saturday from 1.00-5.00 pm for AUS$5.00 a plate.
Another postgraduate student was selling ‘Ayam Golek’ (spiced grilled chicken with coconut cream), also
sold on the weekend, at the price of AUD$15.00 for a whole chicken stuffed with eggs, carrots and
cauliflower. The third Malay postgraduate family was selling Malay traditional sweet delicacies for the
price of 3 pieces for AUD$2.00.
156
nearly the cold season, and it was going to be cold. Then, I bought a second-
hand heater, but when winter came, it was not too extreme. I remember using the
heater not more than ten times [throughout the winter season], and that also not
more than an hour each time we used it. We just used blankets.
(Translated interview excerpts with Li)
Li is among a few of my Malay informants who were concerned about the weather.
Most of the other Malay postgraduate informants felt that the weather in Western
Australia is fine and not too extreme. At some point towards the end of their studies,
some of the Malay postgraduate students exclaimed that they would miss the weather
after returning to Malaysia, especially the winter season.
Recreational Activities
When the Malay postgraduate students have settled into their accommodation, and
adjusted to the food and the weather, they then find things or activities to do during their
leisure time. According to Azam, a single and experienced cosmopolitan who has lived
in Korea before:
[F]or entertainment and leisure, maybe I would just watch movies, but it is quite
expensive. When I was in Korea, I liked singing at the Karaoke; it was their
habit [culture] there. Around the university campus, [where Azam stayed] there
were so many Karaoke places. Here, there is one in Northbridge. I normally go
here because this is the only [karaoke] shop that has Malay songs. It is like a
room like this [by pointing around the room where the interview was conducted
in Reid Library], but slightly bigger, then there is a TV screen but there are no
shows [referring to other types of performance, like dancers, etc.] in front and no
alcohol, just like in Malaysia. I do not know about other karaoke places here.
The one that I went to [in Northbridge], the owner is a Chinese, from Kuching,
so he knows [about Malaysian culture].
(Translated interview excerpts with Azam)
Azam shows that for single Malay-Muslim postgraduate students, leisure activities
include going to movies and karaoke in groups in order to release their stress. However,
in consideration of their leisure activities, Azam and his friends are still concerned about
their Muslim identity. This was evidenced in Azam’s choice of place that does not
provide alcohol or other forms of performance considered inappropriate in Islam (which
could mean the dress-code or attitude that is against Islamic values and practices). I
157
have also mentioned earlier in Chapter Four how Azam claimed that he has performed
his prayer in the back row of the cinema.
Besides movies and karaoke, Mas, a single female Malay postgraduate student,
indicated that she preferred sport as a way to spend her leisure time and to release stress.
According to her, she usually plays badminton with her other Malay friends. The reason
given was that she finds it easier to stop when it is prayer time because they would
understand and her friends would have to perform solat too. Therefore, she did not have
to give reasons or an explanation if she needed a break. Several matches of volleyball,
badminton, soccer, and bowling have been organized among the Malay postgraduate
students and advertised through the MAWAR group e-mail (Figures 5.3, 5.4 and 5.5
below). The teams are usually made up of the Malay postgraduate students themselves
and their spouses (given the title turis, meaning literally ‘tourist’, but here used in a
more extensive sense).
Researcher’s fieldnotes on one of the soccer match attended: Malay-Muslim
students versus Middle-East Muslim students: 2009
The soccer match was held in UWA and it was a friendly match between the
Malay postgraduate students and the Middle-East students. Some players
brought their family along. Some of the spouses of the Malay students just take
this chance as a relaxing and outing moment for them and their children.
However, I could not really see any of the Middle-East students spouses turned
up, maybe there were one or two which I am not aware of since they were not on
the out-field watching the match. The match went on well and the Middle-East
students won with a 2-1 score. However, what interested me were the comments
made by one of the Malay players. He told me (or commented) that the Middle-
East students were playing like they have to win the match, but not playing like
how a friendly match should be. I am not sure how it should be, but the Malay
player told me that the way the Middle-East student played seriously and quite
harsh and he felt like there was no fun to the game and even one of Middle-East
players told him that they will win the match somehow.
In this situation, I would say that maybe what the Malay players told me was
just his way of expressing his unhappiness because the Malay postgraduates lost
the game. However, on the other hand, I was aware that the Malay students
organized a lot of this friendly match and most of the time it was played in a fun
and enjoyable way and seldom any complaint about dissatisfaction of losing a
game. Here, I observed that one of the possible reasons for the not so friendly
match was due to the different cultural practice and has nothing to do with being
Muslims. As a Malay who are frequently known as moderate in most of their act
and practice, the seriousness that they see in the Middle-East players was found
to be too a bit unfavourable to them. Since this match, I have not attended any
other friendly match in any sports organized by the Malay postgraduates with
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others except with the Malay undergraduates and sometimes joined by
Indonesians students (since there was none) ‘til I completed my fieldwork.
Figure 5.4: Posters Adverstising Leisure Activities among Malay-Muslim
Postgraduate Students in Western Australia (MyPSA, WA)
Badminton Match in 2009
Figure 5.5: Poster of a Soccer Match in 2009 (MyPSA)
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Figure 5.6: Poster of a Volleyball Match in 2010 (MyPSA)
Alongside sports, Malay postgraduate students often organized trips to various places of
interest in Western Australia, including Araluen Botanical Park, Margaret River,
Mandurah and Albany. However, the most common type of group event for the single
or married postgraduate students with families was barbeques and informal gatherings
at parks. These gatherings bring together Malay postgraduate families using a pot-luck
mode of organization. Here various kinds of Malay foods and delicacies are prepared by
the students to share with other Malay students. Sometimes, friends to the Malay
students from different ethnic backgrounds join in these events. Some types of social
gathering are particular to Muslims and not suitable for or inclusive of people from
other religious backgrounds, for example, ‘solat hajat’ (wish prayer or supererogatory
prayer) or ‘kenduri kesyukuran’ (feast to show gratitude to God) or ‘Majlis Cukur
Jambul’ (shaving or tonsure of hair ritual). When Muslim Malay postgraduates
conducted these activities, they merged the concepts and practices of Malay culture/
adat and religion.
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Engaging Life, Identity and Surroundings: Between Culture/Adat and Religion.
According to Syed Hussein Alatas (1954, pp. 1-2), in Islam, religion is considered not
only as an individual and personal affair, but also as a social system. Islam is not only a
religion in a Western individualist sense, but also a social order. It is a way of life, and it
has to control every single aspect of our lives. In other words, Syed Hussein Alatas has
demonstrated that it is possible to be a person of one’s own time and place, rooted in
one’s own culture, yet also a cosmopolitan, a citizen of the world (Kessler 2008).77
Malay-Muslims overseas negotiate their lives and identities in relation to their
perception of Malay culture/adat and/or religion. Rafi, one of my informants, felt that
adat (traditional custom) is not important now and did not see how Malay adat applies
in Western Australia. However, somewhat contradicting that assertion, Rafi also
believed that some Malay adat is still implemented by other Malay students (and
sometimes even by him). Therefore, adat is like a residue (remaining or surviving
(Nagata 1986, p. 42)). Nagata used the term residue to refer to customs that are
considered Malay, but not Islamic. In this context, Islam has risen above adat. When
pursued further on the matter, Rafi recalled attending a ‘Cukur Jambul’ (shaving or
tonsure of hair) ritual of one of his Malay friends who just had had a baby. He felt the
ritual was in one way considered a part of the Malay adat, but in another way is merely
what Islam encourages us to do. According to Rafi:
[H]ere there are two situations. If it is ‘Cukur jambul’ alone, then I feel that it is
the adat. However, carry out the kenduri [communal feast] to welcome the
newborn is considered sunat [something that is enjoined by religion], then I feel
it is a necessity [an obligation].
(Translated interview excerpts with Rafi)
Rafi had the tendency to perceive Malay adat and Islam as dual yet complementary
forces in some situations. This complementarity makes it difficult to differentiate the
two, since Islam has become an essential part of Malay adat and vice versa in some
situations. The ‘Cukur Jambul’78
ritual is held in conjunction with the birth of a new
77 This argument also refers back to my earlier discussion of the identity theory of Fenton (2010), who
distinguishes between culture and religion. 78
Zuraidah Zainon 2006, ‘Cukur Jambul Amalan Bidaah Orang Melayu’, Utusan Malaysia newspaper,
Malaysia,11/09/2006.
<http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2006&dt=0911&pub=utusan_malaysia&sec=bicara_aga
ma&pg=ba_02.htm&arc=hive>
161
baby in a family. According to Islamic syariat (law), the term ‘cukur jambul’ does not
exist in accordance with the teaching of the Prophet Muhammad (p.u.h.), but generally
is believed to originate from Hinduism. As a part of Malay adat practice, this ritual is
conducted on the seventh day after the baby is born. In order to proceed with the ritual,
a few things need to be prepared like a tub filled with three bowls or saucers that are
filled with ‘air tepung tawar’ (fragrant rice water used to brush on the baby’s head),
‘beras kunyit’ (yellow rice, literally turmeric rice), and ‘bertih’ (popped rice). After the
baby’s hair has been cut off or shaved, the hair is put into a young coconut shell and
buried outside the house.
However, this is traditionally how the ritual of ‘Cukur Jambul’ was conducted. In
relation to Islamic practice, the ritual is now viewed as part of Islamic sunat practice in
accordance with the dictates of Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.). To explain, on the seventh
day after the birth of his two grandsons, the Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) performed the
‘aqiqah’79
, shaved their heads and gave them names. The hair that was shaved from the
babies was then weighed and the equivalent value paid out by the father in gold or
silver. The monetary value of this gold or silver is to be divided among the poor. During
the aqiqah ritual, the baby will be given a taste of something sweet, like dates (crushed
in a small pinch put in the baby’s mouth). Islam encourages the baby’s hair to be shaved
off so that strong healthy hair will grow.
What is stated by Rafi can be referred to these two situations, situated between Malay
adat and religious practice. In the case of Malay postgraduate students who have given
birth while in Western Australia, the ritual of ‘Cukur Jambul’ is still widely practiced in
accordance with Islamic practice. I have sponsored one of these rituals in Western
Australia for my baby’s arrival and attended another for a Malay postgraduate students’
child. At both, the practice is in accordance with the Islamic way, with guests and the
ritual was followed by a kenduri (feast) to serve the people who came on that day. One
79 ‘Aqiqah’ in Islamic terminology refers to sacrificing an animal on the occasion of a child’s birth. The
ritual of Aqiqah is highly encouraged among Muslim Malays on the seventh day after birth. Aqiqah is
performed to announce the birth of the baby and invite family members, neighbours, and friends to
celebrate the blessed occasion. The poor are often included in the celebrations and offered food. Two
sheep are to sacrificed for a boy, and one sheep for a girl. Cows and camels may also be sacrificed and
slaughtered in an appropriate and humane (halal) way< http://www.hidaya.org/>.
162
slight alteration to the ritual involved the use of dried dates and ‘ZamZam’80
water
instead of the traditional fragrant rice water.
According to Abu Hassan Din Al-Hafiz (2006), a prominent Islamic Scholar in
Malaysia, Islamic society should understand that traditional (adat) or common practice
rituals should be enacted not in accordance with ‘nass’ or ‘dalil’ (a known, clear legal
injunction, or the text of the percept of the law that is written or unwritten (Houtsma
1993, p. 881)), which should be rejected, especially if these are associated with other
religious beliefs and practices. I myself had the privilege of conducting a ‘Cukur
Jambul’ ritual after the arrival of my new baby in 2009. Figure 5.6.1 and 5.6.2 below
show two pictures of how the baby’s hair is snipped a little by some of the people who
attended that day.
Figure 5.7.1: ‘Cukur Jambul’ Ritual among Malay Postgraduate Students in
Western Australia
The baby’s hair is snipped a little by a those present and put in a bowl to be weighed.
80 ZamZam water came from the Well of ZamZam in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. According to Islamic belief,
it was a miraculously-generated source of water from God which began thousands of years ago when
Prophet Ibrahim a.s (Abraham) infant son Ismail (Ishmael), was thirsty and kept crying and was kicking
at the ground when where suddenly water sprang out. This water is the ZamZam water.
<http://www.answers.com/topic/zem-zem >
163
Figure 5.7.2: ‘Cukur Jambul’ Ritual
Baby’s having his first taste of ZamZam water and dates
For the Malay-Muslim postgraduate students, in some contexts Islam, when considered
on its own, plays a much clearer role in their everyday lives, especially when compared
to their cultural practices. Even with exposure to other peoples and cultures, the
tendency to hold on to their religious beliefs and practices was also revealed in Raha’s
experience. Raha recalled a situation where she had a debate with her housemate, a
Chinese girl of Christian and Buddhist background who considered herself a ‘free-
thinker’ (as stated by Raha). In general understanding among the Malays, a freethinker
refers to a person who forms their own opinions about religion on the basis of reason.
Freethinkers include atheists, secular humanists and rationalists. Campus Freethought
Alliance (CFA), for example, defined freethinker or free thought as ‘the application of
critical thinking and logic to all areas of human experience, and the rejection of
supernatural and authoritatian beliefs’.81
According to Raha:
[T]hat which is considered wajib (obligatory) [in Islam], we do not have to
question. We have to practise it, and it is not a choice. This includes thinking
whether we should continue eating halal food or whether we should perform our
prayer. This is not a choice. That is why I am scared because a lot of people
have been forgetting this. Even back in Malaysia, we forget to practise the things
that we should, and as humans we forget a lot. Just imagine we are here,
overseas; nobody is going to remind us on these matters. That is why I said, for
me, I need to explore and experience the situations. I felt it was good for me to
be here, and living with Josie, a person who is a free thinker. Her mother is a
Christian, and her father is a Buddhist. Being a friend with her actually
81 Please refer to Campus Freethought Alliance, ‘Identity & Purpose: Basics’ at:
<http://www.campusfreethought.org/identity/basic.html >
164
strengthened my faith in Islam. This is because she always attacks [debates with]
and questions me. For example, one day a dog touched [brushed past] me, so, I
went straight to my office and performed ‘samak’82
. She somehow got annoyed
and we debated [as recalled by Raha]:
Josie: Raha, the dog is not even bad. Why do you have to wash with
earth? Isn’t earth much dirtier than the dog?
Raha: But this is how we do it.
Josie: Who taught you that?
Raha: My mother.
Josie: Why does your mother have to interfere with your religion?
Raha: Josie, you were born in a family of two religions. Your mother
criticized your father’s religion. Your father criticized your
mother’s religion. But, in my family, Islam is the only sacred
religion. However, I never said other religions are not good. For
me, every religion is meant to lead people to good deeds.
(Translated interview excerpts with Raha)
Raha considered living with Josie, a freethinker, demanding, especially in that it
challenged her religious knowledge, practice and faith. Her exposure made her put extra
effort into gaining further knowledge of Islamic belief and practice, and she became
more sensitive to the purpose of these practices in her everyday life. Raha explained that
the continuous queries and criticisms from Josie challenged her to be more
knowledgeable of Islam and at the same time strengthened her faith in Islam. She felt
this situation might not have taken place if she was back in Malaysia. Raha felt that
these religious practices and knowledge are often taken for granted without any effort to
really understanding the purpose of the practices according to Islam.
Raha’s statement on the purpose of specific practices in Islam occurs to me in relating
Malay interpretations of practice as culture/adat, but not religion. While Raha may act
in accordance with this injunction when it comes to adat, she reject this when it comes
to religion. In terms of what is wajib in Islam, Raha sees that it cannot be questioned
82 ‘Samak’ or ‘taharah’ is the Islamic way of cleansing that is the purification procedures in cleaning and
cleansing all kinds of dirt according to Islamic law (syara’) especially when dealing with filth related to
dogs or pigs. It is done by washing the affected area 7 times, the first with water mixed with earth (soil or
sand), and six times with clean running water to ensure purification takes place.
<http://www.ehalal.org/samak.html>
165
and it cannot be subjected to any pragmatic test, as suggested in this passage from the
poem in Chapter one on the idea of being Malay: ‘Do not be scared to violate the
forbidden, if the forbidden prevents development/progress’ However, in a recent
occurrence involving a female postgraduate student, an obvious conflicting of views
between Malay culture and religious orientations is portrayed, as revealed in my
fieldnotes:
Researcher’s fieldnotes: 5th
April 2011
Nora, a female postgraduate student, gave birth recently (March 2011) to her
second daughter. Her mother-in-law came here a week before her due-date with
a tukang urut (masseuse). Often, Malay women will seek the services of a
tukang urut soon after childbirth to help tone up their abdominal muscles by
massaging them back to health. The tukang urut went back to Malaysia a week
after Nora gave birth. A fortnight later, Nora’s husband sent an sms to friends
(which was passed on to other Malay students) informing them that there will be
a solat hajat83
at Curtin Musollah to pray for Nora. I found out the reason was
that Nora was believed to be experiencing postnatal depression84
. In Malaysia a
term used to describe this situation is gila meroyan85
. Nora’s husband had
consulted a Malay ustaz (religious teacher) and also the local Imam86
in Perth.
They attempted to help control her by reciting verses from the Quran and
conducted the solat hajat. However, there were also claims from a few Malay
students that she was possessed. They even implied that the tukang urut left
something behind. The next day, after performing the solat hajat, we were
informed that Nora had been diagnosed with postnatal depression and admitted
to hospital. After nearly a month in hospital, Nora was discharged and has gone
back to Malaysia. She was told by her doctor to rest for at least two months
before continuing her studies here.
Nora’s experience is frightening for pregnant Malay postgraduate students. What
happened to Nora was something new to the Western Australia Malay student
community, although in the previous year the wife of a Malay postgraduate student
lost her baby (she was five months pregnant) in an accident, and went back to Malaysia
83 ‘Solat hajat’(wish prayer or supererogatory prayer) is usually carried out alone in isolation or
sometimes is carried out with larger numbers in attendance when faced with problems or to fulfil one’s
intention. 84
Postnatal depression refers to a prolonged period of depression, flattened affect, fatigue, irritability,
and insomnia which begins within a few weeks of delivery and may last for months. It is viewed as a
stress reaction <http://medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Postnatal+depression>. Some of the other
symptoms identified include sadness, changes in sleeping and eating patterns, crying episodes, increased
anxiety and panic attacks. 85
‘Gila meroyan’ is also known a postpartum pyschosis which is related to postnatal depression,
maternity blues or puerperal psychosis.<http://keluarga.noorjannah.com/2008/04/gila-meroyan.html> 86
‘Imam’ usually refers to an Islamic leader such as one who heads a mosque. However, an ‘Imam’ on a
higher order of contrast, can mean a leader of many aspects of Islamic life.As in Nora’s case, he is
considered among the most knowledgeable, the wisest, and the most gallant of all Muslim people.
166
to rest. Reviewing Nora’s situation in relation to religion requires consideration of the
request for assistance from religious teachers and imam, conducting solat hajat and also
statements of her being possessed. The participation of the Ustaz and Imam reveals how
religion is an important element of consideration in Malay-Muslim students’ everyday
lives. Solat hajat, on the other hand, consists of both elements of religion and Malay
adat/culture, as it is widely practised for many reasons, either personal or group
purposes. Most solat hajat would be followed by a small feast prepared by an
organizing committee or on a potluck basis.
Malay postgraduate students preserve and maintain their religious beliefs and practices
where matters of one’s soul are concerned. Even though gila meroyan also existed in
the Malay traditional society, there is also a tendency for a few Malays to conclude that
its occurrence has something to do with the tukang urut. In this matter, I myself am not
suggesting or denying the existence of the unseen elements in life. However, in the
context of being a Malay and a Muslim, there are some contrasting views that remain
and are not viewed as a religious issue among the Malays, but are instead seen as
conventional beliefs most commonly found in traditional Malay society. In Malaysia,
since the government improved modern health care facilities, the demand for tukang
urut has declined. However, there are still a few tukang urut who service new mothers
and the elderly.
Besides trying to negoatiate their lives without compromising their culture, adat and
religion, there is also the issue of encountering difficulties in the new environment. The
most common difficulties experienced by the Malay students were negative remarks and
unfair treatment from locals and other ethnic groups due to their religious identity. Very
few informants indicated that their difficulties were related to them being Malay. The
terms difficulties and ‘negative remarks’ were used by the informants in relating to their
experiences, as accords with the practice of speaking berlapik-lapik, but I will analyze
these experiences in terms of the analytical frames of racism and Islamophobia. In the
next section I highlight some of the difficulties recalled by Malay postgraduates in their
new environment. This includes the various forms of racism relating to their ethnic
identity, religious identity or their regional identity.
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Encountering Difficulties: Negative Remarks and Treatment
Ethnically prejudicial remarks are one form of negative treatment faced by the Malays.
Prejudice can be defined as ‘an opinion about an individual, group, or phenomenon that
is developed without proof or systematic evidence. The prejudgement may be
favourable but is more often unfavourable and may become institutionalized in the form
of a country’s laws or customs’ (Barker 2003, p. 372). Burke (1997) has conducted a
survey among international students at the University of New South Wales (Sydney)
and commented that students experienced lower levels of personal discrimination on
campus, but were subjected to ‘some racial harassment of an impersonal and
anonymous kind’ off campus. As reported by Pool (1965) in the case of foreign students
in the United States, those coming from countries that are relatively similar to the
United States, that is, other Western nations, differ in their adjustment patterns from
those students from countries less similar to the United States, that is, non-Western
nations (including those in Asia). Although Malay postgraduate informants experienced
negative remarks or actions, mostly off campus in Western Australia, they have
confronted the situation well, as revealed by the different situations below.
I] have seen and heard a lot [of negative remarks and actions]. Sometimes it
happens to me. I felt that if I were a white person, I think I would not be treated
that way. But, since I am an outsider, it happened to me. One day at a shop, I do
not really know [the local culture], and I bought some groceries for my house.
When I approached the paying counter, I did not know that we are supposed to
take out the things from the basket and put it on the conveyer. So, I just put the
basket on the conveyer [without taking the things out first]. Then, the cashier
just took the basket and pours everything out from the basket [on the conveyer]
and everything just fall out at that time, luckily all on the conveyer. But the way
it was done was so harsh. The cashier looked angrily at me, but I was not aware
about that [having to take things out and put them on the conveyer]. Even so if I
was wrong, would it be so difficult to tell me nicely? I would have accepted that.
But, please do not treat us with disrespect. I guess if it was a white person, fair
skin, blonde hair and etc, they would not dare to act that way.
(Translated interview excerpts with Rafi)
Rafi felt the way he did because he is Malay, and in Malay culture one normally pointed
out others’ mistakes in a gentler manner regardless of whether the incident is favourable
or unfavourable. According to Ahmad, another informant, the negative treatment is
more obvious, if one’s appearance identifies one as Muslim. He was referring to his
experience of his wife being treated with harsh remarks. Interestingly, according to
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Ahmad, fewer Malay male students encountered racist remarks compared to female
students. This has much to do with the Malay female students’ sartorial appearance (i.e.
wearing a headscarf), which instantly identifies them as Muslim.
[M]y wife wears the head scarf. Sometimes when we went to Coles, and she
wanted to pay for the things, the cashiers were reluctant to greet us; obviously,
they looked at us and felt they had to be too friendly. I did not encounter this
situation perhaps because by looking at me nobody knew that I a Muslim.
Instead, people think I am Asian. There was one time when we were looking for
houses to rent, and we drove to a suburb we were not very familiar with, around
Welshpool. There, we had a few youngsters driving a car and trying to scare us
by driving their car towards us on the right side of the road. When we look at
them, they just swayed their car away, sort of wanting to hit us. My wife was
with me. That was a minor incident, no harmful events, but has caused a lot of
stress to us; probably, that was the obvious reason [trying to scare Sham and his
wife].
(Interview excerpts with Ahmad)
The idea of ‘Islamophobia’ could be best associated to the situation encountered by
Ahmad’s wife. The term Islamophobia first emerged in Great Britain to describe an
intense fear or dislike of Muslims (Runnymede 1997). Islamophobia is a contemporary
form of cultural racism that refers to the marginalisation or exclusion of Muslims based
on their cultural and religious differences (Birt 2006, p.48). Islamophobia has been
prevalent especially since the September 11 terrorist attacks. Even though Muslims are
composed of culturally, ethnically and linguistically diverse groups of people,
Islamophobia does not arise from any unfavourable personal experiences with Muslims,
and it is not an individual fear. Instead, individuals (particularly in US society) accept
and internalise the negative stereotypical portrayals of Islam and Muslims, and these
depictions eventually become an integral part of social and individual memory that
generates Islamophobic attitudes (Gottschalk and Greenberg 2008, p. 5). A survey
conducted following the September 11 attacks revealed that Australians’ knowledge of
Islam is based on stereotypes that associate Muslims with intolerance of other religion,
fanaticism, fundamentalism, militancy and misogyny (Dunn 2006).
Dei (1992) noted that international students can be exposed to discrimination and
racism, as exemplified by Rafi and Ahmad. Some Australian students appeared to
harbour deep prejudices and resentment against Asian international students (Pryor
2009), while international students have also expressed disillusionment after failed
169
attempts to integrate with Australian students (Das & Jensen 2008). Ward, Bochner &
Furhman (2001) felt that it is not suprising that international students’ physical,
psychological and even- academic performance can be affected by their adjustment
challenges. This could be a result of sudden loss of all familiar signs and symbols in
their everyday life (Oberg 1960).
Barkdull et al. (2011), in their research upon the experiences of Muslims in four
Western Countries Post-9/11 (Argentina, Australia, Canada and the United States), tried
to gain an understanding of Muslims experiences with prejudice and discrimination
following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.Interestingly, their findings
revealed that in Argentina the Muslims there did not believe they were perceived
differently after 9/11 or they had personally suffered discrimination either. Instead for
Muslims in Australia, Canada and the United States in general, life pre 9/11 was
considered more manageable and they weremore able to ‘just to be ourselves’, but
everything changed after 9/11 (Barkdull et al. 2011, p. 144). Muslims were reportedly
stigmatized after 9/11, and incidents of verbal harassment (racial slurs), discrimination
related to travel, discrimination related to employment and threats and vandalism were
common. However, it was found that Muslim were most likely to encounter prejudice
and discrimination in the United States, whereas Australian Muslims have had it easier
than American Muslims (Barkdull et al. 2011, p. 145-146). Also, in their findings,
Barkdull et al (2011) revealed that the male Muslims were likely to be identified as
Muslim because of their names, skin colour, or beards, while Muslim women were
generally more identifiable by dress.
In my Western Australian sample Hani, Raha and Wani recalled their experiences in
relation to negative remarks and actions that indirectly affected their efforts to adapt to
their new environment. According to Hani:
[T]here was a time when one house down the road [where Hani was renting a
house] was converted into temporary accommodation for problematic kids.
Therefore, the kids were already problematic. When they saw us, the only family
who was not Mat Salleh, and I wear a head scarf, they victimized us and always
attacked our house. They didn’t attack in that way [attacking them personally],
but for example, in the middle of the night they came and shook our front door.
Then, our car windows were broken, things like that. There were other houses,
but they do not attack them. Maybe my car glass was broken by drunken people,
I cannot say, because the traffic was quite busy there. However, their racist
remarks are clear for sure, like they said, ‘you bloody Muslim’. So, they said all
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that stuff about Muslims, which was obviously pointed at us, since we were the
only Muslim family there. But we just ignored them. When they passed our
house, and they saw us coming out of our car, they would shout and say bad
stuff. But, we just went into the house. However, since the problematic
teenagers have been moved to another place, we have not faced more similar
experiences.
(Translated interview excerpts with Hani)
Hani was faced with negative remarks due to her Muslim identity, but she ignored them.
Eventually, Hani managed to overcome the situation well. Her successful adjustment to
this situation is dependent on her ability to understand the verbal or non-verbal levels of
behaviour showed by the hosts (see also Brein & David 1971). Her ability to understand
this could be related to her length of stay, which is an important dimension in the
process of adjustment for international students, with discomfort usually reducing as the
new culture becomes more familiar (Adler 1975; Ward, Okura, Kennedy & Kojima
1998; Ward & Rana-Dueba 1999).
Raha recalled her experience with her Bangladeshi friend on having to deal with
negative remarks due to being Asian.
[I] had an experience with my Bangladeshi friend when we were on a train. One
problem in Australia is, having to deal with people who are drunk. We were
coming back from Perth. There was a group of teenagers making noises and
saying things to us because we were wearing the headscarf. I told her to just
move away from them and ignore them. I am used to them [drunk people]
saying bad things, like you Asians. I also have a Chinese friend, an
undergraduate who told me that her roommate, an Aussie, always said to her,
‘Go back to your bloody China’ or ‘Go back to your bloody Asia’. I think that is
why I seldom go out.
(Translated interview excerpts with Raha)
The situation highlighted by Raha relates to how international students’ geographical
background, Asia, is an important factor influencing their adjustment and social
interaction. Major (1965), in his review on international students living in the United
States, found that European students, in contrast to Asian students, while in the United
States, had more social interactions with Americans. Similarly, American students in
Europe reported more social interactions with host nationals than did Americans in
171
Asia. However, the degree of social interaction was not related to the social, political, or
economic interests and attitudes of the students (Goldsen, Suchman, & Williams 1956).
Wani also faced a similar experience having to deal with negative remarks about her
Asian identity with a local student.
[I] have some experience, but it is not that significant because I believe it is
because of one's personality, and I do not generalize about it. I used to share a
house with two other students [non-Malays]. One always said to me, ‘Here is not
Malaysia, so please open the window when you cook’, something like that.
Sometimes, if I received more of those remarks, it made me feel uneasy. Like
once she said, ‘This is not your country'. It was a strong remark, and I could not
stand it. I confronted her and said, ‘I never said anything about your country,
just respect me as you do others’. She is an Aboriginal. However, it might have
been different if it is [a] white Australian. I do not feel easy when I got those
kinds of remarks. I never experienced this with any other Australian except her.
She did say something about my Indian house mate as well. She said she does
not like Indians. I told her, you cannot say that to others. Just maybe because of
one person, she generalizes to everyone, which was not good. However, the
main point is whatever you face in your daily life, you need to confront and do
not get angry, but try to make them [others] understand. This is not because of
you being Malay, Chinese, Indian or Australian, but because you cannot make a
generalization because of one person only.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
Gardner (1962), using a sociological approach, discussed how social interaction
between individuals from countries whose social systems are in different phases could
result in numerous misunderstandings, with consequent difficulties in social personal
adjustment (see also Riesman, Glazer, and Denny 1955; Zeleznik 1957). Therefore,
Wani and her housemate (the Aboriginal woman) from different cultures when
interacting with each other had developed misunderstandings and misinterpretations of
each other’s behaviour as a result of differences in their perception of social behaviours
(Triandis, Vassiliou, and Nassiakou 1968). The difficulty in adapting to a new culture
and environment could also occur for Westerners dealing with Asians.
In relation to these negative encounters, Miller and Brenda (2000) stated that in a
situation where students are undergoing a period of social adjustment, they can
experience a range of negative responses. Poyrazli et al. (2001) also noted that
adjustment problems are more likely to occur when students live and work in a culture
different from their own. In other words, in order to make an adjustment to their new
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life and new identity, the Malay postgraduate students also have to deal with the
pressures of their new role and behavioural expectations, as well as social and cultural
differences. However, all my informants asserted their Muslim identities in their own
unique ways, as discussed earlier. Among these are their belief in the Islamic concepts
of ‘tawakal’, ‘hikmah’, ‘Insyaallah’ and ‘Alhamdullillah’. The common reference to
these Islamic words indicates that regardless of the nature of the situation or problem
faced, everything is in the hands of God. Concepts intrinsic to the Malay culture and
adat such as budi’, ‘berlapik-lapik’, ‘beradab’ and the many Malay proverbs guide the
everyday lives of the students during their time in Australia, as discussed in the earlier
part of this chapter.
Chapter Summary
Education in a new cultural context can be a rich and exciting experience. This
experience is constrained by unfamiliarity, not only with the academic procedures, but
also with the social and cultural environment, and the two aspects tend to affect each
other (Novera 2004). Throughout this chapter I have provided some insights into the
Malay students’ social lives. I have explored how the Malay students have to deal with
the idea of leaving their comfort zones in pursuing their study overseas and adjusting to
a new environment. I have categorized the students dealing with these changes into two
groups, the experienced Malay cosmopolitan and the fresh Malay cosmopolitan. I
explored the idea of reciprocity as ‘starting mechanism’ (Gouldner 1960) in the process
of adaptation, since the idea of reciprocity as practised in Malay culture helped many of
the informants to initiate social interaction in the early phase of their time in Western
Australia and assisted them to develop an understanding of different cultural norms.
This idea of reciprocity applied by the Malay postgraduate students is further explained
in relation to how they initiate their student identities in the new context, for example
when dealing with supervisors, colleagues or others. In the process, the Malay
postgraduate students are bound to face positive and negative experiences in their
process of adjustment, such as in finding suitable accommodation, identifying where to
get halal foods, in dealing with the weather and in exploring ways to spend their leisure
time. However, in the process of engaging in their life experience with reciprocity in
mind, they are also constantly remembering and applying their Malay culture/adat and
religion in their life. This could be related to my earlier statement that Malay culture is
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bulwarked by Islamic religious values. As long as the prevailing Malay cultural/adat
practices are not against their religious practice, Islamic and community-oriented rituals
like cukur jambul (shaving or tonsure of hair), kenduri (feast) and solat hajat
(supererogatory prayer expressing an intention or vow) continue to be practised by the
Malay postgraduate students
In the process of engaging with their new environment, the Malay postgraduate students
also revealed that they encountered negative remarks and discrimination, particularly
the women. They expressed the need to face these experiences with patience and
positivity. In general, Malay postgraduates try their best to face such incidents through
aversion, not generalizing negative experiences to a whole group, and trying to view it
as part and parcel of being outside their comfort zone. In order to understand the
adjustment difficulties of an individual, it would be necessary to relate specific
background factors, personality traits, and situational factors to the communication
process (Brein & David 1971). Malay-Muslim postgraduate students may know how
to communicate effectively in their new environment, but they may not be able to either
accept or reconcile the differences between cultures. Constant interactions and
communications with other Malays gave tremendous support to the Malay postgraduate
students when faced with trying experiences upon and after their arrival.
I have also shown in this chapter how constant interpersonal communication among
the Malay postgraduate students contributes significantly to their adjustment to
everyday life in Western Australia and also the adjustment of their Malay-Muslim
student identities. Hall (1959) stated that the greatest confusions in intercultural
communication can be traced to a failure to interpret correctly the subtle cues that
precede and surround a verbal communication. Hall also suggested that a person may
understand the actual spoken message, but may be totally unaware of the nonverbal
messages conveyed on the unconscious level, which need to be discovered by outsiders
through analyses of nonverbal behavioural patterns, but are understood tacitly among
insiders. The next chapter will then highlight the significance of interpersonal
communication in Malay postgraduate students’ life and identity adjustment.
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CHAPTER 6
Significance of Interpersonal Communication: Contributions to Malay
Students’ Life and Identity
‘The meanings we exchange by speaking and by writing are not given
in the words and sentences alone but are also constructed partly out
of what our listeners and our readers interpret them to mean.’
- Scollon & Scollon (2001, p. 7)
Introduction
The previous chapters have shown interpersonal communication to be one of the most
significant factors in developing closeness and ongoing contact among Malay students
in Western Australia. In this chapter I would highlight how thriving interpersonal
communication among Malay students facilitates their process of adaptation in terms
both of their transition to a new culture and place and of their continuing cultural
practice. Malay students’ adaptability can be seen in how they are able to suspend or
change the behaviours they commonly practise in their native culture and learn to
accommodate to new cultural ways and find ways to manage their dynamic cultural
differences and unfamiliarity (Kim 1991, p. 268).
This chapter will explore further the significance of interpersonal communication in
contributing to the Malay student’s life and identity in formal or informal functions held
in Western Australia. I will look into situations that show how interpersonal
communication is enforced in Malay postgraduate student life, for example in their
communication and interactions with other Malays, other Muslims, other Asians and the
broader spectrum of Western Australians. I will discuss how the use of the Malay
language realizes functions in providing a sense of bonding, security, community
surveillance, socializing, emotional support and policing among the Malay students.
The informants revealed how each communication encounter involving one of these
four other categories differs in intimacy and openness. Some interactions, as I pointed
out earlier, are not friendly and create uneasiness. In other words, as pointed out in the
discussion of Hartley (1974) in Chapter 2, communication involves not only techniques,
but also attitudes and beliefs.
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Interpersonal communication between the Malay postgraduate students occurs at
various levels and places. I have identified the three most frequent situations for
interpersonal communication among Malay postgraduate students as being through
mutual encounters, at public places, and at gatherings (formal or informal). Each
encounter reveals a different form of reaction and also contributes to the Malay
postgraduate students’ sense of their Malay or Muslim identity. As Goodacre & Follers
(1987, p. 10) put it, people have to be able to communicate to function in a society, and
communication enables them to satisfy their needs. These needs include environmental
control, self-identity, personal enjoyment and social participation.
Enforcing Interpersonal Communication: Between Malays and Others
The Malays are Muslims and as Muslims they participate in certain universality by
belonging to a world of religion having a universal system of values. My discussion will
ascertain what the characteristics of these values are and how interpersonal
communication contributes to instilling and sustaining these values in Malay identity.
While communication is repeatedly referred to in most studies as a social interpersonal
process, much of this research seems to remove the interpersonal communication
variables from their social settings. According to Hymes (2003), setting refers to the
time and place where interpersonal communication took place or in general refers to the
physical circumstances during communication. In other words, in relation to the social
life of the same person in the same social setting, one may redefine their interaction as a
changed type of scene like from formal to informal, from serious to festive, or the like
(Hymes 2003, p. 41).
Malay students are continually in contact with each other. According to Kim (1994),
communication, the process of encoding and decoding verbal and non-verbal
information, is central to the intercultural adaptation process. It is only through
communication that strangers can come to learn the significant symbols of one’s culture
and thereby successfully organize one’s own and others’ orientations (Kim 1994, p.
394). In other words, in addition to the use of the Malay language in their daily
conversations, non-verbal communication also serves a number of purposes, depending
upon the context in which it is utilized. The term non-verbal is commonly used to
distinguish all forms of human communication that are not controlled by the spoken
word. Among its obvious functions, non-verbal communication replaces speech,
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complements the spoken word, emphasizes parts of verbal messages, helps to regulate
the flow of communication between the speaker and listener and defines acceptable
patterns of behaviour in a variety of social settings (Hargie & Dickson 1981, pp. 18-23).
In other words, some of the ‘signal acts’ included in non-verbal behaviours are gazing,
postural rigidity, vocal cues such as sighing or groaning, smiling and looking at one’s
watch and indirect body orientation such as crossed arms and body blocks (Knapp &
Daly 2002, p. 247).
Communication is obviously very important in many situations involving the
differences between groups. According to Hartley (1999), one’s willingness to resolve
whatever conflicts that occur during communication should be taken into account. In
some cases, one’s unwillingness to resolve conflict in communication can make matters
worse by creating an ‘us–them’ attitude, which is not usually conducive to effective
communication. Therefore, a casual remark may be interpreted as condescending, and
the spiral of discrimination starts (Hartley 1999, p. 220). In establishing their
relationships with other Malays, other Muslims, other Southeast Asians and the locals,
Malay postgraduate students have felt the need to develop an impression of themselves
as Malay-Muslims and not just Muslims. They felt the social perception of moderate
Malay-Muslims could particularly influence their communication process (Figure 6.1
below). Hartley’s model of Interpersonal Communication reveals the basic components
involved in the process of interpersonal communication between two persons. However,
in considering communication through broader social context, one also needs to think
about other components in each group, like social norms, social rules, social
relationships, physical environment and social environment (Hartley 1999, p. 80).
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Figure 6.1: Hartley’s Model of Interpersonal Communication
Source: Hartley (1999, p. 33)
Here, I attempt to relate interpersonal communication to Malay postgraduate students’
efforts to adjust, dilute or embrace their Malay-Muslim identity as their socially
approved identity. Goffman (1959, 1971b) has used the word ‘face’ to describe one’s
socially approved identity. He argued that each person can be viewed as a kind of
playwright that creates roles that he or she wants others to believe and, as the performer,
acts out these roles. Therefore, I will highlight the various issues and settings with
which Malay students engage through their mutual encounters, meetings in public
places or social gatherings. This will be reviewed in relation to their decision on
whether to adjust or maintain their Malay-Muslim identity in their daily culture and
practice in Western Australia. Based on Hartley’s (1999) interpersonal communication
model, I have constructed another model to explain how the Malay postgraduate
students are enacting their communication (Figure 6.2 below). Figure 6.2 exemplified
how Malay postgraduate students when enforsing their interpersonal communication
will consider their culture/adat or religion in view of making adjustment or diluting or
embracing their identity when communicating with other Malays, other Muslims,
Asians or the others.
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Figure 6.2 Enforcing Interpersonal Communication in Considering Identity among
Malay Students Overseas
In accordance with what Volet and Ang (1998) suggested in their study, Malay
postgraduate students are more content to interact with other Malay-Muslim students or
peers of the same background, as communication is easier. These interactions provide
them with emotional support and help them to develop and maintain their sense of
identity. As mentioned in my Chapters Four and Five, this has much to do with the
ability to use a restricted code with fellow Malays. Bernstein (1964, p. 58) noted that in
the use of a restricted code the social relations involved will be of an ascribed status
form located usually (but not always) in religious social structure. How this
interpersonal aspect of communication is regulated with other Malays, other Muslims,
Asians and the others will be discussed next.
Between Malays and Other Malays
Malay postgraduate students encounter people from different ethnic groups in the
everyday experiences of their daily lives, for example when engaging one-on-one with
friends for personal reasons, when engaging in study groups, when teaching, meeting
with supervisors and interacting with others. Therefore, Malay students (like other
international students) have their own characteristic repertoire of face-saving practices,
drawn from a broader framework of possible practices (Goffman (1967). Here, face87
is
used by Malay students in terms of persons and societies, not just individuals, in their
encounters with other Malays and the others. In exploring Malay students’ mutual
87 The term saving face is known as‘jaga air muka’ in Malaysia.
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encounters, the students are the ‘perceived self’, the person they believe themselves to
be at that moment. While it may not be accurate in every respect, the perceived self is in
contrast to the ‘presenting self’, which is a public image – the way the person wants to
appear to others (Adler 2007, pp. 69-70). In other words, while a speaker may monitor
his/her words; he/she is less able to consciously control non-verbal (signaling)
behaviours. In face-to-face encounters, we re-establish eye contact with the listener at
periodic intervals to verify whether we are being perceived as we wish to be perceived.
If not, certain adjustments in our self-presentation are in order (Harris & Rubinstein
1975, pp. 254-55). When a question was raised on the importance of interpersonal
communication among other Malays or with students of the same ethnic group and
background, Mas answered:
[C]ommunication among Malays is important. If it does not occur, we will start
to ‘cair’ [melt/dilute] eventually because we do not have someone to talk to. It
also depends on situations. Even a simple hello and greetings (salam) is good
enough.
(Translated interview excerpts with Mas)
Mas’s experience highlights the importance of interpersonal communication among
Malays. Mas’s statement about how Malays start to ‘melt’ (i.e. dilute) if they do not
communicate with other Malays highlights the importance of communication among
Malays. Mas’s idea of ‘melting’ is substantially related to the symbolic idea of people
losing their sense of ‘Malayness’ or Malay identity if they do not communicate with
other Malays. For Bauman (2000), ‘melting’ is due to new experiences, involving
instantaneous communication and global travel, through which a new, more flexible or
fluid social condition is produced. He terms this condition ‘liquid modernity’ (in
contrast to the relative stability of the old ‘solid’ containers of nation, class and
ethnicity), and extends the ‘liquid’ metaphor to characterize the ‘melting’ of collective
identity.
Here, ‘melting’ could occur if someone engaged in practices that were in conflict with
Malay or Islamic norms, practices, culture or way of life. This practice among others
refers to the practice of praying and fasting as a Muslim or practising Malay customs in
their everyday life, revolving around the use of the Malay language, appropriate
consumption and what is considered proper behaviour. In contemporary societies, self-
identity has to be created and re-created on a more active basis than in the past (Giddens
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1999, p. 65). Therefore, interpersonal communication can be regarded as a platform for
ensuring proper cultural and religious practices among Malay students overseas.
What is implied in Mas’s situation is how interpersonal communication with other
Malays provides a surveillance function, as well as socializing her. As stated by Laswell
(1948, p. 51), ‘communication processes in society perform three functions: (a)
surveillance of the environment, disclosing threats and opportunities affecting the value
position of the community and of the component parts within it; (b) correlation of the
components of society in making response to the environment ; (c) transmission
[socializing] of the social inheritance’.
Ahmad highlighted the use of a restricted code to construct and maintain solidarity
among Malays, hence aiding in identity maintenance and reinforcement:
[I] feel more comfortable when I am with my own ethnic group, since we can
converse in Malay. Other people cannot understand our jokes and things like
that. However, one good thing that I realized after talking with so many [other
Malays] over the years is that Malays tend to cut short certain words [in daily
conversation], but in English it has to be said properly. For example, ‘Where do
you want to go? ‘Kau nak gi na’ [in Malay], we just use the end of it [each
word], like ‘gi na?’ [Cut short from pergi mana? or where are you going?]. We
would obviously make the Indonesian people feel very weird [since Indonesian
language and Malay language are similar in some ways]; they will not
understand why we have cut short certain words. That is one good thing when
we try to talk to other Malays. We can talk faster and our ideas are delivered
faster, especially when we are making jokes. With the others, not that I have
problems with them, it is just that sometimes, if you want to make jokes about
the Australian culture, you have to understand the Australian first, then you can
make jokes. Sometimes they make jokes with [by referring to] various kinds of
things around. So if you do not know the current issues, it is hard to understand
them.
(Interview excerpts with Ahmad)
Ahmad felt that his interactions with other Malay students were highly pleasurable and
comfortable because they would understand him, understand his jokes, understand the
truncated words he used (which are not understood by other ethnic groups/language
speakers), even those (like the Indonesian) who converse in a language similar to
Malay. The sentences and the words Ahmad used are commonly understood in daily
conversation with other Malays, but one cannot find them in the dictionary. It is
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commonly considered as conversational language among the Malays only, involving
restricted codes.
Ahmad believes that when he interacts with other Malays, he can express his thoughts
more quickly compared to with his other friends from other ethnic groups. Making
jokes with his Australian friends was difficult for him. As Ahmad has indicated, even
humour and jokes can be considered labels of group identity in their communicative
actions, which are related and yet sufficiently different to earn themselves specific terms
(Brock 2008). Therefore, the interpersonal communication that exists between Ahmad
and his other Malay friends, through the jokes they care share based on mutual
language, cultural and political understandings, contributes to the ongoing conversation
between them. These mutual understandings are less common with other ethnic groups.
In relation to usage of the restricted code highlighted by Ahmad, speech or
communication with other Malays is ‘played out against a backdrop of assumptions
common to the speakers, against a set of closely shared interests and identifications,
against a system of shared expectations’ (Bernstein 1964, p. 60). Therefore, Ahmad
presupposes that when communicating with other Malays it reduces the need for him to
elaborate his intent verbally or to make it explicit to his fellow Malays. It is more likely
that the structure of the speech will be simplified and the vocabulary drawn from a
narrow range (Vygotsky 1939; Sapir 1931; Malinowski 1923). The concept fits
perfectly with Ahmad’s interpretation in the excerpt regarding shortening of expressions
when Malays speak with each other.
Another informant, Rafi, revealed his opinion on the policing or surveillance function
involved when communicating with other Malays. Rafi expected other Malays to keep
him in line with regard to religious observances, Malay culture and others’ feelings. He
also expected to do the same for others. According to him:
[I] think we need to communicate with other Malays. It is very important. If not,
we might not know that at some point when we make mistakes but do not realize
it. So, we need someone [other Malays] to remind us. Other people might
hesitate to tell us, unless they are of the same ethnicity and religion with us.
Occasionally, they do remind us, but most prefer to keep quiet. It is all up to the
individual. Even in Malaysia, people seldom remind us about these things
because [most Malays feel that] we need to take care of other people’s feelings.
Instead, in Islam itself, it is a good act to remind each other. However, even
though the Malay remembers that, I have to consider the proper way [according
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to the Malay culture] to remind others [other Malay-Muslim] to make sure I do
not hurt their feelings, and hopefully these things will come back to us one day.
(Translated interview excerpts with Rafi)
Rafi felt that interacting with other Malays would assist Malay-Muslims to maintain and
uphold their ethnic and religious identity. He felt that by interacting with other Malay-
Muslim students he would be reminded of his mistakes or lack of attention to various
issues in his life. Here, Rafi revealed his expectation of reciprocity with other Malays.
He explained that Malays are of the same ethnic group and religion; therefore they
would understand each other’s culture and practices. Even if one Malay-Muslim needed
to remind another Malay-Muslim about an inappropriate action (for Malay-Muslims),
they have to know how to relate this admonition in a proper Malay way. This would
involve telling the person in a polite and indirect way, to avoid sounding harsh and
risking hurting their feelings. In other words, Malays would opt for a softer approach to
remind or to signal other Malay-Muslims about their mistakes or wrong doing. They are
not too happy to use a more direct approach, which they attribute to most Westerners.
Rafi considered his communication with other Malays as a reminder, having a policing
function for him in the new environment. In regard to their cosmopolitanism, the
reminder and policing functions that are present from their everyday conversation will
restrict their identity transformation.
Lailawati Mohd Salleh (2005) also suggested that in making requests, Malays are
generally indirect. It would appear impolite to make a request outright, so Malays talk
around what they intend to convey in the hope that their message is understood. This
could explain what Rafi meant by the ‘proper way’. As Cohen (1985, p. 69) puts it,
people (like the Malay-Muslim postgraduate students) become aware of their culture
when they encounter other cultures, or when they become aware of other ways of doing
things. Such awareness becomes a precondition for the valuing of their communication
culture and community. For example, ‘patience’ has one equivalent in Malay, which is
‘sabar’, but has twenty-six synonyms in English (Random House Roget’s Thesaurus
2001). It is not that ‘sabar’ has only one meaning in the Malay language, but the
relevant meaning in any interaction lies within the context of the word used.
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Another informant, Linda, on the other hand, saw interpersonal communication with
one’s own ethnic groups or with other Malay-Muslims students as providing a sense of
security to her. She explained:
[I]nterpersonal communication gives you a sense of security when away from
home. I think they are like your big family. By keeping in touch with your own
ethnic group, you feel a sense of support through them. So, it is like maintaining
your interpersonal communication with other Malays. I would say that may be
preserving your ethnic identity, and things like, that are an outcome of the things
[interpersonal communication] rather than of your intention. I have a strong
feeling that people come together to have the sense of security and social
support. Doing a PhD in three years is a challenge; if you do not have real
support, you can simply feel lost in your own journey. To have face-to-face
communication, to let things out, to whine, to let it all out--it really helped to
have this circle of friends to help and to listen, but again, it depends on your
personality.
(Translated interview excerpts with Linda)
Linda had pursued her Masters in the United Kingdom and is now completing her
Doctorate here. Her previous experience living overseas provided her with insights into
the importance of interpersonal communication for students’ sense of togetherness.
First, she claimed that her ethnic identity was preserved because of her communication
with other Malays. Second, Linda’s engagement with other Malays provided a form of
emotional support for her when facing the outside world. Finally, her encounters with
other Malay friends and the ability to share her feelings suggest that her Malay friends
would have felt and expected the same from Linda. Ting-Toomey (1999, p. 13) pointed
out that within our own group, we experience safety, inclusion and acceptance.
Therefore, the need to share something similar propels us to identify with salient
membership groups and enables the general process of group-based inclusion. However,
some of my informants also developed close bonds with non-Malay students who were
doing their PhDs, with whom they either shared a room or studied a similar course or
topic. However, no one indicated that having the same supervisor was a factor in
establishing friendships.
Anni, a postgraduate student in agriculture, was constantly communicating with her
Malay-Muslims friends in Malaysia for advice and support. Anni explained:
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[I] still contact my friends in Malaysia. They are the ones with whom I did my
Masters and who were RAs [Research Assistants]. When I was down, they
helped me a lot. So, I still contact them and ask them to ‘doa’ (pray) for me.
When I had problems here, I called and asked them for advice or guidance. I felt
a little shy to ask people here, even though I do sometimes. I felt it was better to
ask my friends first [if there were questions related to her studies]. Sometimes I
think maybe because they are Malays and Malaysian, so they would better
understand the problems we face here. When I told them something, they would
agree with me and told me that it is how things are over here. At least there are
people who can listen and agree with us. So, we will find people who could
understand us better.
(Translated interview excerpts with Anni)
Anni tries to save face by not seeking advice from students in Western Australia with
her. She assumed that by asking her friends in Malaysia, she would not be looked down
upon for forgetting the basic knowledge of soil calculation. Anni felt that if she were to
consult her non-Malay peers in Western Australia, they might look down on her, and
she would not feel good about it. She also highlighted that she constantly kept in touch
with her friends and requested them to pray (doa) for her success. Meanwhile, her
friends in Malaysia felt that their assistance would be highly gratifying to Anni, since
Anni is pursuing her study overseas. It is common for Malays to feel content when their
friends study overseas. The continuous communication between Anni and her friends is
considered an important factor in asking for their assistance. Without constant
communication, Anni would feel hesitant to ask for their help.
Her statement about finding people who understand us better showed her tendency to
look for Malays first for support rather than people of different culture or ethnic
background. In other words, by using her mother tongue, she affirmed her attachment to
her family and community (Meinhof & Galasinski 2005). It enabled her to express her
innermost feelings (her ‘true’ self) and emotions with those closest to her – her friends
from the same in-group. It is arguable here that globalization not only has led to an
increase in border-crossing but also intensifield transnationalism. In Anni’s case, time-
space compression, internet, and e-mail have brought Anni’s ‘home’ within easy reach
wherever she stays in the world. Therefore, the border-crossers today carry their
imagined communities with them to an even greater degree than before and actively use
these new communications opportunities in constructing and maintaining their identities
despite social dispersion (Madsen & Naerssen 2003, p. 68).
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Azam, on the other hand, disclosed a different experience in relation to his mutual
encounters with other Malay students. He saw interpersonal communication with other
Malays as a way to provide continuous advice and ‘teguran’ (admonishments) about
how to act properly as a Malay-Muslim when overseas. This relates again to the
policing functions that exist during communication. According to Azam:
[C]ommunication is important to help us to be remorseful [repent] if we have
done something wrong. If we have good communications with other Malays,
and we have attempted something against Malay-Muslim practice, we have to
consider who we are. If we think that people do not know us or do not want to
advise us, then we could do whatever we want, which is considered improper.
We know Malay culture does not permit us to do certain things. If our friends
[Malays] criticize us about something, of course, we would not do it. However,
if we do not know any Malays, maybe we would dare to do it. Therefore, I think,
mixing with other Malays makes us more cautious. Also, we may withdraw
from doing the things that are against Malay culture.
(Translated interview excerpts with Azam)
From Azam’s point of view, the lack of communication with other Malays will
eventually lead him or other Malay students to do things that are against Malay- Muslim
culture and practice. The policing function here works against the possibility of
transformation of identity for Azam. However, this experience could be articulated
according to the ‘looking-glass self’ hypothesis of Mead (1934), which argues that one
of the most important ways we come to know ourselves is through the reactions of
others to us. Crocker and Quinn (2003) suggested that in order to interact smoothly and
effectively with others, we need to anticipate how others will react to us. Those others
may be either the specific individuals with whom we are interacting, or a generalized
view of how most people see us. Azam also believed that Malay students will not do
things that are considered improper for Malays to avoid being embarrassed or
humiliated or losing face (Brown & Levinson 1987, p. 61). In other words, most people
desire to maintain and defend their own self-image.
Azam’s first language, Malay, has served as an important identity marker (Zuengler
1989). As suggested by Ting-Toomey (2005, p. 218), ‘[as] individuals in all cultures or
ethnic groups have the basic motivation needs for identity security, inclusion,
predictability, connection, and consistency on both a group-based and person-based
identity level, too much emotional insecurity (or vulnerability) will lead to fear of
outgroups or unfamiliar strangers’. In relation to this, Barth (1981, p. 207) argued that
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because identities are signalled as well as embraced, role constraints could be expected.
Thus, a person would be reluctant to act in new ways out of fear that such behaviour
might be inappropriate for a person of their identity. Moreover, people are quick to
associate activities with particular clusters of ethnic characteristics. Religious identity is
an important part of Malay students’ identity and is reinforced through continuous
communication with other Malays as they carry out their Islamic beliefs and practices.
This excerpt from Azam has highlighted how communications also provide a sense of
security and social responsibility and act as a reminder for Malay students in Western
Australia.
Between Malays and Other Muslims
Malay-Muslim postgraduate students also encounter other non-Malay-Muslims in their
daily interactions. Several interviewees spoke of their encounters with other Muslim
students. As Siti explained, her interactions with other Muslims (mainly from the
Middle East) in the campus musolla (place to perform prayer) maintained a certain
distance.
[H]ere (in Western Australia) we meet with other Muslims, and often pray at the
same musolla. The Muslims we came across here were Muslims from the
Middle-East. We just greet each other with ‘salam’ and that is it. We usually just
sit and sometimes just watch them pray, since the way they pray is different
from the way we pray.
(Translated interview excerpt with Siti)
According to Siti, besides greeting other Muslims with a salam, that is,
‘Assalamualaikum’ (peace be upon you), she also observed the different way they
performed their prayer. However, what is notable here is that no further interaction
occurs. Siti was not the only one who made this observation. My other informants felt
the same whenever they came across other Muslims from the Middle-East. Their
interactions with Asian Muslims (from Indonesia, Singapore, Philippines and Thailand)
were more congenial. The most common reason given was language and cultural
difference. Some informants stated that Muslims they met from the Middle-East were
not as friendly as those from Asia. This makes it harder for them to interact more
intimately, regardless of both being fellow Muslims. Siti’s experience revealed her
attempt to understand and get to know other Muslims, if only at times in an unconscious
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manner, such as observing the way they pray because it is different to the way that she
is familiar with. This has to do with the different Madhab practices among Muslims, as
mentioned in Chapter Four.
Another informant, Raha, recalled her encounter with an Indonesian-Muslim girl. Raha
stated:
[R]eligion is very important to me and since we are in a non-Islamic country,
being Muslim is more important. As a Malay, if you want to feel safe, you can
seek assistance from someone you are close to and try not to isolate yourself. I
once came across an Indonesian, Rita, and I went out with her. She wanted to eat
KFC. I told her that I would not eat it because it might not be properly
slaughtered [according to the Islamic way]. However, I was also quite aware that
some people, they are not as serious about some Islamic practices as some
Malays are. So I told her that she could eat it if she wanted to, but that I would
not. She did not eat it that day because she was concerned about how I felt, I
guess. I was not forcing her not to do so, but I was holding on to my faith. If we
take for granted small things like this and we do not perform them according to
our religious faith here, nobody will know and nobody cares. However, for me,
it all goes back to the persons themselves. If they can feel comfortable not
performing them [religious practices], then it is between that person and God.
(Translated interview excerpts with Raha)
Being in a foreign environment provided a significant trigger for Raha. Feeling different
increased her appreciation of her own cultural roots, ethnic and religious identity, and,
gradually, much to her surprise, she developed a more balanced, positive view of her
home culture. She displayed empathy and personal growth. Instead of criticizing and
rejecting other ways of communicating, she developed tolerance for others’ practices.
She developed this awareness through the Islamic ideas of good and bad. At the same
time, she also illustrated her understanding of different cultures, and she did not make a
statement about what is right or wrong from her point of view. In addition, she agreed
that some people take for granted the acceptability of overlooking religious demands
when they are in a foreign environment. Thus, we see that religious beliefs appear more
open to personal variation and modification. Different individuals in the same religious
community may have varying beliefs on a given topic (Firth 1996, p. 15). Raha has
managed to maintain her religious identity despite her encounters with people of
different views from the same religion.
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As suggested by Hall (1976, p. 92), in the attempt to understand other cultural and
religious practices (even of the same religion), we should consider the amount of time
and effort spent on ‘contexting’. Too much contexting takes away our focus and time
from the task, but too little time spent understanding the context will result in
incomplete understanding. Therefore, it is believed that the lack of interaction between
the Malay-Muslims with other Muslims, especially from the Middle-East, is related to
having a different language and different culture. I have suggested that different
Madhab also contributes to the lack of interactions among Malay-Muslims with other
Muslims but I have no further information or feedback on the matter from those other
Muslims. However, I do acknowledge some cultural values and practices of other
Muslims from different ethnic groups are not enacted by Malay-Muslims.
Between Malays and Members of Other Southeast Asian Ethnic Groups (Muslim and
non-Muslim)
The situations discussed above indicate that Malay-Muslim postgraduate students feel at
ease when they are mixing with other Malays and to a certain extent, though to a lesser
degree, with other Muslims as well. One informant, Nini, revealed that Malay students
are also at ease when communicating with members of other Southeast Asian ethnic
groups, such as the Chinese, Indians, Thais and Indonesians. Her reasons included early
educational exposure to other ethnic groups in Malaysia, as well as the similar cultures.
Nini, brought up in a multi-ethnic environment claimed:
[D]ifference in ethnic groups [when engaging in interpersonal communication],
some Malays will look for that first. However, for me, this may be due to my
educational background, because I went to Convent School in Ipoh and even
though there are lots of Malays there, they were circled by other ethnic groups.
So, the exposure itself, where I myself used to have my own Malay group of
friends, but I do not stick with them all the time. I used to mix. I have Chinese
friends, Indian friends, and at the same time I do not limit myself to them. My
husband is from Sarawak. In Sarawak the ethnic interaction is good. So, here I
do not limit myself to interact only with Malays. Here, we have Chinese and
also the white people. However, I do feel a bit different because of their different
race. Even though it is hard to admit, it is undeniable that other races [e.g. the
whites] are actually more open than our own people [the Malays]. For example,
even when we are here, living overseas, sometimes we have to take care of their
feelings [other Malays] more, compared to when we are in our own country
[Malaysia].
(Translated interview excerpts with Nini)
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Mutual understanding and similarity of culture with Asian friends is also an important
factor for continuous interaction, as revealed by Hashim.
[S]ometimes I felt that my roommate is more aware of my Malay Muslim needs
and attitude. Sometimes, the Malay themselves takes things for granted as a
Malay Muslim. For example, he normally wakes me up to pray, even though he
is not a Muslim. But, he was aware about the prayer time. He used to be around
Malay Muslims [when he was small]. So, that is why there was no problem
[about praying]. He is a Buddhist, a Kedah Siamese and is close with Malays.
He applies a lot of Malay culture. He cooked curry and other Malay foods really
well.
(Translated interview excerpts with Hashim)
Hashim speaks well of his Malaysian Thai house mate, who he claimed sometimes can
be more particular about Hashim being a Muslim. This is shown through his reminding
Hashim to perform prayer and be able to cook Malay foods. Here, the understanding
among the two cultures had made the interaction successful and much more positive. At
this point, the difference in religion or culture is not an important issue in their
successful daily interaction because both Hashim and his Thai friend are Malaysian.
They share the same nationality, which is undeniably the basis of their close bond. Even
though his Thai friend is not a Muslim, but he is aware of Hashim’s Malay-Muslim
culture and practice. Since Hashim’s Thai friend has been brought up in a Malay
environment, this helps him to understand Hashim. In Malaysia, Siamese community
although is still minority as non-Muslim in Malaysia, the Siamese in Kedah are the
native of Kedah and majority of the Siamese population in Kedah is Malay-Muslims,
speak Kedah dialect of Malay language and some are speaking Thai language as
vernacular (Kuroda 2002). In this case, Hashim’s also informed that he is aware of his
friend’s Malaysian-Thai culture which has been much assimilated with the Kedah
Malay culture and felt it was a good platform for him to understand his Thai house mate
as much as his house-mate understands him. There are other Malay students who are
also involved in communication with others, including the locals as discussed next.
Between Malays and Others (Local or Other Ethnic Groups)
The most common answers provided by my informants about their engagements or
interactions with the locals or other ethnic groups was their inability to understand
Australian people’s slang and culture due to Australians’ own restricted code practice.
However, besides their slang and culture, my informants admitted they came to realize a
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lot of positive things when interacting with their Australian friends. They admitted that
their Australian friends are more mature and more open compared to their Malay or
Asian friends. This meant they felt they did not have to worry about voicing out their
opinions or giving ‘sincere’ or straightforward feedback when questioned by their
Australian friends. However, most found it hard to feel at ease when interacting with
their Australian friends because of their use of Australian slang. Furthermore, my
informants highlighted that sometimes they still find it hard to communicate because
besides English being their second language, it is also hard to translate certain Malay
words into English if they need to do so. This slows down their communication process,
making both parties lose interest to continue with their conversation.
On the other hand, some Malay postgraduate students were keen on their interaction
with the locals. Ahmad, for example, loves his relationships with his local neighbours,
and they get along really well. Each party’s ability to understand and respect the other’s
culture contributed to their good relationship. Therefore, in the case of such Malays, I
would characterize them as ‘rooted cosmopolitans’. This rooted-cosmopolitan idea rests
on a complex tension between the particularity of local place and dwelling, on the one
hand, and universalistic dispositions, on the other (Szerszynski & Urry 2006). In an
example given by Ahmad, he detailed how he tried to introduce some of the Malay
cultural practices to his neighbours and commented that his neighbours were sensitive
and understanding of him being a Malay-Muslim.
[I]n our neighborhood, we invited our neighbours to come and join our party.
Then only my family could experience the different kind of culture. Whenever
we are in the month of Ramadan [Muslim fasting month], we make extra dishes
and send some to them. We told them this is how our foods [Malay dishes] are
prepared and how we do things over there [in Malaysia]. So, they were happy
with that. This is a basically a multicultural idea, since they have lived with their
Australian culture, and they knew we were Muslims. They did not release their
dog when we went to their house, they tied up their dog.
Also, to my surprise, the parents of my children’s friends were very sensitive in
this issue, and they understand us. In relation to my second daughter, for
example, they understand that as a Muslim my daughter has to be clear about
certain things [like halal food]. They would normally ask us in advance the sort
of things that we can or cannot do because they wanted to be clear on the matter.
Obviously, it was because their daughter would like to invite my daughter over
to their house, and to get together and do things. Some of them have dogs, and
some wanted to prepare foods. I was quite amazed in terms of that. They were
quite sensitive on the matter and when we get together, they will put separate
drinks for us, a non-alcohol beverage. So, we have juices instead and other
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[halal] dishes like cheesecakes, and we even bought some of our own food to
share with them.
(Interview excerpts with Ahmad)
Zie also feels that interacting with locals is important. She constantly seeks feedback
and advice from her local friends. The feedback that she receives from them is used to
familiarize herself and her children with Australian culture. Her experience in
interacting and having friends of different ethnic groups in Malaysia has helped her to
interact with the locals. Su feels much at ease with her local Australian friends, since
she finds their culture of openness and lower sensitivity than the Malays suits her well.
She feels it is hard for her to ‘jaga hati’ of her Malay friends (protect the feelings of her
Malay friends), because she has to be very careful of what she says to them, especially
when she has to decline their invitations for lunch or other daily matters. In that sense,
she prefers the openness of her local Australian friends and their frank explanations.
According to her:
[S]ometimes it was just a matter of sharing simple views, like in terms of
children’s problems. I would talk to my Aussie friends and get some good ideas
[feedback], so it has nothing to do with religious boundaries or whatever. It
could just be a general problem. Children at this age have this problem, so it’s
good to get feedback because sometimes when you get feedback, you can use
that in your life. So it is important to communicate with my local friends
because you cannot adapt their ideas into your framework if you don’t. I know
that because when I was with my Aussie friends, we were in a group. We always
hang out together in the faculty. But it was always like, ‘You wanna come? If
you cannot it is fine!’ So, there was nothing in between [the words] that you
need to figure out, like why is it, she was not coming, that kind of thing. You
just take it as a fact that it is the person, right. If she does not want to come, then
it was fine. You do not have to go on probing in one’s brain because it will
become a problem to you, ‘Why was she not having lunch on that day?’ That
was my experience. However, if it was your Malay friend you have to be very
careful before you say no. This is because, the next time you meet her, you
would have to find out why she was not your friend any more [not on talking
terms]!
(Interview excerpts with Zie)
Wani has a different stand on the enforcement of her Malay-Muslim identity through
interaction with the locals. Wani feels that it is all up to the individual, since she has
admitted she became more vocal after her undergraduate experience in the US. For her a
‘psychological’ approach is important in getting along with other people regardless of
their ethnic group. As noted earlier, she admits her preference for initiating
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conversations with others rather than waiting for others to start. This assists her in
getting respect from her Australian friends. Furthermore, Wani exclaimed that if we just
keep quiet and wear the headscarf, which portrays a Muslim identity, and are so rigid
ourselves, then we will have a problem in having good interaction with the locals.
[Y]ou know what? People have different personalities. They are so unique.
When you are dealing with them, you need to use a lot of psychology. Maybe
because of my experience in my field, I do not have problems [communicating
with the locals and other ethnic groups]. For example, I asked for some facilities
[in relation to her study], I got it. Therefore, the way you get along with people,
you have to know the importance [of communication], especially if you are here.
You cannot be so rigid, but you need to be flexible. If you want people to show
courtesy to you, you need to start [showing] it first. Do not wait for people to
say ‘Hi!’ to you. That was what I did, I said ‘Hi!’ first to everybody. So that was
why I do not have problems even though that person is someone who I was
informed earlier was like this, or like that. As for me, that is okay as long as you
have respect for them, and you make the initiative to say ‘Hi!’ first. Then people
will respect you. But if you just keep quiet, and you are wearing a headscarf like
this [by pointing to her own head], and you are so rigid, then you will have
problems.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
Another informant, Izzi has taken a different approach to interacting with the locals and
other ethnic groups: Izzi plays volleyball. Curiously, he admits that he did not
understand what the locals were talking about when they spoke to him, because of their
use of slang. Despite this, he loves playing with them. Izzi said that he eventually
communicated with them non-verbally, using hand gestures and facial expressions in
tandem with speeech. As Izzi pointed out, in sports you rely more on your skill and
actions than your verbal communication. In this situation fellow sport players also have
their own restricted code in their communication. As long as you understand the rules of
the game, and you know how to play, that is sufficient enough. It does not matter what
ethnic group you belong to or the religion you espouse.
[W]hen they use the English language slang [to communicate], I totally do not
understand them, especially when we are playing volleyball. So, if they talked
when we were playing it was difficult to understand them. But since we were
playing, we just played. For me, whatever they said that I didn’t understand
didn’t matter. Every week I still went and played volleyball with the Mat Salleh
because there were no Malays in the team, all locals. They are all okay. For me,
it does not matter if I am Malay or Muslim, as long as I can play. I do not think
they even mind.They can accept us.
(Translated interview excerpts with Izzi)
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These accounts of the various encounters of interpersonal communication between
Malay-Muslim postgraduate students and others reveal how their role relations are in
perpetual flux; the expectations of each actor vary according to the situation and the
other relationships maintained (Boissevain 1974, p. 4). Boissevain (1974, p. 6)
suggested that people ‘fenced’ with values, modifying and selecting them to excuse or
explain more venal personal motives. Humans are thus manipulators, self-interested
operators, as well as moral beings. Malay-Muslim postgraduate students are constantly
trying to better or maintain their position by choosing between alternative courses of
their communication action. It is then impossible for Malay-Muslim students to pursue
their own interests, unless they take others into account and can demonstrate that their
actions in some way benefit or do not harm them. People also act in terms of values,
which are important to them because they form parts of certain groups and take part in
institutionalized activities with their own internal value systems to which they subscribe
(Boissevain 1974, p. 8). Consequently, Malay-Muslim students do or do not do certain
things, not because they believe that they will be rewarded or punished for doing so, but
because they believe that it is morally right or wrong to do so. Therefore, their moral
values from their Malay culture/adat and religion, as well as their social, cultural and
physical environment, form the constraints within which they communicate.
Levels and Places of Encounter: Inspiring Efforts in Interpersonal Communication
In any culture, there are regular and accepted ways of getting things done, and those
actions determine the range of consequences (Bailey 1969). Malay-Muslim
postgraduate students, for example, felt they knew what the consequences would be
when they came in contact with the other cultures. One of the ways they came to terms
with the difficulties they faced in engaging in interpersonal communication was through
constructing a peer or social network. Through this network, they kept in touch with
each other.88
Therefore, a social network is more than a communication network, since
it can influence the behaviours of members of ethnic and religious groups. Of course,
the environment can also exert pressures that affect one’s behaviour, including within
their ethnic groups (Boissevain 1974, pp. 25-27). These interactions can occur during
mutual encounters, meeting in public places and at formal and informal gatherings.
88 I did not explore the ways in which they maintained contact within their peer networks in detail in
interview.
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Mutual Encounters
One of the ways Malay-Muslim postgraduate students network in their new
environment is through meetings or mutally agreeable encounters. The idea of mutuality
in this research describes the reciprocal relationship between the Malay students and
others or the environment. The idea of reciprocity, as explained in Chapter Five, will be
reviewed here through the lens of informants’ experiences. Reciprocity between Malay
students indicates their relation to one actions, feeling or things they faced in their
communication process. Their mutual encounters could come through deliberate or
coincidental face-to-face encounters. Mira recalled her experience with her neighbour:
[T]here was one aspect of Malay culture that I tried to maintain here. When I
was staying in Kewdale, I was very close to my neighbours, a white auntie
[Australian lady] who goes to church [every Sunday] and, a Cambodian auntie
who lives opposite our house. So far, we have exchanged smiles. I realized they
seem to know a bit about our culture [on the concept of sharing and halal foods].
If they wanted to give us something, they would only give us raw fruits like
strawberries, vegetables or apples. At the same time, when I cooked curry, for
example, we would give some to her. She just loved them. The white auntie also
greeted us every morning. My parent’s taught me to get to know [my neighbors]
and take care of my neighbours. In this case, I have been influenced by what my
parents said. A month after I arrived and settled down, my parents came to see
how we were getting on. The first thing my father did after arriving at our
house was knock on our neighbour’s door and say ‘Hi!’ He told them that his
daughter, that is me, moved in a month ago. He always reminded us not to forget
our neighbours. We should not ignore our neighbours because they might be the
first person to come and help us when we are in need. At the same time, we tried
not to create any bad impressions for them, since we do not know when we
might need their help in the future.
(Translated interview excerpts with Mira)
Mira claimed to be very close to her neighbours. She also played the role of good
neighbour by smiling at and greeting her neighbours. Mira believed her attitude to her
neighbours was the outcome of her parents’ influence. Indeed, her parents’ arrival
positioned her as a better neigbour because her father ‘formally’ introduced her to her
neighbours. The fact that her parents reminded her to consider her neighbours
influenced Mira to acknowledge the importance of her neighbours. She then constantly
reminded herself about the possibility of needing their assistance in the future. Mira
presented herself to her neighbours the way she wanted them to see her. Triandis (1995)
has noted that people will seek different kinds of relationships (as with her neighbours)
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and when possible ‘convert’ a relationship to the kind with which they are most
comfortable. In other words, Mira could just be a part of the new culture and
environment. However, the effort she made to get to know her neighbours assisted in
her being treated with dignity and respect by members of the new culture, and a
trusting climate was developed (Ting-Toomey 1999, p. 239). She was then able to
incorporate herself through validation and inclusion of her Malay-Muslim identity in
her new neighbourhood or environment.
Mira has presented represent herself in accordance to the role she was trying to live up
to, how she would like to be, which has become an integral part of her self (Goffman
1959). Relating to Goffman’s (1959) idea of the presentation of self, Mira’s
‘performance’, referring to all the activity of an individual that occurs before a
particular set of audience in the ‘front stage’ (in front of her neigbours), regularly
defines the situation for those (her neighbours) who observe her performance. In order
for Mira’s activity to become significant to her neigbours, she must mobilize her
activity so that it will express during the interaction what she wishes to convey
(Goffman 1959).
Ongoing contact with other Malays can be regarded as the looking glass through which
the Malay students avoid doing things that would sabotage their Malay identity. Here
we are reminded of the Malay expression – ‘beringat-ingat (be mindful before doing
things), as one must think twice to avoid misinterpretation of those actions. According
to Goffman (1959, p. 213), during social interactions, one protects one’s self and others;
facework is an attempt to defend one’s self-face when it is threatened, as in the Malay
expression noted earlier, jaga air muka. In addition to the notion of face by Goffman,
Holtgraves (1992, p. 142) sees face as a more abstract construct that is entailed in the
projection of any identity: insofar as one successfully projects any identity, one can be
said to have face. Therefore, for Holtgraves (1992, p. 142), ‘face is not an objective of
interaction but rather a condition for interaction’. Holtgraves’s concept fits well into the
idea of ‘beringat-ingat’ during interaction, since it is considered a condition in a
communication to avoid any misunderstanding. However, the level and places of
encounter are not just restricted to their mutual encounters, but also continued in the
public sphere.
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Public Places
One is aware of the self as a differentiated, but organized entity, which is separate and
distinct from its environment, an entity moreover that has continuity and direction, and
the capacity to remain the same in the midst of change (Jacobson 1964, p. 23). In other
words, when a person is in a different environment, one’s language and continuous
interactions assist in maintaining their continuity in a new or different environment. One
informant, Linda, recalled her experience of interactions in public places. According to
Linda:
[I] think it is pretty common everywhere I went. Yesterday I went to the city. I
saw a Japanese student [interacting] with Japanese. I saw a Chinese student
[interacting] with Chinese. People just feel comfortable speaking their own
language. They do mix around eventually, but maybe on certain occasions.
However, when it comes to personal interaction, people prefer to be with their
own ethnic group. Like, it is easy to communicate with Malays because you do
not have to speak English with your Malay friends.
(Interview excerpts with Linda)
In Linda’s view, it is a common scenario for one to prefer to be with one’s own ethnic
or cultural group. Her attitude towards the language spoken among people who share
the same mother tongue relates to the context of the informal interaction that takes
place. Linda’s preoccupation with ‘ingroup’ affiliation resurfaced above, illustrating the
strategic and relational nature of language choices. Zuengler’s (1989) findings
explained that learners may choose to use a language according to a solidarity criterion.
The commonality of language generates a strong sense of solidarity in the face of
language plurality (Bryceson et.al. 2007, p. 13). Fisher (1998) noted that amongst
speakers of a common mother-tongue, the comfort and confidence level is high and the
anxiety level is low: the interactions are informal. Linda felt that it was acceptable to
use English with her peers in academic situations which were more formal.
Farhan, on the other hand, claimed always to greet someone first when encountering
others even in public places:
[I]t is in my character that wherever I go, when I meet someone, regardless of
their skin colour, whether similar to mine, or if they speak Indonesian, I will
greet them first, as long as they are Malay and I can speak Malay with them.
Once I met a Malay guy, and when I greeted him he said, ‘Sorry, mate, I don’t
197
speak Malay, but I am a Malay’. I have been good friends with him since. He is
from the Cocos Islands and looks Malay. Coincidently, a few weeks later, I went
to the fish market and saw a Malay couple, a Malay man and his wife. She was
wearing a head scarf, like a Malaysian, so I greeted them. He told me he was
from Singapore and his wife was from the Cocos Islands. To my surprise, this
couple were my new friend’s [who does not speak Malay] parents.
(Translated interview excerpts with Farhan)
As these interview excepts have highlighted, Malays consider it common for people to
be with others of the same ethnic background in public places. Being able to
communicate with each other in their mother tongue is considered desirable and looked
forward to. Furthermore, using other languages, like English, brings little comfort to
their everyday interpersonal or intercultural encounter. The simple reason would be that
they just cannot express the things they wish in a second language, and they wish to
make sure the message or even jokes get through to the others. In this case, if some
members of a society speak the dominant language (e.g., English), and others speak the
minority tongue (e.g., Malay), the speaker of the nondominant language can react in
three ways in different contexts: feel pressured to assimilate by speaking the dominant
language, refuse to accommodate to the majority language and maintain loyalty to the
ethnic tongue or engage in code-switching (Giles et al. 1992). Myers-Scotton and Ury
(1977, p. 5) identified code-switching as the ‘use of two or more linguistic varieties in
the same conversation or interaction’. Bernstein (1961, p. 166) suggested that social and
affective factors play a role in the ‘speech mode’ adopted by the speakers.
Formal and Informal Gatherings
Another important platform for Malay students to communicate is through formal and
informal gatherings. Gatherings here refer to how Malay students are brought together
in some formal or informal activities either with other Malays or with others. When
people come together and interact, they not only transmit their personal emotions
vocally, but they also convey a sense of how they are related (Harris and Rubinstein
1975, p. 263). Malay students regulate their contact through formal and informal
gatherings to enhance their ethnic and religious identities. As Mitchell (2006) argued,
religion can be a very effective facilitator of community. Aja retold her experience at
one of the gatherings she attended. According to her:
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[E]ven though we are outside our country (Malaysia), we have been socialized
in our country: our culture and values are as Malays. I attended a Christmas
Party function but at the time I told my husband I did not want to attend because
I was concerned there would be alcohol, and I might accidentally drink it. Also,
many of the foods contained wine. My husband told me not to worry and said
they were all his friends at work, and they were good and understanding. So
when I went there with my husband, I had my headscarf on. So most of the
white people were looking and staring at me because it was a Christmas party,
but I just smiled at them. In the beginning, my husband’s boss felt hesitant to
talk to me. Then she finally said that she had come across Muslim women with
headscarves who said they do not drink [alcoholic drinks] in front of others, but
when she went to the toilet, she saw them drinking ‘that thing’ [alcoholic
drinks]. Then I told her that it all depends on the depth of our beliefs. I even told
her I also went swimming in our own designed swimming clothes that have head
caps. After talking with her on various issues, she started to see what Islam is
about, and we chatted until I left.
(Translated interview excerpts with Aja)
Aja has noted some interesting issues. The first issue involved her contact with ‘Others’
at a Christmas party organized by the company where her husband worked. She
hesitated to attend the party because of her concern that non-halal food and alcohol-
based drinks might be served, but she was reassured by her husband. Second, at the
party Aja was attuned to the way people viewed her because she wore a headscarf.
Barth (1969, p. 14) continuing dichotomization between members and outsiders allows
us to observe the different cultural form and content. Third, when Aja mentioned her
swimming costume specifically designed for Muslim women, she was describing the
adjustment of a cultural aspect within the Malay-Muslim community since before this
there was no particular form of swimming costume especially for female Muslims that
has to do with covering their aurat. The difference established to separate the Malays
from non-Malays contributes to the maintenance of Malay group identity. Finally, the
fact that this was highlighted in front of non Malays/non Muslims greatly affected the
outcome of the interaction. The others’ willingness to converse with Aja reassured that
her presentation as a Muslim (wearing a headscarf) and her Malay attitude in
communicating with the others was accepted and not a barrier to interaction.
Hani, on the other hand, expressed the importance of networking:
[W]e need friends and networking is important. Sometimes we just do not know
what to do on the weekends. When we do not have family members or relatives
here, we tend to consider our close friends as our siblings. Sometimes you feel
like hanging out twice a week with them for a cup of coffee and laid-back chats.
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For me, I have small group gatherings of about four to five families that are
really close to me. We met up once every fortnight. Last week someone
organized a birthday party, and this was one of the reasons for the gatherings or
just to hang out together. Sometimes we went on picnics: family days or
company [where her husband works] gatherings. If it was not with Malays
totally, normally it was with other students or the local Malay PR’s [Permanent
Residents]. I know a few of the Malay PR’s families here. They are not students,
but people who married locals or Malays from Christmas Island.
(Translated interview excerpts with Hani)
Hani has suggested the importance of her friends, to whom she referred as ‘siblings’.
The communication between them could be seen as fulfilling a similar role to that of
family in Malaysia. Hani and her close friends sometimes ‘created’ reasons for
gatherings. She also managed to broaden her social network among the Malay
permanent residents in Western Australia. Hani positioned herself as the centre of her
networking groups with her Malay student friends and others, including the permanent
residents. Hannerz (1999) argues that a considerable number of people live encapsulated
among others who share many of the same experiences, ideas, values, habits and tastes.
Therefore, gatherings reinforce group solidarity. For Hani, collectiveness is primarily
motivated by similarities in ethnicity and religious background. Her position is that of a
rooted cosmopolitan because, although she mixed well with the others, she stressed how
she tends to fly back to Malaysia as often as she can to visit her parents and siblings.
She still feels she is responsible for their well-being, even though she is in Australia.
This means much more attention is given to the everyday subjective lives of the Malay-
Muslim students, since the students continue to be locked into affiliations and
obligations constructed by them. Inevitably, they remain partly dependent on the own
society, despite their exposure to global influences (Kennedy 2007). In this situation,
Hall’s (1959) idea of high-context culture is noted, where the communication style that
exists among Malay students, where most of the information is already shared with
other Malays in the society, leaves very little information in the explicit transmitted part
of the message. The importance of this ‘high-context’ communication is shown through
the researcher’s fieldnotes and in the comments from Halim, another respondent,
referred to in the subsequent paragraph.
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Researcher’s fieldnotes note: Scenario observed during one of researcher’s visit
to an open-house during Eid-Fitri celebration in 2009
The first thing I noticed in the gathering is the various people hanging out with
each other having different types of conversation. It was a lively environment
with parents chatting and children running about. Since only some of us knew
each other, most Malay students will start to identify themselves as being
attached/sponsored by which academic institutions in Malaysia, where they are
originally from (states in Malaysia) and which university they are pursuing their
study. Their encounter with other students from the same state in Malaysia are
more anticipated, since the language slang or is no longer a cut off point in their
conversation when communicating with each other.
Some are enjoying themselves with mostly local Malay foods and cuisines made
available through pot-luck basis. The idea of pot-luck was quite new to me but
maybe the idea of bringing something to the house owner during visit is not
something new in Malaysia. When I first arrived I have no idea what it really
meant because in some occasions Malaysia, people who came to gathering or
festive occasions prefer to contribute money instead. The reason could be
because foods are much cheaper in Malaysia compared to here and it is easier to
get ‘halal’ food everywhere, at anytime, any day or from individual caterers.
During the guest’s conversations, some things that were discussed were about
children’s schooling, cost of livings, jobs, recommendation for new jobs,
accomodation, house rentals and came across old friends. I met some permanent
residents and also Malaysians working in Western Australia. Most of them still
feel Malaysian rather than Australian, and their slang has not changed too.
I was also able to watch and listen to some basic Muslim practices being
conducted during gatherings. Firstly the host invited a religious person or an
ustaz to recite the doa before enjoying the foods, which is also a common sight
in Malaysia. This is followed by a speech by an important guest if there are, and
the radio will play some nasyid/religious songs as background musics. There
will also be people wearing traditional baju kurung or baju melayu during these
occasions.
Some even managed to gather some information regarding places of interests in
Western Australia or activities that can be organized with new friends and
collegues like camping, fishing or crabbing. Some even managed to plan to
organize other activities like class for reciting Al-Quran, religious talks and
religious gatherings (usrah).
Halim in his interviews pointed out that communication is a group or social
phenomenon (Yngve 1975, p. 55):
[I]nterpersonal communication is important because Malay people need to
communicate with each other. When we conduct gatherings, like during fasting
months, the students with families here frequently organize a ‘buka puasa’
(breaking fasts) gathering in the evening or invitations to tea at least once a
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month. When we meet up, we talk about Malaysia, the Eid celebration, birthday
parties, or just ‘bual kosong’ (general conversation) or the Malay ‘kedai kopi’
(coffee shop) conversations. We also have the Malay association: that is
important. If possible, maybe like the Chinese, they have their own newspaper at
the Asian shop in William Street, the one they print here. So the Malays should
do the same when they are overseas. They have newspapers for Muslims, but
since the Islamic community is of different ethnic backgrounds, it would be
good to have one for the Malay community too.
(Translated interview excerpts with Halim)
Conducting gatherings for most Malay students here is one of the efforts at maintaining
continuous communication and contacts. Halim used the term Malay ‘coffee shop
conversation’, where any social, economic or political issues related to Malay everyday
life can be discussed. Here, the social processes of exclusion and incorporation that
render discrete the social categories (in this case, between Malays and Others) are
maintained despite the changing participation and membership course of the group
(Barth 1969, p. 10). This also suggests that interaction involves shared ‘rhythmic’
aspects of language that may be felt as well as heard (Sarles 1975, p. 27).
The rhythmic formation and usage in the Malay language has its own devices to classify
things, which rigorously describe different sets of object or their properties (Mohd
Yunus Sharum et. al. 2010). In other words, the issues talked about will only be fully
understood and felt by the Malays when they use the Malay language in their
conversations. Therefore, people’s experience and understanding of their community
reside in their orientation to symbolism, such as the expressive parameters of language
use (Cohen 1985, p. 16). This is again related to the idea of using a restricted code that
develops whenever the Malays’ closely shared identification is self-consciously held by
the members (Bernstein 1964).
For Halil, the possibility of publishing a Malay language newspaper in Western
Australia would be a way of bringing the Malay community together. Halil mentioned
two issues; first, the Chinese have their own newspaper. When he referred to ‘the
Chinese’, he was looking at the concept of the ethnic group as a group whose members
are in communication. Second, he suggested that Malays should have their own
newspaper too, even though there are already newspapers available for the general
Muslim community. To his knowledge, there is already a newspaper published for the
Muslim community in Western Australia, but he claimed it is in English and covers
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stories about the general Muslim community here. This is not to say that it is not a good
thing, but for Halil a Malay newspaper would be good, since it would focus on Malay
interests and problems and could provide motivation. His remark was motivated by his
Malay identity rather than his Muslim identity. A Malay-oriented newspaper could
discuss issues of importance to Malays and suggest events in accord with the Malay-
Muslim religious cultural practices. As mentioned earlier, within Islam, different
Muslim communities practice different Madhab.
This could be related to Sahid’s views on the idea of political affiliation in relation to
the Malay-Muslim postgraduate students here. As Baldassarri and Bearman (2006)
pointed out, political issues that are already active in participants’ minds are the subject
of communications, and repeated communications will include arguments and attempts
at influencing the opinions of the other participant in a relationship. According to Sahid:
[I]n my point of view, sometimes we can become self-regulating in our
interactions. For some Malays small things can turn into an issue. This may be
because there is too much politics, and they become blind. As for me, it is OK if
you do not agree on certain things. However, small things can be misinterpreted,
for example conducting a simple religious ceremony to welcome Ramadan [the
Muslim fasting month] and reciting ‘Surah Yassin’89
, very modest acts with
good intentions. During this time, MyPSA (Malaysian Postgraduate Student’s
Association) had just been established, and they had insufficient funding to
organize events. Therefore, the UMNO Club
90 agreed to contribute to and
organize the event. When some people realized that the UMNO Club was paying
for the events, then it started to become an issue about where the money came
from. Even though it was for a good purpose, some people started to condemn it
and persuaded other Malay students not to attend the event. I think this is going
too far. Since we are in another people’s place [country], we are all the same;
whichever political party one supports is one’s own right. Even if we stay with
our parents, to be honest, there will be some problems. Sometimes we need each
other’s support rather than condemnation.
(Translated interview excerpts with Sahid)
89 Surah Yassin is the 36
th surah (chapter) of the Holy Qur’an and is given the title of the ‘Heart of the
Qur'an’. However, some modernist Muslim organizations, for example Muhammadiyah in Indonesia
(Aljunied 2011, p. 282), have sought to eradicate certain age-old practices, such as tahlil and talkin (the
recitation of Quranic verses – including chanting of Surah Yassin) at Maulid (the celebration of the
Prophet’s birthday), to bring blessings to the living as well as the deceased (Aljunied 2011, p. 286). 90
UMNO Club Western Australia (UCWA) is a part of UMNO overseas club that was first established in
1956 in New York, United State of America. The early reason for its establishment was to unite the
Malays and students residing in USA. However, the first systematic documented details of the club
establishment were in the United Kingdom in 1968. Due to the increase numbers of students and Malays
studying and working overseas, UMNO introduced a special committee for overseas students. There are
now 72 UMNO club covering 18 countries with 14,000 members. The list of countries with UMNO
overseas Club are United Kingdom, Indonesia, United States of America, Australia, Mesir, Ireland, Japan,
German, New Zealand, Canada, South Korea, Pakistan, Jordan, Denmark and France. Further information
can be viewed at the club official portal <http://www.kelab-umno.com/v4/ >
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Here, Sahid shared his concerns relating to the importance of interpersonal
communication in Malay students’ gatherings. First, it must be noted that in Malaysia
Islam has been both a unifying and dividing force among Muslims. Most Muslims in
Malaysia wish to stress their identity as Malays (McAmis 2002, p. 85). In this situation,
it should be noted that none of the Malay students objected to such a recitation
ceremony. This indicates the relative homogeneity in the Malay students’ Islamic
orientation. Sharif had interpreted the situation according to his understanding of the
Malay students’ political affiliations in Malaysia. His interpretation of the situation can
be viewed from three different angles. As a student, Sahid considered the gathering as
part of the usual gatherings held for Malay students and was looking forward to it. As a
committee member for MyPSA, he was frustrated with the political issues that were
raised regarding the financing of the gatherings. As a Malay he felt slightly distressed
about the situation because he thought that Malays in a foreign environment should be
supportive of each other rather than fault-finding. He felt that problems are inevitable;
even among family members. In this situation, the Malay student’s identity (in relation
to their own political affiliation in Malaysia) is looked at from the perspective of
national considerations and not of religious affiliation.
Granovetter (1973) relates the importance of ‘weak ties’ for extending network range
and flexibility. According to him, most people bond strongly to one another in multi-
stranded clusters – usually based on age, ethnicity, gender or religion, However, many
of the relationships of people who are mobile and gregarious are single-stranded, that is,
are more numerous and varied but only relevant to one basis of connection; their
interaction of this type with an other is less frequent and hence deemed ‘weaker’. Weak
ties are vital to the connectivity of the overall network. As Sahid expressed, fostering
ties among students with different political affiliations are an important factor in
strengthening the Malay students’ sense of community.
Other ways of engaging in interpersonal communications among Malay students
included through participation in sports and recreational activities, such as competitive
badminton, bowling and soccer, organized to pull Malay students across Western
Australia together. Normally, after each match family members get together for a ‘pot
luck’ meal and continue to get to know each other. Some managed to broaden their
networks and others managed to meet up with their friends on a regular basis. The
gatherings are one way the Malay students maintain their Malay community identity.
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However, in their interaction with others, Malay students often need to consider the fact
that they are Malay-Muslims, as is discussed in the next section.
Interpersonal Communication: Considering Factors in Ethnic and Religious
Identity?
Here I will explore the experiences of Malay-Muslim postgraduate students who see
interpersonal communications as a factor that could contribute to sustaining or adjusting
their ethnic and religious identity. Linda, who has experienced living in two different
places outside Malaysia while pursuing her studies, is an experienced cosmopolitan, and
also can be categorized as rooted cosmopolitan. Her account of her previous experience
was particulary interesting because as she moves cognitively and physically outside of
her spatial origins, she continues to be linked to Malaysia, to the social networks that
inhabit that space, and to the resources, experiences and opportunities that place provides
her with (Tarrow 2005).
[I] think that being with other Malays could strengthen your identity. However,
over here [Western Australia] we are not facing problems or issues because the
living conditions are secure. We are not being threatened, unless you get
yourself involved in politics. I do not think there are strong urgent needs to
protect our identity here because you are already doing the kind of things, like
speak[ing] Malay. So, unconsciously you maintain your Malay identity through
your interaction with other Malays. I think it strengthened them. Sometimes
unconsciously, like when you pick your house mate, you choose your Malay
friend rather than others. I rarely see any Malays or Malaysian students being
with other ethnic groups. I think it is quite common in the US [United States] or
the UK [United Kingdom] too. I was in the UK for my Masters, and Malay
students there chose Malay room mates as well.
(Interview excerpts with Linda)
Linda was in the United Kingdom doing her Masters, and now she is in Western
Australia doing her Doctorate. The places where she has been are full of different ethnic
groups. She suggests that Malays will hold on to their Malay identity regardless of
where they are. Their identity is protected as long as they continue practising the Malay
language. Linda feels the Malay identity is strengthened by the continuous practice of
Malay culture abroad. As Fong & Chuang (2004, p. 6) suggested, the communications
of shared systems of symbolic verbal and nonverbal behaviour are considered
meaningful to group members who have a sense of belonging and who share traditions,
heritage, language, and similar norms and appropriate behaviour. It is interesting to
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revisit the case of the Malay student who had a nervous breakdown mentioned in
Chapter Four from this perspective:
[I] once met a Malay female student here, but I have not seen her around since.
She said she never mixes with Malays here. I was quite shocked to hear that. I
asked her why? She told me she wanted her children to really feel the experience
of living in Australia. I am not sure what her idea was actually. After sometime
later I heard she did not complete her PhD because she had a breakdown due to
stresses and pressures. In my heart I said, no wonder she came under so much
pressures, she does not have or want to have Malay friends.
(Translated interview excerpts with Hana)
Hana recalled her experience with this female Malay student who tried to become like
the ‘white people’. The student believed that English language provided a way for her to
extend herself beyond her immediate experience and cultural context. The situation is,
as Wenger (1998, p. 176) puts it, a ‘process of expanding our self by transcending our
time and space and creating new images of the world and ourselves’. From another
perspective, Hana voiced her view on the student’s situation by remarking on her
inability to fit in with other Malays, noting that her lack of contacts with other Malays
contributed to her breakdown. What Hana pointed out here was speculation that relates
the depressed student’s situation to her lack of communication with other Malays.
However, this position was not idiosyncratic, as, the reason she gave for thinking that
was the cause was that it was the common attribution in talk about such issues among
the Malay postgraduates, especially those who had had contact with the depressed
student. She was told by a few other Malays student that if the depressed student were
to have mixed and joined with the other Malay students, that is, either by visiting,
hanging out or joining programmes that were organized, then probably they could have
helped her out. According to Hana, communication with people of the same culture is
thus important because they will understand your situation better. According to Hall
(1959, 1966), we can encounter considerable difficulties in trying to interact with
persons from other cultures because we fail to recognize that these persons employ a
different set of communication conventions and norms. In other words, as long as the
person speaks our language and appears to be from our culture, we can make certain
assumptions concerning how to go about interacting with that person (Berger & Bradac
1982, p. 10). This again points out the importance of the use of a restricted code for
identity maintenance, as it is available to all members of the society, as the social
conditions which generate it are universal (Bernstein 1964, p. 62).
206
What can be concluded in this excerpt is that the student of whom Hana spoke tried to
transform her Malay identity and live her life according to the other’s culture. In the
view of many of the other Malay postgraduates, her refusal and lack of communication
with other Malays contributed to her breakdown, as she apparently did not have Malay
friends with whom she could talk her problems over. As discussed earlier, moral
support and understanding are among the most significant functions in communication
with other Malays. In addition, Hana stressed that she did not really understand what the
student meant by ‘really living in Australia’. The student chose to isolate herself from
the Malay community, and Hana fully agreed that the student became more vulnerable
when she tried to transform her Malay identity here. The general behaviour of the
student who experienced the breakdown could also be considered in relation to the
significance of the interaction with other Malays involving her social, intellectual, or
emotional situation (Bernstein 1964). In this student’s case, it ultimately revolved
around her emotional state.
Religious elements provide the framework on how to become or remain a good Malay.
How Malay students incorporate these practices in their lives and maintain their
religious identity can also be seen from the standpoint of the importance of
communication. Here I refer to the way in which Malay students enact a distinctive,
religiously charged mode of communication and interaction in the context of a wider
social environment that remains largely unaware of this. Thus they also enact symbolic
boundaries distinguishing themselves from others.91
Ram recalled her experience of
drawing on her Islamic beliefs to deal with her studies:
[I]nterpersonal communication among Malays is very important. For example,
sometimes I could not finish an experiment. However, some people do not know
why and do not understand my situation or problems. I have to bear in mind that
everything that happened to me must have hikmah [good reason and outcome
later], Allah gave me the challenges for a reason. This means we would
eventually go back to Islamic teaching. I am not sure about being Malay. I feel
that we are here to learn, and we strive to perform and complete our tasks.
However, if we still fail, it might just be our nasib (fate). Therefore, the most
important thing is we have to work hard and tawakal (trust in God).
(Translated interview excerpts with Ram)
91 See also Enzo Pace (2011)
207
Ram draws on the Islamic tenet of ‘hikmah’ (hoping for a good outcome in future after
facing challenges in her life), nasib (fate), and also tawakal (trust in God). She does not
discuss her problems openly with her other friends because she assumes they would not
understand her situation. Thus, she expresses her emotion to God and hopes her hard
work would return good results some day. If in the end, she is not able to not overcome
her problems, she feels it is not due to her lack of knowledge and efforts: it is indeed the
will of God. As Firth (1996) claims, in a religious belief, the element of emotion in
whatever experience gives the basis for the belief, providing it with a strong flavour or
reality. In other words, Ram has attempted to secure personal adjustment and adaptation
as a Malay to assist in her individual pursuits through maintaining her religious beliefs
and identity.
Praying once more is considered as an important form of communication for Malay
Muslim students in Western Australia and through which they can express their
emotions and hold on to their religious identities. Ram is not the only Malay student
who stressed the importance of holding on to personal religious beliefs. In order to face
different environments and life circumstances, it is important to most Malay-Muslim
students to have strong religious foundations. They believe that if one could hold on to
their religious identity, it does not matter where they are because they will be more
prepared when encountering problems. For the Malay-Muslim student, prayer can be
considered as a form of communication between them and God. Prayers are considered
as an expression of one’s submission to God. Iqbal (1986, p. 74) defines prayer as
follows:
[P]rayer, is an expression of man's inner yearning for a response in the awful
silence of the universe. It is a unique process of discovery whereby the searching
ego affirms itself in the very moment of self-negation, and thus discovers its
own worth and justification as a dynamic factor in the life of the universe. True
to the psychology of mental attitude in prayer, the form of worship in Islam
symbolizes both affirmation and negation.
Prayer as the second pillar of Islam carries great importance in a Muslim’s life and is
considered vital to attain success in this life and the hereafter. The importance of the
prayers lies in the fact that no matter what actions one performs in this life, the most
important aspect is one’s relationship to God, that is, one’s iman (faith), taqwa (God-
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consciousness), ikhlas (sincerity) and ibadah (worship of God)92
. According to Park
(2007), religiosity offers a system of guiding beliefs through which to interpret one’s
experiences and give them meaning. These belief systems often function as social
identities through the increasing importance of the relevant group membership to the
self-concept. Therefore, religion protects identity by providing psychological
reassurance and emotional security (Mol 1976). Hamf (1994) argues that religious
boundary marking can be socially powerful, since religion and rites are far more
resistant to social change than many other markers of identity, such as common origin
and language.
Therefore, for the Malay postgraduate students, prayer is not just a way for them to
show their obligation to the Islamic faith, but also as a form of strength, reassurance and
emotional security when dealing with their adjustment process in Western Australia.
Congregational prayer also assists them to get together, interacting and providing a
sense of community with other Malays and with other Muslims whilst maintaining their
religious identity.
Chapter Summary
This chapter started with the discussion of how Malay-Muslim postgraduate students
enacted their interpersonal communication. I have shown the significance of
interpersonal communication in adjusting, diluting or embracing one’s socially
approved Malay-Muslim identity. Goffman (1959, 1971) has used the word ‘face’ to
describe socially approved identity. Such awareness of one’s face is a necessary
precondition for the valuing of culture and community (Cohen 1985, p. 69). Among the
Malay postgraduate students, interpersonal communication occurred most often within a
friendship context (Lawson and Sachdev 2000). I have also explored situations that
emphasize the contributions of interpersonal communication in maintaining Malay
students’ ethnic and religious identities overseas.
Most situations revealed the Malay postgraduates’ attitude that as long as a person
speaks our language and appears to be from our culture, we can make certain
assumptions concerning how to interact with that person (Berger and Bradac 1982, p.
92 <http://www.islamreligion.com/articles/2870/>
209
10). On the pragmatic level, this chapter has presented and analyzed several Malay
student experiences that have highlighted problems in adapting to a different culture,
setting and environment. For example, this chapter gives an account of how some
Malays are wary of the effects of too cosmopolitan an orientation. The female student
described by Hana tried to be a cosmopolitan and ended up with a nervous breakdown.
Hana’s account is a cautionary tale about the dangers of cosmopolitanism.
In the process, some students became more aware of existing contradictions within
Malay culture and religion. Such awareness is a necessary precondition for the valuing
of culture and community (Cohen 1985, p. 69). In other words, according to Hall (1959,
1966), we encounter considerable difficulties in trying to interact with persons from
other cultures because we fail to recognize that these persons employ a different set of
communication conventions and norms. I have also argued that their reworking of their
identity through interpersonal communication assists them in determining their identity
in a foreign land. This chapter reveals that it is important that any significant changes an
individual makes in the process of adjusting to life in Western Australia do not go
against their Islamic religious practice. However, after reviewing all discussions and
findings so far, it is then important to identify to what extent Malay-Muslim
postgraduates are willing to negotiate their identity adjustment or maintenance
overseas. Are there a certain restrictions that underlay the process? This is discussed
next in Chapter Seven.
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CHAPTER 7
Malay Students’ Identity Adjustment: Extension and Restriction
‘Actors may make their own identities,
but they do not do so in circumstances of their own choosing’
-Jenkins (1997, p. 142)
Introduction
In this chapter, I discuss the extent to which Malay-Muslim postgraduates are willing to
negotiate and adjust their identities overseas. I begin by outlining the five major
contexts in the process of adjustment, maintenance and possible transformation in
Malay-Muslim student identities. These are related to: first, academic life and identity;
second, social life; third, class and status; fourth, physical wellbeing; and fifth,
enrichment of new or existing skills in the new environment. In each section I will
elucidate the restrictions to these processes, and also those that assist in extending the
Malay-Muslim identities of the students. The chapter will conclude by illustrating how
the Malay-Muslim postgraduate students constitute a community in transition and the
extent of their participation and commitment when they go beyond their comfort zones.
Adjustment in Social Life: A Stance of Adapted Identity
Our sense of self (identity) develops when we are children within a particular
sociocultural context (e.g. family, ethnic group, etc.), but may change due to contact
with others and the desire or willingness to open up to new environments and ideas
(Jackson 2008). Identity, therefore, emerges for each of us only out of efforts at control
amid unforeseen events and disagreements in interaction. According to White (2008, p.
1), before anything else (in this case, the adjustment or transformation of Malay-Muslim
student identities), people’s main concern is about the right footing or balance that will
bring orientation in relation to their other identities (for example, national identity,
cosmopolitan identity or gender identity), so that they and others can perceive all these
identities as having unproblematic continuity in encounters with others. As discussed in
Chapter Five, most Malay postgraduate students re-establish stability in their lives in
Western Australia.
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In order to gain a good footing they have had to maintain and develop their awareness
of the differences that exists between the Malay-Muslim culture and practice and those
of the others. As Bakhtin (1986, p. 6) has suggested, in order to understand other
cultures, it is immensely important that people understand their position as located
outside the object of their creative understanding – in time and in space. In the realm of
culture, ‘outsideness’ is a most powerful factor in understanding. Attempts by Malay-
Muslim students to understand their new culture through respecting and accepting
differences make their transition easier. Although, as shown in Chapter Five, they faced
some negative experiences, these were often viewed as something expectable when a
person deals with the outsiders. Most Malay-Muslim students have been socialized and
educated with the Malay-Muslim cultural and religious background, so knowledge of
respecting others has been well absorbed in their practice. This was explained earlier in
the discussion of ‘budi’.
According to Boissevain (1974, pp. 86-87):
[E]ducation is an important resource, and thus is also a form of power.
Education provides knowledge which not all people have. It is thus a resource
which can be used to gain certain ends. Hence in most, if not all societies, it
gives prestiges. Education also serves to modify in a variety of subtle ways the
ideological and moral precepts of a person.
This suggests that those with less education are less likely to accept changes, because
the structure of their networks makes them more vulnerable to pressure exerted upon
them to conform to the traditional ways of doing things. Therefore, it is important to
note that among the Malay students, Malay culture and Islamic practices are the lens
through which they understand others. In other words, they apply their Malay culture in
their effort to adapt, get involved with others and establish a social footing in the new
environment. Berger (1963, pp. 98-9) asserts, ‘identity is socially bestowed, socially
sustained, and socially transformed…taking the role of the other is decisive for the
formation of the self.’ In one way or another, the ‘other’ plays a major role in how the
self is formulated, enlivened, and embodied in life and in academic discourse. In the
next section I look into some of the issues relating to Malay students’ academic life and
how they negotiate their circumstances.
212
However, the level of willingness to make an adjustment or negotiate their identity
beyond the Malaysian border might differ from one student to another, as shown in
Figure 7.1. What is shown here is the extent of the Malay student’s willingness to make
adjustment to their various form of identities. Overall, the Malay students revealed that
they are least willing or not willing at all to make adjustments to their religious identity
followed by gender identity, ethnic identity, national identity and most willing to make
adjustment to their cosmopolitan identity. This framework tries to make explicit the
outcomes obtained from the informants in regards to the theoretical views of
interpersonal communication as discussed in Chapter Six. The next section will look
further into the willingness to make adjustments in various aspects of their life, such as
their academic and social life.
Figure 7.1: Willingness to Make Adjustments to Various Forms of Identities
among Malay Postgraduate Students in Western Australia
Academic Life: Relating Past and Present Experiences
According to Joseph (2004, p. 75), even the individuals who wilfully and actively seek
to undo the identity they were born with and socialised into so as to take on a new
identity are still going to be perceived, interpreted and measured by those around them
in terms of their relative place within a network of social hierarchies based on the
distribution of cultural capital. In this study, many Malay students are faced with
difficulties in getting used to the idea and feeling of informality among students and
with supervisors in Western Australia. The Malay postgraduate students, as newcomers
to the international education system, often find that adjustment to the educational
environment itself presents a considerable cultural and linguistic challenge (see also
Grimshaw and Sears 2008; McLachlan 2007). Due to this new circumstance, some
Malay students feel their Malay culture and identity restrict them from being too open
and vocal in most issues related to their studies and candidature. This contributes to
their ‘not so smooth’ interaction with their supervisors.
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Their expectations differ from those of their supervisors. For instance, Malay students,
used to social hierarchy and status-based social interactions (as discussed in my earlier
chapter on the importance of titles in Malay society), find it difficult to express their
needs and concerns to their supervisors because of their view that they are ‘supposed to
respect’ their supervisors’ superior position. The supervisors, on the other hand, are
hoping the students will express their ideas and objectives in relation to their research.
The contrast eventually leads to misunderstandings between supervisors and students.
However, for many students the experience and exposure to the new environment and
culture lead to a transformation in their attitude towards university learning: their past
academic experience of ‘spoon-feeding’ is replaced with the understanding that
‘individual effort’ is required to achieve one’s academic, educational and research
targets in engagement with supervisors. As Anni recounts from the perspective of a
Malay student:
[I]t is the culture. I do not understand their slang93
. We told ourselves that we
are talking to our supervisor. I felt more comfortable with people of my age.
Maybe I am not used to being with the senior-level people like professors. For
example, I did not feel comfortable sitting and chatting with them during lunch.
I knew they did not mind, but I felt small.
(Translated interview excerpts with Anni)
After some time Anni managed to accept the difference and tried to adapt to the changes
by putting forward questions relating to her research to her supervisors, colleagues and
lab mates. She explained that she felt she needed to ask these questions since people
here asked so many questions and those same questions crossed her mind too, but she
was too scared to ask because, according to her, Malay students are normally silent in
class. Besides her efforts to transform herself by asking more questions, Anni also
started to make comparisons between her previous and current research experiences.
Since Anni was working in a lab, she felt the research equipment in Western Australia
was too limited, unlike the situation in Malaysia (referring to the university she is
currently attached to in Malaysia). This makes her work progress slightly more slowly
93 Slang refers to language differing from standard or written speech in vocabulary and construction,
involving extensive metaphor, ellipsis, humorous usage, etc, less conservative and more informal than
standard speech, and sometimes regarded as being in some way inferior ( (Macquarie Dictionary 2009, p.
1545-46). However, in the case of Malays, they use the term in a much more extended sense than the
usual usage in order to include how one’s pronounciation of words may differ from how they are
supposed to sound from the Malays’ point of view. This frequently occurred during conversation with
others.
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and requires more time compared to Malaysia. Instead, she was impressed with how
researchers here managed to produce and publish good papers with good techniques
alongside limited equipment compared to Malaysia, which lags behind in relation to
publishing. Anni’s situation is common among Malay students, since it revolves around
differences between the education system in Malaysia and that in Australia.
In a recent conversation with Anni, I was informed that due to the lack of equipment at
her Australian university, her home university in Malaysia is recommending that no
further students will be sent to pursue their studies at her Western Australian university.
This situation highlights lack of access to research equipment as a hinderance to
academic progress, not slang, the culture or the new social environment. However, this
situation suggests a form of transformation in the Malay-Muslim student’s identity from
being passive to being more assertive. Malay-Muslim students are shy, but they are
becoming more vocal in relation to their expectations of their chosen tertiary service
providers overseas to ensure their academic goals are achieved. This relates to the case
of Wani, who became more vocal due to her undergraduate experiences in the US, as
discussed earlier in Chapter Five.
Gallois and Callan (1977) have made a similar point relating to the relationship of Asian
students and supervisors. They suggest that students from Asian countries are marked
down in Australia because the long quotations they use are evidence to the professors of
a lack of originality. The students are unhappy because they believe it is very important
to show that they have read the work of earlier scholars and respect it. Like their
professors (or supervisors), they have learned this value in their home culture. The
students often feel uncomfortable about the situation, and sometimes they even see their
professors as racist. In this case, Cadman (1997) explained that changing academic
culture is thus a multi-dimensional and challenging experience because it requires them
to move continuously between at least two languages and epistemological systems. As
for the international postgraduates who enrol in Australian universities, they are already
highly educated students and professionals (Cadman 2000). According to Cadman
(2000, p. 477), because international postgraduate students may have developed their
knowledges in contexts which are invested with different academic values, they begin to
apply their own ‘skills in reasoning, judgement and communication’ to the values
embedded in their new learning environment in the light of their own accumulating
expereriences of different approaches to knowledge. Salvadori (1997, pp. 187-188)
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defines the successful interchange (between postgraduates and their supervisors) as
‘transculturalism’, the stage beyond interculturalism, in which common culture is
created which is different from the original cultures of both teachers and students. This
is evidenced by an experience recalled by Wani when she was doing her Masters degree
in the United States:
[W]hen I did my Masters degree last time, that was what I observed [lack of
originality]. I am teaching organizational behaviour. So, I told my students this
was the situation when you are talking about originality. In the US, their culture
is more individual, they are not consensual. For example, if you want to share
your notes with someone else, such as when I consulted my professor when I
was not sure how to approach an assignment question. So when I got the point
that my professor told me, I would like to share them with my American friend.
This is because she has told me earlier she answers like this and like this, and I
knew it was wrong now because I already consulted my professor and I told her,
but she did not accept it. She said she will submit the one she did, not because
she is stubborn, but because of originality; they believe in originality more. It is
not because they are proud of themselves, or because they are cleverer than me,
but I found out because of originality.
(Interview excerpts with Wani)
In Western Australia, some Malay students make more effort to adapt and to negotiate
the differences, and they see their experience as more ‘intense’ compared to others.
One of my informants shared her experience about how she struggled to make her co-
supervisor see her as the ‘humble’ Malay-Muslim and not the stigmatized ‘rough’
Muslim, as her supervisor believed. As told by Aja:
[O]n the first day I met my supervisor, who is an Aussie, he told me he just got
his doctorate. He was very nice and straightforward. When he first saw me, I
was wearing the head scarf; he said to me, “Normally, Aussies will treat you as a
terrorist”. He asked me to be cautious when I went out walking. I think because
he saw me as a Muslim, and he thinks all Muslims are harsh people. He does not
know how Malaysian Muslims are. There is no problem. I was stunned. He told
me he has never been out of Perth, and he was a manager for Bank West in
1998. Then I told him that Malaysian Muslims are not harsh (kasar) like in the
Middle-East, and also maybe they are like that because of their culture. In
Malaysia the women are equal to men, and they are never looked down upon by
men. I did not explain too much then until later he went to Malaysia and taught
temporarily in two colleges in Malaysia. From there on he started to realize
some truth as to what I have told him before. Before that his assumption was
that a Malay is someone like the Aboriginal people in Australia, and Malaysia is
a Chinese country. Furthermore, to him, Malays are like second class people. I
just do not know why.
(Translated interview excerpts with Aja)
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Aja’s first impression of her co-supervisor was one of shock, as such an evaluation of
her would never have crossed her mind. She felt the stigmatization of Muslims as
‘terrorists’ was too blunt; it was not a favourable introduction to her research. Although
Aja considered her co-supervisor to be open and straightforward, she felt he was unable
to understand the Malay ethnic group and culture. She suggested that Malay-Muslims
can be differentiated in comparison with Middle-Eastern Muslims, but in fact they differ
in regard to their cultural practices and ways of life. Furthermore, the co-supervisor’s
belief that Malaysia is a Chinese country with Malays as second class citizens, and his
ignorance in comparing them to the minority Aboriginal people in Australia was too
much for her to accept.
In relation to this situation, Gans (1979, p.73-74) has suggested that people are less and
less interested in their ethnic cultures and organizations – both sacred and secular – and
are instead more concerned with individually maintaining their ethnic identity and
finding ways of feeling and expressing that identity in suitable ways. Ethnic identity can
be expressed either in action or feeling, or in combinations of these, and the kinds of
situations in which it is expressed are nearly limitless. The expression Malaysian
Muslim used by Aja reveals her attempt to maintain her ethnic identity as Malay rather
than just referring to the idea of being Muslim in Malaysia. Here, Aja’s choice of
maintaining her ethnic identity could be related to the concept of ethnic boundaries, as
she chooses to designate herself with the ethnic category (Malay) that is available for
her individual identification at this particular time and place (Nagel 1994).
Aja has also gone through the first transformation phase in her academic experience
compared to her experience in Malaysia. As Aja sees it, the form of openness required
between students and their supervisors is associated with the idea that supervisors only
discuss ‘academic matters’. They are not discussing issues related to the student’s ethnic
or religious background, since in Malaysia it is considered a sensitive issue by most
people. This is not to suggest that the kind of relationship that exists between students
and supervisors in Malaysia is rigid, but it deploys more awareness in relation to
discussing and commenting on students’ ethnic and religious statuses. The openness
that exists is related to academic discourse, and the hesitancy to discuss other matters
besides academic issues with supervisors in Malaysia is quite common. As I mentioned
earlier, this goes back to the different educational systems and approaches that exist in
both countries and different specifications of what is public and private.
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Aja also spoke about her transformation experience as a Malay student engaging with
predominantly Westerners (Mat Salleh/Caucasians) in Western Australia. She felt that
the way they present their views is utterly different from how Malays do so. She even
advised her friends in Malaysia who were going overseas to study to remember that.
Different approaches to communication skills may be valuable, but these ways are not
yet part of a common practice in Malaysia. However, some of the Malay students felt
there was no discrimination between them and their supervisors. Rafi, for example,
explained that his supervisor is not a local, and he has no problem dealing with his
supervisor. Farhan, on the other hand, met his supervisor at a conference and was in
touch with him for several years before commencing his PhD.
Farhan had the opportunity to become a tutor for one semester and found the experience
interesting. According to Farhan:
[T]eaching here is interesting. Generally speaking, students in Malaysia and
students here are more or less the same for me. For example, I saw that some
came unprepared, some do not speak out in class, and they just accept whatever
presumption I gave them. We think the ‘Mat Salleh’ kids are more talkative, but,
for me personally in my class, they are just the same, like my students in
Malaysia. Some do not even do any work. There are about 16 students in my
class, and some of them are locals, some are Asians and some Malaysian. These
Malaysian students are still hesitant to talk, due to their culture. That was my
impression after conducting two classes. I was a bit worried when they saw me
the first time because I was not sure whether they could accept me or not, but
then it was okay. In fact, some of the problematic students in my class are the
‘Mat Salleh’ and not the Asians.
(Translated interview excerpts with Farhan)
What Farhan found interesting was that his ‘expectation’ that the Mat Salleh students
would be more vocal and talkative was not really true. They were just like any of his
students in Malaysia. He progressively became more at ease with the situation and
regarded the experience as valuable. In some cases, the Malay students felt that certain
experiences were unavoidable. In the next section I identify situations many hoped to
avoid and explore those that were unavoidable.
Phase of Encounter: Avoidable or Unavoidable?
Ting-Toomey and Chung (2005, p. 94) suggested that the more strongly our self-image
is influenced by our larger cultural value patterns, the more we are likely to practise the
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norms and communication scripts of the dominant, mainstream culture. Malay students’
involvements and encounters with other students, including the locals, are limited due to
their inability to become accustomed to some local practices, like clubbing and
socializing events (i.e. with alcohol). However, some managed the situation by holding
on to their Muslim identity and considering their involvement as a ‘necessity’ or part of
their academic experience. They transformed themselves to a certain degree by
attending these events and mixing with their colleagues and friends, whilst at the same
time making sure they did not do things which were against Muslim practice. Some of
them brought their own food and drink to their communal events and in many cases
would drink juice or soft drinks, but would avoid consuming food. Another informant,
Ram, said:
[A]s for me, I have not considered until now how to maintain my Malay
identity; instead I am more concerned about being Muslim. I work with a group
of people who like to get together and drink. Since I am working with them, and
they always meet up on weekends for discussions [of their lab and academic
work] and since attendance is compulsory, I also have to attend. Normally, we
will meet up on Friday around here (the university compound), but sometimes
they go to the Tavern, and I have to go too. However, I don’t go there to drink;
instead, I just have juice because they serve it in the Tavern. Of course, I felt
very uncomfortable thinking about what other people might say or think, but
then I focused on my true intentions [as a Malay-Muslim student]. When I am
there I have to take care of myself as a Muslim.
(Translated interview excerpts with Ram)
As a Muslim, Ram did not look forward to gatherings with her colleagues. However,
since the gatherings were compulsory and related to her course, she was willing to put
aside her feelings of hesitation in pursuit of her academic knowledge. The gatherings
Ram went to were her supervisor’s way of getting all of his supervised students together
informally to discuss their work. Sometimes the gatherings took place at the university,
but on Friday nights in particular they were held at the Tavern. In this case, Ram had no
choice but to join them because it was related to her studies. This is what Ram meant by
going to the gatherings in the tavern as adhering to her true intention (because of her
study commitment and not due to other reasons). She actually expressed her ethnic and
religious identity without realizing it because she was concerned about what other
Malay-Muslim students might think or say to her or about her if they saw her at the
tavern. Considering what other people think about their actions is quite a common
practice among Malays. Her feelings and thoughts can be associated with Malay
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cultural practice in governing their identity when encountering others. The ability for
her to adapt herself to the situation for academic reasons is something that many
Muslims would find difficult. Izwan gave an example of how one of his Pakistani
friends avoided invitations to social events or gatherings organized by his university
department. This may not be a typical reaction upon which to generalize how Muslims
of different ethnic backgrounds integrate into Australian universities. Further study is
needed to formulate cross-cultural understandings on the distinctions between Malay-
Muslims and Other Muslims.
Here, in working together with colleagues of different ethnic and cultural backgrounds,
Ram still manages to hold on to her ethno-religious identity despite attending her
student group discussions at the tavern. For Ram and her colleagues, social identity as
members of the same study unit was more important than the differences between them.
Being a Muslim, on the other hand, has made Nini ignored by her classmates.
According to her:
[I] had an experience as a Muslim when I took up some classes early in my
candidature. This is especially when I came into contact with other students in
the department. At that time, my appearance as a Muslim [wearing a headscarf]
made me feel discriminated against, but then again when I think about it, maybe
it was just a matter of perception. Sometimes they do not intend to do it, but
maybe because my ‘jiwa Melayu’ [Malay soul] is too sensitive and ‘cepat
terasa’ [too emotional] and cepat melatah94
[too responsive]. Maybe it is just
their way [culture]. Maybe it’s the way we carry ourselves, we are not strong
enough to block the discrimination towards us. For example, [in] group
assignments, we would find our own group, so we should not question why
others do not choose us in their group. I mean you have to open up at the same
time, but to me, they see me as a Muslim not so much as Malay. However, the
feelings are more obvious with the Chinese compared to the white people. This
is because they [the white people] are not too concerned about religion.
(Translated interview excerpts with Nini)
Nini has pointed out an interesting aspect. Her initial views were related to her self-
perception of being Malay as ‘too emotional’ and ‘too responsive’. However, after
several months in Westerrn Australia, she came to the more liberal understanding that it
94 Melatah or latah is considered one of the Malay culture-bound snydromes. According to Winzeler
(1984, p. 77), latah occurs upon provocation, usually involving a shock or acute fright. A latah person
would shout obscene utterances, or imitate a word, gesture, or action, or automatically obey commands
that he/she would not normally follow. It was apparently found widely among Malay peoples, but
affected only certain individuals. The Malays regarded the syndrome of latah as a personal quirk rather
than a form of insanity.
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is common for people to socialise with members of the same group. Indeed, the
discrimination she felt was emanating from the Chinese students more than the white
people. This reveals a different view to that discussed in Chapter Six on how
interactions between Asians are more likely than with locals due to the idea of
understanding of each other’s cultures among Asians. Nini would not elaborate further
on why this was the case, since she felt this was a matter of her own perceptions rather
than the real situation.
Another important factor that is also seen to contribute to the willingness of the Malay
students to seek or avoid interactions is the English language. In discussing the
importance of the English language I examine the extension and limitation of English in
relation to identity adjustment, adaptation or transformation among the Malay-Muslim
students.
Second Language Usage: Extension and Limitation
English as a second language contributes to the extent to which Malay students are
willing and able to transform their identities. English is mostly used in formal meetings
with supervisors, in academic-related gatherings or when communicating with other
English language speakers. However, those postgraduate students with school-aged
children tend to use more English in their daily conversation because their children are
socialized in school in the English medium, and they speak English with their parents at
home. Some parents were satisfied that their children are more fluent English speakers
than their parents a year or two after their arrival. In the final year of their study,
parents’ concerns focussed on how their kids seem to ‘forget’ Malay. When the children
first arrived, they thought in Malay and would translate their words or sentences into
English. However, once the Malay children become more fluent in English, they started
to think in English and translate their words or sentences into Malay. For example,
when I asked the daughter of one of my informants in Malay, ‘Apa nama, sayang?’
(What is your name, dear?), she answered, ‘Saya nama Amy’ (My = saya; name =
nama; is Amy), translating the grammatically correct Malay response ‘Nama saya Amy’
from English to Malay, using English grammatical syntax or word order in Malay. This
seldom occurs when Malays first arrive in Western Australia, and their thinking is still
in Malay.
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Such adjustment is common among Malay students with school-aged children, but it
arouses concern among thir parents, as these children will be returning to Malaysia for
their final years of study in the Malay language. From my informal conversations with
Malay student parents, it was clear that parents felt concerned for their young teenage
children who would eventually have to transition back into the Malay education system.
Malay postgraduate students are not unique in this concern. A study of Japanese living
in the UK (Martin 2007) reveals that Japanese parents were concerned that the Japanese
spoken by their children might sound ‘strange’ when they return to Japan. Speaking
Japanese ‘correctly’ is considered to be important in being accepted in Japanese society.
Ahmad is one such parent facing this situation. He explained his view on the transitions
involved in language use.
[I] used to speak English a lot with them. Now they are speaking English all the
time. I don’t want them to lose the Malay language. Now I am reverting to
speaking Malay to them instead of speaking English, because I do not want them
to lose out. We are going back to Malaysia, and I do not want anyone laughing
at them [due to their inability to talk proper Malay]. Students who bring their
kids back to Malaysia have so many problems getting back into the culture
because of the spoken language. Malays in Malaysia who have just returned
from overseas are seen as ‘berlagak’ or boasting with their use of English
language. So that is why you need to maintain the way of thinking. Supposedly,
English is next to the Malay language for many Malays because we have been
taught from Standard One, 11 years of education and during the years we are
overseas. Next to your mother tongue is the English language, but not to the
Malaysian, particularly. So the families around here, they have to let the kids
know all the values. When you walk past the elderly, you need to bow a bit, that
sort of thing. You do not just walk past, and you should shake hands with people
the proper way. I try to set an example for my kids, and awareness about Malay
culture.
(Interview excerpts with Ahmad)
Parents are generally more concerned about the English usage of their younger children
than their teenagers. Parents felt it an asset for teenagers to speak English because their
Malay was already fluent, and English as a second language is expected. Parental
concern revolves around how their children would fit in with the other Malay children
upon their return to Malaysia. I managed to make contact with Ahmad’s wife, who had
returned to Malaysia recently, and I was told that her child came home from school
crying, saying that she did not understand a thing written by her teacher. Ahmad’s wife
explained that she needed to handle the situation in an appropriate manner, not pushing
or demanding too much from her children and giving support and encouragement. This
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is not an easy task for her and requires a lot of patience. As Ahmad explained, he
managed to instill an awareness of Malay culture and values in his children when he
was in Western Australia. His kids were having problems with the use of Malay
language in their Malaysian school, not with Malay culture. So, Ahmad is not only
concerned about English usage per se, but also with how his children learn and practise
the correct Malay etiquette.
Some of the more financially secure postgraduate students plan to send their children to
international schools upon return to Malaysia. For these Malay students, English
language use is extended to their workplace if the workplace is near local or
international schools. Those who spoke predominantly English while overseas will find
many positive outcomes as a result of it when they return to Malaysia, either in their
academic or social lives.
Linda, another respondent, claimed that since English is not her first language, she
found writing in English difficult. However, she also doubted her ability to write in
Malay, especially at the level of academic writing required for a PhD student. She
explained:
[D]oing a PhD is more than a language issue. It is like a combination of
everything, and language is just a part of it. It can be a major thing for some
students, but in my case, I don’t think writing in English is my major concern. I
have problems to write, like everybody else, but it is not the language per se. I
mean, if I want to put a scale for language as a barrier for me, I would say from
scale 10 and 10 is difficult, I would say I [am] in the middle, and it is not a
major problem. My major problem at this point would be on the conceptual and
theoretical problem rather than language or writing issues.
(Interview excerpts with Linda)
From my observations and informal encounters with Malay students, the issue of
English in writing is often brought up. In particular, the basic grammatical errors that
occur in writing in a second language limit their expression. One student informed me
that she spent thousands of dollars for editorial purposes. Students claimed that the
reason for their doing so was because of their supervisor’s ‘cabar’ (challenge) to them
when asserting that he would not read the student's first chapter drafts if they had not
been edited. They feel that their supervisor should at least consider that they are writing
in their second language. However, most of them realized the importance of editorial
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service for their writing, but not in their first draft since they expect to make changes in
the next draft.
The Malaysian Postgraduate Student Association (MyPSA) assists Malay postgraduate
students with their written English. They run an English Workshop conducted by a
Malay student who is also pursuing her postgraduate study in TESL (Teaching of
English as Second Language) for which a small fee (AUD$5.00) is charged to
participants. To my knowledge, the workshop was introduced in 2009 and has run twice
so far with about thirty students per session. Participants are taught the basic usage of
tenses, sentence construction and given handouts. Participants from various fields get
help with their problems in writing, explaining, analyzing and constructing sentences in
English. Some even admit paying the instructor to edit their work before submitting it to
their supervisors. The amount paid is based on mutual understanding since the instructor
often feels hesitant to demand a high fee for her services because as a Malay, she feels
that it is the Malay culture to help each other. At the same time, she realizes that the
people who ask her to assist them also assist her in another way such as looking after
her kids when she has other commitments. I tried to ask around concerning who would
go to her for the editorial service, and most informants said they would, although they
preferred not to burden the instructor not due to financial issues but because she herself
has a study workload. At this point of time, clearly, the reason some of the students feel
hesitant to ask the instructor to edit their work is due to their discretion as Malays.
English is important in daily encounters involving friends, colleagues and others in
relation to their academic undertakings. However, the Malay students have also limited
their use of English with their kids. The English language mastery or competence is
important when they first arrive, but it becomes a challenge to Malay student parents to
making sure their kids maintain a reasonable level of Malay. On the other hand, writing
in English is an important criterion for most Malay students since it is a platform that
gives them entry into the international academic world. At the same time, they are
trying to fulfill the expectations of their respective departments in Malaysia upon their
return as Malay cosmopolitans. Apart from the obvious academic challenges, these
students also have to face a few backslidings in their social lives in adjusting to the
experience of studying and living in Western Autralia.
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Social life: Backsliding, Control and Expectation
Malay students also face various difficulties in their social lives during their time in
Western Australia. As Wenger (1998, p. 153) states,
[M]embership in a community of practice translates into an identity as a form of
competence. We experience and manifest ourselves by what we recognize and
what we do not, what we grasp immediately and what we can’t interpret, what
we can appropriate and what alienates us, what we can press into service and
what we can’t use, what we can negotiate and what remains out of reach. In
practice, we know who we are by what is familiar, understandable, usable, and
negotiable; we know who we are not by what is foreign, opaque, unwieldy, and
unproductive.
Rina claimed that she is more liberal now than before. The term liberal is used by her to
explain how exposure to two new cultures has ‘buka minda’ (opened her mind). As
Rina explained:
[W]hen I read more, I realized that I am more liberal and open minded now. For
example, I am now aware that not all Malays are Muslims. If I hear about
someone who is Malay, but eats pork, or drinks alcohol, I put my hands up. It is
not that I don’t care, but I am aware of the situation. Even when I went to
Europe last time with my friends, my cousin who married a ‘Mat Salleh’ was
there. Her husband never converted to Islam, so I am not really sure how she
lives her life.
(Translated interview excerpts with Rina)
Rina’s statement above is interesting since it is a fact understood and accepted by all
Malays in Malaysia that a Malay is a Muslim. Rina’s acknowledgment in her present
social context highlights that there has been a ‘transformation’ in her idea of what is
Malay - she is less narrow in her conceptions of Malay-Muslims. Her decision,
however, to ‘put my hands up’ (accede to the situation) would be improper if she was in
Malaysia. The issue here is considered as a very important one among Malay-Muslims
in Malaysia. However, it might not be the case for Malays in Western Australia, or even
among Muslims of different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. What contributes further
to her idea of acceding to the situation is her cousin’s marriage to a Mat Salleh who did
not convert to Islam. In accordance with the Malay saying ‘Tak usah jaga tepi kain
orang’ (‘You do not have to take care of the edge of other people’s cloth’, or ‘Do not be
a busy body’), she does not question her cousin’s life choices. Such a situation,
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however, would have been taken seriously in Malaysia due to the constitutional and
legal practices there.
Aja, on the other hand, claimed that some encounters can foster misunderstandings
concerning personal values and the Muslim way of life. In one’s social encounters,
culture differences can bring new and different understandings of certain situations.
According to Aja:
[W]hen my husband got a weekend job, and he needed to be somewhere, he
took me along. His manager [a woman] found it weird: why must he bring me
along. I told her that it is not because of the [Malay] culture, but because my
husband cannot read the map while he was driving, so I had to accompany him.
Then she was okay. She assumed that I was a jealous person or maybe that I was
thinking my husband was having an affair with her [the manager]. However,
since then everything was much clearer between us.
(Translated interview excerpts with Aja)
Aja anticipated beforehand that there would be some misunderstanding about why she
always accompanied her husband on his weekend work. She makes it clear that it had
nothing to do with Malay culture, or being Muslim. The manager, a woman, is aware
that Aja is Muslim and may have assumed that Aja was accompanying her husband
because she does not have faith in her husband being with another woman. There are
two things that are obvious here, the idea of gender identity and Muslim identity. The
assumptions that the manager had were related to the idea of male-female relationships,
but Aja felt that it was a matter of her being Muslim and having to be with her husband
when he is in proximity with another female. In Islam, females and males not related by
blood or marriage ties should not be alone together in a place out of people’s sight to
avoid any misconduct or khalwat (close proximity). However, Aja would have never
followed her husband if she was in Malaysia because she knows that most people
respect the practice. Besides, the Jabatan Agama Islam (JAIS) or The Islamic
Department basically assists the government in enforcing the morals and customs of
Malays in accordance with Islamic teachings.
Many of my informants felt that there are changes in religious and cultural practices that
should be made during their time in Australia and that they would no longer practise
upon return to Malaysia. Anni felt that in Western Australia, people are not particular
with what they wear and no one says anything about one’s dress. In other words,
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changes in apparel may correspond with the different seasons in Western Australia.
According to Anni, in Malaysia she only wears long-sleeved blouses when in public,
but in Western Australia she started to wear short sleeves and only covered her arms
with her sweater. In her opinion the transformation could be temporary. She will wear
long sleeves again upon her return to Malaysia in order to avoid the people she knows
telling her she has changed. Another common form of adjustment among the Malay
female students is how they dressed when praying. Commonly, Malay women wear a
proper ‘telekung’ (cloak covering a woman's head and body worn at prayer) when they
pray. For most Malay female students in Western Australia this has changed slightly.
There are times when they need to pray in places other than the mosque or musollah, for
example in the workplace. In these instances, most Malay female students I interviewed
felt it is sufficient for them to pray in the clothes they are wearing as long as they have
their ‘aurat’ (parts that need to be covered when performing prayer) covered and their
clothes are clean. They do not feel the need to wear the ‘telekung’ unless they are at
home or at places that provide the ‘telekung’. The transformation might be transitory for
some, but others might even pray this way when necessary upon their return to
Malaysia.
Though changes for the better are highly desired by most Malays, other changes are
seen as backsliding. An experience by Ram provides an example of a transformation
which was seen as backsliding. Ram tells the story of her friend’s experience in the UK.
[S]he [her friend] has complained to me before that she was so busy with the lab
work that she could not find a time to pray. She always skipped her Zuhur
prayer (afternoon prayer). In the UK, at that time the night time was shorter and
since the time between Zuhur prayer and Asar (evening prayer) prayer is short,
about three hours, she said she always skipped her Zuhur prayer and just
performed her Asar prayer. She said she does not have the time. Furthermore,
nobody knew because there were no other Muslims or Malays around. What is
important here is to consider the basic [Islamic] thing in us, and praying is the
one of the pillars of religion. It is true that no-one is going to know, but that is
why it has to be the basic stand within you.
(Translated interview excerpts with Ram)
Ram regards such an occuring in the lives of the Malay students as backsliding. The
importance of maintaining one’s Muslim identity in the midst of transformation, by
realising the Islamic values and fulfilling Islamic demands is vital in order to maintain
one's identity. In this case, when her friend informed her about not being able to find
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time to pray because of her work, Ram was not motivated to stop doing the same thing
and to make sure she always found time to pray. Ram felt compelled to stay a good
Muslim, and she prays she will not be like her friend. What interests me is that Ram’s
friend feels no one will know that she does not pray at all the prescribed times, but does
not consider the fact that in Islam God knows everything. I would like to suggest that if
there is interaction and communication with other Malays and Muslims in a new
environment, it will support maintaining their Malay or Muslim identity where
interpersonal communication is considered the policing factor. In Chapter Four and
Five, I have also discussed Barth’s (1981, p. 207) idea about how people are reluctant to
act in a new way due to the fear that such behaviour might be inappropriate for a person
of their identity, that is as one of a cluster of people of the same ethnic characteristics.
The backsliding encounters in the cosmopolitanisation of the Malays do have
implications for the Malay students’ lives. Cosmopolitanism means one should have the
ability to stand outside of having one’s life written and scripted by any one community,
whether that is a faith or tradition or religion or culture – whatever it might be – and to
draw selectively on a variety of discursive meanings (Hall & Bram 1992, p. 25). Some
Malay students as cosmopolitans feel they have the right to make moral decisions on
their own as individuals, choosing from among the variety of moral standards they find
in international or transnational contexts. However, Ram’s disapproval of the way some
other Malay individuals live their lives abroad also indicates the problematic aspects of
the cosmopolitanism of those individuals. This is part of the dilemma faced by Malays
abroad who aspire to be cosmopolitan (i.e. liberal minded), but also desire to maintain
community-enforced (rather than only individually chosen) moral and religious
standards.
This situation is likely when one is encountering and adapting to changes and a new
environment. Some changes are considered as positive by Malay postgraduate students,
as long as they do not go against religious values and practices, while change that is
considered negative does otherwise. For example, Mas, a student and mother, said that
in Western Australia she had to prepare lunches for her school-aged children. It is a
requirement in Western Australia, not an option as in Malaysia. Mas said that she will
try to adopt the changes like this one upon returning to Malaysia. At the same time, she
is aware of the possibility of her efforts being unsuccessful due to the influence of
friends and society members for whom these new changes may not be relevant, realistic,
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appropriate or condoned. She expressed the concern that her kids might feel a sense of
‘inferiority’ if they were to bring a lunch box to school. The reason why she finds this
practice is much easier to apply here is due to Malay-Muslim concern with consuming
only halal foods. Also, it is already a part of school requirements in Western Australia,
where school canteens are not always open every day. In Malaysia, the school canteen is
open every day, and people are less inclined to bring food to school with them.
Another socio-cultural aspect that is seen as providing a positive transformation for Mas
is the charity efforts organized by the local people. She finds the way it is carried out
here is better compared to Malaysia. She believed that Western Australia people are
more charitable and willing to contribute readily. This is not to say that Malays are not
charitable, but she felt that many Malays ‘pentingkan diri’ (‘put themselves first’). Mas
revealed the awareness as a positive transformation for her. She even suggested that
Malay students should employ this idea in transforming themselves for the better upon
their return.
Thus far I have discussed some of the adjustment and possible areas of transformation
in the social lives of Malay students during their period of study overseas. They each
assessed these changes as being something they were willing to accept, able to control
or something that enhanced their awareness of their Malay or Muslim identity. The
ability for them to differentiate among the transformations occurred in stages in their
everyday encounters, in their personal, family, social and academic lives. In facing these
changes the Malay students expressed another important area of concern: class and
status. However, it is notable that Malay students had diverse opinions in regard to such
decisions. Some evaluated certain practices as a matter of their personal decision, such
as how cosmopolitan to become (e.g. in regard to the number of time they pray each
day, fasting etc.). In contrast, others insisted on the need to maintain a collective
standard, thus to maintain or enforce a collective (i.e. Malay-Muslim) identity (e.g. in
regard to the importance of congregational prayer, group activities etc.).
Therefore, relating to what extent Malay students maintain, adjust or transform their
identity concerns whether it is their personal decision or collective decision. The
situation of whether one would choose their identity based on personal or collective
decisions also relates to who they are (class) and their status in Malaysia or Western
Australia. In the next section I investigate the issue of class and status and the extent to
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which the Malay students were willing to sustain or sacrifice the class and status they
held in Malaysia when temporarily living and studying in Australia.
Class and Status: Sustaining or Sacrificing?
To a certain extent Malay students must face transformations in their social status or
class position. Their inability to live the way they lived in Malaysia, as mentioned by
some interviewees, was due to various factors. Some of the most common reasons given
by Malay students were the absence of a fixed salary, their spouse having to leave or
resign from their job in Malaysia, and the difficulties in the process of bringing their
maid with them to Australia. I will attempt to further explore the significance of the
changes Malay students must negotiate in sustaining or sacrificing their status compared
to when they are in Malaysia. What have they left behind? How do they live their life
here? What aspects of material culture are involved in relating to their class or status?
Do they attempt to rebuild their status here? How are they preparing themselves to
return to Malaysia? These are some of the issues and questions that will be further
discussed in this section. As Turner (1974, p. 232) pointed out, an individual’s social
status may be either elevated or degraded when they enter a society. In his discussion,
he was looking at the status of an individual when they re-enter society. However, as a
Muslim, the difference in class or status experienced in Western Australia does not limit
them from enjoying their life, all the while retaining a commitment to Islam (see also
Gottlieb 2002).
Looking back at some of the issues discussed in my earlier chapter, letting go of living a
more well-off life, including the access to material goods, is quite obvious. When
settling down in Western Australia, the Malay students usually get a second-hand car
and furnish their homes with second-hand things. The main reason given is the limited
time they are going to spend in Western Australia, between three to four years. Some
students brought along new white goods that they had purchased in Malaysia. However,
they obtain most of their local household goods and appliances from garage sales,
second-hand stores, advertisements on the Malaysian Postgraduate Students list, or
acquire them for free from other Malay students who are returning to Malaysia. A
statement made by Rafi below expresses similar sentiments to those of other Malay
students:
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[W]hen we are in this situation, I really treasure my homeland and appreciate all
my friends of the same nationality. However, compared to when you are in
Malaysia, we could not see them. We tend to think we are the best and always
on the top. Instead, when we came here, we feel we are so at the bottom.
Nobody looks at us in our second-hand car. It is really different. If in Malaysia,
do we ever dream or think of driving a second-hand car? Here we really feel
‘bersyukur’ (thankful to God); we feel humble and appreciate what we have.
Like in Malaysia we live in a nice terrace house, but when we are here, we have
to rent a house, and sometimes we do not even get to rent them. We feel really
pathetic. So we learn how to appreciate things, not to complain too much, and it
is a good experience.
(Translated interview excerpts with Rafi)
What Rafi perceived as ‘feeling really pathetic’ is an informal expression of how he felt
when he was unable to get what he hoped for. The idea symbolically reveals the status
Rafi occupies in Malaysia. He felt he would never come across this kind of situation in
Malaysia. The experience somehow is seen as a reminder to him that he should be
thankful for what he has in Malaysia. Rafi perceives himself as a middle-class Malay
cosmopolitan. However, when describing his thankfulness to God, he is looking at the
situation as a Muslim. Malay students must also cook and prepare food themselves at
home when they are in Western Australia. In Malaysia, however, many have maids to
do all the housework and buy prepared meals from restaurants. They would go to eat at
fast food restaurants at least once or twice a week. In Western Australia they are less
inclined to eat out because there is no guarantee the food will be certified ‘halal’. In
Western Australia, they have to sacrifice the idea of having maids and must start to
learn how to do most of the household chores with the assistance of their spouse.
They still occasionally take their family out once in awhile to some ‘halal’ Malaysian
restaurants around Western Australia. The reason given is the need to savour some of
the traditional Malay cuisine after feeling tired of having other foods. As Mead (2008,
p. 18) states, food habits are seen as a culturally standardized set of behaviours in regard
to food manifested by individuals who have been reared within a given cultural
tradition. These behaviors are seen as systematically interrelated with standardized
behaviours in the same culture (like preference for meat, aversion to milk, etc.). In
relation to their Malay-Muslim identity, there is a common awareness that what you eat
will contribute to who you are. If you eat well and the food is halal, then the blood that
runs through your veins will be good and contributes to your good behaviour, but if you
do otherwise, then it will contribute to other unfavourable actions and outcomes. So, it
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is considered important to be particular about the food one consumes, the ingredients
and the way it is prepared. Malay-Muslims students believed that if they eat many ‘non-
halal’ (unlawful) foods, these will become part of their body system and, later, part of
their flesh and blood. Although I cannot provide an explanation of the relation between
one’s diet, one’s blood and one’s behaviour, as a Muslim, the religious teachings or
Sunnah95
are the basis of everyday Islamic practice.
The positive outcome of sacrificing their status when in Western Australia can be seen
in relation to the types of work of Malay-Muslim student’s spouses during their stay.
My informants revealed that most of the jobs their spouses did here would have never
crossed their minds in Malaysia. Spouses (either husband or wife) who accompanied the
Malay-Muslim postgraduate students held various permanent and established
employment positions in Malaysia as managers, executives, administrators,
businessmen, journalists, and teachers, to name a few. Most were taking non-paid leave
for two to three years and will return to their previous jobs on return to Malaysia. I have
also had some informal conversations with the spouses, and they admitted that they also
wanted to experience living overseas and give their children the opportunity to attend
schooling in Western Australia. However, some had resigned from their jobs to provide
moral and physical support to their husband or wives who were studying.
In this situation, one marriage partner sacrifices for the others benefit. Since the length
of scholarship time is a minimum of three years, married students with families need
considerable emotional and physical support to complete postgraduate degree in three
years. Often the spouse who is a certificate or degree holder and employed in Malaysia
sacrifices their status by coming along and tries to find casual work in Western
Australia. I knew two families of Malay-Muslims postgraduate students in Western
Australia in which both husband and wife were pursuing their postgraduate studies.
Since the Australian educational system does not recognize their Malaysian degree, it
was difficult for them to practice their expertise and find employment. Looking at the
situation in a more positive light, Ahmad explained:
[A]s long as we are open-minded, we can see that [the] Australian does not like
you to have that level of status. We can have a very wealthy person who owns a
house just around the riverbank, but they just wear shorts, do not wear any shoes
95Sunnah is the way of life prescribed as normative for Muslims on the basis of the teachings and
practices of Muhammad and interpretations of the Koran.
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and walk bare-footed to IGA [supermarket]. It is a common thing and there is
nothing to show off about. I think that is the Australian way. Obviously, people
know you have a lot of money, that is why you have houses, but they do not
really show it. It is different from Asian culture particularly. If you observed
here, those who are driving Mercedes car are Asian people, particularly the
Chinese. Here, they just used the local car, the Holden car. So a car is a status
symbol for Asian. Also, I think because of the culture, we are very fond of the
title after names because it shows status, obviously. Here, being Australian, they
are very open and quite laidback regarding this. They are quite informal. They
do not want to be called Doctor or Professor, just to be called by their first name.
It is more open than in Malaysia. We always have this hierarchical structure
when we want to talk to someone. The structure here sheds the power of the
authority, which is good. I do hope when I get back, I can contribute to that sort
of openness.
(Interview excerpts with Ahmad)
Hana, another informant explained that if we are being too humble, it is quite difficult
for the white people to evaluate us. Hana felt that Malays should learn about being more
open or become aware of openness of the Australian culture. She recalls a Malay saying
‘Ikut resam padi, semakin berisi semakin menunduk’ (Adopt the habit of the paddy
plants, the more panicles they bear, the lower they bow). This saying acts to remind
Malays about the importance of education, status and position in their life. Class and
status are considered important for Malays when they are in Malaysia, but their concern
declines when they are in a foreign land. However, some Malay-Muslim postgraduate
students indirectly revealed their ‘rich’ way of life through their numerous trips to
places of interest in Australia. This is often considered costly to other Malay-
postgraduate scholarship students, unless the trips are only made only once or twice
during their stay. The most valuable experience expressed by most Malay students was
how they managed to endure their life in Western Australia without feeling embarrassed
about what others might think of them and the ability to enjoy what they have without
feeling inferior compared to others. The same idea was expressed in the context of their
physical well-being. This issue is discussed further in the next part, as it is also seen as a
whole new context for most Malay students during their stay in Western Australia.
Health and Wellbeing: Enduring Inclusion and Exclusion in Consultation
Physical health and well-being are considered by most Malay students as something that
is a part of their daily life. All the Malay students involved in this study are basically
covered by the OSHC (Overseas Student Health Coverage) insurance. Most Malay
students considered this something new, and it sometimes required time to get used to
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the system. In Malaysia, health insurance is something of a personal choice rather than
something which is compulsory. What I would like to highlight here is the
transformations the students must undergo in adapting to this new system of health care,
in gaining medical advice or when visiting GPs (General Practitioners). I will then
relate the idea of inclusion or exclusion during their consultation with their GPs or
hospital staff. This will be analysed in reference to how they actually try to practise
local Malay culture during their visit and the form of relationship that exists between
them and their GPs. According to Jenkins (2002), inclusion breeds exclusion, and it
cannot be otherwise. Furthermore, similarity and difference, logically and socially,
require each other.
Most Malay students consider the idea of having medical insurance ‘leceh’ (fussy). In
Malaysia, the practice of going to any clinic or GP when one is sick at any time without
having to set an appointment first is seen as something good and much easier. Since one
is not required to have any medical insurance coverage in Malaysia, visiting GPs and
settling one’s payment straight after the visit is good. However, in Western Australia,
they have to get used to making an appointment before visiting the GP. Some feel it is
not convenient and is time-consuming, especially if there are things they need to settle
urgently. What is more, the idea of not getting any medical prescription after visiting a
GP is also a considered a step down, especially if their visit to a GP eventually ended up
with no prescribed medication and only ‘common’ advice that they already knew and
practised. Furthermore, the visit will cost them at least AUD$80 to AUD$100 just for
the consultation and many felt ‘it is not worth it’. In most cases, they had to take their
children to the hospital emergency department for treatment or medicines. One of my
informants told me she has stacks of medicines she brought from Malaysia for herself
and her kids. Just to note, these medicines are ‘the modern medicines’ and not the
‘traditional medications’ which are also commonly used in Malaysia. These students
must adapt to having medical insurance coverage, setting appointments to see GPs and
not getting medical prescriptions for common illnesses.
Most Malay students consider that the treatment they get from their medical
practitioners is good and humane. They feel they are being treated nicely and
considerately by their medical practitioners regardless of their status, their ethnic
background or religious background. They are treated the same as anyone else: as
‘orang’ (humans). This is not to say that they are not treated humanely in Malaysia. The
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practice in Malaysia is more that of a strictly formal ‘doctor-patient’ relationship. The
same situation exists in Western Australia, but most Malays here describe the medical
practitioners as being professional, and the relationship between doctor and patient as
really close (not in the intimate manner but professionally) and open. This makes them
feel they are being treated as a ‘human’ rather than just a ‘patient’.
In Malaysia, doctors treat ‘patients’, but do not always treat the patient as human. Most
Malay students agree on this point. In Malaysia, if a person gets treatments, they are not
supposed to ask anything or question the doctor, and the doctor does not tell the patient
about his/her work. Therefore, the openness of the doctor/patient relationship and the
informative treatments received in Western Australia are viewed positively by Malay
students. Doctors in Perth are part of a professional hierarchy, but this does not mean
that they are aloof or consider themselves superior to their patients. Several Malay
students expressed their preference for such professional practice and hoped that it
would be one day carried out in Malaysia.
Female Malay students and the spouses of male students who gave birth during their
time in Western Australia shared their different experiences of hospitals. For most of
them their anxieties were minimized by the advice and assurances of their female Malay
friends who had given birth in Western Australia before them. Normally, they will go
for both traditional and modern medication, including vitamins. They do not find it
difficult to get their hands on traditional medications to be used in their confinement
period, such as ‘jamu’ (traditional herbal medication), ‘mandi lulur’ (traditional bath
scrub) and traditional ointments. I was lucky enough to experience firsthand the
integrated usage of modern and traditional medicines when I gave birth to my baby in
March 2009. I personally found that the use of traditional medicines was inclusively
supported by the medical system in Australia too.
Researcher’s fieldnotes: March 2009
Researcher birthing experience: Went to the hospital about 1.00 am and was
looked after by Jess (midwife) and Diane (doctor). When first entering the
labour room, I was asked whether I would prefer a male or female doctor. I felt
hesitant to answer because I was not sure whether it was my choice or not. Then
it was cleared that it is up to me to decide and it is not an obligation. So, I
decided to go for a female doctor instead. The reason for this is due to my
religious affiliation rather than my ethnic identity. The environment itself creates
a new experience to me. Even though I was told earlier by an in-house
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Malaysian student doctor that I have nothing to worry about because I will be
experiencing something totally new. I was not hoping on that too much.
On religious issue – I felt the midwife is such a respectful person. My husband
asked her permission to perform his Subuh prayer beside my bed. She actually
offer to get a mat for my husband, but my husband said it was find because
there was a clean bed sheet and he used that instead. Jess was a great and patient
and a professional midwife who didnot portray any racial feeling because I am a
Muslim and Malay. She treated me well as her patient and I even felt she was
more like a ‘concerned mum ‘ to me with her addressing me as ‘darling’, ‘luv’
and ‘beautiful’. She managed to create a ‘homely’ and secure environment for
me. Even the doctor, who was supposed to end her shift at 7am stayed on until I
safely delivered my baby. At this point the doctor is being professional and it
has nothing to do with who I am.
Food issue – On my first day in the ward, the person who serves me the food
realized that I just go for milk, juice, fruits and bread for my lunch and dinner
and no chicken or meat. Then interestingly she asked me whether I take ‘halal’
food and I told her yes. The next meal she brought me ‘halal’ beef-lasagne and
later I was given a list of other ‘halal’ food to choose from for my next two days
stay in the hospital.
Religious issue – After my baby was born, my husband took the placenta (uri)
back home. My mother and husband washed and buried it according to the
Malay belief and practice. He also performed the ‘azan’ (call for prayer) and
‘takbir’ (iqamah)96
into the baby’s right ear right after he was born as practised
in Islam and the doctor allowed him without any problems.
Other issue – Giving name to the baby. My baby was given his name on the 7th
day after he was born as best followed in the Sunnah. Before the name was
given, we have consulted religious teachers and other Malay students who are
well versed in Arabic language to make sure that the suggested name has good
meaning to it and hopefully will be good for the baby. Then there were the
‘cukur jambul’ ceremony or some call it ‘belah mulut’ (with dates and zam-zam
water) by close relatives or person with great success or religious background,
with intention that hopefully the baby will somehow follow the persons steps in
future, that is being successful or religious. The next day, my husband shaves
our baby’s head.
During my routine visit to King Edward Hospital in my first week after giving
birth, I met up with a local midwife. Before I went there, I applied some
traditional ointment to keep my feet ‘warm’. During my visit, she asked me
about the smell of peppermint like ointment on me. So, I told her about the
96 New born child should hear the Zikr of Allah upon their arrival into this world. After the baby is born
the azan should be said in the right ear and the takbir (Iqamah) should be said in the left ear by anyone
who is able to say the adhan of the prayer, such as the father. This sould be done as soon as possible. This
is the Sunna of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him). In other words, this is a
pronouncement of the creed of Islam. Besides, at the sound of adhan and iqamah, Satan distances
himself. At this early age, the child is thus invited to Allah the Majestic, to Islam and to the worship of
Allah. This call forestalls temptation by Satan and ensures an unblemished faith. Moreover, it is a
forearming against Satan and temptation.< http://www.islamcan.com/aboutus.shtml >
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traditional ointment that I applied earlier. She told me that she is in agreement
with traditional medication and said that traditional practice is a good way to get
well and strong much faster.
According to Lock (2002), anthropologists such as W.H.R. Rivers (in the 1920s) argued
that medicine in non-literate societies was not simply a random assortment of practices
based on custom and superstition, but insisted that medicine is an integral part of society
at large, and the form it takes reflects widely shared values. Therefore, looking into
types of medication that are included and excluded in a new environment is important
for the Malay students’ well-being. Furthermore, the idea of having medical insurance
even appeals to some, and these people even feel prompted to buy it upon their return to
Malaysia. The exposure to this new culture encourages the Malay students to make
efforts to keep themselves healthy. In this situation new skills have also evolved among
the Malay students in their new setting. This will be discussed next.
Enrichment of Skills in the New Setting: Motivation and Exposure
The kind of lifestyle the Malay students live in Western Australia, as discussed in the
previous section, contributes to them gaining new skills. Some of their newly found
skills allow them to create opportunities, for example setting up a new business or doing
something they have never done before. I discuss in this section some of the
motivational factors and exposure that support this process. The most mentioned skill
they gain here is cooking. Most spouses who accompanied their husbands or wives said
they have become better cooks: husbands have also learned to cook for the family.
Moreover, the prices of foods are considered too expensive to allow eating out,
especially for students with children. Therefore, they prefer to save their money for
other matters rather than spending it on food. This means they are willing to sacrifice
their status and be more economical and wise. Besides gaining new cooking skills, the
Malay students and their spouses are also reflecting more on their choices as consumers.
The idea of being a consumer and also cosmopolitan in the global lifestyles also
contributes to their spending wisely and trying their hand at various new skills and
hobbies.
Being economical has contributed to improve some of the students’ financial situations
and enables them to have some extra spending money for leisure activities. They can
enjoy their time in Australia and travel to some tourist attractions in the state of Western
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Australia or beyond. By saving, they are able to enjoy themselves, since the money
from their sponsors normally only covers basic monthly household expenses, and for
many it is not enough. Some managed to put their newly acquired skills to good use,
coming up with business opportunities, such as selling traditional Malay cuisine such as
‘ayam golek’, ‘char kuey teow’ and ‘beriyani rice’ on weekends or for gatherings or
private occasions.
Furthermore, the different environment also inspires many Malay students to take up
new hobbies such as photography and DIY (Do It Yourself) projects. Fellow Malay
students and their spouses stated that the most desired hobby is taking photographs. For
some, the idea of taking photos no longer involves only the idea of taking photos for the
purpose of preserving memories of the visit to Western Australia. Instead, it has become
something more: an ‘outing’ culture in which the students attend organized outings and
events such as the photography workshop organized by MyPSA (Malaysian
Postgraduate Student Association) on the 4th
of September 2010. Participants paid
AUD$10 each. The turnout was encouraging, about thirty people, and photography
contest was organized after the workshop. The new ‘outing’ culture is actually
motivating them to practise new skills and interests. If they were in Malaysia, their
willingness to attend ‘skills workshops’ would be lower due to their other commitments.
Besides gaining new skills in new settings, it is interesting to reflect on the idea of
enhanced community relations in reference to the new setting. Besides viewing the
workshop as a place to gain useful information, it is also seen as an informal way for
Malay students to gather as a community. This community relation is a useful way to
view the changes in participation levels and the extent of their commitment to the group
in Western Australia.
Community Relation in Transition: Participation and Commitment
The central themes of the Malay-Muslim postgraduate student community in Western
Australia can be best analyzed by invoking Cohen’s (1985) idea of ‘belonging’, a sense
of belonging that comes about through participation in a common symbolic world (i.e.
culture). This suggests that the community relationship goes through a transition in
relation to gatherings, social participation and commitments. As mentioned in Chapter
Two on the idea of social identity by Miller & Steinberg (1975), this section will point
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out how Malay-Muslims postgraduate students change information on the basis of
group membership and the social roles that is tied to the group membership. I will
explain more regarding the concept of belonging in the Malay community in relation to
gatherings and ‘usrah’ for some informal gatherings, which normally includes
discussions of religious issues. As discussed in Chapter Six, Malay students often
conduct formal and informal gatherings. However, there is a need to analyse whcih
gatherings attract which groups. The issue is the extent to which group participation
involves levels of their religiosity or their political affiliation. The range of participants
– whether just from one university, etc. – is also considered.
Gatherings are held on various occasions. Some are open to all Malay students, and
some are considered private gatherings among Malays. The extent of participation
differs when compared to when the students meet in Malaysia. For example, I was
fortunate enough to attend the wedding of a Malay student in Western Australia. Since
the Malay community here is small, invitations were sent out to basically the entire
Malay student community, and the invitations were forwarded via Facebook. The level
of participation of the Malay community revolves around friends and colleagues in
Western Australia, while in Malaysia it revolves around relatives and friends. As a
result, some of the people who attend the functions do not even know either the bride or
the groom, but they are there because they know the person conducting the wedding. On
the one hand this reveals the closeness of Malay community relationship in Western
Australia, regardless of who the bride or groom is. As long as there are invitations to
what is considered an occasion to celebrate, the community is ready to participate and
assist in organizing the function.
‘Usrah’ (literally the term means ‘family’), on the other hand, is a type of informal
gathering hosted by the students themselves, together with Malay permanent residents
or citizens. Normally, it is conducted in the host’s house, and a person who is
considered well versed in religious matters will be present to give a speech or share
some Islamic knowledge. Sometimes the ‘usrah’ is conducted according to ‘female’ and
‘male’ groups. So, the ‘usrah’ group is a platform to discuss some of these matters in
accordance with Islamic teachings and practice. Raha, who is a member of an ‘usrah’
group, recalled her experiences during one of these sessions:
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[W]hen I first joined the Malay community here, I mixed with them [the local
Malay-Muslims] because of ‘usrah’. I thought ‘Alhamdulillah’ [thank God] they
still hold on strongly to their religion even though they are in a non-Islamic
country. However, when I look at some parents here, I sympathize with them.
They said that I am lucky that my kids are growing up in Malaysia because it is
so difficult raising kids here. I am shocked to see so many Malay kids here who
are ‘anak luar nikah’ (children begotten outside marriage) – not many, but I
have known a few. Among the permanent residents’ kids who go to high school
or university, for example, they are exposed to drinking liquor as a norm, and
they feel it is a norm and why should they not consume it? It is really hard.
Some even convert to Christianity. What can I say? The same thing even occurs
in Malaysia. Over here if the parents get angry with their kids, the parents are
wrong. I feel that those who have been here for a generation or more seem like
they are not Malay any more. They do not know how to speak Malay, their
dress, and body piercing and tattoos among boys. So it is important to look at
Malays living in a non-Islamic country. For us, it might not matter much
because we are going back to Malaysia soon, and we are going to tune back into
our Malay or Muslim culture, unless we are going to stay here. Then we will
absorb a lot of things.
(Translated interview excerpts with Raha)
Community participation, therefore, is an important practice among Malays in order to
control their Malay-Muslim way of life. The interpersonal communication process
involved will then contribute to how the members of the Malay community create,
sustain and manage their cultural values and stimulate their surveillance or policing
function in the community. As we have seen here, the Malay students also get involved
in community events with some permanent residents in Western Australia, such as the
‘usrah’. The gatherings provide them useful insights into the lives and problems
encountered by Malays overseas, especially those who are living in non-Islamic
countries. There are many positive things that the Malay permanent residents and
citizens here have managed to accomplish in their lives in Western Australia, such as a
better standard of living and greater financial security. On the other hand, in relation to
their religious identity and practice, they are facing many troubles involving raising
their children in a different culture, with different values and norms. According to
Gallois and Callan (1977), Malays’ collective culture means that Malays practise their
culture as an interdependent self-concept, in which their sense of self is tied up with
their relations to their group.
Another form of community relation that my informants identify as going through a
process of transition involves the managing of new Malay student arrivals to Western
Australia. In previous years, caring for the arrivals in the community was normally
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through mutual contact or on a volunteer basis, either by picking them up at the airport
or letting them stay in the home of a volunteer Malay student for a week or so until they
were able to find their own house. However, since it is apparent there are more Malay
students arriving and needing assistance in some way, the MyPSA has come up with
forms to fill in to assist in picking up new student arrivals or for arranging short-stay
accommodation – a small fee is charged for the assistance. According to some Malay
students, this step is considered as a backsliding from the Malay culture of mutual
assistance. Since filling out forms itself is seen as a formal step or formality, many think
the Malay student solidarity is not like it was before. The influence of individualism and
materialism starts to appear in some students’ daily conversations.
On the other hand, Li attempted to explain the positive side of these steps taken by the
MyPSA:
[I] am quite proud of MyPSA. Not that I am praising too much, but I feel it is
good that people who are coming here know there is a website that can guide
them in preparing for what needs to be done, what to bring, about the housing
system, etc. At least prospective students can prepare themselves mentally,
physically and monetarily. If you have contact here, then you do not have to go
through the official channels. I feel the forms are for whoever is coming, but do
not have any contact here. If there are a number of students coming at one time,
some students seem to push the matter on to others. So what happens if
everybody is busy at that time? So, at least the form will assist the committee
member to find someone to pick them up and [find] temporary accommodation
after their arrival. So it does not matter if you have initial contact with someone
here in advance or not. The negative side of it is that people will see it as a way
you let go of your responsibility as a part of a community, and you feel the
relationship is loosening.
(Translated interview excerpts with Li)
What is revealed by Li here is how Malays have interdependent self-construals which
feature the person not as separate from the social context, but as more connected and
less differentiated from others (Markus & Kitayama 1991, p. 227). According to
Markus & Kitayama (1991, p. 227), ‘people are motivated to find a way to fit in with
the relevant others, to fulfill and create obligation, and in general to become part of
various interpersonal relationships. The significant features of the self are found in the
interdependent and more public components of the self’. Therefore, the idea of
community contributes to the feeling of togetherness and group belonging. Furthermore,
the relationship that existed among the Malay students is also seen as important to their
sense of belonging in the community, regardless of whether they are students or even
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permanent residents. In other words, community reflects social belonging and
relationship (Delanty 2003, p. 26). This can still be seen in the Malay student
community’s hesitancy in accepting new implementations, and reveals their sense of
obligation to members who share their ethnic and religious identity.
Chapter Summary
This chapter has discussed the extent of adjustments and maintenance associated with
Malay-Muslims postgraduate students in Western Australia. Certain adjustments,
maintenance and also possibility of transformations were positively anticipated by
Malay students, while other forms of adjustments were considered as a major
backsliding in the everyday lives of the Malay students, at least by some. Malay
students welcome the changes involving their experiences, skills, English language
proficiency, and social and cultural knowledge. Some believe that some transitions are
good to a certain extent, as long as they do not overrule or go against Malay and
Muslim values and cultural practices. Parents with school-aged children believe that
they are responsible to assist and monitor changes so that their children do not
encounter too many problems upon their return to Malaysia. I have also considered how
the Malay language has played a major role in their everyday life as an important
identity marker. Even though the Malay student informants in this research agreed on
the importance of the English language in their academic life and conversations with
others, they felt there was a limit to its importance. This idea is related to the awareness
of having to return back to Malaysia upon completion of the study and in avoiding any
difficulties, especially for their children, in the reintegration back into the Malay
community and culture there. They feel it is important that their children are aware of
their Malay and Muslim identity and of proper use of the Malay language. As Gans
(1979, p. 67) explains, that identity cannot exist apart from a group, and the symbols
involved in etiquette are themselves a part of culture.
The main aim of Malay students who are single and live alone would be to achieve a
better social status upon their return to Malaysia. The priorities of students with families
and who also have a more secure position or status differ in accordance with their own
life situation and personal backgrounds. This further suggests that most Malay students
upon their return would be considered more open and with more credentials to
contribute to the society and nation as well. Hall (1997) pointed out that when one has
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to learn to live in two countries, one has to speak a new language and make a life in
another place not by choice, but as a condition of survival. Therefore, it can also be said
that besides hoping for advancement in their status, they hope to incorporate some of
the positive changes they have made during their stay in Western Australia.
I have also discussed some of the tension or backsliding situations highlighted in
individual expressions and the idea of community policing involved in interpersonal
communication. Cosmopolitan picking and choosing of standards and religious
observances in some situations is considered backsliding. In relation to collective
decisions involved, some community enforcement of an unquestionable religious and
moral standard also contributes to one’s decision to adjust, maintain or possibly
transform their identity in Western Australia. This situation is also related to how each
student copes with the temporary losses in status whilst in Western Australia. Some
need to spend more time on other matters in their life (e.g. working) in order to cope
with their new life in Western Australia. Others who are more financially secure would
have more time to spend on other form of leisure or Malay student community activites.
All discussions of the ethnic and religious identities of Malay-Muslims postgraduate
students have not disregarded the existence of boundaries in Malay-Muslim students’
identities. These aspects were discussed directly or indirectly by the Malay-Muslim
students in regard to how they perceived others in their new environment. As mentioned
earlier in Chapter Two, the ‘exclusive boundary’ can be seen in the way Malay-Muslim
students adopt their Malay language as their identity marker, while an ‘inclusive
boundary’ is seen in their religious identity. Chapter Eight will conclude the discussion
and elaborate on findings put forward in chapters discussed earlier by looking into the
Malay-Muslim postgraduate students’ ethno-religious identity once they cross the
Malaysian border (or leave their comfort zone).
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CHAPTER 8
Ethnic and Religious Identity: Boundary Maintenance and Border
Crossing
Due to the particularistic orientation of the present Islamization
process, in the sense that it has been strongly identified as a key
ingredient of Malay cultural identity, Islamization has acted
vigorously to maintain ethnic boundaries.
-Milne & Mauzy (1986, p. 76)
Introduction
In one of its major meanings, a border is a line supporting the origin or development of
a state; however, borders may not be in line with the concept of identity. This chapter
examines the fundamental concept of ethnic and religious identity and the idea of border
crossing among Malay postgraduate students in Western Australia. Based on the
discussions and findings in the earlier chapters, I determine the extent to which
individual students’ ideas of border crossing lead to a willingness to make adjustments
in their ethnic or religious identity. I argue that the willingness of the students to
negotiate their ethnic and religious identity upon border crossing is grounded in their
religious identity. I highlight the significance of uniting the religious elements with their
identity adjustment. I argue further that religion, not border crossing, is the underlying
idea that secures their Malay identity. The idea of border crossing will not be a viable
means of generalizing one’s ethnic and religious identity in the foreseeable future.
Border Crossing in the Malay world
Ethnicity as an identity is a combination of various identities, as inflected by ‘race’,
culture, language, religion, social factors and societal norms. It is not historically
permanent and is constantly influenced by social development over long periods of time
(Zainal Kling 1994). In the context of border crossing, the acceptance of Islam among
the Malays has contributed to a major adjustment of their life and world view. The
Malays have accepted that Islam is their way of life, such that Islam is considered to
represent a part of them, a part of their heritage and a part of their identity needing
protection (Mohamad Abu Bakar 1994). Malays, as an ethnic group, also feel that they
are able to choose and to absorb only acceptable external elements to enhance their
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social-cultural system and to maintain their identity. This belief gives rise to an
interesting process of ethnic encounter. In other words, the concept of ‘Malay’ is
culturally based on ethnic criteria; therefore, culture must represent part of the process
of construction of ethnic identification. Although Barth (1969) is correct in insisting that
cultural traits do not constitute ethnic differences, Handelman (1977) and Cornell
(1996) are equally correct to remind us that cultural matters are ‘not irrelevant’.
Therefore, ‘our culture as we encounter it and live it is for us simply something that is’
(Jenkins 1997, p. 76).
According to Barth (1969), the cultural features that signal the ethnic boundary may
change, and the cultural characteristics of the members may likewise be transformed.
Nevertheless, the fact of continuing dichotomization between members and outsiders
allows us to specify the nature of continuity and to investigate the changing forms and
content of culture. Border culture in anthropology deals with two levels. Firstly, the idea
of culture ties people and institutions to the border within their own states, as well as to
distant international borders (Donnan & Wilson 1999). The Malay students in Western
Australia have crossed and created many boundaries in their movements through their
and other people’s spaces and places. Here, culture ties the people and their institutions
both within their own states, and to those very far away (Donnan & Wilson 1999, p.
12).
Secondly, the cultural features of an ethnic group will change, but if a group manages to
secure its boundary with another ethnic group, the group will then secure its ethnic
identity. In this case, the cultural aspects of the Malay student’s lives are expected to go
through changes in the process of adapting to the new environment. A boundary or
border is often defined as a legally recognized line or a line fixed in a particular space.
However, I prefer instead to use the term frontier because it represents a vaguely
defined boundary – a ‘region’ rather than a line (Parker & Rodseth 2005, p. 10).
Therefore, I will discuss further the ability of the Malay-Muslim students to maintain
their Malay and Muslim identity across a frontier that also supports their ethnic and
religious identity.
I argue that managing one’s religious frontier is seen as a prerequisite for the students’
maintenance of their ethnic and religious identity abroad. The Malay students’ daily
interactions provide the opportunity for them to reinforce their existing values and
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practices and engage in a regularization process, whereby people attempt to address
their commonalities and differences (Herzfeld 2001; Turner 1988). Some of the aspects
of the regularization process that apply to Malay students lives include consuming
halal foods, practising Malay culture, attending congregational prayers and fasting.
Wimmer (2008) has reviewed decades of ethnographic studies that have addressed the
ways by which boundaries between two ethnic groups can be maintained, even though
the cultures involved might be indistinguishable, and even though individuals and
groups might switch from one side of the boundary to the other. Wimmer outlined four
dimensions of variation along which an individual ethnic constellation could be
situated. The four dimensions are the political salience of boundaries, social closure and
‘groupness’ or exclusion along ethnic lines, cultural differentiation, and stability (Astuti
1995). Wallman (1978), on the other hand, argued that social boundaries are
characterized by an interface line between the inside (us) and outside (them). According
to Wallman (1978, p. 207):
[W]e identifies ‘us’ (inside) in opposition to ‘them’. We use the boundary for
our purposes, according to our need(s) at this time/in this context. On the other
hand, ‘they’ (outside) identify themselves by contrast to the rest of us. They use
their boundary for their purposes.
The issue of forming and managing frontiers among Malay students is thus relational. It
implies both similarities and differences. As Cohen (1985, p. 13) has pointed out,
boundaries recognized by some may be invisible to others. From my point of view,
these approaches are essential to this research in that they juxtapose the elements of
ethno-religious identity and boundary in the everyday lives of Malay students. In other
words, the best way to look into the Malay students’ everyday practices of exclusion
and inclusion in the current setting is to look at how the Malay community is formed,
and how its frontiers are managed. This idea challenges several notions proposed in
previous studies: the idea that a person becomes assimilated through integration into the
dominant society and the idea that minority groups are trapped between cultures and
must endure an ‘identity crisis’ (Huck 1968; Parker 1995). Bhabha (1990), Hall (1990)
and Clifford (1991, 1994) have acknowledged the agency of the individual in creating
space for partial and multiple identifications in identity construction. In other words,
this concept implies that the idea of border crossing creates a partial space for the Malay
students that allows them to rely on their cultural and religious practice to adjust or
maintain their identity.
246
Since identity is generally considered to involve belonging, at its most basic, it gives a
person a sense of personal location, the stable core to one’s individuality (Weeks 1990).
The Malay-Muslim postgraduate students involved in this study were more concerned
with ways to maintain their religious identity and chosen aspects of their cultural
identity, including language, relationships with their neighbours, and food consumption.
In my discussions, I use the term border to refer only to state borders, while ‘boundaries
and ‘frontiers’ refer to the metaphoric transition of the regions related to the Malay
students’ ethnic and religious identity. I will attempt to relate these aspects to the
students’ willingness to secure or not to secure their ethnic frontiers when they cross the
Malaysian border.
Ethnic and Religious Identity: To Tie or not to Tie
When Malays cross the Malaysian border as students and leave Malaysia, they will
undeniably become part of a new system of values (Donnan & Wilson, 1999). To what
extent are they able or do they want to secure the new value systems in their daily lives?
How do they judge their ethnic and religious identity, and how are they judged in terms
of ethnic and religious identity? I have attempted to answer these questions through the
experiences faced by Malay-Muslim postgraduates in relation to their use of the Malay
language, their relationships with neighbours, their food consumption and interpersonal
communications with others, to mention only a few aspects. The most important
symbolic system uniting Malays combines their language with their religious belief and
practice.
While Malay-Muslim students encounter a range of new circumstances in Australia,
their needs and learned cultural practices assist them in maintaining, adjusting and, very
occasionally transforming their social identities. One of the key issues highlighted is the
maintenance of the Malay language in a new setting. Language is also of major
importance, both in explaining one’s identity and by virtue of its ability to influence and
effect social identities and relations among Malays. In this regard, Barth (1981, p. 207)
argued that because identities are signaled as well as embraced, one would expect role
constraints. A person would be reluctant to act in a new way for fear that such
behaviour might be inappropriate for his/her identity, and the person would be quick to
classify forms of activity in terms of one cluster or another of ethnic characteristics.
Border crossing among Malay-Muslim postgraduate students, therefore, does not result
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in Malay-Muslim students changing their existing identity to any great extent. However,
the extent to which they hold on to their ethnic and religious identity differs across
individuals before returning to Malaysia.
Upon their return to Malaysia, the more cosmopolitan Malay identity constructed in
Western Australia was not presumed to lead to any sort of stressful situation in the
future, although there are exceptions to it. When arriving in Western Australia, the
Malay-Muslim postgraduate students anticipated changes in relation to their survival
and adaptation to their new environment. These changes were not expected to be
permanent, unless the student was applying to become a permanent resident or to obtain
citizenship overseas. The prospect of changes that become permanent opens up different
questions about identity. These issues may require further research.
The fact that Malay-Muslim identity is strengthened by continuous practice of Malay
culture and Islamic religion supports the idea that the best way to be Malay is to be with
Malays. The communication of shared systems of symbolic verbal and nonverbal
behaviour is meaningful to group members who have a shared sense of belonging and
who share traditions, heritage, language, and similar norms and behaviours (Fong &
Chuang 2004, p. 6). Some of the attempts to preserve their Malay customs and
traditions are made through Islam-based activities, such as congregational prayers,
activities during the fasting month, and inviting other Malays to break the fast at their
house. These religious observances serve as a vehicle in assisting the maintenance of
Malay identity. This situation exemplifies just some of the cultural events and practices
observed by Malay students. The reason for the emphasis on prayer in a congregation is
to unite Muslim society. In these gatherings, the members of the congregation will
normally exchange stories about each other and recall some personal experiences. Much
of this experience is considered valuable to newcomers, including new students.
Malay-Muslim students also embraced Islamic and Malay cultural ideas like ‘hikmah’
(hoping for a good outcome in the future after facing challenges in their life or hard
work), ‘nasib’ (things happen as they are meant to happen), ‘budi’ (wisdom,
understanding or intellect), ‘adab’ (behave or act accordingly), and ‘tawakal’
(resignation or trust in God) to mention a few, as part of a symbolic religious-cultural
complex functioning at the frontier that the students used to maintain their Malay-
Muslim identity. According to Hamf (1994), religious boundary-marking can be
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socially powerful because religion and rites are far more resistant to social change than
many other markers of identity (e.g. common origin and language). These ideas can be
seen to represent an important way in which the Malay students manage to overcome
issues relating to their academic lives, their social lives and their new environments.
In discussing the idea of religious identity, I argue that Malay postgraduate students
anticipate that this identity is more secure when Malays are involved in border crossing.
This view relates to my earlier discussion of how Malay culture is fortified by religious
values. My earlier discussion of the importance of consuming halal foods also
explained that religious practice does not render a person unchangeable; instead, by
embracing the basic Islamic concept of tawakal (‘trust in God’) one is assisted in
increasing one’s flexibility. The essential meaning of this concept is that one must
surrender to God on matters with which one deals in life, once an effort has been made.
Border crossing among Malays offers insights involving broad categories of other
cultures. However, despite some exceptions, limited efforts are made on the part of
Malays to blend these other cultures into their existing Malay-Muslim cultural values
and practices.
This creates situations in which social interactions take place across, beyond, outside
and frequently without any reference to particular nations, borders and identities
(Appadurai 1990). Malay students, therefore, cross the Malaysian borders, but they will
attempt to secure their ethno-religious identity when interacting with others. They will
try their best to maintain their ethno-religious identity. Their religious identity is treated
as their platform for making decisions on adjustments of their other identities, including
their ethnic and social identity when they cross the Malaysian border. As Gans (1979),
Fishman (1985), Okamura (1981) and Galaty (1982), have pointed out, ethnic lines will
not disappear in the foreseeable future, but forces of assimilation are strong, and
identities are indeed changeable.
Recapitulating the Research Findings and Limitations of the Study
In this research, one of the main criteria identified as playing a major role in Malay-
Muslim postgraduate students’ identity adjustment in Western Australia is religion. This
factor, however, does not refer to the idea of Malay postgraduate students being more
religious; instead, they became more ‘self-consciously’ religious when they are beyond
249
Malaysia’s borders. When I undertook this research, the lack of scholarly literature on
Malays outside Malaysia provided me with the opportunity for this original research
Therefore, the central questions of this thesis were how Malay-Muslim postgraduate
students identify themselves in a foreign environment and how religion, culture
(including adat) and interpersonal communication contribute to adjustment of their
identity.
My findings through participant observations and interviews with a cohort of Malay-
Muslims postgraduate informants have suggested that religion underlies their identity
adjustment process. The informants have been identified as having considerable
awareness of their ethnic and religious identity. While their ethnic identity is more
flexible and situational, their religious identity is more permanent and seldom
negotiable. The theme was embodied in the informants’ life experiences and comments.
They have revealed their experiences throughout the interpersonal communication
process in their everyday lives in the interviews and informal conversations. In this
process, their revealing of their identity adjustment process is often intertwined with
such commonly used religious terms as Alhamdulillah (Praise to Allah), Tawakal-
tualallah (Putting complete trust in Allah) and Insya-Allah (God willing). Such
accounts demonstrate the importance of religion in influencing their cultural values and
practices in their identity adjustment in their everyday life.
This study also reveals that even though all Malay-Muslim postgraduate students are
distinct in their own ways, most of the experiences they face refer back to their Malay
culture/adat and Islamic values. Therefore, these features are considered more
compelling than other cultures for Malay-Muslims living temporarily beyond Malaysian
borders. In comparison with other similar findings across other scholarly studies, this
study is important particularly in emphasizing the role of religion, specifically how they
become more ‘self-consciously religious, as fundamentally underlying identity
adjustment by the Malay-Muslim postgraduate students overseas. This was emphasised
through discussions on their relationships when encountering others and the extent of
their identity adjustments through various everyday activities, as discussed in Chapter
Five, Six and Seven. The final finding of this study is centered on the contexts of the
extension and restriction of the Malay-Muslim postgraduates’ identity adjustment or
maintenance outside Malaysia.
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This study has also aimed to evaluate how the aspects of religion and interpersonal
communication contribute to the process of solidifying or reconstructing their existing
identity. During my fieldwork I also looked into the views of some of the former Malay
students to Western Australia, who have since returned to Malaysia, to determine their
identity changes during their stay in Western Australia. In relation to this I explored the
idea of Malay cosmopolitanism and what their Malay identity means to them in both
settings. I felt the need to explore the idea of Malay cosmopolitanism, since I divided
my informants into two groups, the first-time cosmopolitans and the experienced
cosmopolitans, comparing how these two groups are adapting and adjusting their
identity in their new environment, with the latter relating their previous international
experiences to their new experiences in Western Australia.
Conclusion
I have attempted to discuss Malay postgraduate student ethno-religious identity in
relation to the process of border crossing and the willingness of these students to adapt
their cultural and religious practice to those of other people or to other cultural
elements. The situational content of the identities that comprise the Malay students’
lives is detectable in a wide range of cultural practices and phenomena. However, in this
process, some of the students have become more aware of the differences that exist
between Malay culture and other cultures. Religion, ‘both in belief and in ritual, can
symbolize one’s group identity and can serve its adherents in personal crises’ (Firth
1996, p. 69). I have attempted to deal with this idea by discussing some matters that are
considered by the Malay postgraduate student themselves of the greatest importance
when dealing with ethnic and religious identity outside Malaysia. These topics include
language, relationships with others, consumption of food and some Islamic concepts
used for guidance in daily life.
I argue, therefore, that those topics, seen against a background of wider religious
elements, provide the basic ground for considering how aspects of Malay students’
ethnic and religious identity are secured, maintained or adjusted in relation to border
crossing. Wazir Jahan Karim (1992, p. 231) has suggested that Malay culture is its own
equalizer over the long term. It defines people’s own internal dilemmas of adaptation
and adjustment by moderating trends of change from one period to another. I also
propose, based upon findings and discussions in this thesis, that in addition to
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moderating changes over time among Malays in Malaysia, it moderates change
resulting from the process of international border crossing. However, in terms of my
own findings, Malay cultural identity cannot be understood only in terms of the
characterization offered by Wazir. A characterization in terms of Malay-Muslim
identity must be emphasized when analyzing communications with other Malays, other
Muslims, Asians or the other locals in the new environment.
My research indicates that interpersonal communication plays a significant role in the
process of Malay students’ identity maintenance, adjustment, and possibly
transformation process. From the perspective of interpersonal communication among
the Malay-Muslims postgraduate students, an individual’s relationship to the majority
group must be considered in order to understand her or his ethno-religious identity.
Phinney (1990) has also pointed at that in order to see the extent to which ethnic
identity is affected when the minority group (in my case study, Malay-Muslim
postgraduate students) come into contact with the majority group (the Anglo-Celtic
inhabitants of Australia), it is important to consider the nature of social interactions
between members of the minority and majority groups. Therefore, I have also grounded
my observation and interpretation of the Malay-Muslim postgraduates with others in a
symbolic interactionist perspective on their ethnic and religious identity (e.g., Cooley
1902; Mead 1934, 1936). Malay-Muslim postgraduate students also seek out people like
themselves (i.e. like other Malay-Muslims postgraduates) for the sake of security or
identity (Bakhtin 1986).
In conclusion, if one is involved in crossing beyond the Malaysia border, culture itself
might not be the only equalizer. Rather, Malay culture is contained within a religious
framework that supports one’s adaptation and adjustment to other cultures. This
research further highlights that it is important to take into account the situation of the
students themselves, including their status as scholarship students and the allocated time
frame for their studies. Interestingly, in the limited time they are in Western Australia,
rather than being static, the complexity of the Malay-Muslim postgraduate students’
ethnic and religious identity are also subject to some adjustments within the social
group. All this has assisted them in adjusting to their new temporary social
environment.
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I also acknowledge that findings in this thesis are relevant only to the situation of
Malay-Muslim postgraduate students, specifically my informants involved in this study
and those in similar situations, and should not to be generalized to the whole community
of Malay students in Western Australia, including the undergraduate students. Further
studies are required to review these other situations in the future. I also acknowledge
that some undergraduate Malay students view their ethnic and religious identity
differently, owing to their other forms of living arrangements (residential colleges or
shared rooms), their study schedules and their recreational activities, compared with the
Malay-Muslim postgraduate students in this study. Research on these topics is still in its
exploratory phase and there are still many untouched issues that need to be explored in
the future, especially in relation to Malays settling outside the Malaysian borders.
Finally, this thesis has examined how Malays articulate their identity outside Malaysia.
The ethnic and religious identity of Malay postgraduate students is articulated through
their interpretation of culture/adat and religious practice. They have highlighted their
Malayness in recognition of their differences from other Muslims. Through
interpersonal communication they articulate their ethnic distinctiveness, but at the same
time demand recognition as Muslims. In this process, individual choice or collective
decisions contribute to the Malay students’ decisions either to adjust, maintain or
possibly transform their identities accordingly, with religion providing the basis for
their self- or collective identification choice in Western Australia.
‘Men forget, God remembers’. (Arab proverb)
What men forget, among other things, is their reciprocal identifications in the game of
playing society . If [one] can assume that, at any rate, God remembers, his tenuous self-
identifications are given a foundation seemingly secure from the shifting reactions of
other men. God then becomes the most reliable and ultimately significant other.
(Berger 1967, pp. 37–38)
253
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APPENDICES
Appendix 1:
Map of Western Australia
Source:
http://www.google.com.au/imgres?imgurl=http://www.mapsofworld.com/australia/states/wester
n-australia/
299
Appendix 2
The University of Western Australia: Crawley Campus Map
Source:
http://www.google.com.au/imgres?imgurl=http://www.newcourses2012.uwa.edu.au
300
Appendix 3
Curtin University: Bentley Campus Map
Source:
http://www.google.com.au/imgres?imgurl=http://housing.curtin.edu.au/
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Appendix 4
Murdoch University: Campus Map
Source:
http://www.murdoch.edu.au/maps/murdoch/
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Appendix 5
Edith Cowan University: Joondalup Campus
Source:
http://www.google.com.au/imgres?imgurl=http://www.ecu.edu.au/fas/sport
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Appendix 6
Interview Questions Guidelines
Section A: General Information
Your personal background: name, age, religion, ethnic group and where you
originated from.
Your marital status: single/married/single parents etc. Children (if any)
Your family background: Numbers of brothers/sisters, parent’s occupations
Your education background: schools and level of education.
Have you study overseas before? What are you pursuing in WA (MA/PhD) and
in which university? How long have you been pursuing your study here? Which
university and reason for choosing respective university?
Are you financially supported or attach to any particular
organizations/university in Malaysia (university/MOHE/Government
Department etc.)?
When did you arrive in WA (year) and how did you feel when you first arrived
here? Are you here with your spouse/kids/friend? Do you know anyone here in
advance before your arrival?
Upon your arrival in WA, what are you major concerns or worries?
(accommodations/foods/people/language/culture etc.) How do you overcome
these problems? How long does it take you to get use to the new environment?
How did you prepare yourself mentally/physically/spiritually before coming to
WA? (Motivational support from family, friends, etc)
Your understanding of who is Malay (how do you define them). Would you
rather be known as a Malay or Muslim? Why? (Please provide related
situational example if possible)
How did you get to know other Malays in WA?
Your idea of maintaining your Malay identity when pursuing your study abroad.
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Section B: Living in WA
Socio-economic issues
By being Malay and Muslim, what are the things that you still practice or still
are of your concern in your daily life? What are the changes in you daily routine
(if any)?
Do you face any problems concerning your daily practice as a Muslim here
(food/praying etc)?
Do you face any difficulties in your study by being Malay? Is language a barrier
to you and others in your environment? Is any of your Malay or Muslim
friends/colleagues assisting you to overcome these problems?
How do you recognize other Malays or Muslim in WA? (cloth, place, food etc.)
Do you think interpersonal communication an important factor to sustain your
Malay or Muslim identity in WA? (example). Does interaction with other
Malays/Muslims in WA helps you to overcome your problem (if any).
Do you have any concern on your living expenses issues (too little/enough/no
worries). How do you overcome the problems (working part-time etc).
Do you have concerns relating your economic situations and your study?
Personal experience
Is there any clubs or organization that you join or attends? Do they consists of
Malays only or of other ethnic groups too (example)?
Do you feel there is any difference when you are hanging out with the Malays
and when you are hanging out with other students of different ethnic group?
Have you ever faced any experience relating to you being Malay in WA? How
did you overcome them?
Do you have any comments or suggestions for other Malay students who wish to
pursue their study in WA and how do you think they will be able to maintain
their Malay or Muslim identity?
---------------------
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Appendix 7
INFORMATION SHEET
Project: Being Malay: Ethno-Religious Identity Formations and Transformations
among Malay Students in Western Australia
Researcher: Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain, PhD Candidate UWA
Hi and Assalamualaikum w.b.t. I am a currently a postgraduate student undertaking
doctoral research at the University of Western Australia in the Discipline of
Anthropology and Sociology. The purpose of the project is to investigate how Malay
youth identify themselves in a foreign environment. It seeks to understand and find out
what criteria are associated with Malay youth ethno-religious identity formation.
Secondly, this project tries to recognize which aspects of this identity are sustained or
which are transformed. Furthermore, I hope to evaluate how religion and interpersonal
communication contributes in solidifying the formations or transformations of Malay
youth identity. Information collected will be used in my written PhD dissertation. At a
later date, I may include data obtained from this project in published material. A copy of
the dissertation or any published material will be made available upon request.
I invite you to be part of this research and your participation in the project is purely
voluntary and information will be strictly confidential, unless otherwise negotiated. I
may seek to record our interaction on a digital video recorder, digital camera, or video
camera, but only with your prior consent. Pseudonyms will be used to disguise the
identity of participants and no names or other information identifying the participants,
or the people you may talk about, will be divulged publicly or used without your prior
consent. Participants may request that the information not be used, as long as they do so
before the dissertation or publication is written.
The interviews will be kept confidential and the audio recordings and transcripts will be
marked confidential and will be securely stored in a lockable cabinet by me. If you have
any further questions about this research, please contact me or any of my supervisors at
any time. Thank you.
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For more information contact:
Researcher: Primary Supervisor: Secondary Supervisor:
Rosila Bee M. Hussain
Mobile: 0433336542
Prof. Michael Pinches
Ph: (08) 6488 2850
A/P Dr. Gregory Acciaioli
Ph: (08) 6488 2861
Note: The Human Research Ethics Committee at the University of Western Australia requires that all
participants are informed that, if they have any complaints regarding the manner in which a research project
is conducted, it may be given to the researcher, or alternatively the secretary, Human Research Ethics
Committee, Registrar’s Office, University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Highway, Crawley WA 6009
(telephone number (08) 6488 3703). All study participants will be provided with a copy of the Information
Sheet and Consent Form for their personal records.
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Appendix 8
Participant Consent Form
Project: Being Malay: Ethno-Religious Identity Formations and Transformations
among Malay Students in Western Australia
Researcher: Rosila Bee Mohd Hussain, PhD Candidate UWA
I, …………………………………………………………. have read the information
sheet provided to me and I agree to participate in this activity and to be interviewed. I
understand that I can change my mind and stop the interview at any time. I am free to
withdraw my consent to further participate in this project without prejudice.
I understand that all information provided will be treated as confidential and will not be
released by the researcher unless required to do so by law.
I agree that the research data gathered for this project may be used in this PhD
dissertation or published, provided my name or any other identifying information which
might identify me or the people that I talk about is not used without my consent.
I understand that I can request information I provide to not be used in the dissertation or
publication, as long as I do so before the dissertation or publication is written.
[ ] Yes I give my permission for my interviews to be recorded on a digital voice-
[ ] No recorder. I understand that these recordings will be used only for the
private research purposes of the researcher.
[ ] Yes I give my permission for photographs to be reproduced in the
[ ] No researcher’s final dissertation and in academic publications arising from
this research.
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[ ] Yes I give my permission for video recording to be made. I understand that
[ ] No these recordings will be used only for the private research purposes of
the researcher.
_______________________________________ __________________
Participant’s signature Date
Note: The Human Research Ethics Committee at the University of Western Australia requires that all
participants are informed that, if they have any complaints regarding the manner in which a research project
is conducted, it may be given to the researcher, or alternatively the secretary, Human Research Ethics
Committee, Registrar’s Office, University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Highway, Crawley WA 6009
(telephone number (08) 6488 3703). All study participants will be provided with a copy of the Information
Sheet and Consent Form for their personal records.
309
Appendix 9
Document on the origins of the term Mat Salleh