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Balancing act : twenty-one strategic dilemmas in cultural policy by François Matarasso and Charles Landry Cultural Policies Research and Development Unit Policy Note No. 4 Council of Europe Publishing

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Balancing act :

twenty-one strategic dilemmas

in cultural policy

by François Matarasso and Charles Landry

Cultural Policies Research and Development Unit

Policy Note No. 4

Council of Europe Publishing

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French edition :

21 options pour une stratégie culturelle

ISBN 92-871-3861-3

The opinions expressed in this publication are those of theauthors and do not necessarily engage the responsibility ofthe Council of Europe.

Cover © Jean Raty : photograph of a wall mosaicCover design : Graphic Design Workshop, Council of Europe

Council of Europe PublishingF-67075 Strasbourg Cedex

ISBN 92-871-3862-1© Council of Europe, April 1999Printed in Belgium

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How little, a precious little, in life is fixed :On the one hand this but on the other that ;Justice must lie between and truth betwixt.

Louis MacNeice,

Autumn Sequel

, 1954

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Contents

Preface....................................................................... 7

Framework dilemmas................................................. 11

1. Culture as the arts or Culture as a way of life ...... 112. Cultural democracy or Democratisation of culture 133. Culture as a self-justifying value or Culture

as development................................................... 154. Art as a public good or Art as a conditional

activity ................................................................ 18

Implementation dilemmas.......................................... 21

5. Consultation or Active participation..................... 216. Direct control or Insulation from the political

process................................................................ 237. Public or Private .................................................. 258. Prestige or Community........................................ 289. National or International ..................................... 31

Social development dilemmas .................................... 33

10. Communities or Community ............................... 3311. Cultural diversity or Monoculture ........................ 3512. Heritage or Contemporary .................................. 3813. Visitors or Residents ............................................ 4014. External image or Internal reality ......................... 42

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Economic development dilemmas .............................. 43

15. Subsidy or Investment ......................................... 4316. Consumption or Production ................................ 45

Management dilemmas.............................................. 47

17. Centralisation or Decentralisation........................ 4718. Direct provision or Contracting-out ..................... 5019. The Arts or the Artist........................................... 5220. Infrastructure or Activity...................................... 5421. Artists or Managers ............................................. 56

Notes ......................................................................... 59

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Preface

Government action in the modern world

The age of the command economy has passed. Govern-ments across the continent increasingly recognise the limitsto their ability to make things happen. The complexity ofcontemporary society and the interdependency of local andnational economies mean that Governments must influencerather than direct change. They must work with and througha vast range of public, private and independent sector part-ners. Nowhere is this more true than in the fluid, changeableworld of culture, where the state’s efforts in one directionwill often produce unexpected, perhaps unwanted, resultselsewhere. In the cultural sector, individual vision can have ahuge and unforeseen impact, where substantial publicresources can appear to produce no change at all.

The culture minister deals with a field which is inherentlychangeable and often seen as marginal to the government’scentral objectives. While health and education ministershave thousands of hospitals and schools, and millions ofpublic employees under their control, the culture ministertypically has few directly managed resources. The develop-ment and management of cultural policy is therefore one ofthe most complex areas of modern government, a kind of abalancing act, not so much between competing priorities asin other areas of policy, but between competing visions ofthe role of culture in society.

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The value of marking the edges of policy

This note is intended to help with the thinking process whichmust underlie that balancing act. In doing so, it develops ametaphor of strategic dilemmas originally conceived byFranco Bianchini and Charles Landry as a way of crystallisingthe poles of a number of policy issues – for example, theextremes of no state intervention in the cultural sector andgovernment control of cultural resources.

1

It is increasinglyunlikely in contemporary Europe that there will be countrieswishing to position their cultural policy at one or other ofthese extremes. But where they place themselves on thespectrum between the poles, the balancing point which suitslocal circumstances, will vary from one country to another.The value of identifying the extremes lies in being able torecognise one’s own position in relation to them. Does policylie exactly in the middle ? Or does it represent somethingcloser to a 60-40 split, a 90-10 split, or a 30-70 split ? Atightrope walker is always conscious of the two ends of hisbalancing pole, continually making slight adjustments to pre-serve that elusive point of balance.

In creating a dichotomy between extremes, we do notexpect cultural policy-makers to make a simple choicebetween two options, but to consider where local policy cur-rently lies, or should lie, on the spectrum between them. Toreinforce this sense of a spectrum, we have appended a littlechart under each of the policy dilemmas, on which somereaders may find it interesting to visualise or mark their ownsituation, whether ideal, or actual. It must be understood, ofcourse, that these dilemmas are not self-contained, as theyare presented here : they overlap continually, and decisionstaken in one area will affect room for manoeuvre in others.

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In most cases there are other ways of looking at the issuewhich will enable us to break out of the oppositional strait-jacket and establish new policies which combine as many ofthe strengths of existing alternatives, and as few of theweaknesses, as possible. The task of identifying and devel-oping these third ways for cultural policy lies at the heart ofthe challenges now faced by policy-makers and planners inthe cultural sector.

The paper begins with the underlying conceptual issues, pre-sented here as “ framework dilemmas ”, since the course ofcultural policy depends on how government positions itselfin relation to these strategic choices. The questions they posedepend almost entirely on political, social and ethical values,and how they are addressed will fundamentally affect theshape and outcomes of cultural policy. The remaining sec-tions focus more on the tactical decisions which arise whenwe begin to consider how to put policy into practice.

In passing, we should explain that we have deliberatelyavoided defining terms such as “ art ” or “ culture ”, wordsof which we make continual use. Their definition is itselfopen to interpretation or dispute, and is inseparable from theother dilemmas we present. We have judged it preferable toallow the reader to consider these questions along with theothers we present. Nor do we make any pretence to objec-tivity in formulating or presenting these dilemmas. We havepresented them in this booklet for debate based on our ownexperience and involvement in cultural policy making.Although we believe that the best answer will normally lie atsome point on the spectrum between the dilemmas appro-priate to local circumstances and interests, this does not

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mean that a happy mean is always, or often, appropriate.Policy formulation involves clear, often difficult, choices, andwe have not been afraid to note where good practice cur-rently lies, or to show an inclination towards one or otherpole. We hope that this occasional expression of our ownview will assist the reader in clarifying his or her own opinionand in stimulating critical comments and offers of otherdilemmas for discussion that could be incorporated in anyfuture editions. Finally, we would like to acknowledge thecontribution of Franco Bianchini and Colin Mercer to thisprocess, and express our gratitude to the Council of Europefor giving us the opportunity to articulate our thinking in thispaper.

François Matarasso & Charles Landry

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Framework dilemmas

1. Culture as the arts or Culture as a way of life

Raymond Williams called culture “one of the two or threemost complicated words in the English language”.

2

Therehave certainly been many attempts to define the term,though in themselves they need not concern us here. But itis a pre-requisite of cultural policy to define the parametersof the cultural domain itself. In some countries, culture isalmost synonymous with the arts, and policy tends to focuson the visual and performing arts, literature, festivals andsimilar areas. In these circumstances culture ministries maytend to focus on infrastructure, especially theatres, galleries,museums, historic buildings and so on, and on recognisedartists and arts companies. Their responses to more recentart forms such as film, rock music, digital art or comic bookgraphics may vary widely.

At the other end of the spectrum is the view of culture aseverything which we do not have to do : culture as the dis-tinctive way of life which distinguishes a German town froma French one, or a Swedish community from a Spanish one.In this conception, the arts are simply one of many manifes-tations of the unique cultural identity of a place and its peo-ple, and policy may concern itself with anything from folkdance to local food traditions, or from street life to fashion.Of course, countries with a narrow view of culture as art mayalso value their distinctive way of life very highly, while see-

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ing it as different from culture itself, and not a matter for cul-tural policy. The area of broadcasting encapsulates much ofthis dilemma. It can be seen as central to arts policy, both asa medium in its own right and as a means of access to otherart forms such as classical music or ballet. At the same time,both in its content and in its place in the everyday life of soci-ety, broadcasting can claim to be a primary force in theculture and way of life of a nation, a view which is reflectedby policy in France, Israel and elsewhere where legislationhas been introduce to limit external, especially American,influence.

In practice, therefore, and from one place to another, theresponsibilities of cultural ministries may embrace any or allof the following areas : visual and performing art, architec-ture, museums, libraries, sport, festivals, film, print andbroadcast media, adult education, community and voluntarycultural activity, parks and gardens, traditional and immi-grant cultures, digital media, fashion, commercial design,historic buildings and landscapes and much more. Wheredefinitions of the cultural sector are broadest, further policydistinctions and priorities are inevitable, given the differentresponses demanded by these very different areas of activ-ity. Whether the conception of culture is wide or narrow willtherefore shape cultural policy itself.

• How wide ranging should cultural policy be ?

Wide focus Narrow focus

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2. Cultural democracy or Democratisation of culture

The post-war period has seen a steady increase in theengagement of European states with cultural issues,reflected in increasing public subsidy of cultural activity. Thishas reflected and nurtured a huge growth in the sector itself,in terms of the numbers of people working in it, its audi-ences, types of expression and forms, economic importanceand public attention. Until the 1960s, this expansion of gov-ernment involvement in the arts was largely driven, fromboth sides of the political spectrum, by a long-standing beliefin the civilising value of the arts and a consequent desire todemocratise access to it. Cultural policy driven by this beliefhas tended to prioritise access issues in terms of reducedadmission prices, education programmes, free entry tomuseums, popularisation through state broadcasting andsimilar types of initiatives. It has been pursued with more orless commitment following the ebb and flow of political andcultural fashion.

But these values came under severe pressure during the late1960s and in the subsequent period, as many argued thatgiving people access to a pre-determined set of culturalvalues, expressions and products was an inadequateresponse by democratic states. It was seen to reflect a “ top-down ” dispensation of elitist cultural values developed inthe context of time and class, and which neglected or dis-missed many forms of cultural expression and identity. It wasargued that cultural policy should go beyond educating peo-ple into appreciation of approved culture and, recognisingthat the everyday expression of people is culture, shouldinvolve them in the fundamental debates about the nature

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and value of cultural identity and expression. This approach,while more recent than that of the civilising value of culture,had precedents in some 19th century cultural movements,and inter-war initiatives in working communities. The princi-ple of cultural democracy, which is concerned with increas-ing access to the means of cultural production, distributionand analysis alongside those of consumption, has subse-quently vied for primacy with that of the democratisation ofculture. Although, given the changing nature of society, theyare not necessarily mutually exclusive, they have tended topolarise political debate around cultural policy in many Euro-pean countries.

• What is the political conception of cultural policy ?

Cultural democracy Democratisation of culture

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3. Culture as a self-justifying value or Culture as devel-opment

The dilemmas over culture and democracy have been com-plicated by the emergence of another conception of cultureduring the 1980s and 1990s – culture as development. Inkeeping with its civilising qualities, the tendency in mostEuropean countries has been to see culture as a self-justify-ing value connected simply to quality of life issues. A vibrantarts

milieu

, an attractive built environment, access to publicmuseums and libraries, a high level of participation in sportsand leisure activities – these have been seen as factors con-tributing to the overall quality of people’s lives, especially intowns and cities where such resources naturally tend to beconcentrated. Thus it has been normal practice to providefacilities for these activities when planning suburban or newtown developments, perhaps especially in northern Euro-pean countries, where such provision reflects a concern forthe quality of the public realm generally.

But during the 1980s, policy-makers, artists and activistsbecame increasingly interested in the impact of culturalinvestment. The value of cultural activity to social and eco-nomic vitality, and to sustainable communities, was recog-nised by landmark reports from Unesco (

Our creativediversity

, 1996) and the Council of Europe (

In from themargins

, 1997), building on research in individual countriesincluding France and the United Kingdom. This has contrib-uted to the emergence of the concept of culture as a tool ofdevelopment. At its simplest, this has led to the use ofcultural techniques to achieve non-cultural ends – for exam-ple, the use of theatrical performances and workshop activi-

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ties to promote health awareness messages. But the moresophisticated analysis recognises the inescapable socio-eco-nomic impacts of all cultural activity and places a jointemphasis on the cultural and the developmental benefits ofpublic investment in culture. This conception of cultureplaces it at the heart of government policies addressing keyissues such as civil society, social cohesion, communitycapacity building and so on.

This has led to concern in some quarters about the dangersof instrumentalisation – a fear that the inherent qualities ofthe arts, whatever they may be understood to be, will some-how be debased or twisted by a concern for other policy out-comes. This concern is legitimate and must be takenseriously, although it is difficult to envisage any other area ofpublic life which could demand such independence of action.However, two further points need to be understood in thiscontext. First, impacts and developmental consequencesarise unavoidably from cultural activity : the question facingcultural policy-makers is whether or not to integrate themwith other policy goals, and if so how to do so effectively.Secondly, culture is a very hardy plant, more than strongenough to take care of itself – we may seek to train it in cer-tain directions, but we cannot control it or change its nature.

There is a further reason for considering the developmentalrole and the socio-economic impacts of culture : opening thisdebate may strengthen wider interest in and commitmenttowards culture across society by allowing people to engagein debates about its purpose and value. During much of thepast century or more, there has been a broad political consen-sus around the intrinsic social value of the arts, and debates

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have been more concerned with issues of implementationthan deeper questions about their role in society. Today, associety faces complex socio-political problems, that positioncan no longer be depended upon by the supporters of cul-ture. The weakening of the historic liberal consensus aboutthe value of the arts was thrown into large relief by the 1991campaign to defend the American National Endowment forthe Arts from political attack by conservatives. The artistSteve Durland has described what happened when “artists‘ took to the streets ’ to defend their work, and were dis-mayed to find that nobody followed, not even supposedlytraditional liberal allies. It was like nobody cared.”

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The cultural sector cannot rely any more on a presumptionof its worth : in future, that value will have to be monitored,tested and articulated in terms acceptable to those who arenot its natural supporters in the face of urgent and compet-ing demands on the public purse. This challenge was neatlyexpressed by the American curator Stephen Weil when heasked museums “are you really worth what you cost, or areyou merely worthwhile ?”

4

Recognition of the developmen-tal role and social contribution of culture is therefore bothtimely and important. It will not only enable the cultural sec-tor to play a more central role in the lives of many millions ofpeople ; it will also help the sector itself to express its valuein the context of the major social, economic and politicalissues of the coming century.

• How developmental should cultural policy be ?

Culture as a self-justifying value Culture as development

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4. Art as a public good or Art as a conditional activity

Linked with the view of culture a self-justifying value isbelief, expressed historically by many professionals in thecultural sector – artists, performers, administrators etc. – thatart is a natural public good, like nature. As such, the funda-mental questions have been presented as being how to safe-guard it, how to enlarge it and how to encourage morepeople to appreciate it. The cultural profession has largelyframed discussion about art in terms which could equally beapplied to discussion of the natural environment, or nationalparks.

But if the natural world is seen to be a public good, it isbecause it is independent of human activity : art is decidedlynot. It would be more accurate to see art as one of the sys-tems which human beings have developed to do certainthings, comparable to science or education. Like them, arthas an inherent value arising only from the capacity it affordsus to achieve certain things, in the same way that a lever hasa value as a tool which is unaffected by the use to which it isput. But, as with science, the use to which we put that powermay be good or ill. We acknowledge that the power of sci-ence may be used to cure disease or create weapons of massdestruction. We are not yet so ready to acknowledge that artmay be used to celebrate and to inspire, or to exclude andindoctrinate. In the first thirty years of this century, for exam-ple, modernists such as T. S. Eliot, Wyndham Lewis and EzraPound responded to the increasingly literacy of workingpeople by trying to forge an art which would consciouslyexclude them and celebrate the “ natural aristocracy ” of theartist : these attitudes are evident in Eliot’s later assertion

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that “ in our headlong rush to educate everybody, we arelowering our standards ”.

5

The intellectual connectionsbetween fascism and some of the great art of the early partof this century ran deep, though it is to their credit that mostartists distanced themselves from the political expression oftheir values as the nature of fascism became clearer. But thisexample should alert us all to the fact that art cannot beabstracted from the rest of human values and action.

Good science may be used for bad ends : good art mayequally be used to promote anti-democratic values. Artists,and especially those in receipt of, or claiming, state fundsand support, can no longer claim immunity from publicinquiry : they have to be prepared to explain and defendtheir work in the wider context of democratic policy-making.If art or culture is recognised as having a developmental role,the contingent nature of its application becomes inescap-able.

• How neutral is art conceived to be ?

Art as a public good Art as a contingent social activity

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Implementation dilemmas

5. Consultation or Active participation

The process of establishing cultural policy raises its owndilemmas about appropriate methods of undertaking thetask. In many countries, the policy-making process has beenlargely internal, concerning departmental civil servants andpoliticians. Elsewhere, most effectively perhaps in the Neth-erlands, there have been attempts of various kinds to consultthe public about policy issues. The range of choices faced bya government in involving citizens in this type of discussionhas been set out by Sherry Arnstein, rising from a very nega-tive root of non-participation and manipulation to a demo-cratic ideal of citizen control which may be more aspirationalthan achievable in many situations.

6

In fact, current practicein cultural affairs commonly lies somewhere betweeninforming, consultation and active participation. Certainly,consultation has come to be seen as the norm in many Euro-pean countries, although the understanding and interpreta-tion of the term varies greatly.

However, the creation of policy through a real partnershipbetween a cultural ministry, its constituency and the widerpublic offers major advantages. A policy which has beendeveloped in partnership with the sector on which its imple-mentation depends obviously has a better chance of beingsuccessful in practice, since it will reflect the experience andthe concerns of people working in all sectors. It is also likely

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to be more creative and imaginative, since it results fromopen-minded thinking and dialogue reflecting a wide rangeof views rather than just internal planning. The policy goalsand standards of success which are developed through sucha partnership will be closer to the shared aspirations of manypeople. Finally, the process itself is an important element ofcivil society, enabling and encouraging citizens to takeresponsibility in an area where most people have an opinionand are not afraid, in the right circumstances, to voice it.

• How should cultural policy be determined ?

Consultation Active participation

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6. Direct control or Insulation from the political process

The European experience includes a broad spectrum ofapproaches to the issue of actually providing financial sup-port for culture. At one end lie countries such as Italy orFrance which do not see a distinction between culture andany other area of social or economic activity. Culture istherefore the business of the Ministry of Culture and is fullyintegrated within the established systems for parliamentaryaccountability. The risks of this approach may include thedanger of political interference in cultural affairs, or simplyan excessive control by the state of the means of culturalproduction and distribution, and a consequent stifling ofcreativity.

Other countries, such as Ireland, Finland, and the UnitedKingdom have recognised the unique nature of culturalissues and seen a value in trying to preserve the detailedplanning and decision-making from the risk of politicalinterference.

7

In the United Kingdom this has led to thedoctrine known as the “ arm’s length principle ”, bywhich money voted by Parliament is granted to a numberof quasi-independent bodies, such as the four nationalArts Councils, who determine their own policies andspending choices. The Government of Quebec recentlyestablished an Arts Council for this reason. But there aredangers with this approach too, including the withdrawalof cultural decision-making from genuine public view oraccountability and a potential neglect by government of asector which it does not directly control. In the Nether-lands, an effective half-way house has been developed,with considerable devolution of planning and decision-

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making, but the approval of the national cultural plan byParliament.

• How should cultural funding be distributed ?

Direct control Insulation from the political process

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7. Public or Private

The cultural sector is large and highly heterogeneous. It istherefore not susceptible to simple, blanket responses which,if used, are as likely to smother as to shelter. The age ofwholesale public provision has, in any case, largely passed,and mixed economies now function across the continent,with a variety of local emphases. The dilemma in this for cul-tural policy makers is to target public intervention appropri-ately in a sector where most consumption and muchproduction operates in the private sector. In some countries,the answer to this question has been to prioritise interven-tion in areas of perceived “ market failure ”. This analysisassumes that there is a socially optimal level of culturalactivity (whether for quality of life or developmental reasons,or a combination of both) which markets may not fulfil inevery area.

8

Thus the public sector may see a need to sup-port minority art forms, though the definition is itselfcontentious : if opera is a minority form in Britain, despite thecommercial and artistic success of the Glyndebourne OperaHouse, is it also in Italy ? Market failure may also be therationale behind initiatives to support the participation ofthose who are excluded from access to market goods, bypoverty, disability, geography or other causes beyond theircontrol. Thus a theatre in rural area might require a greaterlevel of subsidy than one in a city, simply because the localmarket could not sustain it without assistance.

If the role of government is to create a context in which mar-kets work fairly and efficiently, and to intervene where theydo not, the focus for policy must be to understand where amarket is defective and to assess what action should be

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taken. So, in underdeveloped publishing markets such asBulgaria there is a tendency to concentrate on best-sellersrather than less popular work. Cultural policy may thereforeaddress the deficiency in order to safeguard minority culturalinterests and guarantee a degree of pluralism. That choiceneed not be permanent, however, since public interventionmay change the conditions and develop a self-sustainingmarket for minority products or services.

Elsewhere the division between private and public involve-ment in the cultural sector has been based more on historicaltradition and values than on policy. Some cultural activities,typically libraries and museums, are seen to be a natural partof public provision, while others, such as fashion or popularmusic, are left to market forces. The absence of public sup-port does not necessarily imply marginalisation : it would bea brave person who ventured an opinion as to whether thepublic library service or

haute couture

was a more importantaspect of French culture. It is also true that there need not bea rigid division between the sectors which receive public sup-port and those which do not : the commercial film industrywould struggle without actors trained in subsidised theatre,while research shows that many heavy library users also buymore books than the rest of the population.

This blurred edge between public and private approaches isalso evident in other areas. For example, it is now commonfor European arts organisations to attract resources in theform of business sponsorship in addition to, and even whenthey do not receive, public funding from the state. The rela-tionship with a commercial rather than a public sector patronmay be less different than is often supposed : both, after all,

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have expectations of a return for their investment, and whatmay be at issue is only the nature of that return. Indeed,public sector funding agencies might learn something frombusiness sponsors in terms of the clarity of their expectationsand the way in which negotiations can be conducted.

Finally, it must be recognised that there are different ways inwhich the state can support culture without direct interven-tion or provision. The most obvious is the tax regime whichis used by a number of countries to offset the rigours of themarket on certain aspects of cultural production and distri-bution. Other forms of support include the provision ofadvice, information and support services to private sectoractivities, and the state’s involvement in training and educa-tion. Indeed, in educating its citizens the state lays the foun-dations of knowledge and self-determination without whichmarkets cannot function.

• What is the right balance between public intervention inthe cultural sector and private sector activity ?

Public service Market forces

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8. Prestige or Community

Culture has always been bound up with power, status andimage. It is natural for governments to exploit culturalresources to reflect their character both internally and in thewider world. Indeed there is a growing recognition that, in aglobalised economy, cultural heritage and contemporary artsactivity can be a powerful tool of place marketing, helping toattract tourists, customers and inward investment. The creationof the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao has drawn huge inter-national attention to the city, and was undertaken as much forthat reason as for any intrinsic cultural merit it may possess. Inusing cultural investment to re-position itself and improve itsinternational image, Bilbao was following well-establishedprecedents in Barcelona, Frankfurt, Paris and elsewhere.

There will always be an important role for such

grands

pro-jets

, but there will also be the danger, whether at national orregional level, that they are pursued at the expense of lessglamorous initiatives. One consequence of over-emphasison prestigious cultural investment, evident in a number ofEuropean cities, is a growth of disaffection and cynicismamong poorer sections of the local population. A stunningnew opera house or gallery which focuses on an interna-tional audience may inadvertently signal to those who livenearby that they are not welcome. Given that such initiativesare often sited in depressed areas in order to trigger urbanregeneration, the contrast between new facilities and localliving conditions may be acute. The developers of London’snew Museum of Modern Art at Bankside have been sensitiveto this kind of problem and invested substantially in projectsto involve local communities.

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In fact the core of cultural development is everyday andlocal, the quiet bustle which involves millions of people inattending performances and galleries or in active pursuit oftheir own cultural interests in education and voluntarysituations. Collectively, this adds up to much more than theinternationally-renowned museum, though because it is dis-persed it is much less recognised. It is also often undervalued,because it is of interest to the resident population rather thaninternational tourists, critics and visitors. A sound culturalpolicy will span these extremes, and not promote one to thedisadvantage of the other. None the less, it is true that soci-ety can thrive on local, practical cultural development, evenat the expense of prestige projects : whether the reverse istrue is more questionable.

This dilemma extends beyond the realm of urban regen-eration and capital investment to the mainstream ofcultural policy because it represents debates about thevalue of “ high ” and “ popular ” culture in their mostacute forms. Today, in most European countries, there isa greater recognition of the value of all aspects of culture,whether publicly-funded, commercial or voluntary,though the pace of change can be slow : there are stillsome who question whether photography can be art150 years after its invention. The battle lines betweenadvocates of different cultural activity may be sharplydrawn, but it would be more accurate and helpful to seethe cultural sector as a continuum within which the con-stituent parts offer mutual support in practical and aes-thetic terms, for example in the way Kenneth MacMillan’sballet

Mayerling

draws on film narrative technique.Cultural policy cannot attend to just one part of this spec-

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trum of activity, as the West European experience of culture-led regeneration clearly underlines.

• Where should the state prioritise its cultural resources ?

Prestige investment Community investment

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9. National or International

Culture is inseparable from identity, and often encapsulatesthe expression of national, regional or ethnic identity. Forthis reason it is unsurprising that cultural policy often makesa priority of national culture, and especially of traditionalstyles. Internally, this may be reflected in support for nationalinstitutions – theatres, operas, museums, galleries etc. – andan emphasis on national artists or forms of expression ; forexample, the distinct architectural traditions of Sweden areinseparable from the country’s historical identity and valuesand rightly cherished. Externally, many countries seek topromote awareness of their cultural heritage through organi-sations such as the Goethe Institute, the British Council orthe Alliance Française.

But this understandable pride in national achievement needsto be tempered by an appreciation of and receptivity to othercultures. An involvement in international culture andexchange is an essential element of a rich and confidentnational cultural life, as may be seen in the experience offormer communist countries which were widely deniedaccess to such influences. Pluralism is vital and is reflected incultural issues : international contacts are an importantcounterbalance to the less positive aspects of cultural nation-alism. Cultural policy must also remain open to the othercultures which now make up the national environment.Today, Europe is multicultural. Some of its most vibrantforms of cultural expression are associated with immigrantcommunities from Africa, Asia, or the Americas, or withconstituencies such as disabled people whose creativity andcontribution to national culture have only recently been rec-

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ognised. An effective cultural policy will celebrate bothestablished national cultures while remaining open to newerforms and engaging in international exchange.

• How much should cultural policy concern itself withnational or international culture ?

National International

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Social development dilemmas

10. Communities or Community

Culture is inseparable from identity : indeed, in manyrespects, culture might be defined as the outward expressionof identity. In a multicultural Europe, the relationshipbetween minority and majority communities presents someof the most profound social and political challenges. Coun-tries such as the United Kingdom are relatively comfortablewith the idea that society is composed of a series of overlap-ping and jostling communities which express peoples’ com-plex identities. These may extend far beyond the obviousdomain of ethnic identity to encompass questions of gender,class, disability, sexuality, geography, age, employment sta-tus and so on. In these societies cultural policy has tended torecognise, if not always to encourage, the expression of dis-tinct cultural identities – for example, in a gay rugby team, ora disabled people’s dance company. Even where they areconsciously oppositional to majority identities, such initia-tives are seen as indicators of a rich culture which is confidentenough to encompass the other, and of democratic pluralismwhose quality is properly judged by the rights of minorities,not majorities.

There are other countries – France or Sweden spring to mind– where democratic rights are seen to be expressed in thelack of distinction between citizens who are equally mem-bers of one, indivisible community. According to this

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concept, the celebration of alternative identities, and par-ticularly those rooted in other national or regional cultures,may be considered as expressing a refusal to integrate andbecome part of a democratic whole. Such countries maytherefore find it difficult to envisage or accept the notion ofcommunities within the fabric of the community itself. Theextent to which cultural policy encourages or discouragesthe expression of different cultural identity may thereforevary widely. Both positions are defensible – the dangers forculture and for civil society arise when some otherwise legalforms of creative expression are discriminated againstthrough the back door of cultural policy.

• How should cultural policy respond to the expression ofminority identity ?

Communities Community

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11. Cultural diversity or Monoculture

There is a general perception, which is not wholly false, thatsome European countries have much more ethnically diversepopulations than others. Post-war immigration has led to thedevelopment of substantial ethnic and cultural minoritycommunities in many European cities. With the passage oftime, the demography even of quite remote rural regions haschanged. But this is only the most obvious and recent changein the make up of European nations. War, migration, agri-cultural and industrial development, population dispersaland the shifting of borders have left the continent with a richand diverse pattern of settlement. As a result, even countriessuch as Slovakia or Bulgaria include substantial ethnic minor-ities without having experienced major recent immigration.Recent years have also seen a growing recognition of otherminorities not characterised by ethnicity, as the distinctvoices of women, disabled people, gays and other groupshave come to be heard.

Debates around the needs, rights and obligations of majorityand minority communities have always been acute, andoften sharply divisive. They have also frequently been articu-lated in cultural terms, while cultural activity itself has oftenbecome the unwilling conscript in one political agenda oranother. In France, recent National Front influence inregional government has led to new struggles over what is,and what is not, traditional French culture and thereforewhat may be worthy of municipal support or censure. Thenotion of ethnic or cultural “ purity ” has been perhaps themost destructive political idea of the century, yet retains itsadherents in every country, despite a complete absence of

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intellectual or moral coherence : what, after all, would be apure Belgian, and how could we identify the Austrian andItalian components in Mozart ? But, while the state has aresponsibility to foster debate about the meanings of culture,and a fundamental duty to oppose its application to oppres-sive or antidemocratic goals, it cannot set itself up as an arbi-ter of cultural value. As the physicist Richard Feynmanargued “No government has the right to decide on the truthof scientific principles, nor to [...] determine the aestheticvalue of artistic creations, nor limit the forms of literary orartistic expression.”

9

The political and social rights of minorities is an issue beyondthe scope of this paper, although we consider them to beindistinguishable from those of anyone else : human rightsare indivisible. But in purely cultural terms, it is essential thatpolicy should protect and nurture minority interests andforms of expression. Ethnic minorities have a distinct culturallife which offers as much to the vitality of national arts andculture as any other area of cultural activity. Indeed many ofthe most dynamic aspects of contemporary European culturearise from the links between forms of expression only nowbeing recognised by the West, and their more establishedcounterparts. The creative skills, innovation and practice ofminority communities are major production resources to thecultural sector, though its openness to this contributionremains highly questionable. Minority communities also rep-resent a substantial market for all types of culture, whetherpublic or commercial, traditional or contemporary.

Finally, if culture can be a locus of conflict, it can equally pro-mote understanding, tolerance and dialogue, and contribute

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to the fabric of civil society. Organisation of local culturalactivity and celebration of tradition and identity are powerfulmechanisms for local capacity building and communitydevelopment. They are also important ways of counteractingthe political demonisation of social groups which depends inthe first instance on denying them control of their publicimage and a voice in democratic and cultural forums. 10 Itmust be the first goal of national cultural policy to promotethe value of cultural diversity, safeguarding the rights andinterests of minorities without disaffecting established com-munities of interest.

• To what extent should cultural policy actively promotecultural diversity ?

Monoculture Cultural diversity

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12. Heritage or Contemporary

Cultural policy must inevitably be very concerned with thepast. After all, a country’s cultural resources reach back overhundreds if not thousands of years, and contemporarycultural activity is very much shaped by what has precededit. The heritage of country houses and industrial sites, ofmuseum collections and the work of historic artists, even ofthe natural environment and its management, continue todefine the mental landscape of populations and artists. Theyexert deep influence on what is done today, since it is alwaysdone in relation to what has gone before. But there is alwaysthe danger of failing to recognise the actuality in which her-itage resources have developed, and that their natureremains contingent and debatable. What does a countryhouse built for an aristocrat but subsequently used by stateinstitutions really mean in the historical context ? What doesindustrial heritage, such as the Pythagoras Factory in Nor-rtalje (Sweden), say about the enduring struggles over work-ing conditions and their contemporary political reality ?Cultural policy must avoid excessive sterilisation of the past,packaging it into easily digestible components for tourists,and allow heritage resources to live and speak in a contem-porary context.

Since the management and exploitation of the culturalresources of the past is generally easier than nurturing today’schangeable artistic and cultural environment, the latter iseasily neglected. Moreover the need to protect historic build-ings, environments, communities or folk traditions will oftenappear more urgent than supporting contemporary, innova-tive or controversial work. But unless attention and resources

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are directed towards the encouragement and support ofexperimental, avant-garde and critical cultural activities, theever-present danger of a rift between the state’s cultural poli-cy and actual cultural development can only grow. The policychallenge is to ensure that the whole cultural chain is thrivingbecause the consequences of neglecting one link will be feltacross the whole. Culture is living, changing and developing,and the role of cultural policy is to ensure that it remains so.

• How much should cultural policy prioritise heritageresources or contemporary experimentation ?

Heritage Contemporary

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13. Visitors or Residents

Throughout the continent, cultural tourism has been impor-tant for economic and social reasons, and it continues togrow. In some particularly popular places, like Venice or theEnglish Lake District, policy is concerned more with manag-ing or even limiting the number of existing visitors thanattracting more. These are not yet problems in most of Cen-tral and Eastern Europe, though rapid development of tour-ism in cities such as Prague or Tallinn has had impacts notjust on local economies, but on local culture and society.Given the value of tourism, there is always the temptation tomanage local culture in order to meet the needs of tourists –or, more commonly, what their needs are perceived to be.This has often been perceived by local residents to be doneat their expense and against their interests, with negativeresults for the relationship between inhabitants and visitorsand for longer-term sustainability. The resulting problemshave contributed to the emergence of the concept ofresponsible tourism.

It has been said that cultural tourism is the art of participatingin another culture, and it is certainly the case that many, per-haps most tourists, are attracted by the authentic feel of lifein the places which they visit. 11 “They want to go where thelocals go, eat where the locals eat and be entertained byattractions that are part of the character, heritage and cul-ture of the place they are visiting.” 12 Sensitive cultural policywill find ways of offering services to tourists at standardsthey expect by developing facilities in partnership with localneeds and interests. Projects which increase the quality of lifefor citizens and tourists should be part of ordinary local

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development strategies, as in several North European citieswhere environmental improvements have benefited every-one and laid the foundations of new tourism appeal. Inter-ventions such as anti-litter drives, sign-posting, betterpolicing, public transport and lighting, car park safety and soon enhance attractiveness for both residents and visitors.

In this sense cultural policy cannot be disentangled from therest of public policy. Since many cultural institutions under-achieve because the areas surrounding them are degraded,frightening or unpleasant, investment in the environmentcan be an indirect investment in the viability of a culturalvenue. The advice of the American National Trust for His-toric Preservation is worth remembering : “As you take thisstep, look to the future as well as the present. When you pre-pare for visitors, be sure that the choices you make alsoimprove your community for the long term. Plan to win thewar, not just the battle.” 13

• Who should be the focus of cultural policy ?

Visitors Residents

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14. External image or Internal reality

Culture is a major component in the way a country presentsitself to the rest of the world. It is vital not just to tourism, butalso in attracting inward investment and promoting localproducts and services. The need to communicate a particularimage may therefore be very strong, but may also conflictwith the image which local inhabitants have of their lives,especially if it requires suppressing the reality of poverty,social unrest, dereliction and similar problems. The gapbetween these pictures can be dangerous and may feed cyni-cism and disaffection among local people on whom develop-ment will depend and whose co-operation with the processis essential. In Europe, where there has been a mass mediafor many years, people have developed increasingly sophis-ticated responses to the ways in which reality is presented.They are often suspicious of “ good news stories ” which areunlikely to present a complete story. It may be that thefuture of place marketing lies in a more rounded and honestpresentation which can bridge the expectations of externaland internal realities, and that addressing complexity will bethe more interesting and successful strategy in future.

• How much should culture be presented for internal orexternal consumption ?

External image Internal reality

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Economic development dilemmas

15. Subsidy or Investment

Whether cultural funds are distributed by the state or by anautonomous government agency may be less importantthan the reason for funding, and the contract on which it isbased. It is often the case that funds are distributed as a gen-eral subsidy, unrelated to delivery of stated services or spe-cific performance standards. This can unwittingly foster aculture of dependency, where unfocused and uncostedactivity is supported by ever-larger amounts of public fund-ing. An element of competition can introduce powerful andeffective performance incentives, though its nature will varybetween sectors. In the more commercial areas of culturalproduction, it is possible to use public funding directly as aform of investment, offering loans at favourable rates andterms, as did the greater London Enterprise Board between1984 and 1986, or even taking share options in creativebusinesses. The UK National Endowment for Science, Tech-nology and the Arts was established in 1998 to promoteinvestment in creative marketable ideas along such lines,with income derived from successful initiatives to be rein-vested in future initiatives.

In the not-for-profit sector, there is also considerable scopefor moving from a subsidy approach to an investment one.Challenge funding has become more common in recentyears, so that grant aid will be provided only where there is

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matching funding from other sources, and proof of businessplanning and economic sustainability. Alternatively, the statecan set out its cultural objectives, and invite tenders fromcultural entrepreneurs and arts organisations. Services wouldnot only be made more cost-effective but, depending on thecriteria of the tender, more imaginative. Such incentives canhelp to ensure that resources deliver the greatest possiblevalue. The challenge for cultural policy makers is to expresstheir objectives in clear measurable terms, and develop vi-able performance indicators for the sector. This fundamentalneed is only beginning to be addressed, and much workremains to be done before there are credible evaluationframeworks and indicators. 14

• On what basis should public funding of culture beprovided ?

Subsidy Investment

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16. Consumption or Production

As the economic importance of the cultural sector has grownduring the past forty years, so have a number of artificial andunhelpful distinctions within it. Some of these reflect culturalvalues, for example the distinction between classical andpopular music, but others arise partly from the economicrelationships between different types of activity. In manyWestern European cities and regions there was a shift incultural policy towards consumption, partly in response toeconomic recession and the need for diversification. Culturalstrategists began to prioritise the development of culturalattractions as magnets for tourism, retailing and associatedservices. In this respect, the example of Glasgow is wellknown partly because it involved a particularly decisive re-positioning of the city’s image from a heavy industrial baseto a “ festival city ”. But too great an emphasis on theconsumption side of the equation may leave both thecultural sector and the local economy vulnerable to largereconomic trends over which neither can have much influ-ence.

More recently, cultural planners have recognised the need tostimulate the productive aspects of cultural life – including awide range of activities from fashion, music, media and pub-lishing to digital technology services, design and crafts, andwhich collectively have come to be referred to as the creativeindustries. Support for development in this sector is seen asproviding more sustainable, and better quality jobs than theoften seasonal, low-paid jobs associated with tourism andretailing. Today, at least four million people are employed inthe cultural industries in the European Union ; this sector

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contributed an estimated £9.6 thousand million to Britain’sexport in 1996. 15 Cultural planners can make importantcontributions by addressing the distribution and marketingmechanisms which are common weaknesses to both creativeorganisations and small businesses generally. Future successwill come to those cities, regions or states which can nurtureboth production and consumption aspects, ensuring thatthey are mutually supportive and that local producersdevelop goods and services to meet the needs of a widerange of consumers from tourists to business. In some areas,such as digital technology services, this will require a trulyglobal perspective : thanks to time differences, digital editingcompanies in Europe or India are able to work on Hollywoodprojects overnight with substantial time savings. Developingappropriate responses to these changes may require culturalplanning agencies to extend the skills and experience of theirstaff very substantially.

• How can the state best nurture the production andconsumption of culture ?

Production Consumption

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Management dilemmas

17. Centralisation or Decentralisation

A tendency towards state centralism is much older than thepresent century, and to some extent a continuous adjust-ment between centre, regions and localities is a natural partof the political process. In cultural policy terms, there are cer-tainly countries which promote a rich level of provisionthrough an essentially centralised and hierarchical structure.The provision of resources, buildings and staff from a minis-try of culture may be less common today than in the past,but it still reflects normal practice in countries such as France.In Germany, concerns over state interference in cultural poli-cy led to all cultural matters being delegated to the Länder inthe post-war constitution : the government of GerhartSchröder is the first to appoint the equivalent of a Ministerfor Culture, albeit with very limited resources. In the UnitedStates decentralisation operates as much because of a lais-sez-faire approach to culture as because of the federal politi-cal structure. Within this spectrum lies most Europeancultural policy practice, though one may question the extentto which the balance between centralisation and localcontrol is the result of planning rather than accident or prag-matism.

The British approach is a case study of redefinition of balancebetween centre and regions, showing repeated adjustmentsince 1945, when the Arts Council was established as an

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“ arm’s length ” support structure. In the 1950s, the ArtsCouncil closed its regional offices, leading to the sponta-neous creation of Regional Arts Associations in the 1960sand 1970s, and their eventual absorption into the ArtsCouncil’s structure in the early 1990s. At the same time aseries of initiatives to devolve decision-making from the cap-ital to the regions has been only partly successful. What islacking here, as elsewhere, is an overarching principle capa-ble of guiding decisions on an everyday basis. The Maas-tricht Treaty was significant, among other things, inaffirming the principle of subsidiarity in the European Union,which states that decision-making should take place as closeto the citizen as possible. This can certainly be applied to cul-tural policy, so that only those decisions or initiatives whichmust be considered at a national level should be the respon-sibility of a ministry of culture, with the rest being devolvedto regional and local administration.

The advantages of the centralising model seem to be a guar-antee of control, perhaps of standards, and a consistency ofapproach ; it may also reflect a greater governmental com-mitment to culture. There are some types of issue where cen-tral control is obviously more efficient : the development oflibrary codes, for example, would fall into this category,although the public would be better served by locally-deter-mined book purchasing. The advantages of decentralisationare a closer correlation between provision and local needs,greater opportunity for cultural diversity and an empower-ment of local action and participation in cultural activity. Theright balance between the two can safeguard the strategic

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position and the standards of the cultural sector, while pro-moting local commitment, enthusiasm and self-reliance.

• Where should decisions about implementation of culturalpolicy lie ?

Central level Decentralised level

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18. Direct provision or Contracting-out

Having determined which areas of the cultural sector requirepublic intervention, the nature of that intervention can beaddressed. The question of whether services should be pro-vided directly by the state or whether they should be boughtin from other suppliers lies at the heart of recent public policydebates in many European countries. It affects much largerareas of provision than cultural services, including health,education, housing and social services among others. It maybe that the pace of current change means that everythingreally is slipping out of the grasp of the state. In fields as dif-ferent as environmental management and social policy,there is a growing recognition that the role of governmentand its agencies is to manage and channel forces which it nolonger pretends to be able to control, though there is not yetmuch international evidence of the impact of this thinking oncultural policy. Cultural policy has historically been better atthinking administratively than about how underlying princi-ples should guide its work.

The cultural sector has generally been a mixed economy,with provision being directly provided by the state in somefields, by commercial sources in others, and by voluntary ornot-for-profit agencies elsewhere. There are countries wheredirect provision is a dominant means of supporting culture,with facilities, managers and even artists being directlyemployed as civil servants. Elsewhere, this may apply only toparticular areas of the cultural sector, such as libraries, whileothers, such as film production and distribution, are leftalmost entirely to private businesses. But it must be recog-nised that the culture of public institutions is not normally

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entrepreneurial ; they are, perhaps rightly, averse to takingrisks. Their strengths lie in strategic planning and they tendto be most effective as enablers, facilitators and encouragers.

The degree of dependency for cultural provision on not-for-profit and commercial operators which is prevalent in theUnited States does not have obvious parallels in Europe,although individual sectors in some countries function verysimilarly. The key change in European countries has been agradual move towards contracting independents to providespecific services, either on a profit-making or a not-for-profitbasis. Thus, public parks, sports facilities and museums insome cities have been vested in charitable trusts rather thanlocal authority control, allowing them to raise resources in newways, and focus on their distinct mission independent of othermunicipal concerns. The relationship between cultural depart-ments and arts organisations is frequently quasi-contractual,and there are moves in some countries to make this clearer.Sometimes services or functions can move effectively fromdirect provision to a contracted service – for instance wherepublic intervention is needed to establish the viability of an ini-tiative, but is not required for its longer-term management.The advantages of direct provision are similar to those of cen-tralisation – control and consistency. But contracting out ser-vices can create energy, foster new ideas and approaches,make people more responsive to the needs of customers andaudiences, and offer flexibility. It is often more efficient andeffective, even where it does not reduce actual costs.

• How should cultural services be delivered ?

Direct provision Contracting-out

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19. The Arts or the Artist

There is a view, which not surprisingly tends to be commonwithin the cultural sector, that artists are different and, morespecifically, that they have a special role in society which jus-tifies special treatment. It is not uncommon for governmentsto offer privileges to artists – tax exemptions in Ireland, forexample, special conditions in unemployment in France,annual grants in Finland, or the Artists’ Unions which stillexist in many former communist countries. This raises funda-mental questions of equity : does anyone deserve privilegesbecause of their chosen profession, and if artists, why notdoctors, teachers or engineers ? Other workers are encour-aged to retrain when there is a scarcity of work in their field :why not artists ? Of more immediate concern are the practi-cal questions it raises, including the key issue of whether sup-porting artists is in itself the best way to support the arts.

While the employment and living conditions of artists are alegitimate concern of cultural policy, this is a crude measureof cultural vitality because it depends not on performancebut on status. In other words, the artist is entitled to specialtreatment, with its attendant costs, because of what he orshe is, not what they have achieved. They may have pro-duced no work of any merit for years, or ever, but thatmakes no difference if they have recognition as an artist. Andhistorically, whether we are looking at the Academies of thelast or the present century, it is rarely the artists, writers,composers or performers whom the state recognises who areeventually seen to be the most important.

The alternative approach is to support the arts, in terms ofinfrastructure, education and access, to encourage participa-

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tion and engagement, to nurture the role of the arts in every-day life. This is much more difficult, because the task is fluid,complex and involves millions of people rather than a fewthousand. This support would, of course, indirectly benefitartists and cultural workers – but on the basis of their per-formance and contribution, not their status. This shift ofemphasis would be more significant in some countries thanothers. Artists’ Unions have been mentioned : their favouredposition in some countries, for instance in controlling assetsgiven to them by the state, gives them a lasting and unfairadvantage over newer civil society organisations in the arts.

• How much should cultural policy promote artists or thearts ?

Artists The Arts

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20. Infrastructure or Activity

In the allocation of resources, and the planning of pro-grammes, it is often easier to think in terms of infrastructurethan activity. Infrastructure is a visible asset which canappear on a balance sheet ; it can be opened by a local poli-tician, who can point to it and say “See what I have deliv-ered”. As a static object, it is reliable and controllable, and itwill always stand as silent testimony to culture. Culturalinfrastructure is essential : without museums, libraries, thea-tres, sports stadia cultural activity would be severely cur-tailed. But facilities bring the serious danger that theirpresence and management demands leads cultural plannersinto thinking that they are the city’s culture, rather than ameans of supporting it. It is not uncommon for public libraryor museum services to become so concerned with the man-agement of their resources that they lose sight of the reasonthey exist – namely the education, cultural enjoyment anddelight of people. Some curators have been known to lookaskance at the disturbance caused by visiting schoolchildren.

Cultural infrastructure is also expensive and, once it is estab-lished its costs tends to grow. Since it is always easier to cutback on activity programmes than buildings, infrastructure isalso unequally protected in times of financial austerity. Thesekinds of problems have been increasingly recognised, andsome imaginative alternatives developed : in Munich, forexample, the neighbourhood cultural programme is facili-tated through mobile and temporary facilities.

It is much easier to manage cultural infrastructure, whichstays put and does not answer back. Managing culturalactivity, depending as it does on a vast number of contradic-

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tory, individualistic and questioning people, is a much moreof a challenge. But it is what cultural policy is really about.Culture will continue whether or not there is an infrastruc-ture to support it : the real disaster is to have infrastructurewithout activity – dark theatres, or galleries closed becauseof staff shortages. It may argued that programmes of eventsand activities are inherently ephemeral, and that investmentin concert halls or arts centres provides permanence and bet-ter value. But a programme of cultural animation canbecome as permanent as it need be, while still being able toadapt to changing times and interests. An annual street fes-tival is a flexible form of socio-cultural infrastructure.

The vibrancy of culture is provided by activities, products andperformances, and it derives its meaning and power throughconstant renewal. Although cultural facilities will always berequired, some of the most powerful cultural statements andactions continue to take place outside them, from the installa-tions of Christo to the colonisation of derelict buildings by upand coming artists and cultural entrepreneurs. One possibilityis to manage cultural facilities and support for cultural activ-ities separately, so that the relatively straightforward provisionof buildings is undertaken by one department or authority,and the more complex developmental role by another. Whatis certain, is that in the debate between containers and theircontents, it is essential that cultural planners find the right bal-ance, especially given the ability of infrastructure projects toabsorb such large amounts of finance.

• How should cultural resources be distributed betweenfacilities and activity ?

Infrastructure Activity

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21. Artists or Managers

Management is not always popular among cultural profes-sionals or public sector employees ; there is a hardening divi-sion between those who see the MBA (Master of BusinessAdministration) culture as a vital injection of professionalism,and those who see it as fashionable irritant. It is always pos-sible to contrast what is produced by a doctor or a teacher,with what is produced by a health or education service man-ager, to the apparent disadvantage of the latter. Doctorsheal, teachers teach : managers manage, and it does notseem a very productive activity. This view is common in thearts and cultural services, especially when managers oftenseem to be better paid than the actors or musicians on whosework they depend. A cultural policy which prioritises supportfor artists at the expense of management would, at firstsight, seem very attractive.

But, of course, without the work of managers much of whatartists do would not be possible, or would be much lesseffective. The invisible activities of forward planning, fund-raising, people management, research and marketing greatlyadd value to the work of artists. It doesn’t really matter howgood your performance is if you don’t have the marketingskills to bring people in to see it, or how fine your book is ifyou do not know how to distribute it. The economic andsocial capital of cultural resources cannot be exploitedwithout good management. The skill level of the culturalworkforce will stagnate or decline without investment invocational and professional training. The role of manage-ment is vital in making the most efficient and effective use ofthe available resources, though it is equally true that it can

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grow beyond what is needed, and easily becomes dispropor-tionately expensive.

• How much attention needs to be given to effective man-agement of artistic activity ?

Artists Managers

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Notes

1 Franco Bianchini, “Culture, conflict and cities : issues and prospects forthe 1990s”, in Franco Bianchini & Michael Parkinson, eds. (1993), Culturalpolicy and urban regeneration : the West European experience, Manches-ter University Press, Manchester.2 Raymond Williams (1983), Keywords, a vocabulary of culture and soci-ety, Flamingo, London.3 Lucy Phillips (1997), In the public interest : making art that makes a dif-ference in the USA, Comedia, Stroud.4 Stephen E. Weil (1995), A cabinet of curiosities : inquiries into museumsand their prospects, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington.5 T. S. Eliot, “Christianity and culture”, in John Carey (1992), The intellec-tuals and the masses, Faber, London.6 New Economics Foundation (1998), Participation works ! 21 techniquesof community participation for the 21st century, NEF, London.7 The Arts Council approach has also been adopted in Australia, Canadaand New Zealand.8 Bernard Casey, Rachael Dunlop & Sara Selwood (1996), Culture ascommodity ? The economics of the arts and built heritage in the UK, PolicyStudies Institute, London.9 Richard P. Feynman (1998), The meaning of it all, Allen Lane, London.10 See Naseem Khan (1996), The tent that covered the world : multicultur-alism and the V&A textile project, Comedia, Stroud.11 Karen E. Lips, in the newsletter of the Canadian National Committee onCultural Tourism (1990).12 Coombes, Kerridge & Mackenzie, in association with Comedia and oth-ers (1994), Considerations – cultural tourism in New South Wales.13 National Trust for Historic Preservation (1993), How to succeed in herit-age tourism, USA.

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14 Recent work by Comedia in the United Kingdom has begun to addressthis issue, e.g. François Matarasso & John Chell (1998), Vital signs, map-ping community arts in Belfast, Comedia, Stroud.15 British Council (1997), Submission of information on creative industriesexport to the creative industries task force, in collaboration with Gorham &Partners Ltd.

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The Research and Development Unit of the Cultural Policy and Ac-tion Division has launched a new series of publications – the PolicyNotes. These are synoptic and/or comparative reports on topical is-sues in the fields of cultural policy.

Publications :

• “VAT and book policy : impacts and issues”• “Culture, creativity and the young : developing public policy”• “Culture – a way forward” (Culture and neighbourhoods : an

action-research project in urban Europe)• “The governance of culture – approaches to integrated cultural

planning and policies” (forthcoming)• “Culture and civil society : new partnerships with the third sec-

tor” (forthcoming)

For any further information, please contact :the Cultural Policies Research and Development UnitCultural Policy and Action DivisionCouncil of EuropeF – 67075 Strasbourg CedexE-mail : [email protected]. : +33 (0)3 88 41 36 48Fax : +33 (0)3 88 41 37 82

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