Batik Belanda

A Critical Review of Batik Representation in Dutch and

Indonesian Museums

MA Thesis

MA Asian Studies 2020-2021 – Southeast Asian track

Leiden University

Tim van Brussel

S2599376

Dr. Elena Burgos Martinez

1st July 2021

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Table of Contents

List of Figures and Tables ........................................................................................................................... 3

Glossary ......................................................................................................................................................... 5

Abstract .......................................................................................................................................................... 6

1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 7

1.1 Research Focus ................................................................................................................................... 8

2 Literature Review: Batik Journeys Through Asia and Beyond ......................................................... 11

2.1 Indian Ocean Textile Trade ............................................................................................................ 11

2.2 The Rise of the Javanese Batik Industry ....................................................................................... 14

2.3 Batik Belanda .................................................................................................................................... 17

2.4 Fusion ................................................................................................................................................ 22

3 Methodology and Methods .................................................................................................................... 26

3.1 Data Collection ................................................................................................................................. 26

3.2 Challenges .......................................................................................................................................... 28

3.3 Analysing the Data ........................................................................................................................... 28

4 Results: The Journey of Batik In and Outside of Indonesia ............................................................. 30

4.1 Batik Diversity and Indonesian Cultural Heritage....................................................................... 30

4.2 Batik Representation in Museums ................................................................................................. 35

4.2.1 Batik Representation in the Tropenmuseum ............................................................................ 39

4.2.2 Batik Representation in the Wereldmuseum ............................................................................. 41

4.2.3 Batik Representation in the Batik Danar Hadi Museum ......................................................... 43

5 Concluding Thoughts on Batik ............................................................................................................. 45

5.1 Batik Belanda – The Definition ..................................................................................................... 45

5.2 Current Discussions About the Return of Batik ......................................................................... 47

5.3 Conclusion, Further Research ........................................................................................................ 49

Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................ 52

Appendix ..................................................................................................................................................... 56

Appendix 1: List of Interviewees ......................................................................................................... 56

Appendix 2: Interview Questions ........................................................................................................ 57

Appendix 3: Pictures Wereldmuseum ................................................................................................. 58

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List of Figures and Tables

Figure 1: President Joko Widodo and President Mark Rutte, both wearing batik shirts, during the

Dutch governmental visit to Indonesia in 2019 (rtlnieuws, 2020). ………………………………7

Figure 2: Decreasing Sales of Chintz and Non-chintz Fabrics From 1652-1780 (Laarhoven, 2012,

p. 5) …………………………………………………………………………………………...13

Figure 3: Batik patterns for commoners and Javanese aristocrats made at sultanate batik

workshops. fLTR, tjetjek (i.e. line of dots), ukel (i.e. curl form line), sisik melik (scale pattern),

uler uleran (i.e. as snakes), plenta plenti (i.e. geometrical bulging pattern), utjeng-utjengan (i.e. as a

small river fish) (Spée, 1977, pp. 42-43)………………………………………………………...14

Figure 4: Pasisir batik. Tjeplokkan motive with stylized flower-motives, geometrically placed next

to each other (Spée, 1977, p. 39)……………………………………………………………….15

Figure 5: Pasisir batik. Ganggong motive. Star, or cross forms combined with details of the

ganggong plant in geometric pattern (Spée, 1977, p. 39)……………………………………..…15

Figure 6: Pasisir batik. Kawung motive. Ellipse form with two crosses (Spée, 1977, p. 39)….….16

Figure 7: Sarong with flower pattern and white lace kebaya, made in Pekalongan, 1910-1920 (Lee,

2014, p. 273)………………………………………………………………………..………….17

Figure 8: The division of batik explained (Heringa, 1997, p. 214). …....…………...……………18

Figure 9: The story of Cinderella. The kepala shows the happy ending of the fairytale. The badan

features the sisters, the stepmother, the prince holding the shoe and Cinderella (Smend, 2015, pp.

66-67)………………………………………………………………………………………….19

Figure 10: Batik Belanda with 2D flowers (Roojen, 1993, p. 95)………………………………..20

Figure 11: Batik Belanda with 3D flowers by L. Frederiks (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 111)……….…21

Figure 12: Indo-Chinese batik with 3D flowers by P.D. Tio (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 113)…..……21

Figure 13: Sarong. Signature L. Metz. Pekalongan ca. 1890-1900 (Smend, 2000, p. 49).................24

Figure 14: Sarong. Signature van Zuylen. Pekalongan. Ca.1900 (Smend, 2000, p. 49)…................24

Figure 15: Sarong Pekalongan ca. 1900 (Smend, 2000, p. 49)……………………….…………..25

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Figure 16: Virtual visit of the batik Belanda collection in the Tropenmuseum, Amsterdam

(Tropenmuseum, 2021)………………………………………………………………………...29

Figure 17: Described by the Tropenmuseum as European batik, from Pekalongan, online

collection signed by L. Meulenhoff (Tropenmuseum, 2021)……....................................…………40

Figure 18: Described by the Tropenmuseum as Indo-Chinese batik, from Pekalongan, online

collection signed by Tik Giap (Tropenmuseum, 2021)………………...……….…….....………40

Figure 19: Indo-European batik that is exhibited in the Wereldmuseum. Picture by Tim van

Brussel………………………………………………………………………………..………..42

Figure 20: Indo-Chinese batik that is exhibited in the Wereldmuseum. Picture by Tim van

Brussel…………………………………………………………………………………………42

Figure 21: The Batik Danar Hadi Museum in Solo, Indonesia (Steemit, 2021)…....…………….43

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Glossary

Bangsawang: Javanese Aristocrats (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 13).

Batik cap: Batik drawn with the cap, a copper stamp tool (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 150).

Batik Hokokai: Japanese batik (Roojen, 1993, p. 137).

Batik tulis: Hand-drawn batik (Roojen, 1993, p. 188).

Buketan: Decorated with bouquets, a characteristic for batik Belanda (Lin, 2018, p. 69).

Chintz: Indian fabric that is painted on both sides named the tapi-cindai and tapi-sarassa

(Laarhoven, 2012, p. 5).

Cultuursteltsel: Tax system that forced the Indonesians to hand over 20% of their produced

goods to the Dutch (Bolk, 2021, p. 27).

Kebaya: Blouse that opens in the front into two splits (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 151).

Model Dari: Translates as: the pattern was in the style of (in this case, van Zuylen) (Veldhuisen,

1993, p. 144).

NHM: Nederlandse Handel-Maatschappij, the Dutch Trade Company.

Non-chintz: Indian fabric made in a wide range of varieties, including plain, striped, checkered,

muslin, or luxury textiles (Laarhoven, 2012, p. 5).

Sarong: Indonesian styled pencil skirt (Roojen, 1993, p. 189).

The East: From Dutch translation 'de Oost,' referring to the Dutch Indies (Rahardjo, 2013, p.

41).

VOC: De Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, i.e. United East Indian Company.

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Abstract

This thesis focuses on batik Belanda, which is the wax-resist dyed cloth produced in Indonesia,

made during the Dutch colonisation period of Indonesia by Western female entrepreneurs.

Dutch and Indonesian museums have large collections of batik Belanda. The Dutch Council of

Culture aims to return looted colonial art, and improve the representation of colonial art in

museums. However, batik Belanda is not included in this discussion. Therefore, this thesis aims

to discuss batik Belanda as a form of colonial art in order to raise awareness and to provide a

critical approach to the current representation of batik Belanda in Dutch and Indonesian heritage

museums. Twelve experts were interviewed, and three museums - the Tropenmuseum, the

Wereldmuseum and the Batik Danar Hadi Museum were visited. The results of the research show

that the current approach to batik Belanda is Westernised. Museums exclude the multi-cultural

ethos of batik, and instead focus on stylistic differences between batik patterns. In addition,

museums do not consider batik Belanda as colonial art and is therefore not included in the

discussion on returning looted art. This implies that the current representation of batik Belanda

in Dutch and Indonesian heritage museums is Western-dominated. Moreover, a lack of

acknowledgement to the multicultural roots and the imbalanced power relations defines the

current representation of batik Belanda.

Keywords

Batik Belanda – Dutch Indies – colonial art – textile mobility– textile ethics – resist dyeing – batik

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1 Introduction

Batik is the traditional Javanese method of wax-resist dyeing and one of the most important art

forms in Indonesia, which Indonesians consider to be part of their cultural heritage. Therefore,

UNESCO recognised Indonesian batik as a Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of

Humanity in 2009 (UNESCO, 2021). Many different batik patterns exist, and many Indonesians

use the wax-resist dyeing method to create batik in different regions of Indonesia. In the

nineteenth century during the Dutch occupation of the Indonesian Archipelago, Western women

started to contribute to batik making, resulting in a new form of batik named batik Belanda. Batik

is still worn by many on daily basis, for example during official governmental visits, such as the

meeting between President Joko Widodo and Prime Minister Mark Rutte.

Figure 1: President Joko Widodo and Prime Minister Mark Rutte, both wearing batik shirts during the Dutch

governmental visit to Indonesia in 2019.

On 7 October 2020, the Dutch Council of Culture presented a report to Minister van

Engelshoven to advise returning looted colonial art to the country of origin and suggesting how

to represent colonial art in Dutch museums (NOS, 2020). As a result of the advisory report, the

Dutch government agreed to put the Dutch Council of Culture guidelines into action in February

2021 (Brown, 2020). It will now establish an independent team to advise museums on returning

objects and assess restitution requests (Cascone, 2021). However, museums do not consider batik

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Belanda as colonial art and is therefore not included in the discussion on returning looted art and

the representation of colonial art in colonial heritage museums.

This thesis will focus on batik Belanda in particular, and the representation of batik

Belanda as colonial art in Dutch and Indonesian museums. Currently, Dutch museums such as

the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam and the Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam showcase a selection of

batik Belanda. Similarly, the Batik Danar Hari museum in Solo, Indonesia exhibits a large

collection of batik Belanda. Therefore, the researcher will research how batik Belanda is

represented in museums in the Netherlands and Indonesia.

For this thesis I have formulated the following research question:

In what way do Dutch and Indonesian museums conceptualise and define batik Belanda when it

is exhibited?

The following sub-questions were formulated to support the research for this thesis:

o How did batik Belanda evolve in the nineteenth century in Pekalongan, Java?

o Can batik Belanda be considered as a shared Indonesian-Dutch Intangible Cultural Heritage?

1.1 Research Focus

This thesis critically approaches the conceptualisation and representation of batik, in

particular batik Belanda, in Dutch and Indonesian museums. In this research batik Belanda as

Indonesian Cultural Heritage and the controversial nature of batik Belanda as colonial art in the

discussion of looted art will be critically discussed in detail. This thesis aims to discuss batik

Belanda as a form of colonial art to raise awareness and to provide a critical approach to the

current representation of batik Belanda in Dutch and Indonesian heritage museums. I hope to

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provide more information that will be of use during the process of research on colonial art in

museums in the Netherlands.

The central hypothesis for this research is the Western-dominated approach of art

institutions in the representation of batik Belanda in Dutch and Indonesian museums. I argue

that the lack of, in what way, if any, acknowledgement provided to the multicultural roots given

to the batik Belanda as a colonial art form should be reconsidered in the field of textiles.

Therefore, a critical assessment of batik Belanda representation in Dutch and Indonesian

museums is essential to decolonize batik Belanda, and to reconsider the polarised representation

of batik in Dutch and Indonesian museums. This thesis critically approaches the

conceptualization and representation of batik Belanda in Dutch and Indonesian museums, to re-

examine batik Belanda and to provide a platform to discuss the multi-cultural ethos of batik

Belanda. Furthermore, I want to address the polarized representation of batik Belanda in Dutch

and Indonesian heritage museums.

I believe that this research on the topic of batik Belanda as Intangible Cultural Heritage,

while considering the representation of batik Belanda in heritage museums is beneficial in the

process of research into (looted) colonial art in museums in the Netherlands. Furthermore,

research into this topic is necessary to provide batik Belanda a platform in the current discussion

on looted colonial art, while reconsidering the polarized approach to batik Belanda in the current

textile research field.

First, a literature review will provide an overview of relevant information concerning

textiles and trade, the rise of batik in Java and the development of batik Belanda during Dutch

colonisation. Then, the methodology will be shown. After that, the results of the analysis will be

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provided. The results will be further explained in the discussion section. In addition, the main

findings of this research are discussed, and suggestions for topics to study further are provided.

I argue that this research is of academic relevance. Until recently, batik Belanda has not

received the attention it deserves since most contemporary batik research only focuses on

traditional Javanese batik and not on batik Belanda (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 12). Moreover, batik

Belanda is relevant, because it could be regarded as an embodiment of the complex colonial

intersection of the Dutch and the Javanese in the Dutch Indies. Batik Belanda is for some, but

not for all, a celebration of Indonesian heritage with European motifs. The wax-resist dyed fabric

is a loved fabric by many Western batik enthusiasts, however, Indonesians who consider batik

Belanda a form of colonised art often do not celebrate. Museums do not consider batik Belanda

in this intertwined cultural, and historical past between the Indonesian and Dutch colonisers

(Lee, 2014, p. 359). Therefore, more research into this topic is essential.

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2 Literature Review: Batik Journeys Through Asia and Beyond

This chapter discusses the Indian Ocean trade and the importance of textiles in trade in

the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Furthermore, it contextualises the role of the Dutch

traders in the commerce of textiles to and from Java, and the effects of this on the Javanese batik

industry in the eighteenth century. Afterwards, this chapter will show the role of the Dutch in

batik making, and will discuss how batik Belanda arose in the nineteenth century.

2.1 Indian Ocean Textile Trade

An extensive trade system dominated and connected the Indian Ocean and the South

Chinese Sea with the Indonesian Archipelago (McIntosh, 2019, p. 115). Java’s position was

peculiar in the system of Indian Ocean trade as it began to intensify trade with surrounding areas

from as early as the Neolithic period (Christie, 1998, p. 345). The island was rich in agricultural

production, however, the lack of precious metals and stones made the Javanese look towards

other regions for necessary products. From the first century AD onwards, the Javanese trade

network actively participated in the Old World sea trade system, connecting the Indonesian

Archipelago from the Han China empire to the Roman Mediterranean. The Javanese interacted

both commercially and culturally with inhabitants in surrounding regions, reaching southern

China and different parts of South Asia, including India (Christie, 1998, p. 181).

Indian textiles were particularly crucial in the Indian Ocean trade system because they

functioned as currency, and were used for clothing-purposes (Laarhoven, 1994, p. 57). The high

Javanese demand for Indian textiles emerged due to their competitive prices and high quality

(Eng, 2012, p. 1023). The Javanese belief that metaphysical powers spiritually possessed the

Javanese-produced textiles and therefore could not be cut and used as extensively as the Indian

fabrics increased the Javanese demand for Indian textiles (Laarhoven, 1994, p. 57). Therefore,

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Java became one of the largest export markets in the Indian Ocean for Indian chintz1 and non-

chintz2 textiles (Kian, 2005, p. 8).

During the end of the sixteenth century, the West noticed the importance of textiles in

trade for the first time, when Western vessels actively commenced to trade in the Indian Ocean

(Andaya, 1989, pp. 38-40). To participate in the Indian Ocean trade system and to obtain exotic

Javanese products, textiles from India were necessary (Sen, 1962, p. 92). Therefore, the Dutch set

up VOC-owned3 textile production facilities on the Indian Coromandel Coast in the seventeenth

century. The VOC-owned textile production facilities guaranteed a continuous supply of Indian

textiles for the Javanese market (Roojen, 1993, p. 14). The Dutch sold the Indian textiles with

remarkable profits, or exchanged them with exotic Javanese products such as nutmeg, and cloves

which were in high demand in Europe. The Dutch textile establishments at the Coromandel

coast even produced specifically Indian textiles with Javanese preferred patterns for the Javanese

market to satisfy the high Javanese demand for Indian textiles (Andaya, 1989, p. 39). The

adaptation of Javanese preferences to Indian materials showcases the importance and large size

of the Javanese textile market (Roojen, 1993, p. 15).

In the late seventeenth century, a sudden decline of the sales of Indian chintz and non-

chintz fabrics occurred which is visible in Figure 2. This decrease was due to the Company’s

exploitation of the Javanese’ high demand for Indian textiles for the Company’s financial gain

(Laarhoven, 1994, 64).

1 Indian fabric that is painted on both sides named the tapi-cindai and tapi-sarassa (Laarhoven, 2015, p. 5). 2 Indian fabric made in a wide range of varieties, including plain, striped, checkered, muslin, or luxury textiles (Laarhoven, 2015, p. 5). 3 VOC: De Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, i.e. United East Indian Company.

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Figure 2: Decreasing Sales of Chintz and Non-chintz Fabrics From 1652-1780 (Laarhoven, 2012,

p. 5).

The Dutch acquired a monopoly over the imports of Indian textiles on the North coastal

ports of Java in 1677 because they provided military assistance to the Mataram ruler (Kian, 2005,

p. 8). In 1705, Pakubuwana I provided another monopoly on textile imports to Java for the

Dutch. By then, the Javanese were almost fully dependent on the Dutch import of Indian textiles.

The Dutch monopolies on textile imports eliminated the participation of Javanese vessels in the

long-distance textile trade with India (Arasaratnam, 1984, pp. 129-131). However, the Dutch

could not satisfy the Javanese demand for Indian textiles, because they did not understand the

Javanese preferences for textiles. Moreover, the prices of the Indian textiles exported to Java

increased as a result of the Dutch monopoly on importing textiles to Java (Arasaratnam, 1984, p.

129). Similarly, the lowered supply of Indian textiles due to problems of war on the Coromandel

Coast, and Indian textiles that were in high demand in Europe from the 1680s, increased the

prices of Indian textiles (Nagtegaal, 1996, p. 148). The rising prices of Indian textiles, the Dutch

inability to satisfy the Javanese Indian textile demand, questionable Dutch trade policies, and the

VOC’s monopolies on textile imports to Java resulted in a decreasing Javanese demand for

Indian fabrics (Reid, 1980, p. 451).

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2.2 The Rise of the Javanese Batik Industry

Batik workshops made batik on Java from the thirteenth century onwards (Dyrenforth,

2003, p. 14). The word ‘batik’ is of Javanese origin. The word ambatik derives its origin from tik,

which means ‘to dot’, and signifies the process of painting, writing, or drawing on fabric

(Dyrenforth, 2003, p. 13). Batik makers place the cotton with wax in a dye bath, and the parts

with no wax will colour. The wax-resist dyeing method creates the colourful patterns on cotton

fabrics in a wide range of patterns (Rahardjo, 2013, p. 39). Batik making was essentially a

women’s activity and was done at home in between harvesting seasons on a small scale. The

tradition of batik making was carried over from mother to daughter (Bolk, 2021, p. 27).

In the Central Javanese cities Yogyakarta and Surakarta, royal ladies and full-time weavers

made batik in small workshops on the property of the sultanates to sustain the aristocrats’

growing need for Javanese textiles (Hall, 1996, p. 189). Men who worked at the Javanese court

named Soesoehoenans decided what batik patterns the bangsawang4 wore and what patterns the

commoners were allowed to wear (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 13). A small selection of the batik

patterns that were commonly used during the production of batik on the sultanates estates is

shown in Figure 3.

4 Javanese Aristocrats (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 13)

Figure 3: Batik patterns for commoners and

Javanese aristocrats made at sultanate batik

workshops. fLTR, tjetjek (i.e. line of dots), ukel

(i.e. curl form line), sisik melik (scale pattern),

uler uleran (i.e. as snakes), plenta plenti (i.e.

geometrical bulging pattern), utjeng-utjengan

(i.e. as a small river fish) (Spée, 1977, pp. 42-43).

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Pasisir (i.e., North-Coast) batik, distinguished itself through its wide variety of designs,

because this batik type was not produced by the sultan’s batik makers under the strict regulations

on the sultanates’ estate. Pasisir batik makers were exposed to many foreign influences due to the

Northern-coast port cities, leading to a more liberated approach to pattern usage on the batik as

visible in Figures 4, 5 and 6 (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 13).

Figure 4: Pasisir batik.

Tjeplokkan motive with stylized

flower-motives, geometrically

placed next to each other (Spée,

1977, p. 39).

Figure 5: Pasisir batik. Ganggong

motive. Star, or cross forms

combined with details of the

ganggong plant in geometric

pattern (Spée, 1977, p. 39).

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Figure 6: Pasisir batik. Kawung motive. Ellipse form with two crosses. (Spée, 1977, p. 39).

The Javanese batik production commodified from the eighteenth century onwards,

emerging from local, small-scale home-made batik production to batik workshops that produced

large quantities of batik (Kian, 2015, pp. 150-151). The local Javanese batik production began to

expand because the Indian textiles had become too expensive, and the Dutch traders were unable

to satisfy the Javanese preferences for Indian textiles (Reid, 1980, p. 451). On the Northern

Javanese coast, people like the Peranakan-Chinese, Arabs, Indo-Europeans, and Europeans

launched batik workshops. They hired local Javanese to work in the batik workshops. Meanwhile,

the Dutch wanted to benefit from the high demand in batik, and initiated to produce imitation

batik in Holland (Bolk, 2021, p. 27). The NHM5 imported the imitation batik to Java. Despite

this, the imitation batik was not in demand in Java, because of the bad quality, and irregular

patterns (Bolk, 2021, p. 27). Furthermore, the introduction of the “cultuurstelsel”6 stimulated the

commercialisation of batik from 1830 onwards (Bolk, 2021, p. 27). This cultuurstelsel left the

Javanese with less time to make batik. To produce batik in a shorter amount of time, the Javanese

batik makers invented the “batik cap”7. The stamping technique was quicker compared to the

5 Nederlandse Handel-Maatschappij, i.e. the Dutch Trade Company. (Bolk, 2021, p. 27).

6 A tax system that forced the local Indonesians to hand over 20% of their goods to the Dutch (Bolk, 2021, p. 27).

7 Batik made with the cap, a copper stamp tool (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 150).

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batik tulis8 and not difficult to apply. With the batik cap, Javanese batik makers continued to

satisfy local Javanese textile demands in higher volumes, with competitive prices.

2.3 Batik Belanda

The European interest in wearing batik increased because of the opening of the Suez

Canal in 1869 and the invention of the steamship (Rahardjo, 2013, p.

41). Before the opening of the Suez Canal traveling to the Dutch

Indies took six to nine months, resulting in most men travelling to the

Dutch Indies without their wives and children. With the opening of

the Suez Canal, women and children were able to travel to 'the East'9

by steamship, which only took four to six weeks (Raadt-Appell, 1980,

p. 5). The Western dresses and tight skirts were not comfortable to

wear in the tropical climate of the Dutch Indies. The uncomfortable

Western clothing increased Western demand for the local Indonesian

wear of the kebaya10 combined with the sarong11 shown in Figure 7

(Rahardjo, 2013, p. 41).

The Javanese batik workshops did not anticipate to the rising

demand for batik with Western patterns named batik Belanda

(Rahardjo, 2013, p. 41). This resulted in the Indo-European women

launching batik workshops. They hired Javanese women to work in the batik workshops. The

Indo-European women were often either of full European descent or of Indo-European descent

(Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 13). The first person of Western descent to launch a batik Belanda

8 Hand-drawn batik (Roojen, 1993, p. 188) 9 From Dutch translation 'de Oost,' referring to the Dutch Indies (Rahardjo, 2013, p. 41). 10 Indonesian styled pencil skirt (Roojen, 1993, p. 189). 11 A blouse that opens in the front into two splits (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 151).

Figure 7: Sarong with flower

pattern and white lace kebaya,

made in Pekalongan, 1910-1920.

(Lee, 2014, p. 273)

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workshop was Carolina Josephina von Franquemont, in 1850 in Oengaran, Java. Other well-

known batik Belanda workshops were owned by, to name a few, the ladies Van Zuylen,

Metzelaar, Jans and Simonet (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 13). All of the ladies were of good descent,

thus having the financial power to finance the high costs of materials to make batik, and the high

salary expenses for the many batik workers who were needed in the labor intensive batik

production processes. At times, batik took six to nine months to make, depending on the

complexity of the pattern. The batik workshop of van Zuylen was one of the largest. She had

approximately eighty to a hundred Javanese female batik makers working for her (Raadt-Appell,

1980, p. 13). The batik makers came to the workshop on foot and some slept at the batik

workshop if they lived too far away. The batik makers were all of Javanese descent, and worked

in different groups, divided into level of skill. For the painting of the fabrics, the owners of the

batik workshop hired men, because this was heavy work (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 43). The Indo-

European and European women who owned the batik workshops only managed them, and did

not work on the batik themselves. Learning how to make batik takes decades, and is labor

intensive, which made it unsuitable for the women of Indo-European, or European descent.

Figure 8: The division of batik explained (Heringa, 1997, p. 214).

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The batik Belanda fabric was divided as follows: the largest, most prominent part is

named the badan (i.e. body) and the other, smaller compartment is named the kepala (i.e. head)

(Rahardjo, 2013, p. 41). On the left and right side of the kepala are lines, named the papan (i.e.

board, or hem) (Rahardjo, 2013, pp. 41, 42). The sides on the top and bottom of the fabric are

named the pinggir (i.e. edge). The name for the sides is the seret (i.e. side) (Heringa, 1997, p. 214).

The tumpal (i.e. ‘head of the cloth’) consists of a row of triangles. This triangle pattern can either

be singular, can face each other, of is shown as two individual rows as is the case in Figure 8.

One of the most recognisable batik Belanda features is the longer length of the cloth

(Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 37). The extended length was a requirement for Western women who were

taller than the Javanese. Also, the patterns used on batik Belanda were different compared to

traditional Javanese designs. Javanese batik patterns included mostly geometrical forms. The

patterns used on the batik Belanda had far fewer geometrical patterns. Typical batik Belanda

patterns included flowers, bouquets, butterflies, and birds (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 40). Colours

often used in the batik Belanda pieces were red, light blue, green, yellow, and orange. Moreover,

batik Belanda commonly represented tales such as Little Red Riding Hood or Cinderella, which is

shown in Figure 9 (Veldhuisen, 1993, pp. 40-41).

Figure 9: The story of Cinderella. The right part shows the happy ending of the fairytale. The badan

features the sisters, the stepmother, the prince holding the shoe and Cinderella (Smend, 2015, pp. 66-67).

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The European bouquet, or so named buketan12 style, is another characteristic of the

Western-styled batik (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 30). This unique characteristic is recognisable by the

European aesthetics that are combined with Javanese and Chinese patterns (Roojen, 1993, p. 88).

However, the Dutch bouquet has a more fluid origin. The bouquet finds it origins in the Indian

tree of life pattern (Heringa, 1997, pp. 64-65). The tree of life pattern was a favoured pattern to

the Javanese for centuries and was incorporated on Javanese batik. Over time, the Indian tree of

life developed. From the 1850s onwards, the tree of life began to look as a bouquet. Initially,

batik Belanda workshops depicted the bouquet 2D, seen in Figure 10. In contrast with the batik

Belanda 2D design, Indo-Chinese batik workshops depicted a 3D bouquet design, as visible in

Figure 12. The Indo-Chinese 3D bouquet design, which the batik Belanda workshops soon

incorporated showcased in Figure 11, underlines the fusion of batik styles (Herringa, 1997, pp.

64-65).

Figure 10: Batik Belanda with 2D flowers (Roojen, 1993, p. 95).

12 Decorated with bouquets, characteristic for batik Belanda (Lin, 2018, p. 69).

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Figure 11: Batik Belanda with 3D flowers by L. Frederiks (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 111).

Figure 12: Indo-Chinese batik with 3D flowers by P.D. Tio (Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 113).

In approximately 1870 in Pekalongang, batik workshops initiated signed batik

(Veldhuisen, 1993, p. 62). When the batik was finished, the owner of the workshop would inspect

the batik, and sign it if the piece met her quality standards. The signatures functioned as proof

that batik was made in a specific batik workshop, and confirmed the quality of the batik, since it

was only signed after being scrutinised by the owner of the batik workshop (Veldhuisen, 1993, p.

62). Moreover, the signature gave the name recognition and linked unique batik patterns to a

22

specific workshop. Despite this, the signature did not prevent copying and did not function as a

claim of authenticity (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 52). Furthermore, Chinese-owned batik workshops

started to use signatures, but Javanese did not, because it was their habit to keep traditional art

pieces anonymous (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 43). The signatures developed over time. For example,

van Zuylen initiated signing her batik with M.D. van Zuylen, with M.D. standing for Model

Dari13 (Veldhuisen, 1993, p.144). In addition, a number was registered by the batik maker next to

the signature of van Zuylen from 1937 onwards. The number was helpful for administration

purposes, however, the number did not function as an extra authenticity marker (Raadt-Appell,

1980, p. 52).

2.4 Fusion

The crossing of objects such as textiles over national borders and the development of

textiles such as batik in different regions led to debates among scholars on the cultural diffusion

of textiles (Hann, 2013, p. 3). Cultural diffusion is best conceived as the process in which material

objects, styles, motifs, and symbols spread. This can be done intra-culturally, between individuals

within a single culture, or interculturally, between individuals from different cultures (Hann, 2013,

pp. 3-4). Batik was part of both intracultural and intercultural diffusion, since the batik wax-resist

dyeing technique spread over Java from the pasisir North coast to the sultanates, as well from

culture to culture, shown in the spread of the wax-resist dyeing technique between different

cultures (Banerjee, 2016, p. 3).

It is complicated to define one specific place where the wax-resist dyeing technique

developed to the extent we know it at present in Indonesia (Spée, 1977, p. 10). Textile researchers

have found examples of the wax-resist dyeing method in a wide variety of places. In the Tang

13 Meaning that the pattern was in the style of (in this case, van Zuylen) (Veldhuisen, 1993, p.144).

23

dynasty, wax-resist dyeing techniques were applied on silk (Gasparini, 2020, p. 111). Moreover,

the Yoruba tribe in Africa has practised wax painting for centuries, and in India people apply

waxing methods on the Deccan plateau region (Dyrenforth, 2003, pp. 18-20). Therefore, there is

no simple answer to the origin of the wax-resist dyeing technique (McIntosh, 2019, p. 115). Three

main hypotheses about the origin of Javanese batik are commonly named. Firstly, some believe

batik was a symbol of an indigenous Javanese movement (Loebèr, 1912). Secondly, some agree

batik found its origin, not in Java, but India. The Indian influences reached Java during the

Silandra and Sanjaja periods in the eighth and ninth centuries, and because of this, the Javanese

batik developed further (Rouffaer, 1914). Thirdly, it is agreed by some that the matter of the

origin of batik will probably never be resolved, and considers batik an indigenous Javanese

development (Laarhoven, 2012, p. 4).

Primarily, it is difficult to draw conclusions about the origin of textiles due to the lack of

available ancient textiles or other research materials which have vanished over the centuries (Lee,

2014, p. 10). Moreover, the approach to textile studies needs to change by focussing not on fixed

cultural boundaries, but on investigating the commonalities in the circulation of textiles over the

globe (Gasparini, 2020, p. 168). The technique of batik making and the batik patterns have

circulated and different communities have absorbed these techniques and patterns in different

artistic approaches for centuries. People and their crafts are never linked to one place, and will

continue to develop unrelated from the geographical border of its country (Gasparini, 2020, p.

189). This process of entanglement between people and crafts has never been a fixed process,

and changes continuously when interacted with people creating new approaches to textiles

(Gasparini, 2020, p. 170).

The fusion of batik styles and the incorporation of different stylistic elements was very

common in the batik workshops. If a pattern sold well in one workshop, it was common practice

24

to copy the popular design from one batik workshop to another (Raadt-Appell, 1980, p. 13). The

practice led to a continuous circulation of batik pattern exchanges and resulted in various similar-

looking batik made by different workshops (Smend, 2000, p. 49). The Figures 13, 14 and 15

showcase three similar batik, made in different batik workshops. Therefore, these examples

showcase the fusion of batik from a stylistic approach.

Figure 13: Sarong. Signature L. Metz. Pekalongan ca. 1890-1900 (Smend, 2000, p. 49).

Figure 14: Sarong. Signature van Zuylen. Pekalongan. Ca.1900 (Smend, 2000, p. 49).

25

Figure 15: Sarong Pekalongan ca. 1900 (Smend, 2000, p. 49).

The batik in Figures 13, 14, and 15 are made by different batik workshops. Figures 13 and

14 showcase batik Belanda, because the batik represents a fairy-tale, used an extensive number of

flower patterns and is signed by L. Metz (Figure 13), and van Zuylen (Figure 14) (Smend, 2000, p.

49). The other batik, is unsigned. This was very uncommon for batik Belanda workshops (Raadt-

Appell, 1980, p. 43). Javanese batik workshops did not sign batik. Therefore, this batik might be

made in a Javanese batik workshop. The similarities between the three batik made in different

batik workshops, underline the fusion of batik.

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3 Methodology and Methods

In this chapter, the methodology and research methods that are used to collect the data

for this research are explained. The research is based on literature review, interviewing experts in

the field of batik, and museum visits. The research was conducted from March till May 2021.

3.1 Data Collection

For this research, the researcher has studied the representation and conceptualisation of

batik Belanda in Dutch and Indonesian museums. This thesis provided an overview of the

literature on textiles, museology, batik, and batik Belanda which supported the research. The

literature used in this thesis was discussed in an integrative review (Labaree, 2009).

The qualitative research method in the form of expert interviews was used in the

research (Flick, 2009, pp. 165-166). The researcher used the qualitative research method of semi-

structured expert interviews in an informal approach (See appendix 1; Flick, 2009, p. 167). Semi-

structured expert interviews include a combination of structured open-ended questions, and less

structured follow-up questions (Merriam, 2015, p. 89). The interviews were recorded while taking

notes (Merriam, 2015, p. 109). The researcher conducted the interviews online and offline. The

languages consulted in the interviews were Dutch and English. The researcher conducted

interviews with experts who had knowledge of batik and batik representation in museums by

interviewing people in different age groups, heritages (including Indonesian, Dutch, Singaporean,

German, and Australian), and academic backgrounds. By incorporating a wide variety of

attendants in this research, the researcher aimed to present a more inclusive research outcome for

this thesis.

The main questions asked during the interview were open-ended questions, which

encouraged the interviewee to speak about their research that motivates this study, while ensuring

27

that the research questions were examined thoroughly (Rubin, 2012, p. 6). The researcher asked

open-ended questions, such as: Does batik Belanda have a place in textile exhibitions and how if

so?14 After the open-ended question, the researcher asked follow-up questions, and adjusted their

response to the answers of the interviewee (Rubin, 2012, pp. 7-9). The follow-up questions were

adjusted to the answers of the interviewee. Therefore the questions were not always the same for

every interview. The researcher asked follow-up questions such as: Have you experienced

changes over the last years in the batik Belanda representation in Dutch and Indonesian Batik

museums? Conducting interviews for this research was a preferred tactic of data collection,

because it enabled the interviewer to collect in-depth information as a result of the open

questions.

After the interviews, the researcher conducted museum visits to contextualise the

representation of batik Belanda in museums. The museum that was visited for this research was

the Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam. The Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam and the Batik Danar Hadi

Museum in Solo were virtually visited. The museums were chosen, because the museums carry

the largest batik Belanda collections in the Netherlands and in Indonesia. Dutch museums have

acquired batik from missionaries, civil servants, employees, artists, scientific expeditions, colonial

expeditions, private individuals, including the royals, and businesses (Dartel, 2005, p. 11). The

batik collection in the Batik Danar Hadi Museum is either bought or donated by individuals or

institutions, of which some Dutch. It is unknown whether the pieces in the batik collection in the

Dutch and Indonesian museums were looted.

14 List of interview questions: Appendix 2: Interview Questions

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In addition, the researcher attended the online lecture “Batik Lasem” on 19th April 2021

to gain more in-depth information on the topic of batik Belanda representation in Dutch and

Indonesian museums15.

3.2 Challenges

This research has a limited scope, because of the word and time limitations that come

with this MA research project. The researcher does not speak Bahasa Indonesia, which limited

the researcher in incorporating interviewees who do not speak Dutch or English. Additionally,

the field of batik Belanda is very limited, which challenged finding scholars and other

knowledgeable on the topic of batik Belanda and the representation of batik Belanda in

museums. Due to governmental restrictions to limit Covid19 contamination, the researcher was

not able to travel to Java to experience the local Javanese batik industry. In addition, the

researcher was limited in the number of museums or textile institutions he initially planned to

visit, because these were closed.

3.3 Analysing the Data

The data that was collected during the interviews were notes and recordings of the

interviews. The collected data of the interviews were transcribed into summaries based on the

records and the reflection of the interviews. After, conducting the interviews, a comparison of all

the interview summaries followed. The researcher noted similarities, contrasts, and topics to

further research. Furthermore, the researcher noted topics that were relevant to research during

the museum visits, which will be discussed in the results. During the museum visit to the

Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam, pictures and notes were made about the exhibited batik collection.

15 The Hibiscus Foundation organised the lecture. Bolk - a batik researcher and artist- talked about her research journey on batik over the last twelve years and issues occurring in research into (Indo-European) batik. Furthermore, Mulder and Groot (Fashion label Guave) talked about what batik means to them. https://stichtinghibiscus.nl/activiteiten-kalender/

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The virtual visits of the museum collections of the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam and Batik

Danar Hadi Museum in Solo were captured by notes.

Figure 16: Virtual visit of the batik Belanda collection in the Tropenmuseum, Amsterdam

(Tropenmuseum, 2021).

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4 Results: The Journey of Batik In and Outside of Indonesia

In this chapter, the results from the twelve conducted interviews and the museum visits

will be discussed. First, the most important findings from the interviews will be named. After, the

findings from the museum visits and the representation of batik Belanda in the Wereldmuseum,

the Tropenmuseum, and the Batik Danar Hadi Museum will be discussed.

4.1 Batik Diversity and Indonesian Cultural Heritage

Batik is an essential part of Indonesian cultural heritage practice and the artistic

representation of Indonesia (Wang, 2019, p. 398). With the UNESCO registration of Indonesian

batik on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2009,

UNESCO advocates preserving cultural heritage to ensure that Indonesians retain a sense of

culture and awareness to continue Indonesian heritage practices. UNESCO explains the wide

variety of different batik styles as follows: "The wide diversity of patterns reflects various

influences, ranging from Arabic calligraphy, European bouquets, and Chinese phoenixes to

Japanese cherry blossoms and Indian or Persian peacocks. Often, handed down within families

for generations, the craft of batik is intertwined with the cultural identity of the Indonesian

people and, through the symbolic meanings of its colours and designs, expresses their creativity

and spirituality" (UNESCO, 2021).

In the case of batik, preserving the wax-resist dyeing technique is very important. The

young Indonesian generation’s lack of interest in batik has caused the number of people

practising traditional Javanese batik painting and production to decrease (Wang, 2019, p. 403).

Globalisation introduced more affordable clothing to the Indonesian population, making fewer

people choose traditional batik garments (Wang, 2019, p. 403). Another challenge for batik is the

environmental impact that batik production has (Wang, 2019, p. 409). The extensive usage of

kerosene, high electricity use, large quantities of water, and toxic dyes frequently discarded in the

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nearby rivers make batik unattractive to wear to many environmentally-aware consumers. Mulder

and Groot confirm the difficulties they face with sourcing batik and production facilities in

Indonesia. Their brand Guave aims to buy fair and consciously-made batik from Java, to keep the

Javanese tradition of batik making alive in both Indonesia and the Netherlands. The brand

advocates wearing batik as a proud statement of Indonesian and Dutch heritage.

"The production of fair-made and environmentally conscious batik in Indonesia is

extremely difficult to find. The batik industry in Indonesia is very polluting to the environment.

Moreover, it is difficult to find good places to source high-quality fabrics because Indonesians

commonly do not know the difference between printed or hand-drawn batik, caused by the lack

of batik education. Therefore, many Indonesians are unaware of batik’s rich history. We continue

this journey of batik making, because we believe in proceeding to tell the story of Indonesian

batik as cultural heritage". – Romée Mulder, cultural heritage professional, Myrthe Groot, art

historian, owners of the batik label Guave.

Critical voices regarding the nomination of batik on the UNESCO Intangible Cultural

Heritage list have been rising since 2009. The critics are based on the lack of acknowledgement

towards the other styles of wax-resist dyeing in other parts of the world, as UNESCO only

focuses on Indonesian batik. Another reason for the critique is related to the application process

prior to the nomination of batik by UNESCO. Indonesia provided documents of batik

production from all over the country to UNESCO to conceptualize batik as an Indonesian

national textile. Wronska-Friend is an anthropologist and museum curator. She explains the

issues regarding the nomination of batik as a national textile, and questions to what extent

Indonesian batik can be considered as a national fabric.

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"The list of places that Indonesia sent to UNESCO during the application process

showcases the number of places where batik is made. However, the Indonesian government

states that cities spread over the entire Indonesian Archipelago make batik, which is untrue. It is

important to underline that batik is not made everywhere in Indonesia. It is made first and

foremost in Java and Sumatra. Batik is not made everywhere in Indonesia. Therefore, batik

should not be considered as a national textile, but as a Javanese textile." - Maria Wronska-Friend,

anthropologist, and museum curator, James Cook University (QLD, Aus.)

However, to what extent can batik be considered a national Indonesian textile? UNESCO

nominated batik as Indonesian batik, to preserve the wax-resist dyeing technique. Nevertheless,

batik was initially only a Javanese-made fabric. Only after WWII, batik was worn on a large scale

by all Indonesians as a political move in an attempt to create an autonomous image for the newly

independent country and Javanese batik garments became the new national dress (Stephenson,

1993, pp. 111-112). At present, batik is worn by many Indonesians, but is foremost a commercial

commodity for tourists to buy (Wang, 2019, p. 403). Sugiarta is the owner of the Anerd batik

Gallery in Singapore. He explains his thoughts on batik as an Indonesian national fabric.

"In Indonesia, people wear batik if they like it. Currently, some Indonesians even wear

batik Belanda. Many Indonesians do not know what ‘real’ Indonesian batik is. Batik Indonesian is

‘real’ batik, if it is made with the wax-resist dyeing technique; it should be made in Indonesia and

needs to include distinctive batik patterns. Nevertheless, many Indonesians are unaware of the

Javanese batik, and the history of batik.” - Tony Sugiarta, owner of Anerd batik Gallery

(Singapore), Javanese batik lecturer.

Batik became a national Indonesian fabric after UNESCO’s nomination. UNESCO

acknowledges the wide variety of patterns in batik in its description of Indonesian batik.

33

However, UNESCO does not include the multi-cultural aspect of batik, and the century-long

fusion of batik styles into their description of batik patterns. Moreover, UNESCO does not

differentiate ‘real’ Javanese batik, or other batik styles such as batik Belanda. Wronska-Friend

explains why batik Belanda is important to mention when batik fusion is discussed.

"The fusion of batik with Western stylistic approaches occurred from the mid-nineteenth

century until WWII. This period, commonly referred to as the golden age of batik, was when

Javanese batik techniques evolved thanks to new Western influences. I would not hesitate to

stress that those women of Indo-European origin were highly responsible for bringing the batik

technique to a peak of its achievement. These women developed much more difficult patterns,

with up to five or six colour varieties applied onto the piece. This application of such wide ranges

of colour varieties had never happened before. Indo-European women were a great addition and

contribution to the development of the Javanese batik techniques, because of the fusion of

knowledge and the new Western stylistic approach" - Maria Wronska-Friend, anthropologist and

museum curator.

During the nineteenth century, batik Belanda was the result of Western influences fused

with Javanese batik. However, to what extent is it possible to divide batik styles into separate

styles? From a stylistic approach to batik, many similarities occur between batik styles such as

Javanese batik, Indo-Chinese batik, or Batik Belanda. If so many styles fused into batik, should

we continue focusing on differentiating batik styles into for example batik Belanda, or Indo-

Chinese batik? Bolk, who is an artist and who has been researching batik discusses the occurring

difficulties with the approach of dividing batik into categories.

"Many Western scholars have tried to define the various colours and patterns into

different batik styles, such as Batik Belanda, Indo-Chinese batik, Javanese batik, or batik

34

Hokokai16. Often, these divisions are made based on the owner’s descent, however, considering

the similarities between batik made by different batik workshops, it is irrelevant. It is a colonial

Western approach to categorize batik, because the division of batik styles was never done until

Western textile researchers started to study batik in Indonesia." – Sabine Bolk, batik researcher,

and artist.

It was common practise for Western researchers to divide batik based on the descent of

the batik workshop’s owner. Western batik researchers commenced to study batik in the

nineteenth century, stylistic divisions based on the makers’ descent were made. The cross-cultural

characteristic of batik, and the fusion of batik styles were ignored during the first batik studies.

De Ruiter explains the fusion of batik patterns and the occurring similarities of batik made in

different workshops by explaining a cross-cultural approach to batik. This is relevant, since it

highlights the irrelevance of institutes dividing batik by stylistic approach.

"Traditionally, Javanese batik fused with new influences that originated from all over the

world from Indian patterns to Chinese imaginary. Therefore, batik is a clear example of cross-

cultural textiles. Batik commodified during the nineteenth century because batik makers of non-

Javanese descent contributed. Different batik workshops made a wide variety of batik, based on

what their customers ordered or favoured. The customer did not think about whether she bought

e.g. batik Belanda, or traditional batik, or Arab batik. No, she just bought what she liked, and did

not consider the specific style. Therefore, the fusion that occurred during the process of batik

making should be embraced as one." – Kees de Ruiter, art historian (UVA) and batik collector.

Batik reflects the Indonesian culture and is intertwined with Indonesian history. The

Indonesian textile is a common visual symbol for Indonesians in that it contributes to a sense of

16 Japanese batik (Roojen, 1993, p. 137).

35

belonging (Hann, 2014, pp. 12-14). The results of the interviews highlighted the importance of

UNESCO’s nomination of batik, since it retains a sense of culture, and preserves the wax-resist

dyeing technique. In addition, the nomination attracts batik tourism to Indonesia, which is

financially beneficial for Indonesia. Nevertheless, UNESCO’s nomination makes batik a

commercial commodity (Wang, 2019, p. 403). Many Indonesians do not exactly know the history

of batik and the lack of education about batik. Additionally, the interviewees critiqued the lack of

multi-culturalism in the description of batik by UNESCO. The current approach to batik is too

often based on stylistic differences, and aims to divide batik per category, or the nationality of the

batik maker. Alike, UNESCO does this, by selecting patterns as Arab, European, or Chinese.

4.2 Batik Representation in Museums

Batik is represented in small numbers in not many museums. In the Netherlands, the

Wereldmuseum and the Tropenmuseum have the largest collection of batik, and in Indonesia, the

Batik Danar Hadi Museum in Solo exhibits the largest collection of batik on Java. However,

when batik is exhibited in museums, frequently wrong information is shared with the visitors of

the museum, and the multi-cultural ethos of batik are not shared or ignored (Lee, 2016, p. 359).

The Tropenmuseum and the Batik Danar Hadi Museum both have a large collection of batik

from the collection of Veldhuisen. The museums bought the batik during the auction that sold

the batik collection of Veldhuisen in 1997. Both the Tropenmuseum and the Batik Danar Hadi

Museum claim to have bought Indo-European, or so-named batik Belanda, during the auction.

The batik collection that was acquired by the Tropenmuseum from Harmen Veldhuisen is

discussed by van Dartel, who is the current Curator of Popular Culture and Fashion at the

Tropenmuseum. She claims that the museum bought 1500 pieces of Indo-European batik.

"I do not consider Indonesian batik a traditional form of art. I believe Indo-European

batik a geographically, however, not culturally form of art. The Tropenmuseum acquired a large

36

part of the Harmen Veldhuisen collection, which are mostly Indo-European batik, around 1500

batik in total. The museum bought the batik to represent a coherent overview of Indonesian

batik throughout the years"- Daan van Dartel, curator Popular Culture and Fashion at the

Tropenmuseum

In another interview, with de Ruiter, a different description of the batik collection in the

Tropenmuseum is discussed. His interview underlines the lack of knowledge about batik in many

museums.

"When the collection of Harmen Veldhuisen was auctioned, it was mainly divided

between the Tropenmuseum and the Batik Danar Hadi Museum. The exhibition in the

Tropenmuseum represents mostly Indo-Chinese batik, and the largest part of Indo-European

batik from the collection of Harmen Veldhuisen went to the Batik Danar Hadi Museum in Solo,

Indonesia. The Tropenmuseum wanted to acquire more Indo-Chinese batik because they already

had many Indo-European batik. In Indonesia, the batik from Harmen Veldhuisen was received

as the return of Indonesian heritage. However, the batik in the museum in Solo is Indo-European

batik and not Javanese batik. This misconception about Indo-European textiles in the Batik

Danar Hadi Museum in Solo, Indonesia, is still present today. – Kees de Ruiter, Art historian

(UVA) and batik collector.

The interviews with de Ruiter and van Dartel underline the mis-information about the

batik collection in the Tropenmuseum and the Batik Danar Hadi museum. In the

Tropenmuseum, a combination of Indo-European batik and Indo-Chinese batik is shown, while

the museum bought specifically Indo-Chinese batik at the auction in 1997. The Batik Danar Hadi

Museum bought Indo-European batik as de Ruiter explains.

37

In the Dutch museums, the batik collections are shown in the Asian section of the

museums, while being represented with other non-Western objects, such as religious statues,

ceramics, and silverware. This exhibition method represents a degree of intraregional unity by

placing the batik together with other Asian objects (Lee, 2016, p. 359). This is also seen in the

representation of batik in the Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam and in the Tropenmuseum in

Amsterdam. When batik is placed in an exhibition space with other non-textile objects, this

creates a sense of comparison with the objects from other countries, even though the artifacts do

not originate in the same country (Lee, 2016, p. 359). This is not undesired, because batik is fluid,

and the wax-resist dyeing technique is not only seen in Indonesia. However, the Tropenmuseum

and the Wereldmuseum do not represent other wax-resist dyeing techniques from other parts of

the world such as African or Chinese wax-resist dyeing prints, and do not enhance the multi-

cultural aspects of batik. In contrast with the Tropenmuseum and the Wereldmuseum, the Batik

Danar Hadi Museum selectively represents Indonesian batik. However, the Batik Danar Hadi

Museum does not specify the backgrounds of the batik or the multicultural aspects of the batik in

their collection, even though it carries a wide range of Javanese batik, and batik Belanda.

In addition, the representation of batik in the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam is shortly

discussed by Rahardjo, since she works in the Rijksmuseum. The Rijksmuseum, which calls itself

"the window of the Dutch nation," has a particular approach to Asian objects (Grasskamp, 2015,

p. 223). Rahardjo shares her knowledge on batik representation in the Rijksmuseum.

“The Rijkmuseum has some batik in its collection. However, the Rijksmuseum does not

feel the need to represent these as part of its collection or dedicate an exhibition to the textiles,

even though Dutch and Indonesian history strangles together. The collection of batik in the

Rijksmuseum is not large. Currently, there is little information about the batik. The

38

representation of batik in Dutch museums is limited, and is incomplete.” - Louise Rahardjo,

cataloguer of prints at the Rijksmuseum.

The Rijksmuseum exhibits the story of 800 years of Dutch history in art (Rijksmuseum,

2021). Even though Dutch history is entangled with Asia, the curators of the museum decided to

dedicate only the Asian pavilion to Asian artifacts. However, the Dutch contribution to batik

making and batik Belanda has never been exhibited, even though the museum has a batik

collection.

Currently, batik is only exhibited in the Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam, the

Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam, and in the Batik Danar Hadi Museum in Solo. This is peculiar

considering the large number of batik that Dutch and Indonesian museums have stored away in

depots. Smend is the owner of the batik gallery Smend in Köln. He discusses the limitations and

challenges that come with batik exhibiting and why batik is not exhibited in large numbers.

"The difficulties of exhibiting batik are an important reason for the limited representation

of batik in museums. The rooms have to be dark, temperature-controlled, and batik should be

rotated every two or three months. Moreover, batik will be damaged no matter how the

exhibition is done because the textiles are not made to be exposed for so long. It makes it an

batik exhibition very expersive." – Rudolf Smend, owner of the batik gallery Smend.

The explanation of Smend on the exhibition process of batik showcases why batik is exhibited in

such limited numbers. Van Boetzelaer confirms the difficulties that come with batik exhibitions,

and explains why it is of importance to exhibit textiles.

39

"Batik is difficult to restore because of the wax-resist dyeing technique. Since the

materials will be permanently damaged after the exposure during the exhibition, it makes it

unpopular to use in exhibitions. However, fashion and textile exhibitions are growing in

popularity. I think the budget for showcasing batik should increase, and new exhibition methods

for fabrics should be developed. This is important, because if batik is exhibited, it educates

people about their past.” - Olga van Boetzelaer, textile restorer at ICAT.

In the following part of this chapter, a more detailed approach is taken to the

representation of batik Belanda in the three museums that are considering during this research:

batik representation in the Tropenmuseum, in the Wereldmuseum and the Batik Danar Hadi

Museum.

4.2.1 Batik Representation in the Tropenmuseum

The Tropenmuseum has a large batik collection. The batik collection is not exhibited, but is

showcased in an online database. The batik collection that is exhibited online is easy to access

and represents a coherent overview of the collection. Moreover, it is beneficial for textiles to be

exhibited online, since the textiles will not be damaged in the exhibiting process. In the online

exhibition, every batik is explained by the Tropenmuseum in terms of measurements, material

use and characteristics of the batik. The batik is also specified into a category, such as Indo-

European batik, Javanese batik, or Indo-Chinese batik. Additionally, the characteristics of a

specific batik type are explained. For example, Figure 17 is an Indo-European batik, and is

explained by the Tropenmuseum while focusing on the Indo-European batik characteristics, such

as the geometrical patterns, the signature, and the flowers. Furthermore, other batik types, such

as Indo-Chinese batik shown in Figure 18, is explained by the museum similarly to the Indo-

European batik.

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Figure 17: Described by the Tropenmuseum as European batik, from Pekalongan, online

collection signed by L. Meulenhoff (Tropenmuseum, 2021).

Figure 18: Described by the Tropenmuseum as Indo-Chinese batik, from Pekalongan, online

collection signed by Tik Giap (Tropenmuseum, 2021).

However, the museum categorizes the batik from their collection based on its stylistic

appearance, and the descent of the batik maker. The Tropenmuseum does not discuss the

41

apparent similarities between the different batik types, and thus ignores the multi-cultural ethos

of batik.

4.2.2 Batik Representation in the Wereldmuseum

The Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam showcases a few pieces of Indo-European batik (Figure

19) and Indo-Chinese batik (Figure 20) in the museums’ all-year-round collection. Showcasing an

all-year round batik collection is unique, considering the difficulties that exhibiting batik bring.

The batik exhibited is divided into two parts: Indo-European batik and Indo-Chinese batik. The

Indo-Chinese and Indo-European batik are placed oppositely in the exhibition space. The

Wereldmuseum attempts to explain the exhibited batik by providing additional information on

boards next to the batik. The Indo-European batik is described by the Wereldmuseum as batik

with bright colours, and adapted European motifs such as flowers and fairy tales. In addition, the

museum defines the Indo-European community on the information boards as Dutch males, who

entered relationships with Indonesian women. They formed the Indo-European community, and

the Indo-European female entrepreneurs initiated batik Belanda workshops, the museum

claims17.

The centrepiece of the exhibited Indo-European batik is the batik by J. Jans, showcased in

Figure 19. Therefore, additional information about J. Jans’ family history is provided on the

information boards in the exhibition. According to the museum, J. Jans had a Dutch mother and

a Dutch father. She lived with her Dutch husband in Pekalongan. This information is striking,

since it contrasts with the museums’ explanation about the Indo-European community who

made batik Belanda, and was of Indonesian descent. However, J. Jans was of full Dutch descent.

17 See Appendix 3.

42

Figure 19: Indo-European batik that is exhibited in the Wereldmuseum. Picture by Tim van

Brussel.

Figure 20: Indo-Chinese batik that is exhibited in the Wereldmuseum. Picture by Tim van

Brussel.

Figure 20 showcases Indo-Chinese batik in the Wereldmuseum. The Wereldmuseum

explains the Indo-Chinese batik by its characteristics of many flower designs. This explanation is

very similar to the museums’ explanation about Indo-European batik, in which the flowers were

also focused on. The fusion of styles, and the obvious similarities between the Indo-European

batik, and the Indo-Chinese batik are not explained by the Wereldmuseum. Moreover, the multi-

cultural ethos of batik are not further discussed.

43

4.2.3 Batik Representation in the Batik Danar Hadi Museum

Figure 21: The Batik Danar Hadi Museum in Solo, Indonesia (Steemit, 2021).

The Batik Danar Hadi Museum exhibits a large collection of batik. In Figure 21, a part of

the batik Belanda collection is showcased. This batik Belanda collection in the Batik Danar Hadi

Museum showcases the batik Belanda differently compared to the Tropenmuseum and the

Wereldmuseum. In the Netherlands, batik is exhibited behind glass in a dark exhibition space. In

the Indonesian museum, the batik is exhibited in an open space, not behind glass, and exposed to

sunlight that enters the exhibition space through the open windows. This exhibition method will

damage the batik, because exhibited textiles need additional protection, especially in the tropical

Indonesian climate.

Furthermore, the lack of provided information with the batik is noticeable. The batik

collection of the Batik Danar Hadi Museum is large, and exhibits batik made by well-known

Indo-European batik makers such as J. Jans, Stolman, and van Zuylen. The batik collection also

carries Javanese batik, Sumatran batik and other types of batik. Thus, the batik collection of the

Batik Danar Hadi Museum is comparable to the batik collection of the Tropenmuseum, or the

44

Wereldmuseum. However, the provided information with the batik is simplistic compared to the

information that is provided with the batik in the Tropenmuseum or Wereldmuseum. As visible

in Figure 21, the name of the maker, e.g. J. Jans, is placed on the left batik on a wooden stool. In

the middle part, in front of the closet, more general information is provided about the makers,

and the batik. Any specifications about the descent of the maker, or specifications about the batik

patterns are not presented. Moreover, no specific signs that state the descent of the batik makers

are shown, e.g. Indo-European batik, or, Indo-Chinese batik. This is different from the museums

in the Netherlands, which specify the descent of the batik maker, and categorise batik as Indo-

European batik, or Indo-Chinese batik.

45

5 Concluding Thoughts on Batik

In this chapter, the results will be further discussed, and, if possible connected to the

theory from the literature review. Lastly, the conclusion and topics for further investigation will

be provided.

5.1 Batik Belanda – The Definition

The European batik has been researched and documented extensively by Veldhuisen in

his publication Batik Belanda (1993). He introduced the term batik Belanda, or so-called Dutch

batik. The term batik Belanda continues to be used abundantly in museums, nevertheless, critique

rises about the terminological misconceptions of batik Belanda. The critique on the term batik

Belanda is based on the colonial connection to the definition (Lee, 2014, p. 189). The term batik

Belanda attempts to underline Dutch superiority in batik making, while it ignores other multi-

cultural influences in batik (Lee, 2014, p. 189). Batik Belanda claims to be an unique Dutch-based

style, however, the definition does not explain the circulation of batik patterns between batik

workshops of non-Dutch descent. The patterns used in batik Belanda commonly originate from

non-Dutch patterns, such as Indo-Chinese batik. Therefore it is very difficult to claim specific

batik patterns as Dutch influences or categorises the patterns specifically as batik Belanda.

When applying the term batik Belanda, it underlines how the cross-cultural influence of

batik patterns is under-researched and poorly understood (Lee, 2014, p. 191). Batik Belanda was a

new stylistic approach, while adopting Western preferences into batik making and patterns

(Hochstrasser, 2013, p. 148). However, the batik Belanda patterns were not unique to batik

Belanda and not only Dutch-owned batik workshops made batik Belanda. Many other

nationalities participated in batik production, including European (i.e. non-Dutch), Chinese,

Arab, and Javanese batik makers. Therefore, it would be more appropriate to consider a hybrid

community in the Dutch Indies, where many participated in the batik production process. This

46

approach similarly incorporates the continuous circulation of influences from a different origin.

With this approach, it would be more suitable not to consider the definition of batik Belanda

since it deliberates a superior Dutch batik movement. Lee discusses the definition of batik

Belanda. He advises to use another term when describing Westernised batik in publications or

museums.

"In my research, I only highlight the problems concerning batik Belanda. However,

finding one solution for a replacement definition is challenging. The main issue with batik

Belanda is the exclusion of Javanese and Chinese batik makers while they made similar patterns

to the European batik makers. I prefer to use the wording ‘batik from a Chinese workshop’ or

‘batik from a Javanese workshop’. Including this into the definition of batik reduces the aim to

divide batik based on descent and only on the workshop.”- Peter Lee, Singaporean curator,

independent scholar, and publicist.

Similarly, Bolk discussed the issues with defining batik styles based on stylistic appearances.

“In Indonesia, batik was never defined by nationality, or by the person who made the

batik. The importance to the maker is a Western approach, finding its origins in the

colonialisation of the Dutch Indies. When batik advertisements offered batik in newspapers, the

batik was referred to by the city of production. In doing this, the division of batik styles based on

nationality was not considered.” – Sabine Bolk, batik researcher, and artist.

The definition of batik Belanda articulates Dutch colonial superiority and takes away the

multi-cultural essence of batik. A more inclusive definition is essential to underline the cross-

cultural dynamics of batik. I suggest replacing the term batik Belanda with a term based on place

of production: i.e. made in (place). This definition does not emphasise the descent of the maker.

47

Considering the difficulty to refer to the nationality of batik makers because of the lack of

trustworthy information, the term Indo-European batik can similarly be applied, instead of batik

Belanda. The term Indo-European batik is more inclusive, and includes all batik makers who

incorporated Western batik patterns.

5.2 Current Discussions About the Return of Batik

Textiles are rarely considered a medium of art (Gasparini, 2020, p. 1). Moreover, in

discussing looted art and the return of cultural and historical objects to the country of origin,

textiles are seldom or never considered by museums or institutions. Hence, many Dutch

museums representing the heritage of former colonial regions have large batik collections.

However, batik does not have a prominent position in the discussion on looted art since batik is

not always thought of by curators to be art. Wronska-Friend explains the current issue on objects

being considered art or craft and the further implications this has.

“There is a problem with Western perception between craft and art. There are issues with

recognising textiles as an art form and not as a craft. Since the Western perception of textiles is

based on craft and not recognising textiles as art, textiles are not represented as art objects. Since

the Western market recognises paintings as art and because textiles are considered a craft, many

difficulties occur during the representation of textiles in museums and the discussion on

returning art to the region of origin.” -Maria Wronska-Friend, anthropologist and museum

curator.

The current curator of Popular Cultural and Fashion at the Tropenmuseum explains her

view on batik textiles.

48

“I think batik is a craft, and not art or fashion. This is why we address batik as fashion in

Kruispunt Rotterdam at the Wereldmuseum.”- Daan van Dartel, curator Popular Culture, and

Fashion at Tropenmuseum.

Curators continue to consider textiles as a craft and therefore, the country of origin is not

able to fill in a return-request on textiles within the guidelines of the advisory report by the Dutch

Council of Culture (Engelshoven, 2020). The curator of the Tropenmuseum considers batik as a

craft, and hereby represents the general approach to textiles by Dutch heritage museums. If

objects are returned to the country of origin, the concept of return should equally be considered

in a broader sense than cross-border relocation (Beurden, 2015, p. 71). In addition, the mobility,

flexibility, and circulation of these specific objects are valuable approaches to the concept of

return and apply to batik in the Dutch heritage museums. Indonesia and the Netherlands have a

long-shared history. The batik with Western influences that were made on Java, could be used by

heritage museums to lighten the difficult colonially-loaded relationship between the two

countries. The shared cultural heritage between Indonesia and the Netherlands should be

underlined and explained by museums and should gain a more prominent position in academic

research. Currently, batik made in Indonesia with Western stylistic influences is considered by

many heritage institutions to be Dutch. Often, the term batik Belanda is used, excluding the

multi-cultural aspect of batik while glorifying the Dutch influences on Javanese batik making

during colonial times.

Dutch museums increasingly show willingness to return looted objects. Unfortunately,

the return of these objects from Dutch heritage museums is not being done on a large scale. The

actual return of objects only begins when a heritage institution from the country explains the

deep interest in items of a heritage museum (Beurden, 2015, p. 71). The following process of

investigation in a Dutch heritage museum can take years. The investigation process in Dutch

49

heritage museums should go quicker. Furthermore, textiles should be incorporated in the current

discussion on looted art. When this is done, Dutch heritage museums and Indonesian heritage

museums perhaps build a long-term relationship while researching their shared heritage of batik.

5.3 Conclusion, Further Research

An extensive trade system in the Indian Ocean connected Java to other regions while

exchanging commodities and textiles. Indian textiles had been in high demand for centuries in

Java due to the high quality, and the competitive prices of the Indian fabrics. Indian textiles used

to be an important trade commodity and currency in the Indian Ocean trade. When Dutch

vessels arrived in the Indian Ocean, Indian textiles needed to be obtained to trade with the

Javanese. While the Dutch expanded their dominance over the Indonesian Archipelago, they

claimed a monopoly on the trade of Indian textiles in Java. The Dutch trade monopoly increased

the Indian textile prices. Also, the Dutch did not understand the Javanese textile preferences,

leading to the inability to satisfy the Javanese. Both factors decreased Javanese demand for Indian

textiles and resulted in the growing Javanese demand for batik.

From the late eighteenth century onwards, the small-scale batik industry commodified in

Java. Batik was similarly produced in the Netherlands, named imitation batik. However, the low

quality of the imitation batik made them unpopular on Java. Meanwhile, the batik cap allowed the

Javanese to produce batik quicker and more cost-efficient. Batik workshops were invented to

produce larger numbers of batik. These workshops were not owned by the Javanese, but by

Peranakan-Chinese, Arabs, Indo-Europeans, and European entrepreneurs. When the Suez Canal

opened in 1869, more women and children traveled to the Dutch Indies. The Western dresses

and tight skirts they wore were not comfortable to wear in the tropical climate of the Dutch

Indies. The uncomfortable Western fashion resulted in a rising Western demand for the kebaya

and batik-made sarong combination, with Westernised designs on the batik. The Javanese batik

50

workshops did not react fast enough to the rising demand for batik with Western patterns. This

resulted in the Dutch contribution to the Javanese batik industry by opening batik workshops to

produce Westernised batik, named batik Belanda. Batik Belanda was different compared to

Javanese batik. Batik Belanda was longer because taller women wore it, and it incorporated

patterns that were beloved by Western women, such as bouquets and fairy tale designs. However,

batik patterns circulated between batik workshops. Indo-Chinese batik and batik Belanda were

very similar due to the circulation of batik patterns between workshops, shown by similar usage

of specific colours, the division of the batik fabric in different compartments, and the application

of flowers.

The cultural diffusion of batik and the fusion of stylistic features seen in different batik

styles is important to consider in the discussion on batik as Indonesian Intangible Cultural

Heritage. The UNESCO registration of batik as Indonesian batik on the Representative List of

the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2009, advocates to preserve cultural heritage

while retaining a sense of cultural awareness to continue Indonesian heritage practices. However,

the nomination received Western critique because of the faults made during the nomination

process and the lack of representation of batik’s multi-cultural ethos.

This study critically approached the representation of batik in Dutch museums. The

results of the research showcase the current Westernised approach to batik Belanda. When batik

is exhibited in museums, the multi-cultural ethos of batik are excluded and the stylistic

differences between batik styles is focused on. Moreover, the museums do not consider batik

Belanda as colonial art but as a craft from Indonesia that was mixed with European influences

during the colonial period. Therefore, batik Belanda is not included in the discussion on returning

looted art. This implies that the current representation of batik Belanda in Dutch and Indonesian

heritage museums is Western-dominated. Moreover, a lack of acknowledgement to the

51

multicultural roots and the imbalanced power relations defines the current representation of batik

Belanda.

I conclude that more research into the different styles of batik is needed, while the fusion

of batik styles is researched more in depth. This is needed in order to acknowledge the

multicultural aspects of batik and eliminate the Western-dominated approach in the

representation of batik Belanda in Dutch and Indonesian museums. I emphasize that Western

Heritage museums should consider batik to be art. Additionally, I would argue to eliminate the

colonially loaded term batik Belanda and suggest referring to an inclusive term that describes the

multi-cultural ethos of batik in further research, such as Indo-European batik, or batik made in

(place).

As for other future studies, it would be relevant to consider gender biases in batik. The

role of the female entrepreneurs in the batik-making process should be researched more in depth.

Despite this, the research on batik is focused on Western female attribution to the establishment

of European influences and not to a further extent. Similarly, research on the circulation of batik

patterns and the copying of batik is very limited and would be interesting for further study.

52

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Cover picture: Batik van Zuylen, published November 20, 2012 , 564 × 299 in Mengangkat

Kembali Pamore Batik Belanda.

Photographs taken by Tim van Brussel

Wordcount: 13439

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Appendix

Appendix 1: List of Interviewees

Name of

interviewee

Expert type Date of

interview

Place of

interview

Kees de

Ruiter

Art historian (UVA) and batik collector. 09-03-2021 Phone call

Daan van

Dartel

Curator Popular Culture and Fashion at

Tropenmuseum

09-03-2021 Questionnaire

response

Olga van

Boetzelaer

Textile restorer at ICAT 10-03-2021 Face-to-face

conversation

Louise

Rahardjo

Cataloguer of prints at Rijksmuseum Amsterdam 14-03-2021 (online) via

teams

Sabine Bolk Batik researcher and artist 16-03-2021 (online) via

teams

Maria

Wronska-

Friend

ethnologist, batik expert, author and Adjunct Senior

Lecturer at the James Cook University of Cairns

(QLD, Aus.)

17-03-2021 (online) via

teams

Rudolf

Smend

Owner of batik gallery Smend, well-known batik

trader in Europe and publicist

17-03-2021 (online) via

zoom

Stacy Tjoa Indonesian-Singaporean raised, personal affinity with

Indonesian heritage and batik

18-03-2021 Questionnaire

response

Myrthe

Groot

Art historian, co-owner of batik brands Guave 19-03-2021 (online) via

teams

Romée

Mulder

Cultural heritage professional, co-owner of batik

brands Guave

19-03-2021 (online) via

teams

Tony

Sugiarta

Owner of Anerd batik Gallery (Singapore), Javanese

batik lecturer, batik story teller

20-03-2021 (online) via

teams

Peter Lee Singaporean curator, independent scholar and

publicist.

12-05-2021 (online) via

zoom

57

Appendix 2: Interview Questions

Q. What are the best and worst parts of working with textiles in the Netherlands in your

organisation?

Q. To what extend are you familiar with batik (production), and to further extend Indo-

European batik?

Q. Batik incorporates a wide range of different aspects, including Indian and Malay influences.

Would you consider batik a typical Indonesian form of art? Please explain.

Q. Are you familiar with the terminology Indo-European batik, or perhaps Batik Belanda (Dutch

Indonesian batik)?

Q. What is your opinion on the definition of Batik Belanda? How, why?

Q. Do you know any records showing how Indo-European, European and Indonesian women

were involved in the production of batik-Belanda/Indo-European batik production?

Q. What makes the batik textiles different compared to other textiles in the Southeast Asian

market?

Q. Do you think that categorizing of textiles into different groupings, such as batik, is relevant?

Q. How do you think that Southeast Asian textiles, specifically batik, is given a place in modern

day museums?

Q. Does the field you are currently working in, or you surround yourself with, experience issues

within the categorization of textiles? In particular (Indo-European) batik.

Q. Have you noticed that throughout the years, the urge to understand the ‘foreign’ becomes

more important?

Q. Does batik Belanda have a place in textile exhibitions and how if so? If so, how would you

contextualise this in the museum?

58

Appendix 3: Pictures Wereldmuseum

Incorrect information at the batik exhibition in the Tropenmuseum. Picture by Tim van Brussel

59