assessing english in south america

7/21/2019 Assessing English in South America

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Introduction

This chapter presents a brief state-of-the-art description of ESL/EFL (English as asecond language / English as a foreign language) assessment in South America,placing special focus on Brazil and Argentina and taking into consideration thegoals and approaches at each of the levels of the educational systems. Interest inassessment research is relatively recent, most studies being concentrated in a few

Brazilian universities (Scaramucci, 1990; Belam, 2004; Barata, 2006; Araújo, 2007;Cavalari, 2009; Duboc, 2010—among others).The first section of the chapter focuses on the status of the English language,

with a view to contextualizing teaching and assessment practices. Despite somedifferences, there are also similarities regarding the status of the language and theculture of teaching, learning, and assessing foreign languages. The aims of ELTvary greatly across the region, and so do approaches and means of assessment.These are presented before the assessment practices are discussed in greater detail.We then proceed to challenges, and we end with a look at future directions.

Description of Language Policy

In Brazil, the Law of Directives and Bases of National Education (LDB) (9394/1996)and the National Curriculum Parameters (NCPs) state that at least one foreignlanguage is compulsory from primary education on and throughout secondaryeducation. There is no explicit reference to English. Starting in 2010, when Law11.161 of August 5, 2005 came into effect, Spanish became mandatory in secondaryeducation for public and private schools. Although an explicit policy values thepossibility of choosing other languages, an implicit policy revealed by educational

The Companion to Language Assessment, First Edition. Edited by Antony John Kunnan.

© 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2014 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

DOI: 10.1002/9781118411360.wbcla003

103

Assessing English in South America

Matilde ScaramucciUniversity of Campinas, Brazil

Adriana BoffiUniversity of La Plata, Argentina



2 Current Practices in Assessing English

practices in Brazil clearly favors English and Spanish (Ribeiro da Silva, 2011), because these are the most important foreign languages from an economic andgeopolitical perspective.

In Argentina, the Law of National Education (Ministry of Education, Argentina,

2006) also prescribes that “teaching at least one foreign language will be compul-sory in all primary and secondary schools” (p. 3). In practice, English is the firstchoice (Rivas, 2007). For the vast majority of people in the Southern cone, Englishis a foreign language—a school subject—and there is little interest in certification beyond the testing required by schools. Conversely, when it comes the work andstudy domains as defined by ALTE (Association of Language Testers in Europe),assessment choices reveal in large numbers a perception of English as a second,international, or even first language. To the largely assimilated Anglo-Argentinecommunity, English is the home language (McArthur, 1998).

Other countries in the region show some local differences. In 2005 Colombia

launched the programme “Bogotá and Cundimarca Bilingües” with the aim ofsetting comparable standards in Spanish and English, in order to develop teachingand assessment programmes within and beyond the school system and to providestudents as well as citizens with certification for the study and work domains. In2006 the Colombian government proposed long-term goals for the “improvementof English language skills for the whole population as a means to improvethe country’s competitiveness in the global market” (Gómez Montes, Marino, &Pike, 2010).

The Uruguayan Education Law (Law 18437/2008, Art. 40: 5) states that second

and foreign language teaching should aim at a pluriligual education. Portuguesehas a special status, as it is the mother tongue of a significant proportion of thepopulation, especially at the border with Brazil. English is the most widespreadforeign language due to its status as an international lingua franca.

Such complexity in the scope and range of situations produces differences inthe way in which English is taught and, consequently, assessed.

Teaching–Learning Contexts

In this section we shall concentrate on schools in the official education networkin Brazil and Argentina. In Brazil, English is taught from the fifth to the ninthgrade in primary education and, in secondary education, in private and publicschools. In public schools English is optional from grade 1 to grade 4. Teachingis informed by the NCPs, which are recognized as a “politically avant-garde”document (Rocha, 2010), and English is considered a school subject. Despite theprestige that English enjoys as the dominant foreign language of science andtechnology and for its role in accessing prestigious jobs and positions in society,ELT has been generally poor, especially in public schools. As a result, the levelsof proficiency attained are often very low. In this context it should be said that

there is a belief, shared by many teachers as well as by students, that “it is impos-sible to learn English at school” (Scaramucci, 2000).

A number of unfavorable conditions in the public school system have been blamed for this situation: too many students per class, unmotivated teachers and



Assessing English in South America 3

students, poor working conditions, low salaries. Teaching is usually dictated byready-made materials. There is little variation or innovation. There is prevalenceof a grammar-oriented approach and lack of clearly formulated learning andproficiency goals. Teachers are poorly prepared and their levels of language pro-

ficiency are often insufficient for communication or for conducting classes inEnglish.

Whereas in primary education the focus is on teaching word lists and grammarrules, or common verbs and prepositions with “fill in the blanks” and multiplechoice exercises, in secondary education reading prevails, being still treated inmost cases as a decoding process. Reading is justified by the need for students toread technical literature at university, and consequently it is present in most uni-versity entrance exams. Therefore at these two levels the formative role of aforeign language—regarded as an opportunity to understand one’s own languageand culture, as suggested by official documents—is not achieved.

In private schools, which have greater awareness of the importance of Englishfor travel and study, ELT starts early on in primary education, or even before that,thus “intensifying social differences” (Rocha, 2010). Many of the youngstersinstructed there take additional English classes at private language institutes,which are regarded as an ideal environment for learning English as the languagefor international communication in a globalized world. Teaching in private insti-tutes is more communication-based, less grammar-centered. Some schools go asfar as to outsource their English courses, by hiring the services of private languageinstitutes.

In the past few years, with the expansion of the Brazilian economy and theconsequent increase of the population’s buying power, the possibility of travelingabroad for leisure and study has increased, prompting the advent of prestigious bilingual schools. Some regular schools also offer an optional bilingual curriculumthat is valued by the elites.

At universities, both public and private, English teaching is generally approachedwith a focus on reading comprehension. With the advent of the Internet and therecent internationalization trend in Brazilian universities, the scope of teachinghas been expanded to speaking and writing skills. English is also present in cor-porations, as a requirement for jobs and career advancement. This is an important

context for certifications, as will be discussed later in this chapter.The training of English teachers and translators takes place in both public and

private universities. In the latter, with a few exceptions, degree courses generallylast three years—not enough for proper development, considering that most stu-dents enter the program with elementary levels of proficiency. These poorly pre-pared teachers will generally end up working in public schools, thus feeding avicious cycle of failure.

In Argentina, the first record of EFL in the public school system dates back to1827 (Rivas, 2007). English has been taught nationwide in secondary schools sincethe 1960s and in primary schools since the 1990s, starting in the third grade or

earlier. The aims of English teaching across Argentina also vary. In the publicschool system, some provinces emphasize the usefulness of the language forinternational communication in a globalized world, thus showing an instrumentalmotivation. Others aim at opening up “windows” into other cultures. A third




perspective, which does not exclude either of the previous approaches, conceivesof a second language as an alternative way of expressing one’s own identity, withemphasis on an intercultural approach.

In the private sector, the English Speaking Scholastic Association of the River

Plate (ESSARP) is an association of 180 private schools, most of them located inArgentina and a few in Uruguay. These are bilingual schools, defined by theAssociation as schools that teach subjects in English rather than (or in additionto) English as a subject, regardless of the number of subjects that are actuallytaught in English and of the range of exams taken by students. In practice, thismeans there is a wide range of scenarios, from ESL teaching to full bilingual edu-cation, as defined by García (2009). Eighteen public secondary schools in theBuenos Aires province have recently incorporated a content and language inte-grated learning (CLIL) approach in the last two years.

Teacher preparation courses of four to five years are offered both by public

and by private universities in education programs. Although many of these insti-tutions have a century-old tradition of quality teaching, the high demand forteachers results in many underqualified ones working in schools, and this has anegative impact on students’ learning.

Assessment Practices

As expected, assessment practices in Brazilian public schools are not distinguished

from the traditional teaching practices characterized earlier in this paper. Althoughofficial documents and research stress the importance of process-oriented, forma-tive, and diagnostic assessments, what has been observed is product-oriented,summative, and classificatory assessments, conducted through discrete-pointitems in paper and pencil language knowledge tests; these resort to methods suchas “fill in the blanks” and multiple choice, in which the students’ performance isassessed through wrong and right answers (Rolim, 1998) that aim exclusivelyat students’ promotion. The lack of more innovative and formative proposalsreveals the poor training of teachers and their insufficient knowledge of assess-ment (Scaramucci, 2006).

One of the greatest problems observed is the lack of explicit planning, withclearly formulated learning goals that can be revisited at assessment. In contextssuch as secondary education, in which written comprehension is present,approaches are often limited to assessing reading through comprehension ques-tions based on locating information within the text. This is also true for listeningcomprehension: in the few contexts in which this skill is focalized, there is noeffective teaching of meaning construction strategies. Assessment depends onteachers, since there are no standards or criteria established by the school or offi-cial documents. Schools only control the number of assessments during the schoolyear, which is determined by a fixed exam calendar.

In private schools, despite a more communicative teaching approach, traditionalpractices are often used to assess vocabulary and content that are determined bythe textbook or by materials prepared by the school. There are no explicit criteriato assess speaking performance, which makes this assessment subjective.




In private language institutes assessments are a part of teaching materials.Speaking exams and focus on writing are generally used at more advanced levels.In both public and private universities, professors are responsible for assessmentpractices and design their own assessment tools.

In order to associate prestigious international exams with their own Englishteaching (Ribeiro da Silva, 2011), upscale private schools in Brazil have beenimplementing international English exams like KET (Key English Test), PET (Pre-liminary English Test), FCE (First Certificate in English), and CAE (Certificate inAdvanced English)—lately KET and FCE for Schools—a modality exclusivelygeared to the educational context, with topics designed for this target audience.Another exam that targets the same audience is Test of English as a Foreign Lan-guage (TOEFL) Junior, developed by the Educational Testing Service.

As there is no official national evaluation of foreign languages in eitherArgentina or Brazil, for most students international examinations are the first

opportunity for external assessment. This is in fact as motivating as the recogni-tion of certificates by universities in English-speaking countries, which is beyondthe interests and means of most school leavers.

For teachers, there is the appeal of getting involved in the assessment processof some international exams, either by contributing with internal assessment or by becoming an international examiner and thus benefiting from professionaladvancement and a feeling of empowerment from submitting to an internationalquality control process.

Along with these impacts, which can be regarded as positive, we could not

refrain from mentioning our concerns about the fact that preparatory courses forthese exams are being integrated in the curriculum of some private schools withoutan in-depth analysis of the exams’ goals and constructs vis-à-vis the teachingprovided and, therefore, of implications for the training of the students involved.

In a discussion of assessment in Brazil it should be mentioned that universityentrance examinations (referred to as vestibulares, in Portuguese), which have along tradition in the Brazilian educational system and a hold over secondaryschool and society, assess general English and, more recently, also Spanish (Avelar,2001; Souza, 2002; Bartholomeu, 2002; Correia, 2003; Retorta, 2007). Although eachuniversity decides on the nature of the exam and on its specifications and guide-

lines, exams are generally multiple choice, featuring either decontextualized “fillin the blanks” items of grammar or reading comprehension and prompting atypical “teaching to the test” situation. Cramming courses proliferate across theentire country, especially in public universities, which are generally high-rankinguniversities. Few exams, such as that of Universidade de Campinas, use open-ended items to assess reading comprehension, in this case with questions andanswers written in Portuguese.

The strongest external examination board in both countries is the University ofCambridge ESOL (English for speakers of other languages) Examinations, with 23centers in Argentina and 50 in Brazil. All of them offer tests for young learners

(YLE) for children aged 7–12, and also main suite general English exams at fiveCommon European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) levels and business English certificates at three CEFR levels. Some offer specialized exams:International English Language Testing System (IELTS), International Legal




English Certificate (ILEC), International Certificate in Financial English (ICFE),and Teaching Knowledge Test (TKT).

The range of US American international examinations includes TOEFL—namelyPBT (paper-based test) and iBT (Internet-based test)—Test of English for Interna-

tional Communication (TOEIC), Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE),Graduate Management Admission Council (GMAT), Graduate Record Examina-tion (GRE), and Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT). In Argentina all exams areconducted by ICANA (Instituto Cultural Argentino–Norteamericano) in BuenosAires and by local branches in large Argentinean cities, and in Brazil by 22 differ-ent institutions in large cities and capitals.

Some exams, including TOEFL and IELTS, have also been used as a requirementfor selective processes in graduate programs (master’s and doctorate), as proof ofacademic reading in Brazil. Some of these programs therefore waive the right ofassessing their candidates, leaving this responsibility to international exams or to

national companies that are beginning to develop exams for this context (Lanzoni,2004), even if these are absolutely different constructs.

The same international certificates, including TOEIC, are also used by the cor-porate sector for purposes of selection to jobs or career advancement, regardlessof the actual communicative needs of employees or of whether they have beendesigned for these contexts or not (Kobayashi, 2010).

In Argentina (but not in Brazil), many universities offer EFL certificationfor young adults and adults. These are conceptually linked to the CEFR. The Cityof Buenos Aires offers certification in French, English, German, Italian, and Por-

tuguese as a foreign language to primary and secondary school students. Thiscertification is awarded to almost 10,000 children and adolescents annually, andover 50% of the certificates are in English.

All students from ESSARP schools in Argentina take a range of InternationalGeneral Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE) exams in English as a first,second, or foreign language. At the time of choosing an exam, there does not seemto be any conflict among these apparently conflicting approaches to teaching.Many ESSARP schools also expect their students to sit for ESOL exams, and a few(around 10%) will set the International Baccalaureate (IB) Diploma as a school-leaving target. There are 48 IB World Schools in Argentina offering one or more

of the three IB programs, a number that, in Latin America, is second only to thatof Mexico. Most of these schools are private, but a few are public. Although someschools offer the IB Diploma in Spanish, all of them offer the certification inEnglish. Examination boards support schools and teachers by regularly holdingacademic and teacher development seminars and professional events.

In Brazil there is no long tradition of external national exams. The first of them,known as ENEM (National Survey of Secondary Education), whose initial goalwas to assess the quality of secondary education at schools, dates back to 1998. Ithas recently been reformulated, doubling its role as an entrance examination soas to select candidates for universities, especially federal universities. Only after

2010, however, did the exam incorporate a foreign language exam, in which can-didates can choose between Spanish or English.

Two other developments have characterized the context of external Englishlanguage exams in Brazil in the past few years, and both are worthy of mention.




One of them is the academic discussion around the definition of a construct forthe preparation of a proficiency exam for English teachers (Consolo, 2004; Martins,2005; Quevedo-Camargo, 2011). The other is the development and validationof proficiency exams for Brazilian air traffic controllers (EPLIS or Exame de

Proficiência em Língua Inglesa do Sisceab) and pilots (Santos Dumont EnglishAssessment), as determined by the International Civil Aviation Organization(ICAO). In all three cases, exams have been regarded as mechanisms designed toincrease these professionals’ levels of proficiency.

In Chile the interest in assessing results in ELT in the school sector, both publicand private, led to a nationwide assessment project conducted by CambridgeESOL and to a programme initially called “English Opens Doors,” now “Lan-guages Open Doors,” which aims at giving access to English and other languagesto all schoolchildren and at matching learning objectives with international benchmarks.

The national assessments body (SIMCE: Sistema de Medición de la Calidad dela Educación) provides national tests and access to international tests in a rangeof subjects, including English. In 2010, with the support of the English TestingSystem, secondary school students were assessed in reading and listening com-prehension. Results are published on the Web site and students who performedsatisfactorily were awarded certificates. The Ministry of Education expects sec-ondary school students to reach ALTE level 2 (CEFR B1) by 2016.

In Colombia the Ministry of Education started a certification program initiativein collaboration with Cambridge ESOL and the British Council. Today Colombia

has the local capacity to cater for around 1 million students per year. The overallaim is set for 2019. It is expected that last year’s high school students should reachCEFR level B1 and all teachers in basic and intermediate should reach CEFR levelB2. It is also expected that the business and service sectors should significantlyincrease their bilingual literacy.

In 2009 the Ministry of Education designed a bilingual programme for universi-ties in the expectation that, by 2019, most graduates will be proficient in Englishat level B2 and teacher trainees at level C1.

Challenges

There are great challenges for the democratization of quality English teaching, andthe role of assessment is vital in this process. More democratic access to certifica-tion will ensure that English proficiency, while preserving its added value for theobtainment of job positions in international business and for job promotions, doesnot become a mechanism of exclusion. Access to resources for an increasinglyinterconnected world should be a right of all citizens—and so should certification,as an end product of education. In fact the latest reform of the Education Law in

Argentina emphasizes education as a citizen’s right rather than as an obligation.For García (2009, p. 6), “Language teaching programs in the twenty-first century[should] increasingly integrate language and content, therefore coming to resem- ble bilingual education.”




In this changing scenario, language assessment will probably not stand alone.There will be a need to diversify the ways of testing content as well as languageand to ensure comparability of standards across different specifications, subjects,and qualification types.

Publications in Brazil over the past few years have shown that one of thegreatest handicaps to improving the quality of our English language teaching,especially in public schools, is the poor training of teachers, in terms of both theirlevels of proficiency and their competencies. This involves mainly a need to reas-sess the view of language that serves as a foundation for their teaching practicesand for their knowledge and practices on assessment (Scaramucci, 2006). Teachersare also faced with the challenge of an intercultural approach to teaching vis-à-visinternational standards. The impact of technology as a means of access to lan-guage exposure creates expectations of greater flexibility amongst students, whichare not necessarily shared by their teachers.

Both Argentina and Brazil are norm-dependent, as assessment is invariablyconducted according to native speaker norms. Understanding the notion of pro-ficiency as a relative concept, and not necessarily as a value defined on the basisof the proficiency of native speakers (Scaramucci, 2000), is yet another challengeon the way to establishing more realistic goals.

ELT faces the challenge of a growing interest in other foreign languages (Graddol,2006). In Argentina and Brazil, Spanish and Portuguese have gained the status ofeither an alternative to English or a second foreign language. It is envisaged, andeven hoped, that the region will become bilingual in Spanish and Portuguese.

Future Directions

In order to overcome the challenges identified above, we believe it is essential to:

• raise teachers’ awareness o the role and power o assessment in general prac-tices, especially in teaching–learning processes and in processes that increasetheir assessment literacy;

• raise awareness, among local examination boards, about the importance o

conducting validation processes that ensure that inferences drawn from theresults of the exams under their control are valid, adequate, and reliable;

• implement measures that aim to increase the level o profciency among teach-ers and the quality of their training, especially in relation to assessmentliteracy;

• increase research on assessment at universities, especially in connection withthe validity and consequences of exams for English teaching–learning prac-tices (washback) and for society at large (impact).

SEE ALSO: Chapter 14, Assessing Language and Content; Chapter 19, Tests ofEnglish for Academic Purposes in University Admissions; Chapter 27, AssessingTeachers’ Language Proficiency; Chapter 94, Ongoing Challenges in LanguageAssessment




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Scaramucci, M. V. R. (2002). Entrance examinations and TEFL in Brazil: A case study. Revista

Brasileira de Linguística Aplicada, 21, 61–81.

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