antipater of sidon: notes and queries

Antipater of Sidon: Notes and QueriesAuthor(s): A. S. F. GowSource: The Classical Review, New Series, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Mar., 1954), pp. 1-6Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/704003 .

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The Classical Review NEW SERIES VOLUME IV NO. I (VOLUME LXVIII OF THE CONTINUOUS SERIES)

March z954

ANTIPATER OF SIDON

NOTES AND QUERIES' A.P. vi. I I I Tav hAaqov Ad&wova KaZ d&l"' 'EpuvLavO0ov M8op

vwTad Te O qpovd'Lov q?Epfoplevav IoAoda ra•E e OeaplSew Aavcvosg etAc AvKdp'as

ffA j'asg 'op/jr-aj Sov'pa-or ogp&aqi ov , 5 S pja SC Ka' &KIpatov d arocT6pOvyya LET&'JCTv

a7aaarcraoLvog K0vpq 01KE rap &ypo'•'n.

THIS epigram is in part a version of a quatrain by Leonidas (as for brevity I shall assume)" which precedes it. Leonidas, who also begins -rdv Aaov,3 records the dedication of antlers from a stag killed 01qKT(~ cravpwoi~p& by Cleolaus on the Meander, but Antipater, like others, when merely imitating or paraphrasing a predecessor usually retains the original names.4 Here the careful location of the scene on the borders of Elis and Arcadia5 and the particularity with which the hero of the exploit is named show that he is adapting Leonidas to a new purpose.

The name Lycormas is very rare and tells us nothing.6 Thearidas is com- moner; three members of the same Arcadian family so named are relevant here, and as what is known of them is set out in R.E. VA 1382, and by H. von Gaertringen on Ditt. Syll.3 626, I can be brief: (i) a Megalopolitan, grandfather

II have consulted throughout F. Jacobs's editions of the Anthology of 1794-1814 (which employs Brunck's text) and 1813-17, F. Duebner's of 1871-88, and W. R. Paton's of 1916-I8. H. Stadtmueller's (I894-I9o6) stopped at A.P. ix. 563; P. Waltz's (I928- 41) at the end of A.P. vii. Most of the epigrams handled below are included in Jacobs's Delectus of I826; only the first in J. W. Mac- kail's Select Epigrams (189o).

The epigrams of Antipater of Sidon and those by his younger namesake of Thessa- lonica cannot be finally segregated. A few expressly assigned by their headings to one or other are plainly wrongly so assigned; and of the 96 headed mnerely Avrt-racdrpov many must remain insecurely allocated. So must 1o more with a double attribution to 'Anti- pater' or another. I have noted some diver- gent opinions, but I am not here concerned with attributions and should myself ascribe all the epigrams discussed to the Sidonian.

2 Awovi~a olc' MvaadAKoU is the heading.

The author is unimportant for my purpose, but Geffcken (Leonidas i o) accepted the former ascription.

Feminine .Aa ot are often horned in Greek literature and so apparently were hinds in Greek art (see Pearson on Soph. fr. 89); and whatever the sportsmen concerned may have said or thought, a dactylic poet determined to mention their quarry with the article in acc. or gen. sing. has no option. In ix. 603, where he is unencumbered by his metre, Antipater's stag is masc.

4 As in vi. 14, vii. 164, P. Ox. 662, which copy the preceding epigrams by Leonidas, and vii. 464, a copy of the following by Heraclitus. An exception is vi. 174 more distantly modelled on 288, 289 by Leonidas.

s Ladon will be the river which rises on Pholoe and flows westward into the Peneus, not the better-known Arcadian Ladon.

6 The only known holder of it earlier than Antipater was a victor in the Pythia of

C. 334 B.c. (Paus. x. 7. 8). 4598.1 B



2 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW

of (ii) and of the historian Polybius, and probably the man who appeared with Lysandridas before Cleomenes on behalf of the town in 222 B.C. (Plut. Cleom. 24). (ii) grandson of (i), Achaean envoy to Rome in 158 and 147 B.C. (Polyb. xxxii. 17. I, xxxviii. 8. I). (iii) grandson of (ii), who dedicated a statue to him at Lycosura (LG. v. 2. 535), and son of a Philopoemen; it was probably he who contributed to the rebuilding of Megalopolis after 146 B.c. (ibid. v. 2. 442). The father of Thearidas (ii) and of Polybius was the well-known Megalopolitan statesman and general Lycortas, and the temptation to substitute

AvKwdp-asg for AvK'dpLasg in the epigram is irresistible. Whether however this Lycortas is the hero of the exploit commemorated is less plain. He is first heard of fighting against Nabis in 192 B.C. (Liv. xxxv. 29) and last at Sicyon in 169/8 (Polyb. xxix. 23 f.).' Antipater wrote on the death of a Ptolemaic prince which seems to have occurred about 150 B.c. (vii. 241, where see Waltz), and probably on the sack of Corinth in 146 (ix. 15I).2 Cicero says that Q. Lutatius Catulus, born probably about 150 B.C., will remember him well,3 and he must therefore have survived these events by a good many years. He died however at a ripe age,4 and could have written about Lycortas in the latter's lifetime. On the other hand the exploit commemorated does not sound like that of an elderly statesman, and as this Lycortas is always called a Megalopolitan, AauL"vLwos' would be hard to explain. The name Thearidas however recurs in alternate generations of the family, Lycortas may well have done the like, and it is perhaps better to suppose that, as Mackail suggested, this Thearidas was the second of the name, and to supply Philopoemen, father of the third, with a (probably elder) brother named Lycortas. It is vain to guess his connexion with Lasion, but Megalopolis had fallen on evil days and he or his father may have preferred to wait on events from Lasion on the Arcadian frontier.

I do not however understand what he and Cleolaus of Leonidas's epigram did. Ovpl~aXog or aavpworqp is the spike on the butt-end of a spear, more com-

monly bronze than iron, sometimes conical in shape, more often quadrangular, the four sides often concave; above the thickest point is a neck, and a collar by which it is attached to the spear-shaft.5 It served for sticking the spear upright in the ground when not in use,6 or as a weapon when the blade broke or could not so easily be brought to bear;7 and no doubt, like the pomegranate butts of Persian spears8 or the lead weight on pig-sticking spears, it altered the balance and increased the effective length of the weapon by enabling it to be grasped farther back. Normally at any rate hunting-spears were without cavpworpEs.9

I See on him R.E. xiii. 2386. 2 The epigram is headed only 4Avn•rrdrpov,

but is unlikely to be by the Thessalonican; vii. 493 on the same theme, though ascribed to him, seems also likely to be by the Sidonian.

3 de orat. iii. 194. The dramatic date of the dialogue is 91 B.C.

4 Val. Max. i. 8. 16, Plin. N.H. vii. 172. s See Olympische Forsch. i. 154; A.J.A. xliii.

195; Jahrb. xxvii. I85; Daremberg and Saglio, iii. 36.

6 11. x. 153; Arist. Poet. I461Ia3 indicates that this was not a common use in his time.

7 Polyb. vi. 25. 6, xi. 18. 4; Suid. s.v. aavpwr-rpat.

8 Hdt. vii. 41. 9 Beazley kindly calls my attention to

Benndorf and Niemann, Heroon v. Gjdlbaschi, pl. 8, and Ant. Bosph. Cimm., pl. 46 (the Xenophantus vase), where men hunt with butted spears. I doubt however whether these are real exceptions. The quarry in each case is a boar (in the first case the Calydonian), and anyone expecting to encounter a charging boar might very pru- dently prefer to take out his heavier military weapon. Xenophon indeed (Cyn. I0. 3, i6) recommends a special spear with projections behind the blade to prevent the boar making his way to the hunter up the shaft of the spear.



THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 3

What I do not understand is, ifthese two men were hunting with military spears, why they were doing so; whether 0-Ki0-o's in Leonidas means sharpened for the purpose or merely sharp; what

Aop'rflcos• means in Antipater; and in any case

why the stags were killed with the butt and not the blade of the spear. It is easy to see that the aavpwcr p might be useful as a secondary weapon in battle; less easy either to envisage circumstances in which it would be needed in a stag-hunt or to understand why they are not disclosed. "Pop•ipw-r7s, though glossed ETrLL7KC'~ in Hsch., elsewhere means diamond-patterned but on the analogy of KVKALr7-O, a0aLpwo'7dS, might presumably mean diamond-shaped. Lycortas's butt, like an example in the Metropolitan Museum,' might have had a band of ornament on it, or, like a good many specimens, might have been rhomboid in section, but details so irrelevant can hardly explain the epithet. In some representations the aavpw-r'p is shaped something like a spear-blade and might perhaps be called Aopfovl-rds for that reason. If so, it would suggest that Anti- pater at any rate supposed

0q7K•T in Leonidas to mean merely sharp.2 One

should perhaps consider also the possibility that military spears were used because these were incidents not of a hunt but of a campaign, though Cleolaus's encounter with his stag was not accidental since he killed it rOrd KValtOtat Aox'4ags: or again that the aavpwo1rjpEr were not at the time attached to spears but were being used as daggers or knives. However I mention these problems not to offer a solution but because Geffcken (on Leonidas) and writers on the Anthology betray no consciousness of their existence.

A.P. vii. 30 Tv;'LgoS AvaKpedovo.

d0 T"ToS EvOLE KVKVOS

'SEt• X' 7ra7awv wpo-•'•'77 •LVrt77. dK/~LV Ot AvpoEv EA'Eral cuzki' BaOv'AA

Lpepa Kat KctOtOV AEvKdS 08 8AW oo%,

5 oz0' 1Al-8r aoL pw~ra d~riareflaev v 8' Ax'povros wv JAos <

Wlve~• KdvrpLSt OEppoL'rp??.

This is one of five epigrams by Antipater on the same theme, and the second couplet is visibly corrupt.3 Brunck printed K/riyV A1pELpLd'v-L Brodaeus. Jacobs,, who had followed him in 1794, in 1813 preferred Huet's od Avpdo'v

-r, which

Stadtmueller, Paton, and Waltz print, and the last two translate respectively still singeth he some song of longing to the lyre and justement quelque chose comme une lyre lui fredonne un air d'amour. Stadtmueller himself proposed o;A' E'poEvrL and o'Aov 'vEpOE, and recorded also od Avpd~V7e and qlepPev-rL Opsopoeus,

AcELpLO'ev• Guyet, AELPdoEV•

Brodaeus, aot Avpdo'v r Reiske, AELptdev -r Hecker (printed by Duebner), and eAeAL7EraL Scaliger. Non ragionam di lor, ma guarda e passa.

It seems to me that od could only denote Anacreon, and that emendation must eliminate the word since its presence makes the transition to the 2nd person in 5 intolerably harsh; that for the same reason Anacreon cannot be

1 It is a votive offering of about 500 B.c. with a dedication in the Arcadian dialect, and has a band of ivy-pattern round the socket; see A.J.A. xliii. I93.

2 Mackail suggested Ao~LtP-pq-, whirled or hurled, and I had thought of the gen. of the same word. In Suidas, where the line is cited s.vv. o3plaXos and ddoppetiv, the manu- scripts in both places offer jdO'pfl 7-'o

and 7ro0, and, in the first, -ro. However, though this

word would explain how the weapon was used, it would not explain why.

3 Kaibel (Philodemus vi), in spite of the heading and Meleagrian context in A.P., ascribed the epigram to A. of Thessalonica on the ground that it was not sufficiently elegant for the Sidonian. Kaibel overesti- mated the latter, but even so this seems a precipitate sentence on three couplets of which one is unintelligible.




the subject of pLEAl?e• a; and that, if we are to negotiate the change of persons

between the first and third couplets smoothly, he cannot be mentioned directly in the second couplet at all. The tombstone may well, as Antipater said also in 23, harbour the ivy which Anacreon wore at his symposia, but it is unlikely to be singing, and it is reasonable to inquire whence the music proceeds. Trees or foliage about the tomb seem a likely source, and there is one plant, the vine, which is more essential than ivy to symposia. I should borrow e'pdo'vr from Stadtmueller and write olv' E'pdEveL. Olva- r7 7ar dre'dAov OvAAa Hsch.; for

tLEAleraL in such a context see Theocr. i. 2, which was no doubt Antipater's source.

In 4 iLEpa is no doubt defensible. They cite vii. 364 (Marc. Arg.) tLEpC 3aKpv'aaoa and ix. 266 (Phil. or Ant. Thess.) LLepov a Aqoav-r (where L'. may be a noun, as in xii. 161) ; and Hesychius glosses tiLEpoL as an adjective. I shall however not be deterred by such matter from proposing &K,/1v OWv' ~PdoV7L

t•eAe7raL dcap BaOvAAcp pI 7epa. There is a point in disclosing that the vine is the culti- vated plant from which wine is made, and in 24, an epigram by 'Simonides' imitated by Antipater in 23, Anacreon's grave is to be overgrown by a qLepls.

A.P. vii. 218. 5 if. -qv OvBp-iTv KvO pEtLav, e' J

- C LV7peg apyavol

rrhdovE~ V1 v'.LV'7 ELqVEKa Tvvaapito apEtTTo/ALEVOL XatPLtT TE KaL W'v-rqTqv d'po81T-qv...

This is the first of four consecutive relative clauses from a poem of fourteen lines on the grave of Lais, and if we assume, as we must, that the verb to be

supplied is iaav and that the predicate is rrAdEovES it can just be construed-by reason of whom proud suitors were more numerous than for Helen. One stumbles

heavily however over E'0' J in such a sentence, the absence of a verb is the more unwelcome since each of the three following clauses is equipped with one, and the adjective dyavol diverts the mind from Helen to Penelope, to whose suitors it is fourteen times attached in the Odyssey. Hence, I suspect, these tears. A scribe seeing ptv7r1ar-peS d'y... would too readily complete the familiar

epithet where his copy had dyepOEv. It is perhaps not necessary, but might be well, to write 8pe~/dlvot.

A.P. ix. 728 1 a8c4aAt, SOKO, 0VK77••ETaL, V 77 6pa6v7

XaAK69 0 'V) vOEWcV a~LTLo oVXt Mv'pwv.

Poets from 'Anacreon' and Leonidas to Julian, Prefect of Egypt, vied with one another in inventing new ways of saying in a couplet, or less commonly in a quatrain, that Myron's Cow was remarkably like a cow, and this is one of

Antipater's six surviving entries in a somewhat tedious competition-lusus, pro meo quidem sensu, satisfrigidus, said Jacobs, and might have said more, for "

%4 vo4wv is meaningless.

Four epigrams earlier is another of Antipater's couplets which also begins a &cL•a~ , SOKE, VUK j)E7aL but has a sequel to which this opening is appro-

priate. The three intervening couplets are anonymous, and Antipater's two

may therefore have been next-door neighbours in Meleager's Garland, which would have encouraged an accident; but, however that may be, it is surely plain that a poet famed for his facility' did not begin two such couplets with

I Cic. de orat. iii. 194.



THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 5

the same four words and that a scribe in 728 has inadvertently repeated the first phrase of 724. The opening words of 728 are of course lost beyond recall, but the sort of sense required can be guessed. Another of Antipater's couplets (722) is av 8'iaAW, ovqoppe, 7apipXEo uq8'7) rIivevOe vpIe- -a7r ' e rdprv drrfEKSX7'aL, and 728 might have begun T7 Sa[LdAEL Oavpfv (or orvplEL) e

PovKdOAo.

My remaining notes and queries are more trifling and I waste no more space on them than need be.

A.P. vii.4 13- 5 f. Hipparchia, wife of the Cynic Crates, contrasts unfavourably the gauds of other women with her own beggar's outfit--o)Ads- UK aK1rWVL MUvv4_L- rropo0 a

•E vvw&8s 81rraf Ka l KO& as' K toA~ cTqa XaLaAeX'O. The double mantle

suited to them and a bed strewn on the ground (Paton following Jacobs) ; Waltz said le double manteau et la couverture du lit itendu a' terre. To sleep on the ground is a practice or habit; the other things mentioned, luxurious and beggarly alike, are objects. Diogenes, whom the Cynics aped, was the first to double his rpltaOYv, Ld rT avdyK7XV XELV KaL VEY~SEV a3rj7,2 and I suppose Hipparchia to be

saying (rather clumsily if avvw8o's is sound) that her 81rAa4 suits her wallet and staff when she is travelling and forms her bed at night.

A.P. vii. 426. A lion on a tombstone replies to an inquirer that the grave is that of Teleutias, 1s d0ya rrav7wv PEPOS v, O)qppv Jcov Eyc KEKpLqaL. The comparative is defensible, but in vii. 161 Antipater writes ocrcov aptacroS olwv2W• yEvo/Lav o 8aaov ''O LVWV, other parallels-A.P. vii. 344 ('Simonides', whom Antipater seems to be imitating), Kaibel Ep. Gr. 242-support the superlative, and as the terminations are constantly confused I should write

ep-rai-o~. I should also place the first question-mark at the end of the first line and not, as do the editors, after flovbdye, where it seems to me to ruin the couplet.

A.P. vii. 713. -ravpoe7r7 "HpLvva KaloG 0 rohv'pLvOos aoas d'os ' EhaXEV

Mov'caa 70o70 o"i fla53v o "TOS Ij otLdplrot[L 'v[t oK

KiCflpo'TEv. The translators,

Latin, English, and French, suppose C''os to be nom. and Mov'as~ to be acc. plur. I should have thought Erinna the subject, 'osm acc., and Movdaa gen. sing.; and that the construction c. acc. et gen., known with TVYXXaVELV and

S'Xea0aL, should be recorded hence for AayXidvtv. Havpo~err'7s is rather of few verses than offew words (so L. and S.), for the small bulk of Erinna's poetry is remarked elsewhere (A.P. vii. I I, ix. i90) and the 300 hexameters of the

'HhaK Td7 are brq.

A.P. ix. 323- 5 f. Ares complains of a dedication to him of arms unscarred by battle: ar7ToTAezLLY v 'rcS' EO~KL K EV V O vo7TA7 7TEpd4L VL I 7VO

AO•, OV, o YKC Op V yK V719

'EvvaAtov. In the pentameter A.P. has rAaOwvov OpLyrKCv, Planudes left a space before o' and wrote 7TAOELw in the margin, and editors print as above. HAdOewL should mean approach or, if transitive, convey to; the difficulty of Cv can be evaded by assuming it to be in somewhat awkward tmesis, but &-ods is then even more recalcitrant than before. Did Ares perhaps say Od8hrILV, using the

' This epigram is ascribed in A.P. and Plan. to Antipater without ethnic. A.P. repeated the heading when the epigram spread

on to the opposite page and there added ecaaaAovLKdos, but, as is generally agreed.

wrongly. 2 Diog. L. vi. 22.




word contemptuously in the sense of look after or cherish? Cf. Ael. fr. 67 0 KpO OW9... qV flacrLAEav -r"v ra-rpcpav OaA7TwV TE Kal 7TEPLE7TWV Kal tT7reptrTeAv,

I Thess. 2. 7.

A. Plan. 131. Kdpats for Kov'pats in 3, and AETErTO for -rat in 6 are obviously necessary, but they should not have needed Scaliger's intervention, for both were all the while the readings of Planudes's autograph (Ven. Marc. 481, still unpublished beyond ix. 563), which has in 3 'dpaaL 8' cpauv, as in Jacobs's various texts. I do not know why Duebner (followed by Paton) printed dppeat unless by accident.

P. Ox. 662 = Page Gk. Lit. Papyri, i. 454 (add to the literature there cited Wifstrand Stud. z. Gr. Anth. 33): a version of an epigram by Leonidas known only from the same papyrus. Glenis dedicates to the Nymphs KaGl 7rpo-rdtav

aKbL7)Ta KaL ato pvov 7d KPOV [ •plza • 7'3 ai3 g . 7.Y.. .LEVOV XVL. A•jro" is meaningless, and presumably vO'ov is part of the same corruption; Wila- mowitz therefore proposed al3raAE'ov or a3aAeov. Spoils of the chase dedicated to a rustic deity are probably thought of as nailed forthwith to a tree, like Cleolaus's antlers in vi. I Io (see p. i above), those in vi. 96, and Telamon's wolf- pelt in vi. io6. They might however be dry when seen by the spectator, and it would perhaps be pedantic to object to the meaning of the adjective. I suggest however as an alternative

a'rovdL.ov, wild, for in vii. 8 Antipater wrote O-qp6ov

avro'lovoLovS ayas.

Page translated a scatheless head and this new boarskin that not even steel has rent, but I think that Antipater should be trusted to be using the negative /1

and the pres. part. correctly, and that as in ix. 728 (see p. 4)

XaAK0• d• %

vo'Wv refers not to the metal in which Myron's Cow was cast but to a property common to all bronze, and means bronze not the bronze, so here daK4t7S and ob ... p7/y vEvov refer to all boars' skulls and hides, which may as a generalisation be called impenetrable. After all this boar has been killed somehow or other.

Trinity College, Cambridge A. S. F. GOW

Cf. Trans. Camb. Phil. Soc. iii, 1894, I7.

THE ANGIPOR TUM IN C.R. (N.s.) ii. I (March 1952), Pp. 28-29, Professor Tredennick defends the view that a 'central angiportum' was shown on the stage in Hellenistic and Roman times. 'The real argument for the central angiportum rests on two ad- mitted facts: the three back-stage doors and the normal two-house setting. If... there was no movable scenery, the producer of an average New Comedy was faced with three possibilities. He must either use the central door and one side door, ignoring the other (a deplorably lop-sided effect); or use the two side doors and ignore the central door (although the two houses are supposed to adjoin-could any audience accept this as a convincing arrangement?); or leave the central door open and treat it as an alley between the two houses. The third is obviously the best solution; even an otiose alley is better than a house-door which has to be imagined away. The alley need not be supposed to divide the gardens (e.g. in the Adelphi) ; it might stop short at the rear of the houses and give access to postica .... The foregoing attempt to defend a central



antipater of sidon: notes and queries

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