For all Queensland schools

2017 Senior External Examination

Ancient History Thursday 9 November 2017Paper Two — Historical sources book 1 pm to 3:40 pm

DirectionsYou may write in this book during perusal time.

Contents• Seen sources (Sources A–H)• Unseen sources (Sources 1–5)• Acknowledgments

After the examination sessionTake this book when you leave.

Planning space

Seen sources (Sources A–H)

Roman tyrants — GeneralSource A — Tacitus, Annals, book 1When Rome was first a city, its rulers were kings. Then Lucius Junius Brutus created the consulate and free Republican institutions in general. Dictatorships were assumed in emergencies. A Council of Ten did not last more than two years; and then there was a short-lived arrangement by which senior army officers — the commanders of contingents provided by the tribes — possessed consular authority. Subsequently Cinna and Sulla set up autocracies, but they too were brief. Soon Pompey and Crassus acquired predominant positions, but rapidly lost them to Caesar. Next, the military strength which Lepidus and Antony had built up was absorbed by Augustus. He found the whole state exhausted by internal dissensions, and established over it a personal régime known as the Principate.

Famous writers have recorded Rome’s early glories and disasters. The Augustan Age, too, had its distinguished historians. But then the rising tide of flattery exercised a deterrent effect. The reigns of Tiberius, Gaius, Claudius, and Nero were described during their lifetimes in fictitious terms, for fear of the consequences; whereas the accounts written after their deaths were influenced by still raging animosities. So I have decided to say a little about Augustus, with special attention to his last period, and then go on to the reign of Tiberius and what followed. I shall write without indignation or partisanship: in my case the customary incentives to these are lacking.

The violent deaths of Brutus and Cassius left no Republican forces in the field. Defeat came to Sextus Pompcius in Sicily, Lepidus was dropped. Antony killed. So even the Caesarian party had no leader left except the ‘Caesar’ himself, Octavian. He gave up the title of Triumvir, emphasizing instead his position as consul; and the powers of a tribune, he proclaimed, were good enough for him — powers for the protection of ordinary people.

He seduced the army with bonuses, and his cheap food policy was successful bait for civilians. Indeed, he attracted everybody’s goodwill by the enjoyable gift of peace. Then he gradually pushed ahead and absorbed the functions of the senate, the officials, and even the law. Opposition did not exist. War or judicial murder had disposed of all men of spirit. Upper-class survivors found that slavish obedience was the way to succeed, both politically and financially. They had profited from the revolution, and so now they liked the security of the existing arrangement better than the dangerous uncertainties of the old régime. Besides, the new order was popular in the provinces. There, government by Senate and People was looked upon sceptically as a matter of sparring dignitaries and extortionate officials. The legal system had provided no remedy against these, since it was wholly incapacitated by violence, favouritism, and — most of all — bribery.Tacitus, (1956) The Annals of Imperial Rome, Trans M. Grant.

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Source B —Augustus, Res Gestae [The Deeds of the Divine Augustus]A copy below of the deeds of the divine Augustus, by which he subjected the whole wide earth to the rule of the Roman people, and of the money which he spent for the state and Roman people, inscribed on two bronze pillars, which are set up in Rome.

1. In my nineteenth year, on my own initiative and at my own expense, I raised an army with which I set free the state, which was oppressed by the domination of a faction. For that reason, the senate enrolled me in its order by laudatory resolutions, when Gaius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius were consuls (43 B.C.E.), assigning me the place of a consul in the giving of opinions, and gave me the imperium. With me as propraetor, it ordered me, together with the consuls, to take care lest any detriment befall the state. But the people made me consul in the same year, when the consuls each perished in battle, and they made me a triumvir for the settling of the state.

6. When Marcus Vinicius and Quintus Lucretius were consuls (19 B.C.E.), then again when Publius Lentulus and Gnaeus Lentulus were consuls (18 B.C.E.), and third when Paullus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Tubero were consuls (11 B.C.E.), although the senate and Roman people consented that I alone be made curator of the laws and customs with the highest power, I received no magistracy offered contrary to the customs of the ancestors. What the senate then wanted to accomplish through me, I did through tribunician power, and five times on my own accord I both requested and received from the senate a colleague in such power.

15. I paid to the Roman plebs HS 300 [HS is sesterces] per man from my father’s will and in my own name gave HS 400 from the spoils of war when I was consul for the fifth time (29 B.C.E.); furthermore, I again paid out a public gift of HS 400 per man, in my tenth consulate (24 B.C.E.), from my own patrimony; and, when consul for the eleventh time (23 B.C.E.), twelve doles of grain personally bought were measured out; and in my twelfth year of tribunician power (12–11 B.C.E.) I gave HS 400 per man for the third time. And these public gifts of mine never reached fewer than 250,000 men. In my eighteenth year of tribunician power, as consul for the twelfth time (5 B.C.E.), I gave to 320,000 plebs of the city HS 240 per man. And, when consul the fifth time (29 B.C.E.), I gave from my war-spoils to colonies of my soldiers each HS 1000 per man; about 120,000 men in the colonies received this triumphal public gift. Consul for the thirteenth time (2 B.C.E.), I gave HS 240 to the plebs who then received the public grain; they were a few more than 200,000.

20. I rebuilt the Capitol and the theatre of Pompey, each work at enormous cost, without any inscription of my name. I rebuilt aqueducts in many places that had decayed with age, and I doubled the capacity of the Marcian aqueduct by sending a new spring into its channel. I completed the Forum of Julius and the basilica which he built between the temple of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun and almost finished by my father. When the same basilica was burned with fire I expanded its grounds and I began it under an inscription of the name of my sons, and, if I should not complete it alive, I ordered it to be completed by my heirs. Consul for the sixth time (28 B.C.E.), I rebuilt eighty-two temples of the gods in the city by the authority of the senate, omitting nothing which ought to have been rebuilt at that time. Consul for the seventh time (27 B.C.E.), I rebuilt the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian.

22. Three times I gave shows of gladiators under my name and five times under the name of my sons and grandsons; in these shows about 10,000 men fought. Twice I furnished under my name spectacles of athletes gathered from everywhere, and three

times under my grandson’s name. I celebrated games under my name four times, and furthermore in the place of other magistrates twenty-three times. As master of the college I celebrated the secular games for the college of the Fifteen, with my colleague Marcus Agrippa, when Gaius Furnius and Gaius Silanus were consuls (17 B.C.E.). Consul for the thirteenth time (2 B.C.E.), I celebrated the first games of Mas, which after that time thereafter in following years, by a senate decree and a law, the consuls were to celebrate. Twenty-six times, under my name or that of my sons and grandsons, I gave the people hunts of African beasts in the circus, in the open, or in the amphitheatre; in them about 3,500 beasts were killed.

34. In my sixth and seventh consulates (28–27 B.C.E.), after putting out the civil war, having obtained all things by universal consent, I handed over the state from my power to the dominion of the senate and Roman people. And for this merit of mine, by a senate decree, I was called Augustus and the doors of my temple were publicly clothed with laurel and a civic crown was fixed over my door and a gold shield placed in the Julian senate-house, and the inscription of that shield testified to the virtue, mercy, justice, and piety, for which the senate and Roman people gave it to me. After that time, I exceeded all in influence, but I had no greater power than the others who were colleagues with me in each magistracy.Augustus 14 A.D, Res Gestae [The Deeds of the Divine Augustus].

Source C — Vergil, Aeneid, Book VI.ii.789–800, 847–853Vergil’s Aeneid might be understood as one long paean, glorifying Rome, its founders, and its greatness in the Augustan Age. How skilfully the courtly poet paid his tribute to the reigning Julii, and especially to Augustus, is shown in the following lines from the great Latin epic.

[Anchises, in the realms of the dead, is reciting to his son Aeneas the future glories of the Roman race.]

Lo! Caesar and all the Julian

Line, predestined to rise to the infinite spaces of heaven.

This, yea, this is the man, so often foretold you in promise,

Caesar Augustus, descended from God, who again shall a golden

Age in Latium found, in fields once governed by Saturn

Further than India’s hordes, or the Garymantian peoples

He shall extend his reign; there’s a land beyond all of our planetsVergil, A, Book VI.ii.789–800, 847–853 in W.S. Davis (ed.) 1912–13, ‘Readings in Ancient History: Illustrative Extracts from the Sources’, Vol II: Rome and the West, (pp. 174–179).

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Source D — Nicholas Shakespeare, (book review)Augustus: from Revolutionary to Emperor

Goldsworthy is reassuringly open about the lack of evidence. Augustus’s own autobiography has not survived, nor his correspondence with the orator Cicero. Goldsworthy has to rely on sources like Suetonius and Tacitus, writing in the following century, and the historian Dio who lamented how hard it was to recount events in Augustus’s reign, ‘since so many key decisions were made in private and unrecorded, while much that was public was merely empty ceremony’. Tacitus complained that the writing of history withered under Augustus, ‘because of flattery’.Shakespeare, N 2014, ‘Review of Augustus: from Revolutionary to Emperor by Adrian Goldsworthy’ [book review].

Source E — David L Silverman, Augustus

On July 1 of that year he resigned the consulship. Thereafter he would hold it again only for ceremonial purposes, as e.g. in 5 and 3 BC to honour the entry of his grandsons Gaius and Lucius into public life. The centrepiece of the settlement of 23 was the adoption by Augustus of the office of tribune of the people, the tribunicia potestas, which he held thereafter continuously until his death in 14 AD. This is a bit tricky in so far as we hear on two previous occasions of Augustus taking the tribunician power, first in 36 BC (Appian, BC 5.132; Orosius, 6.18.34), and then again in 30 (Dio 51.19.6). However, Augustus clearly states in the Res Gestae (4.4) that his tribunician power began in 23. The likeliest explanation is that on the previous occasions he had been interested only in acquiring the tribunician inviolability (sacrosanctitas). In practical terms the tribunician power did not amount to much, except insofar as it allowed him to veto any public act and to propose measures directly to the popular assembly. But in symbolic terms its importance cannot be overstated. The tribunician power came to be identified completely with the office of the princeps, and Augustus and his successors, on their coins and public documents, date the years of their reigns by it. When Augustus sought to identify someone as his designated successor (a delicate business inasmuch as he had to avoid the appearance of creating a dynasty) he did so by taking that person as a colleague in the tribunician power. Tribunes of the people do not command armies. Augustus’ command of the armies was not, however, jeopardized by the settlement of 23. He was granted proconsular imperium (extended in 19 BC to a life term), and this was to be imperium maius quam proconsulare, which meant that he could overrule the authority of other provincial governors in their own provinces (Dio 53.32). Although there were (dubious) Republican precedents for the holding of maius imperium (Pompey had had it in the 60’s), Augustus’ was unique in that it did not stop at the pomerium, the sacred boundary of the city.Silverman, D, 1996, ‘Augustus: Nature of the sources’, The Settlement of 23 BC and the Tribunicia Potestas.

Source F —Matthew M McGowan, Caesar, princeps, Augustus, god Notably, he never took to the name Octavianus, as would have been customary among the Romans after such an adoption, but immediately began calling himself ‘Julius Caesar, the son of Julius Caesar’. Roman nomenclature is notoriously vexing*, and the confusion we may have today about the many names of Rome’s first emperor —ultimately called Imperator Caesar divi filius Augustus ‘Emperor Caesar Augustus, son of the deified (Caesar)’ — may also have been at play in antiquity. At the very least, the newly adopted ‘Caesar’ knew the power of that name to compel and to revile. Thus, in a letter composed less than a month after the assassination, Cicero writes: ‘his followers call him Caesar, but Philippus does not, so neither do I’. In the same letter, Cicero expresses doubts about the youth — ‘I’m sure he’s not a good citizen’ — and refers to him dismissively as ‘boy’ (puer), a term famously deployed by Antony to insult Octavian: ‘And you, boy, who owe everything to a name’. Of course, Antony was only partly right: a keen intellect and ruthlessness of purpose played a part in everything, too, and rivals underestimated him at their peril.

* The methods the Romans used for giving names is famously annoying.McGowan, MM 2014, ‘Caesar, princeps, Augustus, god’.

Source G — Oath of Allegiance to Augustus

In the third year from the twelfth consulship of the Emperor Caesar Augustus, son of a god, March 6, at Gangra, the following oath was taken by the inhabitants of Paphlagonia and the Roman businessmen dwelling among them:

‘I swear by Jupiter, Earth, Sun, by all the gods and goddesses, and by Augustus himself, that I will be loyal to Caesar Augustus and to his children and descendants all my life in word, in deed, and in thought, regarding as friends whomever they so regard, and considering as enemies whomever they so adjudge; that in defence of their interests I will spare neither body, soul, life, nor children, but will in every way undergo every danger in defence of their interests; that whenever I perceive or hear anything being said or planned done against them I will lodge information about this and will be an enemy to whoever says or plans or does any such thing; and that whomever they adjudge to be enemies I will by land and sea, with weapons and sword, pursue and punish.’Lewis, N and Reinhold, M (eds.) 1990, Roman Civilization: Selected Readings, vol. 1, 3rd edn, p. 589.

Source H — Name changes of Octavian/Augustus63 BC: born Gaius Octavius.

44 BC: upon adoption, became Gaius Julius Caesar. (Contemporaries referred to him as ‘Caesar’. He dropped the name ‘Octavius’.

42 BC: Octavian added Divi Filius (Son of the Divine), becoming Gaius Julius Caesar Divi Filius.

38 BC: Octavian replaced ‘Gaius’ and ‘Julius’ with ‘Imperator’, officially becoming Imperator Caesar Divi Filius.

27 BC: the Roman Senate voted new titles for him, officially becoming Imperator Caesar Divi Filius Augustus.Cassius, D, ‘Roman History’, in Loeb Classical Library ed. 1917, Greek texts and facing English translation, E. Cary (trans.) vol. 6 [Selections from Book 52].

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Unseen sources (Sources 1– 5)

Source 1 — Cassius Dio, Roman History 52.2 1–2 and 4–5 Such were the achievements of the Romans and such their suffering under the kingship, under the republic, and under the dominion of a few, during a period of seven hundred and twenty-five years. After this they reverted to what was, strictly speaking, a monarchy, although Caesar planned to lay down his arms and to entrust the management of the state to the senate and the people. He made his decision, however, in consultation with Agrippa and Maecenas, to whom he was accustomed to communicate all his secret plans; and Agrippa, taking the lead, spoke as follows:

‘Be not surprised, Caesar, if I shall try to turn your thoughts away from monarchy, even though I should derive many advantages from it, at least if it was you who held the position … If we choose it, people will think that we have fallen victims to our own good fortune and have been bereft of our senses by our successes, or else that we have been aiming at sovereignty all the while, making of our appeals to your father and of our devotion to his memory a mere pretext and using the people and the senate as a cloak, with the purpose, not of freeing these latter from those who plotted against them, but of making them slaves to ourselves.’

[Maecenus responds]

52.17 1–2 ‘Now I think you have long since been convinced that I am right in urging you to give the people a monarchical government; if this is the case, accept the leadership over them readily and with enthusiasm — or rather do not throw it away. For the question we are deliberating upon is not whether we shall take something, but whether we shall decide not to lose it and by so doing incur danger into the bargain.’ ‘Who, indeed, will spare you if you thrust the control of the state into the hands of the people, or even if you entrust it to some other man, seeing that there are great numbers whom you have injured, and that practically all these will lay claim to the sovereignty, and yet no one of them will wish either that you should go unpunished for what you have done or that you should be allowed to survive as his rival?’

52.41 1 Maecenas thus brought his speech to an end. And Caesar heartily commended both him and Agrippa for the wealth of their ideas and of their arguments and also for their frankness in expressing them; but he preferred to adopt the advice of Maecenas.Cassius, D, ‘Roman History’, in Loeb Classical Library ed. 1917, Greek texts and facing English translation,E. Cary (trans.) vol. 6 [Selections from Book 52].

Source 2 — Velleius Paterculus, The Roman History

As for Caesar’s return to Italy and to Rome — the procession which met him, the enthusiasm of his reception by men of all classes, ages, and ranks, and the magnificence of his triumphs and of the spectacles which he gave — all this it would be impossible adequately to describe even within the compass of a formal history, to say nothing of a work so circumscribed as this. There is nothing that man can desire from the gods, nothing that the gods can grant to a man, nothing that wish can conceive or good fortune bring to pass, which Augustus on his return to the city did not bestow upon the republic, the Roman people, and the world. The civil wars were ended after twenty years, foreign wars suppressed, peace restored, the frenzy of arms everywhere lulled to rest; validity was restored to the laws, authority to the courts, and dignity to the senate; the power of the magistrates was reduced to its former limits, with the sole exception that two were added to the eight existing praetors. The old

traditional form of the republic was restored. Agriculture returned to the fields, respect to religion, to mankind freedom from anxiety, and to each citizen his property rights were now assured; old laws were usefully emended, and new laws passed for the general good; the revision of the senate, while not too drastic, was not lacking in severity. The chief men of the state who had won triumphs and had held high office were at the invitation of Augustus induced to adorn the city. In the case of the consulship only, Caesar was not able to have his way, but was obliged to hold that office consecutively until the eleventh time in spite of his frequent efforts to prevent it; but the dictatorship which the people persistently offered him, he as stubbornly refused. To tell of the wars waged under his command, of the pacification of the world by his victories, of his many works at home and outside of Italy would weary a writer intending to devote his whole life to this one task. As for myself, remembering the proposed scope of my work, I have confined myself to setting before the eyes and minds of my readers a general picture of his principate.Paterculus, V, ‘The Roman History’, in Loeb Classical Library, 1924, Book 2.89.

Source 3 — Pliny, Natural History

There was … the hatred produced by the proscription; his alliance in the Triumvirate with some of the very worst of citizens … seditions so numerous among his soldiers … the suspicions which he entertained about the intentions of Marcellus; the disgraceful banishment, as it were, of his [grandson] Agrippa; the many plots against his life; the deaths of his own children … the adultery of his daughter and the discovery of her parricidal* designs; the insulting treatment [to Rhodes] of his son-in-law, [Tiberius] Nero; another adultery, that of his granddaughter; to which there were added numerous other evils, such as the lack of money to pay his soldiers … and then, added to all this, the disastrous defeat of Varus; the base slanders whispered against his authority; … and, last of all, the machinations of his wife and of Tiberius … In sum, this same god, who was raised to heaven — I am at a loss to say deservedly of not — died, leaving the son of his own enemy his heir [Tiberius’ father had been a partisan of Antony].

*Parricide; the killing of one’s own fatherPliny, ‘Natural History’ 7.147–50, in Galinsky, K 2012, Augustus: Introduction to the Life of an Emperor,H. Rackham (trans.).

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Source 4 — Julia C. Fischer, The Gemma Augustea

The Gemma Augustea is divided into two registers that are crammed with figures and iconography. The upper register contains three historical figures and a host of deities and personifications. Our eyes immediately gravitate towards the centre of the upper register and the two large enthroned figures, Roma (the personification of the city of Rome) and the emperor Augustus. Roma is surrounded by military paraphernalia while Augustus holds a sceptre, a symbol of his right to rule and his role as the leader of the Roman Empire. At his feet is an eagle, a symbol of the god Jupiter and so we quickly realize that Augustus has close ties to the gods. Augustus is depicted as a heroic semi-nude, a convention usually reserved for deities. Augustus is not only stating that he has connections to gods, he is stating that he is also god-like … Two other historical figures accompany Augustus in the upper register. At the far left is Tiberius, who will eventually succeed Augustus on the throne. To the right of Tiberius is the young Germanicus, another member of Augustus’ family and a potential heir to the throne. Clearly the Gemma Augustea is making Augustus’ dynastic message clear: he hopes that Tiberius or Germanicus will succeed him after he dies.Fischer, JC, ‘The Gemma Augustea’, Khan academy.

http://www.gemmarius-sculptor.de/englischinfo5.htm

Source 5 — Aulus Gellius, Letter of Augustus on his birthday,to his adopted son, Gaius

Greeting, my dear Gaius, my dearest little donkey, whom, so help me, I constantly miss whenever you are away from me. But especially on such days as today my eyes are eager for my Gaius, and wherever you have been today, I hope you have celebrated my sixty-fourth birthday in health and happiness. For, as you see, I have passed the climacteric common to all old men, the sixty-third year. And I pray the gods that whatever time is left to me I may pass with you safe and well, with our country in a flourishing condition, while you are playing the man and preparing to succeed to my position.

[Lucius died at Massalia in Gaul on 21 or 22 February AD 2]Gellius, A, ‘Attic Nights’, 15.7.3, in the Perseus Project.

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Acknowledgments

Tacitus, (1956) The Annals of Imperial Rome, Trans M. Grant, pp. 31–32, Penguin, Harmondsworth.

Augustus 14 A.D, Res Gestae [The Deeds of the Divine Augustus] T. Bushnell (trans.),http://classics.mit.edu/Augustus/deeds.html, accessed 16 February 2017.

Vergil, A, Book VI.ii.789–800, 847–853 in W.S. Davis (ed.) 1912–13, ‘Readings in Ancient History: Illustrative Extracts from the Sources’, Vol II: Rome and the west, (pp. 174–179),Allyn and Bacon, Boston. Adapted by J.S. Arkenberg (ed.) http://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/Halsall/ancient/augustanencomions.asp, accessed 16 February 2017.

Shakespeare, N 2014, ‘Review of Augustus: from Revolutionary to Emperor by Adrian Goldsworthy’ [book review], http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/bookreviews/11031502/Augustus-from-Revolutionary-to-Emperor-by-Adrian-Goldsworthy-review-a-capable-guide.html, accessed 16 February 2017.

Silverman, D 1996, ‘Augustus: Nature of the sources’, The Settlement of 23 BC and the Tribunicia Potestas, Reed College, http://academic.reed.edu/humanities/110Tech/Augustus.html, accessed 16 February 2017.

McGowan, MM 2014, ‘Caesar, princeps, Augustus, god’, The University Bookman,http://www.kirkcenter.org/index.php/bookman/article/caesar-princeps-augustus-god/, accessed16 February 2017.

Lewis, N and Reinhold, M (eds.) 1990, Roman Civilization: Selected Readings, vol. 1, 3rd edn,p. 589, Columbia University Press, New York.

Cassius, D, ‘Roman History’, in Loeb Classical Library ed. 1917, Greek texts and facing English translation, E. Cary (trans.) vol. 6 [Selections from Book 52] http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/e/roman/texts/cassius_dio/52*.html, accessed 16 February 2017.

Paterculus, V, ‘The Roman History’, in Loeb Classical Library, 1924, Book 2.89,http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Velleius_Paterculus/2C*.html, accessed16 February 2017.

Pliny, ‘Natural History’ 7.147–50, in Galinsky, K 2012, Augustus: Introduction to the Life of an Emperor, H. Rackham (trans.) Cambridge University Press, New York.

Fischer, JC, ‘The Gemma Augustea’, Khan academy, https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ancient-art-civilizations/roman/early-empire/a/gemma-augustea, accessed 16 February 2017.

Gemma Augustea [image] https://www.gemmarius-sculptor.de/englischinfo5.htm, accessed 4 September 2017.

Gellius, A, ‘Attic Nights’, 15.7.3, in the Perseus Project, Tufts University,http://perseus.uchicago.edu/perseus-cgi/citequery3.pl?dbname=LatinAugust2012&query=Gell.% 2015.7.3&getid=1, accessed 16 February 2017.

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