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Final Year Project
A Phonological and Phonetic Description of Shan Dialects
By
SOH Jyr Minn
Supervised by Assoc Prof Alexander Coupe
2014 Division of
Linguistics and Multilingual Studies
ii
Table of Contents List of figures and tables ............................................................................................... ivAbstract ......................................................................................................................... viAcknowledgments ....................................................................................................... vii1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1
1.1 Aim and Motivation .......................................................................................... 11.2 Genetic Affiliation ............................................................................................ 21.3 Literature Review .............................................................................................. 2
2. Methodology ........................................................................................................... 72.1 Participants ........................................................................................................ 7
2.1.1 Background of Participants ........................................................................ 72.2 Collection of Data ............................................................................................. 8
2.2.1 Word Lists .................................................................................................. 92.2.2 Elicitation ................................................................................................. 10
3. Phonotactics .......................................................................................................... 113.1 Linear syllable structure .................................................................................. 11
3.1.1 Metrical syllable structure ........................................................................ 144. Tonal Phonology ................................................................................................... 15
4.1 Previous Research ........................................................................................... 154.1.1 Chiang Rai Shan by Brown (1985) .......................................................... 154.1.2 Northern Shan by Edmondson (2008:194) .............................................. 164.1.3 Southern Shan by Edmondson (2008:195) .............................................. 16
4.2 Auditory Tonal Analysis of Monosyllables .................................................... 184.2.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 184.2.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 184.2.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 19
5. Acoustic Tonal Analysis ....................................................................................... 285.1 Tonal Acoustics .............................................................................................. 28
5.1.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 285.1.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 285.1.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 30
5.2 Perceptual Analysis ......................................................................................... 405.2.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 405.2.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 405.2.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 41
5.3 Tone Sandhi .................................................................................................... 44
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5.3.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 445.3.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 445.3.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 46
6. Segmental Phonology ........................................................................................... 556.1 Eastern Shan .................................................................................................... 55
6.1.1 Consonant Phonemes ............................................................................... 556.1.2 Vowel Phonemes ..................................................................................... 58
6.2 Northern Shan ................................................................................................. 616.2.1 Consonant Phonemes ............................................................................... 616.2.2 Vowel Phonemes ..................................................................................... 65
6.3 Xishuangpanna Shan ....................................................................................... 696.3.1 Consonant Phonemes ............................................................................... 696.3.2 Vowel Phonemes ..................................................................................... 72
7. Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 74References .................................................................................................................... 75Appendix A: Modified Gedney’s list ........................................................................... 78Appendix B: Swadesh 200-word list ........................................................................... 79Appendix C: Acoustic analysis tables .......................................................................... 85Appendix D: Word list for tone sandhi ...................................................................... 101
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List of figures and tables
Figures
Figure 1.1: Shan and its place in the Tai-Kadai family ................................................. 2
Figure 1.2: Areas in central Shan state where people were forced to relocate (Grundy-
Warr & Wong, 2002: 104) ............................................................................................. 3
Figure 1.3: Shan vowels (Cushing, 1871:1-2) ............................................................... 5
Figure 1.4: Shan consonants (Cushing, 1871:3) ............................................................ 5
Figure 1.5: Tones in Shan (Cushing, 1871:8) ................................................................ 5
Figure 3.1: Metrical syllable structure of Shan ............................................................ 14
Figure 4.1: Diagram of tones in Chiang Rai Shan by Brown (1985:153) ................... 15
Figure 4.2: Diagram of tones in Mangshi Shan, Northern Shan, by Edmonson
(2008:194) .................................................................................................................... 16
Figure 4.3: Diagram of tones in southern Shan, by Edmondson (2008:195) .............. 16
Figure 5.1: Pitch contours of open syllables in Eastern Shan ...................................... 30
Figure 5.2: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Eastern Shan ..................................... 31
Figure 5.3: Pitch contours of closed syllables of in Eastern Shan ............................... 32
Figure 5.4: Pitch contours of open syllables in Northern Shan ................................... 33
Figure 5.5 Pitch contours of tones /33/ and /23/ .......................................................... 34
Figure 5.6: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Northern Shan ................................... 35
Figure 5.7: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Northern Shan ................................. 36
Figure 5.8: Pitch contours of open syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan ......................... 37
Figure 5.9: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan ........................ 38
Figure 5.10: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan .................... 39
Tables
Table 3.1: Possible syllable types in ES ...................................................................... 12
Table 3.2: Possible syllable types in NS ...................................................................... 12
Table 3.3: Possible syllable types in XS ...................................................................... 12
Table 3.4: Phonemes and tonemes of ES ..................................................................... 13
Table 3.5: Phonemes and tonemes of NS .................................................................... 13
Table 3.6: Phonemes and tonemes of XS .................................................................... 13
Table 4.1: Representation of tones in Eastern Shan using Gedney’s diagram ............ 19
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Table 4.2: Representation of tones in Northern Shan using Gedney’s diagram .......... 21
Table 4.3: Representation of tones in Xishuangpanna Shan using Gedney’s diagram 24
Table 5.1: Table of recorded responses for the 5 target words of Set 1 in which lexical
contrast is signalled by pitch ........................................................................................ 41
Table 5.2: Table of recorded responses for the 6 target words of Set 2 in which lexical
contrast is signalled by pitch ........................................................................................ 41
Table 5.3: Table of recorded responses for the 6 target words of Set 3 in which lexical
contrast is signalled by pitch ........................................................................................ 42
Table 6.1: Consonant phonemes of ES ........................................................................ 55
Table 6.2: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in ES ..................................................... 58
Table 6.3: Diphthongs in ES ........................................................................................ 60
Table 6.4: Consonant phonemes of NS ........................................................................ 61
Table 6.5: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in NS ..................................................... 65
Table 6.6: Diphthongs in NS ....................................................................................... 67
Table 6.7: Consonant phonemes of XS ........................................................................ 69
Table 6.8: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in XS ..................................................... 72
Table 6.9: Diphthongs in XS ....................................................................................... 73
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Abstract
This paper provides an in-depth phonological and phonetic analysis of three dialects
in Shan: Eastern Shan (ES), Northern Shan (NS) and Xishuangpanna Shan (XS). This
analysis posits that Shan has a (C1) (G1) V (V2) (C2)T structure to account for
diphthongs and vowel length in the data. Each dialect of Shan possesses a different
consonant and vowel inventory, as they are at different stages of sound change.
Xishuangpanna is the only dialect that does not have a vowel length distinction.
Eastern Shan and Northern Shan both have vowel length distinction for /a/. Three
male consultants participated in this study, with each consultant representing his own
dialect. Three word lists (a modified Gedney’s checklist, 200 Swadesh word list and a
tailored word list for each dialect to investigate tone sandhi) and a perceptual test
were prepared. Eastern Shan is discovered to have five distinct tones: /24/, /21/, /43/,
/44/ and /52/. Northern Shan has six distinct tones: /23/, /21/, /43/, /45/, /52/ and /33/.
Tones /23/ and /33/ are suspected to be coalescing. Xishuangpanna also has six
distinct tones: /45/, /23/, /212/, /42/, /33/ and /32/. This study hopes to lend a better
understanding of the Shan language.
vii
Acknowledgments
I am deeply grateful to a number of people who have helped, directly or indirectly, in
the preparation and completion of this thesis.
I would like to thank my supervisor, Alec, for his guidance and patience despite
having fallen short and lacking in so many ways. He was always happy to extend help
when I needed any, and when I did not understand certain concepts, he would
patiently impart his knowledge in ways that I could comprehend. He never spared his
efforts when reviewing my thesis and was always giving detailed comments, building
my paper to how it is today. His zeal for linguistics contributed a lot to my passion in
this field, and it is truly an honour to learn from him. I have grown in so many ways
and learned greatly under his supervision and teaching.
I would also like to express my thanks to my parents for being so loving and
supportive during this period. Special mention to my dad for always going out of his
way to pick me up from any location on this island when I am too tired to travel
home.
I thank my friends for their constant encouragement and love, and for always
believing in me. Special mention to Jamie and Desiree for always opening up their
homes to me because the temptation of my bed is far too real.
I would also like to thank my consultants for their participation in this study. They
readily agreed to be my consultants and took time out of their busy schedules to
accommodate me. This paper could not even be done if not for them.
1
1. Introduction
1.1 AIM AND MOTIVATION
This study aims to document the phonetics and phonology of three different dialects
of Shan—Eastern Shan (ES), Northern Shan (NS), and Xishuangpanna Shan (XS)—
through the provision of a description of their phonological rules and sound systems.
Despite a wide literature available on Tai-Kadai languages, Shan is one of the
languages belonging to the family that is insufficiently documented. While there have
been attempts in the study of this language, they seldom delved deeper into the
language. This study hopes to venture deeper into the waters and fill a portion of the
gap in knowledge by providing an in-depth phonological and phonetic investigation
of three dialects in this language. This paper contributes to a better understanding of
dialectal variation in the segmental and suprasegmental inventories of Shan.
Phonotactics, segmental phonology, tonal phonology and analysis of all three dialects
make up the chapters in this thesis.
2
1.2 GENETIC AFFILIATION
Shan belongs to the family of Tai-Kadai languages, but for greater specification, is
more often known or identified as a Tai language. Along with Thai, Lao, Khamti and
many others, Shan is under the Southwestern branch of Tai (Diller, 2008:1).
Figure 1.1: Shan and its place in the Tai-Kadai family
1.3 LITERATURE REVIEW
Shan is a language that carries with it the heavy history of its people. The Shan have
suffered great losses in people and territory over the decades and have relinquished
independence reluctantly under the pressure of other dominant empires such as the
Chinese, the Burmese, and the Kachin (Edmondson, 2008:190; Grundy-Warr &
Wong, 2002). Lacouperie (1885), in his book The Cradle of the Shan race, wrote
about the scattering of the Shan over a vast area, resulting in an indeterminable
number of communities becoming intermingled with different surrounding cultures
and societies. The predicament of the Shan, particularly in Burma, is a result of
protracted fighting between the Shan and the Burmese, which led to the heavy
displacement of people from their villages, uprooting them from their homes, and
forcefully moving them to different areas of the country or to neighbouring countries
(Grundy-Warr & Wong, 2002).
Tai-Kadai Kam-Tai Hlai Kra
Kam-Sui Lakjia Tai
South-western Northern Central
Shan
3
As Andrews (1998:1) states, a language that is living will morph itself to suit its
speakers. This leads us directly to the linguistic consequences that result from
displacement of people due to language contact with surrounding communities,
bringing forth changes in their language. The map (Figure 1.2) below illustrates the
extent of displacement in central Shan State, with the shaded area being the territories
where people had to uproot from their homes.
Figure 1.2: Areas in central Shan state where people were forced to relocate (Grundy-Warr & Wong, 2002: 104)
From the map above, it appears to be a significant area of Myanmar in which people
were affected and displaced. Such displacement resulted in large numbers of people
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moving away and relocating to other communities, and if language morphs to fit its
speakers, then it would not be surprising to find great variation between speakers of
Shan. Creativity is derived from the freedom of language activity, but while speakers
enjoy this freedom, they are also restricted by the traditions of their language
(Lehmann, 1985), hence while the language they speak may not have changes that are
too vast, differences would emerge over time, and as such, the Shan language would
have or already has great linguistic variation across its dialects.
Little work has been done on the Shan language, with only a few notable publications
from Edmondson (2008:5), Edmondson and Solnit (1997:4), and Cushing (1871),
leaving the documentation of this language much to be desired. Cushing (1871)’s
published grammar of Shan is the first comprehensive work ever done on the
language. He started this documentation in the hope that others would build upon his
work, but it has been nearly one and a half centuries since the language was left at
that stage. It is unfortunate that his attempt in the documentation of the language
largely included the Shan script, rendering the reader unable to decipher his work in
its entirety without prior knowledge of the script. Three figures (Figure 1.3, Figure 1.4
& Figure 1.5) provided below display the vowels, consonants, and tones of Shan as
described in his grammar.
5
Figure 1.3: Shan vowels (Cushing, 1871:1-2)
Figure 1.4: Shan consonants (Cushing, 1871:3)
Figure 1.5: Tones in Shan (Cushing, 1871:8)
Cushing (1871:1) identified ten individual vowels, five diphthongs and nineteen
consonants. He also described five distinct tones in Shan. What is unfortunate is that
6
language documentation in his time was largely undeveloped, unlike now, where we
have robust transcription systems that we can adopt to represent our data for better
comprehension and clarity, and there have been significant advancements in our field
since then as well.
One of the recent works on Shan is by Edmondson and Solnit (1997:337-359). The
paper provides acoustic evidence of tonal pairs in southern, northern, Namkhan and
Muse varieties of Shan.
Building upon that work, Edmondson (2008:184-203) explores more on the language.
The paper describes sound changes across the different regions of Shan speakers, such
as the deplozivation1 of /ʔb/, /ʔb/ and /ʔbl/ to /l/ or /m/, changing of /kh/ to /x/,
fortition of /f/ to /ph/, secondary articulation that was lost, and changes in vowels.
The need to document this language is growing in urgency due to the global trend of
speakers of minority language communities relocating and moving to big cities in the
search for better economic opportunities (Laikha, 2007). There is limited education
provided in the Shan language, as the medium for teaching in public schools is the
majority language, depending on the jurisdiction the territory is under. Many public
schools no longer teach Shan, with only a handful of monasteries and Christian
churches offering Shan classes (Kyaw, 2007:165). Young Shan people are
increasingly losing interest in their language (Laikha, 2007; Kyaw, 2007:165), and
may soon not even be able to communicate in Shan, or even identify themselves as
Shan. Edmondson (2008:190) discovers that the Shan identifies themselves as Shan
not so much through their language but by being Theravada Buddhists and rice paddy
cultivators. Together with the movement to cities, people displacement, and loss of
interest in the Shan language among the young Shan, it appears that the language is
moving towards becoming obsolete in the years to come. This increases the urgency
of documenting the language.
1 The term deplozivation is used in Edmondson (2008:199) to describe the process in which voiced plosives lose their quality of being a plosive and become a lateral or a nasal.
7
2. Methodology The entire data collection process for this project is described under this section.
Methods employed in eliciting data from the consultants will be touched on briefly
here while the details on the procedures for the different data collected will be
elaborated upon in the subsequent chapters. All data collected were utilized in the
various analyses that make up the different chapters in this paper.
2.1 PARTICIPANTS
This study hinges on the output of three native speakers who acted as consultants
during the course of this project. Each consultant is a native speaker of their
respective Shan dialect. Two participants were in their twenties while one of them
was in his forties. They have identified themselves as Shan and were fluent speakers
of their respective dialect, having spent their formative years acquiring and speaking
them. All speakers are monks who are currently serving in a Theravada Buddhist
monastery in Singapore.
Each native speaker is multilingual, because the environment in which each grew up
in rendered it necessary to speak other languages other than their native tongue.
2.1.1 BACKGROUND OF PARTICIPANTS
2.1.1.1 Consultant S
A native speaker of Eastern Shan, S was born and brought up in Tachilek, Eastern
Shan State of Myanmar, along the border that separates Shan territory from Northern
Thailand. S speaks four languages—Shan, Thai, English and Burmese (ordered in
accordance to frequency of use of language). He is 38 years-old this year and hails
from a full Eastern Shan background as both parents are native Eastern Shan
speakers.
2.1.1.2 Consultant M
M was born in Mogok, one of the cities in the Mandalay division of Myanmar, and
lived there for ten years before moving to Yangon for a short period of time and then
8
finally settling down in Namkhan, which is located near the Yunnan border. M speaks
Northern Shan, which is the dialect that inhabitants of Namkhan converse in. As his
mother, who is his primary caregiver, is a Northern Shan speaker, he was brought up
speaking that particular dialect of Shan and converses with his family members in that
dialect as well. There is a small community of Northern Shan speakers who used to
stay along the Yunnan border; these Shan moved to Mogok and the consultant grew
up interacting with that community. M speaks four languages—Shan, Burmese,
English and Mandarin (ordered in accordance to the frequency of use of language).
2.1.1.3 Consultant KZ
KZ grew up in a small Shan community in Xishuangpanna, Yunnan, and has lived
there for close to twenty years. He speaks the Xishuangpanna dialect of Shan, and
converses with his family members and friends in that language. KZ speaks three
languages—Shan, Mandarin and Thai (ordered in accordance to frequency of use of
language). He was the only consultant with whom I communicated in Mandarin with,
as he had close to zero knowledge of English.
2.2 COLLECTION OF DATA
Since Shan is a tonal language, a first step towards the documentation of its phonetics
and phonology is to explore its tones. To achieve this, Gedney’s checklist (Gedney,
1972) for determining tones was the perfect foundation upon which I could build.
Gedney’s checklist is a list of words organized into twenty boxes based on their
initials and tones in the proto-language. There are five columns and four rows. Each
column represents a Proto-Tai tone and each row represents the category of initials in
Proto-Tai language. These were initials that underwent a split into two or three tones
when two waves of sound change almost four centuries ago hit Southeast Asia and
China (Coupe, 2001:3, Gedney, 1972:1, Edmondson, 2008:187). Gedney’s checklist,
however, had insufficient words in each box for an acoustic analysis. In order to build
a more extensive word list, I have combined Gedney’s checklist with two other Tai
word lists (further elaboration will be found in Chapter 3). For a greater database to
help determine the consonants and vowels of each dialect, I have also recorded the
200 Swadesh word list with my consultants. Apart from that, I have adopted Hyman’s
approach (Hyman, 2007) in exploring tone sandhi through the preparation of a list
9
consisting of all possible permutations of the tones of each dialect. To strengthen my
findings, I have also conducted a perceptual analysis with each consultant, adopting
Coupe’s approach (Coupe, 2003).
Recordings were made in a quiet room in the monastery in Novena, with all its doors
and windows closed, and all air-conditioning and fans switched off. While this may
not be the most ideal place for recording, the recordings were clear and good enough
for analysis and the environment was sufficiently quiet as well. The acoustic integrity
of recordings was therefore not compromised.
All recording was done at a sampling rate of 48kHz and bit depth of 24, with a Shure
Beta 53 external microphone that was attached to a Marantz PMD-661MKII.
English was used to communicate with consultants S and M while Mandarin was the
medium for communication with KZ. Instructions were communicated effectively to
the consultants prior to each recording session and all doubts were cleared before
recordings were made.
2.2.1 WORD LISTS
Consultants were provided a physical copy of the word lists, depending on the type of
list we were recording during that session, and the words were in English (for S and
M) and in Mandarin (for KZ). The consultants would write the Shan equivalent of
each word in the space provided beside the words, and we would go through the list
together to ensure that there was no misunderstanding or different interpretation of the
words, with occasional showing of images if the consultants needed extra clarification
or confirmation. All the above preparation was done to set the stage for easier and
more confident recordings to be made. The consultants were then tasked to say each
word once in isolation, then in a frame sentence, then once again in isolation, during
the recording. As the consultant’s comfort was of priority during the recordings, I
worked with each consultant to come up with a frame sentence that he could utter
with ease and permits the insertion of all words in the word list. Hence, each
consultant has a different frame sentence. Each frame sentence is provided below.
10
kaw24 laat21 ______ jaaw52
ISG say ______ already
“I say ____ already.” (Consultant S)
kaw23 tan52 lɒŋ52 ______ jaaw52
ISG PFV say ______ already
“I have said ____ already.” (Consultant M)
an23 ______ ljaaw32
read ______ already
“(I) read ____ already.” (Consultant KZ)
The primary purpose of a frame sentence is to elicit the target word in its respective
tone in the most natural condition possible, and the words that flank the target word
are helpful in deciphering the tone more accurately. Tones of words uttered in
isolation may be exaggerated because of a longer duration allowing for full
performance of the tone, but it is usually not the case in natural speech, hence a frame
sentence mimics natural speech and allows for a truer realization of the tone. A frame
sentence also accounts for the relativity of pitch in a language’s tone system (Pike,
1948: vi, 20; as cited in Coupe, 2014), which helps in making findings more robust, as
it controls for the variation in pitch.
2.2.2 ELICITATION
Consultants were often consulted during the course of each session to identify and
verify the sounds and tones of the language and this aids in accuracy of interpretation
of data.
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3. Phonotactics This chapter describes the linear and metrical structures of syllable in the Shan
language. All three dialects share the same linear and metrical structures.
3.1 LINEAR SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
The canonical Shan syllable consists minimally of an obligatory vowel and tone. The
linear structure is as follows:
(1) (C1) (G1) V1 (V2) (C2) T where C1 = [-syllabic] G1 = [-syllabic -consonantal] V1 = [+syllabic] V2 = [+syllabic] C2 = [-syllabic] T = any tone
All consonants can fill C1. Likewise, all vowels can fill V1. When G1 and V1 are filled,
either C2 or V2 must be filled. In the case where V2 is filled, C2 cannot be filled. This
brings us to the optional coda of Shan. C2 need not be filled, because the coda is
optional in this language. When V1 and V2 are filled, in the case of diphthongs and
vowel length, a coda is not needed, hence C2 is not filled.
The syllable structure (1) above allows for nine possible types of syllables for ES and
NS, and eight possible types of syllables for XS. The three tables provided below
represent these syllable types in each dialect. All words are monosyllabic.
12
Table 3.1: Possible syllable types in ES
Table 3.2: Possible syllable types in NS
XS is the only dialect without a vowel length distinction.
Table 3.3: Possible syllable types in XS
V1T /i44/ ‘to push’
V1V2T /aa43/ ‘to open’
V1C2T /ɒn43/ ‘soft’
C1V1T /pi44/ ‘fat’
C1V1V2T /kheu24/ ‘green’
C1V1C2T /pum24/ ‘belly’
G1V1V2T /jaa43/ ‘grass’
G1V1C2T /jep52/ ‘to sew’
C1G1V1C2T /khjaŋ24/ ‘to freeze’
V1T /i45/ ‘to push’
V1V2T /aa52/ ‘to open’
V1C2T /on52/ ‘soft’
C1V1T /ko33/ ‘to fear’
C1V1V2T /kheu23/ ‘green’
C1V1C2T /sot23/ ‘to drink’
G1V1V2T /jaa33/ ‘grass’
G1V1C2T /jɒm23/ ‘thin’
C1G1V1C2T /tjep23/ ‘to cut’
V1T /a212/ ‘open (mouth)’
V1C2T /uj32/ ‘to push’
C1V1T /me33/ ‘mother’
C1V1V2T /kheu45/ ‘green’
C1V1C2T /sop45/ ‘mouth’
G1V1T /ja212/ ‘grass’
G1V1C2T /jaw42/ ‘long’
C1G1V1C2T /tjak23/ ‘to split’
13
As the phonemes of each dialect will not be discussed until Chapter 6, a preview is
provided below.
Consonants Vowels Tonemes Diphthongs
p t c k
ph th ch kh
m n ŋ
s sh
w l j r h
i ɨ u
e ə o
a a ɒ
24 ‘low rising’
21 ‘low falling’
43 ‘high slightly falling’
44 ‘high level’
52 ‘high falling’
eu au
Table 3.4: Phonemes and tonemes of ES
Consonants Vowels Tonemes Diphthongs
p t c k
th kh
m n ɲ ŋ
f s sh ts tsh
w l j h
i ɨ u
e ə o
a a ɒ
23 ‘low rising’
21 ‘low falling’
43 ‘high slightly falling’
45 ‘high slightly rising’
52 ‘high falling’
33 ‘mid level’
eu eu əɨ aɨ
Table 3.5: Phonemes and tonemes of NS
Consonants Vowels Tonemes Diphthongs
p t k b d
ph th
m n ŋ
f s tsh
w l j h
x
i ɨ u
e ə o
a ɔ
45 ‘high slightly rising’
23 ‘low rising’
212 ‘low falling-rising’
42 ‘high falling
33 ‘mid level’
32 ‘mid falling’
eu au
Table 3.6: Phonemes and tonemes of XS
14
3.1.1 METRICAL SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
The metrical syllable structure of Shan is represented in Figure 3.1 below.
Figure 3.1: Metrical syllable structure of Shan
Shan is a monosyllabic language, hence utterances mostly consist of monosyllables.
The syllable structure of Shan allows for maximally four components. C1 allows for
all consonants to fill its position. G1 only allows for /j/ and /w/. V1 allows for all
vowels while V2 only allows /a, u, ɨ/. C2 only allows for /p, t, k, w, j, m, n, ŋ/. Not all
vowels can occur with all glides. /u, i, ɨ/ cannot occur with /j/ and only /a, e/ can occur
with /w/.
15
4. Tonal Phonology In this chapter, the content covers previous research on the tones of Shan, as well as
an auditory analysis of monosyllables. The auditory analysis determines the
phonological tone system of Shan. The tone systems will be presented using Gedney’s
diagram for Tai tones.
4.1 PREVIOUS RESEARCH
There has been some work done on the tones of different dialects in Shan. Brown
(1985:153) charts the tones of Shan in Chiang Rai, Thailand. Edmondson (2008:194-
195) charts the tones of Mangshi Shan and Southern Shan.
4.1.1 CHIANG RAI SHAN BY BROWN (1985)
In Brown’s (1985:153) analysis of Chiang Rai Shan, five distinct tones are identified
in the language: low rising, low level, high rising, mid falling and high falling. Figure
4.1 below is a reproduction of his chart.
Figure 4.1: Diagram of tones in Chiang Rai Shan by Brown (1985:153)
16
4.1.2 NORTHERN SHAN BY EDMONDSON (2008:194)
Edmondson (2008:194) identifies six distinct tones for Mangshi Shan, which is
spoken in the northern areas of Shan, and Figure 4.2 below is a reproduction of the
chart from his article.
Figure 4.2: Diagram of tones in Mangshi Shan, Northern Shan, by Edmonson (2008:194)
He describes Shan as having five or six tones in unchecked or open syllables and
three or four tones in checked or closed syllables. Looking at the figure above, there
are six tones in open syllables: mid rising, mid level, high level, low level, mid
falling, and high falling; and three tones in closed syllables: low falling, mid rising,
and high falling.
4.1.3 SOUTHERN SHAN BY EDMONDSON (2008:195)
Nine tones are identified in Edmondson (2008:195) for Southern Shan and Figure 4.3
below is a reproduction of the chart of tones from the article.
Figure 4.3: Diagram of tones in southern Shan, by Edmondson (2008:195)
Looking at the Figure 4.3 above, there are five tones in open syllables: high rising,
high falling, high slightly rising then falling, mid level; and four tones in closed
17
syllables: high slightly falling, high level, mid level, high falling. It appears to be
typical for open syllables to have the largest variation of tones while the closed
syllables have fewer tonal variations.
An interesting find in both Northern and Southern Shan is that the C tone is creaky.
Edmondson (2008:195) explains that the cause of it is due to the pitch fall and
contraction of the glottis at the end of each syllable.
18
4.2 AUDITORY TONAL ANALYSIS OF MONOSYLLABLES
4.2.1 MATERIALS
A list of 157 words was prepared for the consultants. Building upon the original
Gedney’s checklist, I have collected and added words from Li (1977:29-35) and
Jackson and Jackson and Shuh (2012:130) to form a modified version of the checklist
such that it could be used for tonal acoustic analysis (in Chapter 5) as well (Appendix
A). The checklist is divided into twenty boxes; five columns and four rows. The
columns represent the Proto-Tai tones A, B, C, DS and DL, while the rows represent
the Proto-Tai word initials—voiceless fricatives, voiceless unaspirated stops, pre-
glottalized stops and voiced initials. Two waves of sound change swept through tonal
languages in Southeast Asia and China over four centuries ago, resulting in tonal
splits based on the initial consonants of that time (Coupe, 2001; Edmondson, 2008:
186; Gedney, 1972). The split in original tones resulted in contrastive tones that we
see in Tai languages today. This explains Gedney’s motivation for his categorization
of boxes so as to account for these sound changes.
4.2.2 PROCEDURE
Consultants S, M and KZ provided the data for dialects Eastern Shan (ES), Northern
Shan (NS) and Xishuangpanna Shan (XS) respectively. All data was recorded at a
sampling rate of 48kHz and bit depth of 24, with a Shure Beta 53 external
microphone attached to a Marantz PMD-661MKII. They were recorded in a
controlled and quiet environment in the monastery.
Due to tonal deviation in dialects, the consultants were taken through the list of words
and words that do not belong to the original tone box were moved to another tone
box. My limited knowledge of Tai istorical linguistics restricts the movement of
words around boxes. If I am not confident of the box in which the words could be
moved to, I omit them completely to reduce the risk of making mistakes. Also, due to
some lexical differences between the three dialects, the same word pronounced in
each dialect could mean different things, and this resulted in differing word lists for
each consultant. Apart from the checklist, minimal pairs were also elicited from the
consultants.
19
The words were then transcribed based on auditory impressions and pitch values were
assigned to them. Chao tone letters (Chao, 1930) were used to represent these pitch
values.
4.2.3 FINDINGS
4.2.3.1 Eastern Shan
There are five distinct tones in ES: low rising /24/, low slightly falling /21/, high
slightly falling /43/, high level /44/ and high falling /52/. All five tonal variations are
found in open syllables while only three tonal variations (/44/, /21/, /52/) are found in
closed syllables. Table 4.2.3.1 below is an illustration of the tones using Gedney’s
diagram.
A B C DS DL
Voiceless fricatives
Voiceless
unaspirated stops
Pre-glottalized
stops
Voiced sounds
Table 4.1: Representation of tones in Eastern Shan using Gedney’s diagram
24
21
43
44
21
44 52
20
4.2.3.1.1 Minimal pairs
The minimal pairs below exemplify the tonal differences in ES.
24 21 [khaa24] ‘leg’
[khaa21] ‘galangal’
[kaa24] ‘crow’
[kaa21] ‘price’
[paa24] ‘fish’
[paa21] ‘forest’
21 43 [paa21] ‘forest’
[paa43] ‘older aunt (unrelated)’
[baa21] ‘shoulder’
[baa43] ‘crazy’
[maj21] ‘new’
[maj43] ‘hot’
43 52 [maj43] ‘hot’
[maj52] ‘wood’
[kaa43] ‘dancing’
[kaa52] ‘trade’
44 24 [ʔaa44] ‘older aunt (related)’
[ʔaa24] ‘older uncle (related)’
[maa44] ‘come’
[maa24] ‘dog’
44 43 [ʔaa44] ‘older aunt (related)’
[ʔaa43] ‘open (mouth)’
[naa44] ‘rice field’
[naa43] ‘face’
[maj44] ‘you’
[maj43] ‘hot’
21
4.2.3.2 Northern Shan
It appears that there are six tones in NS, however, I suspect that tone /33/ is
coalescing with tone /23/, and tones /43/ and /52/ are coalescing as well. The six tones
are low rising /24/, low falling /21/, high slightly falling /43/, high slightly rising /45/,
high falling /52/, and mid level /33/. All six tonal variations are found in open
syllables while only three tonal variations (/23/, /21/, /52/) are found in closed
syllables. Table 4.2 below is an illustration of the tones using Gedney’s diagram.
A B C DS DL
Voiceless fricatives
Voiceless
unaspirated stops
Pre-glottalized
stops
Voiced sounds
Table 4.2: Representation of tones in Northern Shan using Gedney’s diagram
Words uttered in isolation for the second and third box under Proto-Tai tone A were
clearly tone /33/, but when uttered within the frame sentence they were clearly tone
/23/. Only three other words in the third box were tone /33/ when uttered within the
frame sentence, which led to first suspicions of coalescing tones despite the
consultant’s insistence on tone /33/ for all the words uttered in these two boxes.
Throughout the following consultation sessions, M revealed constant confusion
between tones /23/ and /33/. For example, in the first few sessions he would assign the
tone /23/ to the word ljaŋ ‘red’, but when recording the 200 Swadesh word list, he
assigned the tone /33/ to ‘red’, and even with subsequent clarifications, he would
alternate between tone /23/ and /33/. It happened to other words like laaw ‘star’, taa
‘eye’, mii ‘bear’ and a few others as well. In addition, while eliciting minimal pairs,
23
21
52
23
21
33
45
43
22
M repeated the word thaa ‘shave’ twice, during the same session, variously assigning
to it tone /23/ and tone /33/. As for tones /43/ and /52/, it appeared that there were
very few words with the tone /43/, and when performing the perceptual test (Chapter
5, sub-heading 5.2) on M for the identification of the individual tones of his dialect,
there were confusions between the two tones. This will be further elaborated upon in
Chapter 5.
23
4.2.3.2.1 Minimal pairs
The minimal pairs below exemplify the tonal differences in NS.
23 21 [taa23] ‘eye’
[taa21] ‘for’
[paa23] ‘fish’
[paa21] ‘forest’
21 43 [kuu21] ‘bed’
[kuu43] ‘to borrow’
[taa21] ‘for’
[taa43] ‘wharf’
43 53 [taa43] ‘wharf’
[taa53] ‘if’
[kaa43] ‘dancing’
[kaa53] ‘trade’
45 23 [maa45] ‘come’
[maa23] ‘dog’
23 33 [jaa23] ‘to cure’
[jaa33] ‘grandmother’
33 45 [maɨ33] ‘leaf’
[maɨ45] ‘you’
24
4.2.3.3 Xishuangpanna Shan
There are six distinct tones in XS: high slightly rising /45/, high falling /42/, low
rising /23/, mid level /33/, low slightly falling then rising /212/ and mid falling /32/.
Similar to those above, all six tones are found in open syllables while only three (/45/,
/23/, /42/) are found in closed syllables. Table 4.3 below is an illustration of the tones
using Gedney’s diagram.
A B C DS DL
Voiceless fricatives
Voiceless
unaspirated stops
Pre-glottalized
stops
Voiced sounds
Table 4.3: Representation of tones in Xishuangpanna Shan using Gedney’s diagram
45
23
212
45
23
42
33
32
42
25
4.2.3.3.1 Minimal pairs
The minimal pairs below exemplify the tonal differences in XS.
45 23 [paa45] ‘fish’
[paa23] ‘forest’
23 33 [xaj23] ‘egg’
[xaj33] ‘to dictate’
[xaa23] ‘bamboo basket’
[xaa33] ‘branches’
33 42 [kaw33] ‘stir’
[kaw42] ‘interrupt’
[xaa33] ‘to dictate’
[xaa42] ‘thatch’
23 212 [paa23] ‘forest’
[paa212] ‘older aunt’
[xaw23] ‘news’
[xaw212] ‘to enter’
[xaj23] ‘egg’
[xaj212] ‘sickness’
45 42 [taa45] ‘eye’
[taa42] ‘brush’
[maa45] ‘dog’
[maa42] ‘come’
[naa45] ‘thick’
[naa42] ‘rice field’
32 33 [tsaj32] ‘to account for’
[tsaj33] ‘to be’
[xaa32] ‘to accuse’
[xaa33] ‘branches’
26
4.2.3.4 Comparisons
4.2.3.4.1 Northern Shan (Edmondson, 2008:194) vs. NS
There are quite some significant differences in tones for the northern Shan dialect
spoken in Mangshi and that spoken along the Yunnan border, which is labelled as NS
in my paper. Nevertheless, what is worthy to note is that the tone /33/ that seems to be
coalescing with tone /23/ in NS is remaining independent in Mangshi Shan, where the
second and third boxes under Proto-Tai tone A are tone /33/. Apart from the last box
across columns that represent Proto-Tai tones C, DS and DL and that are realised as
tone /53/, all other tones in Mangshi Shan are different from that of NS.
4.2.3.4.2 ES vs. NS vs. XS
The distribution of tones in XS is significantly different from that of ES and NS.
Under the Proto-Tai tone A column, voiceless fricatives and voiceless unaspirated
stop initials have low rising tones /24/ in ES and /23/ in NS, while it is a high slightly
rising tone /45/ for XS. Voiced initials have a high level tone /44/ in ES, high slightly
rising tone /45/ in NS and a high slightly falling tone /43/ in XS. Under the Proto-Tai
tone B column, voiceless fricatives, voiceless unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized
stop initials have a low falling tone of /21/ for both ES and NS while it is a low rising
tone of /23/ for XS. Under Proto-Tai tone C column, voiceless fricatives, voiceless
unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized stop initials have a high falling tone of /43/ for
ES and /53/ for NS, while it is a low slightly falling then rising tone of /212/ for XS.
The Proto-Tai tone DS column, however, is slightly different. Voiceless fricatives,
voiceless unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized stop initials have a high level tone /44/
for ES and a high slightly rising tone /45/ for XS, while it is a low rising tone of /23/
for NS. Under the Proto-Tai tone DL column, voiceless fricatives, voiceless
unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized stop initials have a low falling tone of /21/ for
ES and NS, while it is a low rising tone of /23/ for XS. The only similarity across all
three dialects is the tone assigned to voiced initials under Proto-Tai tone DS and DL
columns, where it is a high falling tone of /52/ for ES, /53/ for NS, and /42/ for XS.
The only small difference is that the tone assigned to voiced initials under Proto-Tai
tone DL column for ES is a low falling tone of /21/.
27
It appears that the various dialects of Shan differ in their tones. While they share some
similarities, the differences are rather significant. XS especially varies the most from
the two other dialects. The reason could be due to its location that creates such a
variety because NS and ES are still within the Myanmar territory while XS is in the
Chinese territory.
Even as we compare the three dialects in this thesis with that under Section 4.1, all the
dialects are different in their tones, which seem to suggest high variation across
dialects for the Shan language.
28
5. Acoustic Tonal Analysis Building upon the auditory analysis in the previous chapter, this chapter provides
greater detail on the tones of each dialect. The first section of this chapter describes
the tonal acoustics of all three dialects—the pitch contours and levels, duration, etc. It
then moves on to include a perceptual analysis to determine how well each consultant
could identify the tones of his language, which also helps in shedding some light on
earlier suspicions of coalescing tones. The last section touches on tone sandhi across
the three dialects.
5.1 TONAL ACOUSTICS
5.1.1 MATERIALS
The materials used for acoustic analysis are the same as that described in Chapter 4,
which was for the use of auditory analysis.
5.1.2 PROCEDURE
The words were categorized into three different categories—open, closed and nasal
syllables—for the individual dialect before any acoustic analysis was done. The
reason for such a categorization is due to the significant differences in duration and F0
between these different syllables. Closed syllables have a duration much shorter than
that of nasal and open syllables. Rose (1992) discovered that syllables with a /ŋ/ coda
have their rhyme duration and F0 significantly affected when compared to oral
syllables, which led to the creation of a separate category to control for syllables with
a velar nasal coda. There was no need for further categorization of closed syllables as
those with long vowels have a different tone value from those with short vowels.
As mentioned above, all recording was done at a sampling rate of 48kHz and bit
depth of 24, with a Shure Beta 53 external microphone that was attached to a Marantz
PMD-661MKII.
Praat was used to load the sound files and wide band spectrograms (300Hz) were
temporally aligned with each utterance. Only the F0 in the rhyme of each syllable was
29
selected for extraction, as Howie (1974) discovers that the F0 of syllable onsets was of
no tonal relevance. Simultaneous documenting of the rhyme’s duration and extraction
of F0 at every 10% increment was done with the help of Praat’s automatic F0
extraction and display of duration at the selected points. In cases where the pitch
contour was found to be absent or absurdly spiked in an interval, a manual extraction
of F0 was done. Narrow band spectrograms with a frequency range of 0-1000Hz were
aligned with the rhyme such that the harmonics could be clearly identified. The F0
value is then calculated through the division of the frequency of the nth harmonic with
n (Baken, 1987:140 as cited in Coupe, 2003).
All detailed calculations can be found in Appendix C.
30
5.1.3 FINDINGS
5.1.3.1 Eastern Shan
5.1.3.1.1 Open syllables
There are twelve tokens for tone /24/, twenty-five tokens for tone /21/, twenty-one
tokens for tone /43/, twelve tokens for tone /44/, six tokens for tone /52/.
Figure 5.1: Pitch contours of open syllables in Eastern Shan
Figure 5.1 above shows the pitch contours of each tone in ES and it appears that the
rising tone /24/ and level tone /44/ have evidently longer durations in their production
when compared to the falling tones.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
31
5.1.3.1.2 Nasal syllables
There are two tokens for tone /24/, two tokens for tone /21/, two tokens for tone /43/,
two tokens for tone /44/ and three tokens for tones /52/.
Figure 5.2: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Eastern Shan
Looking at Figure 5.2 above, it appears that pitch contours in nasal syllables are more
inconsistent and messier when compared with that of open syllables. Each percentage
interval appears to be smaller as well, and the duration of nasal syllables tend to end
within the 9th interval of open syllables.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
32
5.1.3.1.3 Closed syllables
There are eighteen tokens for tone /21/, twenty-one tokens for tone /44/ and six tokens
for tone /52/.
Figure 5.3: Pitch contours of closed syllables of in Eastern Shan
Looking at Figure 5.3 above, duration of closed syllables are definitely much shorter
than that of nasal and open syllables. This is expected of closed syllables since the
stop codas prevent any further performance of the tones. The height of F0 at the
beginning of the rhyme provides a strong cue for the recognition of a short tone,
especially for distinguishing tones /21/ and /52/, as they have very similar contours.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
33
5.1.3.2 Northern Shan
5.1.3.2.1 Open syllables
There are seven tokens for tone /23/, eighteen tokens for tone /21/, four tokens for
tone /43/, six tokens for tone /45/, twenty-five tokens for tone /52/ and three tokens
for tone /33/.
Figure 5.4: Pitch contours of open syllables in Northern Shan
Looking at Figure 5.4 above, tones /23/ and /33/ appear to differ drastically, which
makes it seem unlikely that these two tones are coalescing. However, the tonal
acoustic analysis was based on the isolated utterances for clearer presentation of the
tonal contours, which meant that tonal contrasts could be exaggerated since they were
not uttered naturally. When uttered in frame sentences however, pitch contours of
tones /23/ and /33/ are of close proximity, with the slight difference of tone /23/
having lower values of F0 at the beginning. This is illustrated in Figure 5.5 below.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
34
Figure 5.5 Pitch contours of tones /33/ and /23/
Figure 5.5 above displays the close proximity of these two tone contours. The middle
portion of both tone contours appears to have overlapped. This shows that in natural
speech, tones /23/ and /33/ are rather close, which explains the possibility of
coalescence.
As mentioned in the earlier chapter, the speaker showed some confusion in the
identification of tones /43/ and /52/ in the perceptual test. The figure above, however,
displayed very different pitch contours between the two tones. Even when uttered in
frame sentences, pitch contours of both tones are distinguishably different.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
35
5.1.3.2.2 Nasal syllables
There are two tokens for tone /23/, one token each for tone /43/ and /45/, and three
tokens for tone /52/.
Figure 5.6: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Northern Shan
Looking at Figure 5.6 above, there is a smaller selection of tones in nasal syllables,
and the duration of rhyme tends to end within the 9th interval of open syllables. The
delineation of tone /45/ is much more exaggerated when compared to its counterpart
in open syllables.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
160
170
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
36
5.1.3.2.3 Closed syllables
There are fifteen tokens for tone /23/, three tokens for tone /21/, and six tokens for
tone /52/.
Figure 5.7: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Northern Shan
Looking at Figure 5.7 above, there is clearly a smaller selection of tones as compared
to open and nasal syllables. Duration of rhyme of closed syllables are significantly
shorter. Tone /21/ has a longer duration for performance as the vowels in these
syllables are long.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
37
5.1.3.3 Xishuangpanna Shan
5.1.3.3.1 Open syllables
There are thirteen tokens for tone /45/, fifteen tokens for tone /23/, twenty-two tokens
for tone /212/, seven tokens for tone /42/, four tokens for tone /33/, and five tokens for
tone /32/.
Figure 5.8: Pitch contours of open syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan
Figure 5.8 above displays all tonal contrasts in open syllables. It appears that tone /45/
is uttered at a significantly higher register while the other five tones cluster at the
lower registers.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
38
5.1.3.3.2 Nasal syllables
There are two tokens for tone /45/, two tokens for tone /23/, one token each for tones
/212/ and tone /42/, two tokens for tone /33/, and two tokens for tone /32/.
Figure 5.9: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan
Figure 5.9 above displays the full selection of tones in nasal syllables. The duration of
rhyme in nasal syllables tends to end within the 9th interval of open syllables as well.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
39
5.1.3.3.3 Closed syllables
There are eighteen tokens for tone /45/, twelve tokens for tone /23/, seven tokens for
tone /42/S, and three tokens for tone /42/L.
Figure 5.10: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan
Looking at Figure 5.10 above, there are only three tones in closed syllables. I have
separated syllables with long vowels and syllables with short vowels for tone /42/
because of the obvious difference in duration. A longer duration allows for greater
performance of the tone.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450
F0 (H
z)
Duration (ms)
40
5.2 PERCEPTUAL ANALYSIS
A perceptual test determines the extent to which tonemes are identifiable to native
speakers. It is an important supplement that follows auditory analyses and helps to
determine the number of distinct tonemes in the language.
5.2.1 MATERIALS
With each consultant, I elicited a set of words with all the tonal contrasts in their
dialect. They were then extracted into a second audio file, interspersed with a random
selection of words from previous recordings with the consultant. Instead of using
isolated utterances, frame-sentenced utterances were used. Each completed audio file
has 85, 130 and 100 words respectively for ES, NS and XS. Each audio file contains 4
tokens of each target word. A blank numbered list was prepared for each dialect so
that their responses could be recorded.
5.2.2 PROCEDURE
The target words were recorded some time before the perception test was performed
so that that the consultants would be oblivious to the purpose of this test (Coupe,
2003:96). The random words interspersed in each audio file were also repeated
randomly so as to divert their suspicions away from the repeated target words. Each
response was noted on the blank numbered list for each dialect, and the consultant
may choose to replay any word without limit. Below are the 3 sets of tonal contrasts
for each dialect.
Set 1 (Eastern Shan)
[ka24] ‘crow’
[ka21] ‘price’
[ka43] ‘dancing’
[ka44] ‘car’
[ka52] ‘trade’
Set 2 (Northern Shan)
[ka24] ‘crow’
[ka21] ‘go’
[ka43] ‘dancing’
[ka45] ‘car’
[ka52] ‘trade’
[ka33] ‘expensive’
41
Set 3 (Xishuangpanna Shan)
[xa45] ‘leg’
[xa23] ‘bamboo basket’
[xa212] ‘sand’
[xa42] ‘thatch’
[xa33] ‘branch’
[xa32] ‘accuse’
5.2.3 FINDINGS
5.2.3.1 Set 1: Eastern Shan
Stimulus
Response [ka24] ‘crow’
[ka21] ‘price’
[ka43] ‘dancing’
[ka44] ‘car’
[ka52] ‘trade’
[ka24] ‘crow’ 4/4
[ka21] ‘price’ 4/4
[ka43] ‘dancing’ 4/4
[ka44] ‘car’ 4/4
[ka52] ‘trade’ 4/4
Table 5.1: Table of recorded responses for the 5 target words of Set 1 in which lexical contrast is signalled by pitch
In Table 5.1 above, numbers in the shaded cells illustrate the number of correct
responses to the 4 tokens of each word. All responses were correct, which
demonstrated 100% intelligibility for the targeted words.
5.2.3.2 Set 2: Northern Shan
Stimulus
Response [ka24] ‘crow’
[ka21] ‘go’
[ka43] ‘dancing’
[ka45] ‘car’
[ka52] ‘trade’
[ka33] ‘expensive’
[ka24] ‘crow’ 4/4
[ka21] ‘go’ 4/4
[ka43] ‘dancing’ 0/4
[ka45] ‘car’ 4/4
[ka52] ‘trade’ 4 4/4
[ka33] ‘expensive’ 4/4
Table 5.2: Table of recorded responses for the 6 target words of Set 2 in which lexical contrast is signalled by pitch
42
Looking at Table 5.2 above, the responses demonstrated high intelligibility for the
target words with the exception of tone /43/, where there is zero correct response. The
consultant identified all tokens of [ka43] as [ka52]. It is possible that tones /43/ and /52/
are coalescing and that the individual words can only be identified through context,
hence when depending on pitch for lexical contrasts, the consultant was unable to
differentiate between the two. There is also the possibility of tone sandhi since the
target words were in frame sentences. Nevertheless, there are too few tokens of each
target word for a clearer and better analysis. The perceptual test can be worked on
better.
As mentioned earlier, the consultant often confused tones /23/ and /33/, and it was
through the perceptual test that I could confirm that there is a sixth tone and that it
could be coalescing with tone /23/, which explains the inconsistent labelling of tones
on the part of my consultant.
5.2.3.3 Set 3: Xishuangpanna Shan
Stimulus
Response [xa45] ‘leg’
[xa23] ‘bamboo basket’
[xa212] ‘sand’
[xa43] ‘thatch’
[xa33] ‘branch’
[xa32] ‘accuse’
[xa45] ‘leg’ 4/4
[xa23] ‘bamboo
basket’ 4/4
[xa212] ‘sand’ 4/4 2
[xa42] ‘thatch’ 4/4
[xa33] ‘branch’ 4/4 2
[xa32] ‘accuse’ 0/4
Table 5.3: Table of recorded responses for the 6 target words of Set 3 in which lexical contrast is signalled by pitch
Looking at Table 5.3 above, the responses demonstrated high intelligibility for the
target words except for tone /32/, which the consultant confused with tone /33/ and
tone /212/. There is zero correct response for tone /32/. It seems understandable that
tone /32/ could be confused with tone /33/ because of their close proximity in register
and contour, but the confusion with /212/ seems irrational. As mentioned earlier, the
perceptual test has much room for improvement and could be better prepared.
43
Nevertheless, this test has played a definite role in the analysis of Shan’s tones, and
could still be used to supplement other findings.
44
5.3 TONE SANDHI
5.3.1 MATERIALS
Working with the collected word lists recorded with each consultant, a phrase list is
compiled for each dialect of Shan. Hyman (2007), in his proposal to argue for the
value of elicitation being a form of experimental phonology, provided a detailed
description of his methodology for analyzing tone sandhi. He formed three-word
phrases with all possible combinations of all the tones in the language and recorded
his speaker in one sitting. Adopting his approach, I have compiled three different lists
of three-word phrases to elicit for tone sandhi. ES has one hundred and twenty-five
combinations while NS and XS have two hundred and sixteen combinations since
they have six tones in their dialect. One thing done different from Hyman (2007) is
the words chosen to form the phrases. Hyman (2007) combined nouns to make for
possessive structure and they were almost completely senseless. Coupe (in press)
mentions that Hyman (2007)’s approach in having the consultants utter senseless
constructions may have serious implications. It is also disrespectful to the consultants
to have them utter constructions that are nonsensical and could potentially cause them
discomfort. Therefore, great efforts were expended to ensure that the words combined
in my three-word phrases were sensible and something that my consultants would be
comfortable with uttering.
5.3.2 PROCEDURE
I made sure to go through the phrase list with each consultant so as to rectify any
mistakes that I could have made, and to change any phrases that the consultants were
uncomfortable with uttering. Each list is completely different from the other and can
be found in Appendix D.
The consultants were recorded individually and recordings were completed in one
sitting.
As mentioned above, all recording was done at a sampling rate of 48kHz and bit
depth of 24, with a Shure Beta 53 external microphone that was attached to a Marantz
PMD-661MKII. All analyses were done in Praat.
45
Below is an example set from my phrase list for ES to illustrate the data preparation
and collection process.
Example sets
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
T1 T1 T1
T1 T1 T2
T1 T1 T3
T1 T1 T4
T1 T1 T5
hin24 kheu24 kaw24
hin24 kheu24 mɛɛ21
hin24 kheu24 paa43
hin24 kheu24 maj44
hin24 kheu24 nɒɒŋ52
‘my green stone’
‘mother’s green stone’
‘older aunt’s green stone’
‘your green stone’
‘younger sibling’s green stone’
T1 T2 T1
T1 T2 T2
T1 T2 T3
T1 T2 T4
T1 T2 T5
hin24 jaj21 kaw24
hin24 jaj21 mɛɛ21
hin24 jaj21 paa43
hin24 jaj21 maj44
hin24 jaj21 nɒɒŋ52
‘my big stone’
‘mother’s big stone’
‘older aunt’s big stone’
‘your big stone’
‘younger sibling’s big stone’
T1 T3 T1
T1 T3 T2
T1 T3 T3
T1 T3 T4
T1 T3 T5
hin24 ləəm43 kaw24
hin24 ləəm43 mɛɛ21
hin24 ləəm43 paa43
hin24 ləəm43 maj44
hin24 ləəm43 nɒɒŋ52
‘my smooth stone’
‘mother’s smooth stone’
‘older aunt’s smooth stone’
‘your smooth stone’
‘younger sibling’s smooth stone’
T1 T4 T1
T1 T4 T2
T1 T4 T3
T1 T4 T4
T1 T4 T5
hin24 nak44 kaw24
hin24 nak44 mɛɛ21
hin24 nak44 paa43
hin24 nak44 maj44
hin24 nak44 nɒɒŋ52
‘my heavy stone’
‘mother’s heavy stone’
‘older aunt’s heavy stone’
‘your heavy stone’
‘younger sibling’s heavy stone’
T1 T5 T1
T1 T5 T2
T1 T5 T3
T1 T5 T4
T1 T5 T5
hin24 let52 kaw24
hin24 let52 mɛɛ21
hin24 let52 paa43
hin24 let52 maj44
hin24 let52 nɒɒŋ52
‘my small stone’
‘mother’s small stone’
‘older aunt’s small stone’
‘your small stone’
‘younger sibling’s small stone’
46
5.3.3 FINDINGS
Here are some acronyms used to represent the findings that will be displayed below.
R: Rising tone, F: Falling tone, L: Level tone, FR: Falling-rising tone (only in XS)
5.3.3.1 Eastern Shan
Summary of X + Y + Z sequences a. R + R + R F - F - R
R + R + F F - F - F
R + R + F F - F - F
R + R + L F - F - R
R + R + F F - F - F
b. R + F + R R - F - R
R + F + F R - F - F
R + F + F R - F - F
R + F + L R - F - R
R + F + F R - F - F
c. R + L + R R - L - R
R + L + F R - L - F
R + L + F R - L - F
R + L + L R - L - R
R + L + F R - L - F
d. F + R + R F - F - R
F + R + F F - F - F
F + R + F F - F - F
F + R + L F - F - R
F + R + F F - F - F
e. F + F + R F - F - R
F + F + F F - F - F
F + F + F F - F - F
F + F + L F - F - R
F + F + F F - F - F
f. F + L + R F - L - R
F + L + F F - L - F
F + L + F F - L - F
F + L + L F - L - R
F + L + F F - L - F
g. L + R + R L - F - R
L + R + F L - F - F
L + R + F L - F - F
L + R + L L - F - R
L + R + F L - F - F
h. L + F + R L - F - R
L + F + F L - F - F
L + F + F L - F - F
L + F + L L - F - R
L + F + F L - F - F
i. L + L + R L - L - R
L + L + F L - L - F
L + L + F L - L - F
L + L + L L - L - R
L + L + F L - L - F
47
As seen, the summary above includes all possible input sequences, with repeated
sequences omitted so that it is easier on the eyes of the reader. There are only ten
output sequences: F-F-R, F-F-F, R-F-R, R-F-F, R-L-R, R-L-F, L-F-R, L-F-F, F-L-R,
F-L-F.
There are a few striking observations that could be drawn from the summary provided
above. First, all first tones can be F, R, or L. Second, all pre-final tones are restricted
to F or L. Third, all final tones are restricted to F or R.
When the first and pre-final positions of the input sequence are occupied by R, they
become F in the output sequence. When the pre-final position of the input sequence is
occupied by R, it becomes F in the output sequence. When the final position of the
input sequence is occupied by L, it becomes R in the output sequence.
Hyman (2007) discovers that while contour tones may not appear in pre-final
syllables, they must appear on final syllables. My findings coincide with his
discovery, where contour tones must appear on final syllables. On top of that, my
findings reveal that only contour tones can appear on final syllables in ES. My
findings also reveal that the rising tone is more restricted in the positions it can occur
in—only in the first and final syllable.
48
5.3.3.2 Northern Shan
Summary of X + Y + Z sequences a. R + R + R L - L - R
R + R + F L - L - F
R + R + F L - L - F
R + R + R L - L - R
R + R + F L - L - F
R + R + L L - L - L
b. R + F + R R - F - R
R + F + F R - F - F
R + F + F R - F - F
R + F + R R - F - R
R + F + F R - F - F
R + F + L R - F - L
c. R + L + R L - L - L
R + L + F L - L - F
R + L + F L - L - F
R + L + R L - L - R
R + L + F L - L - F
R + L + L L - L - L
d. F + R + R F - R - R
F + R + F F - R - F
F + R + F F - R - F
F + R + R F - R - R
F + R + F F - R - F
F + R + L F - R - L
e. F + F + R F - F - R
F + F + F F - F - F
F + F + F F - F - F
F + F + R F - F - R
F + F + F F - F - F
F + F + L F - F - L
f. F + L + R F - L - L
F + L + F F - L - F
F + L + F F - L - F
F + L + R F - L - R
F + L + F F - L - F
F + L + L F - L - L
g. L + R + R L - R - L
L + R + F L - R - F
L + R + F L - R - F
L + R + R L - R - R
L + R + F L - R - F
L + R + L L - R - L
h. L + F + R L - F - R
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + R R - F - R
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + L R - F - L
i. L + F + R R - F - R
L + F + F L - F - F
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + R L - F - R
L + F + F L - F - F
L + F + L R - F - L
j. L + R + R R - R - R
L + R + F L - R - F
L + R + F R - R - F
L + R + R R - R - R
L + R + F R - R - F
L + R + L R - R - L
49
k. L + F + R L - F - R
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + R R - F - R
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + L R - F - L
l. L + L + R L - L - L
L + L + F R - L - F
L + L + F R - L - F
L + L + R L - L - R
L + L + F L - L - F
L + L + L R - L - L
As seen, the summary above includes all possible input sequences. The situation for
this dialect is quite tricky, as there are some inconsistencies with tone /33/. The
combination of sequences from (g) to (l) are italicized because they are problematic.
There is a very limited pool of words that are of tone /33/, and as I have mentioned in
Chapter 4 about inconsistent assigning of tones /23/ and /33/ to the same words,
sequences (g) to (l) have captured these inconsistencies. The word that occupied the
first position in the sequences that is “supposedly” tone /33/ is ‘star’. As we scan
through the first position of all output sequences from (g) to (l), we can see an
inconsistent production of level or rising tone. The inconsistent production of ‘star’
seems to confirm the suspicion that tones /23/ and /33/ are indeed coalescing. That
makes for a very interesting discovery.
Looking at sequences (a) to (f), there are fifteen output sequences: L-L-R, L-L-L, L-
L-L-F, R-F-R, R-F-F, R-F-L, F-R-R, F-R-F, F-R-L, F-F-R, F-F-F, F-F-L, F-L-L, F-L-
F, F-L-R. One interesting observation of the output sequences above is that F, L and
R tones can occur in any position. It is also observed that when the R tone occupies
both the first and pre-final position in the input sequence, they will become L tones in
the output sequence. When the first position of the input sequence is a R tone and the
pre-final position is a L tone, the first tone of the output sequence will become level.
50
The sequence that is highlighted in grey in (c) and (f) are special cases. When the pre-
final tone and the final tone of the input sequence are tone /33/ and tone /23/
respectively, the final tone of the output sequence will become level.
51
5.3.3.3 Xishuangpanna Shan
Summary of X + Y + Z sequences a. R + R + R R - R - R
R + R + R R - R - R
R + R + FR R - R - FR
R + R + F R - R - F
R + R + L R - R - R
R + R + F R - R - F
b. R + FR + R R - FR - R
R + FR + R R - FR - R
R + FR + FR R - FR - FR
R + FR + F R - FR - F
R + FR + L R - FR - R
R + FR + F R - FR - F
c. R + F + R R - F - R
R + F + R R - F - R
R + F + FR R - F - FR
R + F + F R - F - F
R + F + L R - F - R
R + F + F R - F - F
d. R + L + R R - L - R
R + L + R R - L - R
R + L + FR R - L - FR
R + L + F R - L - F
R + L + L R - L - R
R + L + F R - L - F
e. FR + R + R F - R - R
FR + R + R F - R - R
FR + R + FR F - R - FR
FR + R + F F - R - F
FR + R + L F - R - R
FR + R + F F - R - F
f. FR + FR + R FR - FR - R
FR + FR + R FR - FR - R
FR + FR + FR FR - FR - FR
FR + FR + F FR - FR - F
FR + FR + L FR - FR - R
FR + FR + F FR - FR - F
g. FR + L + R F - R - R
FR + L + R F - R - R
FR + L + FR F - R - FR
FR + L + F F - R - F
FR + L + L F - R - R
FR + L + F F - R - F
h. F + R + R F - R - R
F + R + R F - R - R
F + R + FR F - R - FR
F + R + F F - R - F
F + R + L F - R - R
F + R + F F - R - F
i. F + FR + R F - FR - R
F + FR + R F - FR - R
F + FR + FR F - FR - FR
F + FR + F F - FR - F
F + FR + L F - FR - R
F + FR + F F - FR - F
j. F + F + R F - F - R
F + F + R F - F - R
F + F + FR F - F - FR
F + F + F F - F - F
F + F + L F - F - R
F + F + F F - F - F
52
k. F + L + R F - R - R
F + L + R F - R - R
F + L + FR F - R - FR
F + L + F F - R - F
F + L + L F - R - R
F + L + F F - R - F
l. L + R + R R - R - R
L + R + R R - R - R
L + R + FR R - R - FR
L + R + F R - R - F
L + R + L R - R - R
L + R + F R - R - F
m. L + FR + R R - F - R
L + FR + R R - F - R
L + FR + FR R - F - FR
L + FR + F R - F - F
L + FR + L R - F - R
L + FR + F R - F - F
n. L + F + R R - F - R
L + F + R R - F - R
L + F + FR R - F - FR
L + F + F R - F - F
L + F + L R - F - R
L + F + F R - F - F
o. L + L + R L - L - R
L + L + R L - L - R
L + L + FR L - L - FR
L + L + F L - L - F
L + L + L L - L - R
L + L + F L - L - F
As seen, the summary above includes all possible input sequences. There are twenty-
four output sequences: R-R-R, R-R-FR, R-R-F, R-FR-R, R-FR-FR, R-FR-F, R-F-R,
R-F-FR, R-F-F, R-L-R, R-L-FR, R-L-F, F-R-R, F-R-FR, F-R-F, F-FR-R, F-FR-FR,
F-FR-F, F-F-R, F-F-FR, F-F-F, FR-FR-FR, FR-FR-R, FR-FR-F.
A few observations can be drawn from these sequences. First, all first tones can be R,
F, L or FR. However, the occurrence of L and FR are restricted to the tone that
appears in the pre-final position. L and FR tones can only occupy the first position
when the pre-final tone is the same tone, that is, L-L and FR-FR. Second, all pre-final
tones can be R, F, L or FR. Third, all final tones can only be contour tones R, F and
FR.
When the final tone of the input sequence is L, it will become R in the output
sequence. When the first tone and pre-final tone of the input sequence are FR and L
respectively, they will become F and R respectively in the output sequence.
53
Interestingly, when the first and pre-final tones of the input sequence are L and FR
respectively, they will become R and F respectively in the output sequence. When the
first tone or the pre-final tone is L, it will become R in the output sequence if the
neighbouring tone (only in first or pre-final position) is F.
As mentioned earlier under Eastern Shan, Hyman (2007) discovers that contour tones
must appear on final syllables. My findings, once again, coincide with his discovery.
Apart from that, my findings reveal that only contour tones can appear on final
syllables in XS.
54
5.3.3.4 Comparisons
Comparatively, ES has fewer output sequences than NS and XS. It is understandable
that ES has fewer output sequences since it only has five tones and three tone shapes
while NS has six tones and three tone shapes and XS has six tones and four tone
shapes.
When the first and pre-final tones in the input sequences of ES and NS are R, they
will become another tone in the output sequences—F for ES and L for NS. Unlike
them, the first and pre-final tones in the output sequences of XS remain the same as
that in the input sequences.
One similarity that all three dialects share is that when the first tone in the input
sequences of ES, NS and XS is F, it remains as F in the output sequences.
Final syllables in both ES and XS are restricted to contour tones, which coincide with
Hyman (2007)’s findings. NS, interestingly, permits level tones to occur in final
syllables. Nevertheless, more work needs to be done on NS to account for the
discoveries made.
55
6. Segmental Phonology This chapter describes the consonants and vowels of ES, NS and XS. Consonant and
vowel inventories are provided, and each section touches briefly on the sound changes
that have occurred or are occurring in the individual dialects.
6.1 EASTERN SHAN
6.1.1 CONSONANT PHONEMES
There are nineteen consonant phonemes in ES. Table 6.1 below represents all
consonant phonemes.
Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosive voiceless unaspirated p t c k h voiceless aspirated ph th ch kh voiced b Nasal m n ŋ Fricative unaspirated aspirated
s sh
Approximant w l j Trill r
Table 6.1: Consonant phonemes of ES
6.1.1.1 Consonant minimal pairs
The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic
contrasts between aspirated and unaspirated plosives.
Bilabial plosives
/p/ /ph/ [paj24] ‘to walk’
[phaj24] ‘who’
[pi24] ‘fat’
[phi24] ‘ghost/spirit’
56
Alveolar plosives
/t/ /th/ [taa24] ‘eye’
[thaa43] ‘if’
[to24] ‘body’
[tho21] ‘beans’
Palatal plosives
/c/ /ch/ [cut21] ‘to burn’
[chuk44] ‘to stand’
There is a shortage of words with palatal plosive initials, which makes it difficult to
find for minimal pairs.
Velar plosives
/k/ /kh/ [kaj24] ‘to swell’
[khaj24] ‘egg’
[kon44] ‘person’
[khon24] ‘feather’
The following minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between
voiced and voiceless plosives.
Bilabial plosives
/p/ /b/ [paa43] ‘older aunt’
[baa43] ‘crazy’
/ph/ /b/ [phaa21] ‘to split’
[baa21] ‘shoulder’
57
The following sub-minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrast between
aspirated and unaspirated fricatives. Due to a shortage of words with fricative initials,
this minimal pair is not as ideal.
/s/ /sh/ [saam24] ‘three’
[shaaŋ43] ‘to build’
6.1.1.2 Allophonic realizations
/kh/ aspirated velar stop [x] / __ V(C)# in free variation
examples: /khut44/ [xut44] ‘to dig’ /khwaː24/ [xwaa24] ‘right (hand)’ The allophonic realization of [x] as /kh/ can be explained as transition of sounds from
/kh/ to [x]. Edmonson (2008:199) provides an extensive table of sound change from
*kh in Proto-Tai to [x] or [kx] in various Shan dialects. There were many dialects of
the language that were still in transition from /kh/ to [x]. It is thus a possibility that the
same is happening in ES, hence the free variation of [x] as /kh/.
/h/ voiceless glottal stop [ɦ] / __ V[+low +back] C[+stop]#
examples: /hak21/ [ɦak21] ‘to vomit’
58
6.1.2 VOWEL PHONEMES
There are nine monophthongal vowel phonemes in ES. Table 6.2 below provides the
vowel inventory of ES, categorizing them according to their height and position.
Front Central Back
High i ɨ u
Mid e ə o
Low
a a
ɒ
Table 6.2: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in ES
6.1.2.1 Monophthong minimal pairs
The following minimal and sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic
contrasts between vowels that are phonetically similar.
/i/ /ɨ/ [i44] ‘to push’
[ɨ43] ‘dull’
/i/ /ɛ/ [li44] ‘good’
[lɛ43] ‘and’
/i/ /e/ [pit21] ‘wings’
[pet44] ‘duck’
/ɨ/ /ə/ [mɨ44] ‘hand’
[mə21 laj44] ‘when’
[kɨt52] ‘to think’
[kət52] ‘be born’
/u/ /ɒ/ [ʔun21] ‘warm’
[ʔɒn43] ‘soft’
59
/a/ /aː/ [khau21] ‘shake’
[khaau21] ‘news’
[laj24] ‘to flow’
[laaj24] ‘many’
There is only vowel length distinction for /a/.
6.1.2.2 Allophonic realizations
/ɒ/ low back rounded vowel [ɔ] / l __ C#
examples: /lɒk21/ [lɔk21] ‘flower’ /lɒj44/ [lɔj44] ‘mountain’ /a / low front unrounded vowel
[ ] / C __ # examples: /pa 24/ [p 24] ‘fish’ /ma 24/ [m 24] ‘dog’ /tha 43/ [th 43] ‘to wait’ /ma 44/ [m 44] ‘come’ /ə/ low back rounded vowel
[ɘ] / C __ (C)# in free variation examples: /kə24/ [kɘ24] ‘salt’ /e/ low back rounded vowel
[ɛ] / Cj __ C# [ɛ] / C __ # in free variation
examples: /jep52/ [jɛp52] ‘to sew’ /ljeŋ44/ [ljɛŋ44] ‘red’ /me21/ [mɛ21] ‘mother’
60
6.1.2.2.1 Nasalization of vowels
Apart from the nasalization of /aː/ that was presented above, there is also contextual
nasalization of vowels in ES. Adjacent nasal consonants will influence the vowels to
carry the nasal qualities of these consonants. Some examples are provided below.
/naŋ24/ [nãŋ24] ‘skin’ /mɨ44/ [m ̃44] ‘hand’
6.1.2.2.2 Creaky vowels
Vowels are usually creaky when the assigned tone of the syllable is /21/. Laver (1980:
122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003) discovers that one of the few conditions for a creak to
occur is when the fundamental frequency is below 100Hz. The fundamental
frequency of tone /21/ goes below 100Hz (the tonal acoustics of tone /21/ can be seen
in Chapter 5 section 5.1.3.1), hence affecting the vowel quality of the syllable, turning
it creaky. Another condition that Laver (1980: 122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003)
discovers is that the tension in vocal cords cause creakiness as well. If the coda is a
plosive, it is almost always that the adjacent vowels are creaky because the glottis is
preparing itself to close, causing tension in the vocal cords. Below are some examples
of creaky vowels.
/pɒt21/ [pɒ̰t21] ‘lungs’ /pjɛt21/ [pjɛ̰t21] ‘eight’
6.1.2.3 Diphthongs
There are only two diphthongs in ES according to the data collected from Consultant
S. Table 6.3 below provides the two diphthongs in ES.
Diphthongs
eu au
Table 6.3: Diphthongs in ES
There is certainly insufficient data to confirm that this is a complete inventory of
diphthongs in the language. This is an area that could be further explored.
61
6.2 NORTHERN SHAN
6.2.1 CONSONANT PHONEMES
There are nineteen consonant phonemes in NS. Table 6.4 below represents all
consonant phonemes.
Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosive voiceless unaspirated p t c k h voiceless aspirated th kh voiced Nasal m n ɲ ŋ Fricative unaspirated aspirated
f
s sh
Affricate unaspirated aspirated
ts tsh
Approximant w l j
Table 6.4: Consonant phonemes of NS
Looking at Table 6.4 above, we can see that voiceless unaspirated /p/ does not have
an aspirated counterpart like other plosives. That is due to sound change of voiceless
aspirated /ph/ to unaspirated fricative /f/. Edmondson (2008:201) reports that many
Shan dialects have the habit of hypercorrection where originally the sound change
was /f/ to /ph/, but the speakers then got used to reversing the rule to make it /ph/ to
/f/. This is a characteristic change of Shan. Alveolar nasal /n/ only appears in the coda
of syllables. The original Proto-Tai initial is *hn and the sound change occurred from
*hn to /n/ in Siamese, Lungchow and Po-ai (Li, 1977:114). When comparing NS with
ES and XS, it revealed that in syllables where ES and XS still retained their /n/ initial,
it was a /l/ initial in NS. This led to the assumption that a sound change had occurred
from alveolar nasal /n/ to lateral approximant /l/ in syllable initials, hence /n/ is
restricted to appearing only in the final position.
6.2.1.1 Consonant minimal pairs
The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic
contrasts between aspirated and unaspirated plosives.
62
Alveolar plosives
/t/ /th/ [taa23] ‘eye’
[thaa23] ‘to shave’
[tom52] ‘boil’
[thom21] ‘to spit’
Velar plosives
/k/ /kh/ [kau21] ‘knee’
[khau21] ‘knee’
[kaj23] ‘far’
[khaj21] ‘egg’
[ko33] ‘fear’
[kho45] ‘neck
The following minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between
plosives that are phonetically similar.
/t/ /c/ [tin23] ‘foot’
[cin23] ‘to eat’
/k/ /h/ [ko33] ‘to fear’
[kwak45 ho23] ‘head’
/kh/ /h/ [kho23] ‘to laugh’
[kwak45 ho23] ‘head’
The following minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between
aspirated and unaspirated fricatives.
/s/ /sh/ [saŋ23] ‘what’
[shaŋ23 tsə52 waa43] ‘to eat’
63
The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic
contrasts between fricatives that are phonetically similar.
/s/ /f/ [san21] ‘shake’
[tshə52 fan45] ‘seed’
/f/ /sh/ [faaj23] ‘sharp’
[shaaj23] ‘rope’
The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic
contrasts between aspirated and unaspirated affricates.
/ts/ /tsh/ [thʊj52 tsə23] ‘to breathe’
[maak21 ho23 tshə23] ‘heart’
[shaŋ23 tsə52 waa43] ‘if’
[tshə52 fan45] ‘seed’
The following sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between
approximants that are phonetically similar.
/l/ /j/ [lam52] ‘water’
[jam45] ‘wet’
[laj23] ‘to flow’
[jaj21] ‘big’
The following minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between
palatals that are phonetically similar.
/j/ /ɲ/ [jin45 ʔaaj23] ‘to smell’
[ɲin45] ‘to hear’
64
6.2.1.2 Allophonic realizations
/kh/ aspirated velar stop [x] / __ V(C)# in free variation [kx] / __ V(C)# in free variation
Similar to ES, the allophonic realization of [x] and [kx] as /kh/ can be explained as
sound change that is still in transition, hence the free variation that is occurring in
these sounds.
examples: /khop23/ [xop23] ‘bite’ /khon23/ [kxon23] ‘feather’ /h/ voiceless glottal stop
[ɦ] / __ V[+low +back] C[+stop]# examples: /hak52/ [ɦak52] ‘to vomit’
65
6.2.2 VOWEL PHONEMES
There are nine monophthongal vowel phonemes in NS. Table 6.5 below provides the
vowel inventory of NS, categorizing them according to their height and position.
Front Central Back
High i ɨ u
Mid e ə o
Low a a
ɒ
Table 6.5: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in NS
6.2.2.1 Monophthong minimal pairs
The following minimal and sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic
contrasts between vowels that are phonetically similar.
/i/ /ɨ/ [si21] ‘four’
[sɨ23] ‘straight’
/i/ /e/ [li23] ‘good’
[le52] ‘and’
/e/ /ə/ [me43] ‘mother’
[mə52 laɨ23] ‘when’
[le52] ‘and’
[lə52] ‘meat (flesh)’
/ɨ/ /ə/ [tshɨ52] ‘name’
[tshə52 fan45] ‘seed’
/u/ /o/ [hu23] ‘ear’
[khon23 ho23] ‘hair’
[mu45] ‘snake’
[mo33] ‘lotus’
66
/a/ /a / [hap21] ‘close’
[ha p21] ‘carry(on shoulder)’
[faj45]
‘fire’
[fa j23] ‘sharp’
There is only vowel length distinction for /a/.
6.2.2.2 Allophonic realizations
/ɒ/ low back rounded vowel [ɔ] / (C) __ j#
examples: /kɒj23/ [kɔj23] ‘to break’ /lɒj23/ [lɔj23] ‘mountain’ /aː/ low front unrounded vowel
[ ] / C __ (C)# examples: /ka 52/ [k 52] ‘rice seedlings’ /ma n52/ [m n52] ‘village’ /ma 23/ [m 23] ‘dog’ /ə/ low back rounded vowel
[ɘ] / C __ (C)# in free variation examples: /kə24/ [kɘ24] ‘salt’ /e/ low back rounded vowel
[ɛ] / (C)j __ C# in free variation examples: /kjep52/ [kjɛp52] ‘narrow’ /jep23/ [jɛp23] ‘to sew’ /u/ low back rounded vowel
[ʊ] / C __ j# in free variation [ʊ] / C __ e# in free variation
examples: /muj23/ [mʊj23] ‘snow’ /thuj52 tsə23/ [thʊj52 tsə23] ‘to breathe’ /tue21/ [tʊe21] ‘to swell’
67
6.2.2.2.1 Nasalization of vowels
Similar to ES, there is contextual nasalization of vowels in NS apart from the
nasalization of /a /. Nasal consonants will influence the vowel quality of adjacent
vowels and bring over their nasal qualities. Some examples are provided below.
/min23/ [mĩn23] ‘to fly’ /mɨ45/ [m ̃45] ‘hand’
6.2.2.2.2 Creaky vowels
Vowels are usually creaky when the assigned tone of the syllable is /21/ or /52/. Laver
(1980: 122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003) discovers that one of the few conditions for a
creak to occur is when the fundamental frequency is below 100Hz. The fundamental
frequencies of tone /21/ and second half of tone /52/ go below 100Hz (the tonal
acoustics of tones /21/ and /52/ can be seen in Chapter 5 section 5.1.3.2), hence
affecting the vowel quality of the syllable, turning it creaky. If the coda is a plosive, it
is almost always that the adjacent vowels are creaky because the glottis is preparing
itself to close, causing tension in the vocal cords. This is another condition Laver
(1980: 122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003) discovers. Below are some examples of creaky
vowels.
/khaj21/ [kha̰j21] ‘egg’ /cjek21/ [cjɛ̰k21] ‘to split’ /tha 21/ [tha̰a̰52] ‘to wait’
6.2.2.3 Diphthongs
There are only four diphthongs in NS according to the data collected from Consultant
M. Table 6.6 below provides the diphthong inventory in NS.
Diphthongs
ue eu aɨ əɨ
Table 6.6: Diphthongs in NS
68
Similar to ES, there is insufficient data to construct a complete inventory of
diphthongs in the dialect. This is an area that could be further explored.
69
6.3 XISHUANGPANNA SHAN
6.3.1 CONSONANT PHONEMES
There are eighteen consonant phonemes in XS. Table 6.7 below is the consonant
inventory of the language.
Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosive voiceless unaspirated p t k h voiceless aspirated ph th voiced b d Nasal m n ŋ Fricative f s x Affricate unaspirated aspirated
tsh
Approximant w l j
Table 6.7: Consonant phonemes of XS
Looking at Table 6.7 above, we can see that voiceless unaspirated velar plosive /k/
does not have an aspirated counterpart unlike other voiceless plosives. Edmondson
(2008:197) discovers that the aspirated velar plosive /kh/ in Shan dialects are going
through a sound change to unaspirated velar fricative /x/. XS is one of the dialects
where the lenition of /kh/ to /x/ is almost2 complete.
XS in still in transition in its sound change from /ph/ to /f/, which explains the co-
existence of /ph/ and /f/ in the consonant inventory. This is expected as Edmonson
(2008:201) mentions that there are still some Shan dialects that have remnants of /ph/
found in them.
There is also the curious case of aspirated affricate in the inventory. I suspect that the
unaspirated affricate /ts/ went through a sound change to unaspirated fricative /s/
since it is physiologically more economical to produce a fricative than an affricate.
The aspirated affricate /tsh/ is then left behind because a sound change to become an
aspirated fricative has not yet commence. This, however, is just my speculation, and I
have not been able to find an evidence to support that yet.
2 I use almost here because it is possible that with more data collection, there may be discoveries of /kh/ in some words to indicate that the lenition process is not complete.
70
6.3.1.1 Consonant minimal pairs
The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic
contrasts between aspirated and unaspirated plosives.
Bilabial plosives /p/ /ph/ [pi45] ‘year’
[phi45] ‘ghost’
[paj45] ‘to go’
[phaj45] ‘sharp’
Alveolar plosives
/t/ /th/ [tau23] ‘turtle’
[thau212] ‘old’
[tom212] ‘to boil’
[thom23] ‘to spit’
The following minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between
plosives that are phonetically similar.
/p/ /b/ [pin45] ‘to live’
[bin45] ‘to fly’
[pa212] ‘older aunt’
[ba212] ‘crazy’
/ph/ /b/ [phaj45] ‘sharp’
[baj45] ‘leaf
/t/ /d/ [tak23] ‘sun (verb)’
[dap23] ‘sword’
[taŋ42] ‘road’
[hu42 daŋ45] ‘nose’
71
The following sub-minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between
phonetically similar fricatives.
/s/ /f/ [su45] ‘2PL’
[fu42] ‘to float’
The following minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts phonetically
similar approximants.
/j/ /w/ [xaj23] ‘egg’
[xaw23] ‘knee’
6.3.1.2 Allophonic realizations
/h/ voiceless glottal stop [ɦ] / __ V[+low +back] C[+stop]#
examples: /hak42/ [ɦak42] ‘to vomit’ /s/ voiceless unaspirated fricative
[sh] / __ V C# in free variation examples: /saj212/ [shaj212] ‘guts’ /si23/ [shi23] ‘four’
72
6.3.2 VOWEL PHONEMES
There are eight monophthongal vowel phonemes in XS. Table 6.8 below provides the
vowel inventory of XS, categorizing them according to their height and position.
Front Central Back
High i ɨ u
Mid e ə o
Low a ɔ
Table 6.8: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in XS
6.3.2.1 Monophthong minimal pairs
It was extremely difficult to find minimal pairs to demonstrate phonemic contrasts
between phonetically similar vowels in XS. The vowels seem to occur in almost
exclusive conditions. Even when the consonants that flank the vowels in the pairs are
the same, the tone for each syllable is different. This makes it almost impossible to
identify minimal pairs. The examples below illustrate such a phenomenon. Apart from
/ɨ/ and /e/ where a minimal pair is found, there are no minimal pairs for the others.
It is possible that my insufficient data limits the search for minimal pairs, as I only
have 300 unique words to work with. Nevertheless, the vowels in XS pose a big
problem.
/i/ /ɨ/ [min32] ‘louse’
[mɨn33] ‘smooth’
/ɨ/ /e/ [mɨ42] ‘hand’
[me42] ‘wife’
/ɨ/ /ə/ [mɨn33] ‘smooth’
[mən45 hɨ42] ‘how’
/o/ /ɔ/ [bo45] ‘lotus’
[bɔ23] ‘well’
73
6.3.2.2 Allophonic realizations
/ɔ/ low back rounded vowel [ɒ] / C __ C[+velar]#
examples: /mɔk23 məj45/ [mɒk23 məj45] ‘fog’ /nɔŋ45/ [nɒŋ45] ‘lake’ /a/ low front unrounded vowel
[ ] / C __ (C)# in free variation examples: /xa45/ [x 45] ‘leg /tshaj42/ [tsha j42] ‘man’ /e/ low back rounded vowel
[ɛ] / (C)j __ C# in free variation examples: /kjep42/ [kjɛp42] ‘narrow’ /jep45/ [jɛp45] ‘to sew’ /u/ low back rounded vowel
[ʊ] / C __ C[+nasal]# in free variation [ʊ] / C __ C[+palatal]#
examples: /xum45/ [xʊm45] ‘to smell’ /uj32/ [ʊj32] ‘to push’ /phum45/ [phʊm45] ‘hair’
6.3.2.3 Diphthongs
There are only two diphthongs in NS according to the data collected from Consultant
KZ. Table 6.9 below provides the diphthong inventory in NS.
Diphthongs
eu au
Table 6.9: Diphthongs in XS
74
7. Conclusion This is only the beginning of an in-depth phonological and phonetic investigation of
the Shan language. It is a pity that only three dialects were described in this paper, but
due to time and resource constraints, this is the most that I could do. As this thesis
takes us through the different chapters, it is evident that there is significant variation
between each dialect. It appears that it would be a challenge to document this
language, but nevertheless a worthwhile endeavour.
There are a few limitations to this paper. There is only one native speaker for each
dialect. This cannot make for a representative sample size of the dialects I have
described. It is also likely that idiosyncrasies of the speakers were captured in this
paper. The data that was used for analysis was also limited as there are only three
hundred unique words for each dialect. The data size could be largely increased to
make for a more accurate analysis. Nevertheless, it is hoped that this thesis makes for
a good starting point for deeper investigation and description of this language.
There are still large areas of this language that are left undiscovered, and though
Edmondson (2008:184-202) and Edmondson and Solnit (1997:337-359) have done
some impressive work on the language, they are still at the beginning stages of
exploration. The urgency to document this language continues to grow.
75
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79
Appendix B: Swadesh 200-word list
Word Transcription
ES NS XS
001 All
002 And
003 Animal
004 Ashes
005 At
006 Back
007 Bad
008 Bark (Of A Tree)
009 Because
010 Belly
011 Big
012 Bird
013 To Bite
014 Black
015 Blood
016 To Blow
017 Bone
018 To Breathe
019 To Burn (Intransitive)
020 Child
021 Cloud
022 Cold (Weather)
023 To Come
024 To Count
025 To Cut
026 Day
027 To Die
028 To Dig
029 Dirty
030 Dog
031 To Drink
032 Dry
033 Dull (Knife)
034 Dust
taŋ44 seŋ43
lɛɛ43
shat44
tau43
tii21
laŋ24
laj52
pəək21 maaj52
phɒɒ43 waa21
pum24
jaaj21
nok52
xop44
lam44
ləət21
pau21
luk21
thoj43 chaaj24
cut21 phaj44
luk21
mɒk21
kat44
maa44
nap52
tat44
wan44
taaj24
xut44
bwee21
maa24
kin24
hjɛŋ43
ʔɨɨ43
phun24
taŋ45 seŋ52
lee52
sat23
faw21
tii45
laŋ21
ʔam21 lii23
pək21 maj52
kɒp43 waa43
tɒŋ52
jaj21
lok52
khop23
lam23
ləət52
paaw23
lop21
thʊj52 tsəə23
faj45 maj52
luk21
mɒk21 kum23
kat23
maa45
lap52
tjep23 / paat21
wan45
taaj23
khut23
haŋ52 weej21
maa23
sot23
hjaŋ52
ʔam21 faaj23
fen21 mut52
taŋ42 mon42
lɛɛ32
sat45
fun23
juu23
laŋ45
luu32
naŋ45 maj32
pəə33 waa33
tɒɒŋ32
jaj23
nok42
xop45
dam45
lət42
pat42
duk23
thʊj212 tshaj45
maj212
luk42
faa212
naaw45
maa42
nap42
sɔj42
kaŋ45 wan42
taaj45
xut45
haŋ212
maa45
dəm23
hjaŋ212
puk45
mɒk32 taw45
80
035 Ear
036 Earth (Soil)
037 To Eat
038 Egg
039 Eye
040 To Fall (Drop)
041 Far
042 Fat
043 Father
044 To Fear
045 Feather
046 Few
047 To Fight
048 Fire
049 Fish
050 Five
051 To Float
052 To Flow
053 Flower
054 To Fly
055 Fog
056 Foot
057 Four
058 To Freeze
059 Fruit
060 To Give
061 Good
062 Grass
063 Green
064 Guts
065 Hair
066 Hand
067 He
068 Head
069 To Hear
070 Heart
071 Heavy
072 Here
073 To Hit
074 Hold (In Hand)
huu24
lin44
kin24
khaj21
taa24
waŋ44
kaj24
pii44
pɒɒ21
koo24
khon24
ʔit45 ʔɒɒn24
tɒɒ21 suu43
phaj44
paa24
haa43
phuu44
laj24
lɒɒk21
bin44
məj24
tin24
shii21
khjaŋ24
maak21
hɨɨ43
lii44
jaa43
kheu24
khəŋ21 naj44
phom24
mɨɨ44
man44
kwak44 huu24
jin44
ho24 chaj24
nak44
tii21 nii43
pɒɒ52/ tup52
jook52
huu23
lin23
cin23
khaj21
taa23
tok23
kaj23
pii45
poo43
koo33
khon23
ʔii21
fit23 kan23
faj45
paa23
haa52
fuu45
laj23
mɒk21
min23
mɒj23
tin23
sii21
kat23
maak21
pan23
lii23
jəə52 jaa52
kheu23
khoŋ45 laɨ45
khon23 hoo23
mɨɨ45
man45 tshaaj45
kwak45 hoo23
ɲin45 maak21 ho23 tshəə23
lak23
ti52 laj52
top52
kam23
huu45
din45
kin45
xaj23
taa45
tok45
kaj45
pii42
pɔɔ33
hwam42 koo45
xon45
kii23
ʔeeŋ23
faj42
paa45
haa212
fuu42
laj45
dɔɔk23
bin45
mɒk23 məj45
xaa45
sii23
khjaaŋ45
maak23
pan45
dii45
jaa212
kheu45
shaj212
phʊm45
mɨɨ42
man42
kwak42 huu45
faŋ42
tshaj45
nak45
tii32 nii212
tii45
kam45
81
075 How
076 To Hunt
077 Husband
078 I
079 Ice
080 If
081 In
082 To Kill
083 Know
084 Lake
085 To Laugh
086 Leaf
087 Left (Hand)
088 Leg
089 To Lie (On Side)
090 To Live
091 Liver
092 Long
093 Louse
094 Man (Male)
095 Many
096 Meat (Flesh)
097 Moon
098 Mother
099 Mountain
100 Mouth
101 Name
102 Narrow
103 Near
104 Neck
105 New
106 Night
107 Nose
108 Not
109 Old
110 One
111 Other
112 Person
113 To Play
114 To Push
pjɛn24 hɨɨ24
laj21
phoo24
kau24
nam52 khjaŋ24
thaa43
naj44
khaa21
ruu52/ huu52
nɒɒŋ24
khoo24
baj44 maj52
shaaj52
khaa24
nɒɒn44
juu21
tap44
jaaw44
ɦaw24
phuu43 chaaj24
laaj24
nəə52
ləən44
mɛɛ21
lɔɔj44
paak21
cɨɨ21
kjɛp21
kaj43
khɒɒ44
maj21
kaŋ24 kham21
laŋ44
waw21
kau21
nɨŋ21
jaaŋ21 ʔɨn21
khon44/ kon44
leen43
ʔii44
tshəŋ52 hɨɨ23
lam45
foo23
kaaw23
lam52 kaam52 shaŋ23 tsə52 waa43
ti43 laɨ45
ʔaw23 taaj23
huu52
lɒɒŋ23
khoo23
maɨ23
shaaj52
khaa23
ljɛn23
ju21 shaaw45
tap23
jaaw45
haw23
tshaaj45
taŋ45 lam23
ləə52
ləən23
mee43
lɔɔj23
sop21
tshɨɨ52
kjɛp52
tsham23
khoo45
maɨ21
kham52
khu45 laŋ23
ʔam23 tshəɨ33
kaaw21
ləəŋ43
taŋ21 ʔan23
koo52
lin52
ʔii45
mən45 hɨɨ42
laj33 sjɛt45 paa23
phoo45
xɔj212
məj45
kan42 lɛɛ32
juu23
xaa212
huu32
nɒŋ45
xoo45
fəə45 maj32
shaaj32
xaa45
nɔɔn42
pin45
tap45
jaaw42
min32
tshaaj42
laaj45
tshin32
dən45
mɛɛ33
dɔɔj45
sop45
tshɨɨ45
kjɛp42
kaj212
xɔɔ43
maj23
kaŋ45 xɨn42
hu43 daŋ45
baw212
thau212
nɨŋ33
ʔan42 ɨn23
kun43
len212
ʔʊj32
82
115 To Rain
116 Red
117 Right (Correct)
118 Right (Hand)
119 River
120 Road
121 Root
122 Rope
123 Rotten (Log)
124 Rub
125 Salt
126 Sand
127 To Say
128 Scratch
129 Sea
130 To See
131 Seed
132 To Sew
133 Sharp (Knife)
134 To Sing
135 To Sit
136 Skin
137 Sky
138 To Sleep
139 Small
140 To Smell (Perceive Odor)
141 Smoke
142 Smooth
143 Snake
144 Snow
145 Soft
146 Some
147 To Spit
148 To Split
149 To Squeeze
150 To Stab
151 To Stand
152 Star
153 Stick (Of Wood)
154 Stone
phon24 tok44
ljɛŋ44
thuk21
xwaa24
mɛɛ21 nam52
sjɛn21 taŋ44
raak21
cəək21
nau21
luup21
kɘɘ24
shaaj44
laat21
kaw24
ma52 haa24 sa44 mut44
han24
mjɛt52
jɛp52
phaaj24
lɒŋ52
naŋ21
naŋ24
tɒŋ52 phaa52
nɒɒn44
lik52 / nɒɒj52
lom44
kwan44
ləəm43
muu44
mɒk21 məj24
ʔɒn43
ʔee21
thom21
phaa21
phan52
tjɛŋ44
chuk44
laaw44
khɒn52
hin24
fon23 to23
ljaaŋ23
mjɛn33
khwaa23
ke45 lam52
taŋ45
haak52
shaaj23
mjɛn23 som52
mɒɒt21
kɘɘ23
shaaj45
laat52
jaaj45
paŋ21 laaj21
han23
tshəə52 fan45
jɛp23
faaj23
hɒŋ52
laŋ43
laŋ23
kaaŋ23 haaw23
lɒɒn45
lik52
jin45 ʔaaj23
kɔɔn45
ləm52 lii23
muu45
mʊj23
ʔon52
kam33 fɒɒŋ43
thom21
cjɛk21
mip21
tjaŋ45
tshuk23
laaw23
ljam52 maj52
maak21 hin23
fʊn45 tok45
djaŋ45
mjɛn33
kwaa45
nam32 maa32
taŋ42
haak42
tshək42
lan33 ljau45
jum45
kəə45
saaj42
waa33
jaat45
mɛɛ33 nam32
duu45
tshəə32 fan42
jɛp45
phaj45
xap45
naŋ33
naŋ45
kaŋ45 haw45
lap45
nɔj32
xʊm45
kwɔn42
mɨn33
muu42
məj45
ʔoon212
ʔit45
thom23
tjak23
mip23
tjaŋ42
tshjɛn23
daaw45
xaa33 maj32
maak23 hin45
83
155 Straight
156 To Suck
157 Sun
158 To Swell
159 To Swim
160 Tail
161 That
162 There
163 They
164 Thick
165 Thin
166 To Think
167 This
168 Thou/You
169 Three
170 To Throw
171 To Tie
172 Tongue
173 Tooth
174 Tree
175 To Turn (Veer)
176 Two
177 To Vomit
178 To Walk
179 Warm (Weather)
180 To Wash
181 Water
182 We
183 Wet
184 What
185 When
186 Where
187 White
188 Who
189 Wide
190 Wife
191 Wind (Breeze)
192 Wing
193 Wipe
194 With (Accompanying)
sɨɨ43
luut21
taa24 wan44
kaj21
lui44
haŋ24
nan52
pun52
khau24
naa24
phɒm24
kɨt52
nii52
maj44
saam24
xwaŋ43
mat52
lin52
kheu43
ton43 maj52
mun24
sɒɒŋ24
ɦak21
paj24
ʔun21
laŋ52
nam52
hau44
jam44
saŋ24
məə21 laj44
tii21 laj44
khau24
phaj24
kwaŋ43
mee44
lom44
pik21
cɛt52
loj43
sɨɨ23
tshup21
ljɛɛt23
tʊe21
lui45
haaŋ23
ʔan23 lan52
ti52 lan52
haw23
laa23
jɒɒm23
woon52
ʔan23 laj52
maɨ45
saam23
thɨm52 pjɛt52
mat52
lin52
shew52
ton52 maj52
waj21
sɒɒŋ23
ɦak52
paj23
ʔoon21
laaŋ52
lam52
haaw45
jam45
saŋ23
məə52 laɨ23
ti52 laɨ23
fək21
faɨ23
kaŋ52
mee45
loom45
pik21
tshet23
tshɒm45
sɨɨ33
dut23
taa45 wan42
pɒŋ42
lɔɔj42
haaŋ45
ʔan33 nan32
tii33 han212
xaw45
naa45
jɔɔm45
kɨt42
ʔan33 ni32
tshaw212
saam45
haaj45
mat42
lin32
khew212
tʊn212 maj32
phat45
sɒŋ45
ɦak42
jaaŋ33
ʔʊn23
sak42
nam32
haw42
tshʊm32
baw23 saŋ45
jaam42 daj45
ti32 naj45
xaaw45
phaj45
kwaŋ212
mee42
lʊm42
pik23
tshjet42
kap45
84
195 Woman
196 Woods
197 Worm
198 Ye
199 Year
200 Yellow
mɛɛ21 jiŋ44
maj52
nɒɒn24
suu24
pii24
ləəŋ24
jiŋ45
thən23
tək21 ləən23
suu23
pii23
ləŋ23
jiŋ42
paa23 maj32
mjɛɛŋ42
suu45
pii45
ləŋ45
85
Appendix C: Acoustic analysis tables Eastern Shan
OPEN SYLLABLES
[24] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
huu24 ‘ear’ 115 114 114 113 114 116 118 120 127 129 134
khaa24 ‘leg’ 113 103 102 103 104 104 105 104 106 113 119
phii24 ‘ghost’ 109 104 100 99.6 99.8 100 102 105 110 112 119
pii24 ‘year’ 114 107 104 103 103 104 104 106 111 114 124
taa24 ‘eye’ 104 97.4 97.6 99.6 99.2 100 102 99.5 101 107 110
paa24 ‘fish’ 102 97.5 99.3 98.0 98.0 98.6 102 105 111 114 122
too24 ‘body’ 107 101 98.6 96.0 96.0 95.0 94.0 94.4 96.8 104 109
maa24 ‘dog’ 103 99.4 97.3 96.4 94.7 95.7 99.3 102 109 113 121
muu24 ‘pig’ 105 103 101 100 100 102 104 110 116 126 133
naa24 ‘thick’ 99.3 97.3 96.7 94.4 92.5 91.4 91.1 92.9 97.6 109 118
kin24 ‘eat’ 112 108 107 106 102 106 108 108 108 113 118
kɘɘ24 ‘salt’ 114 106 103 102 102 103 102 102 109 114 119
[24] MEAN F0 108 103 102 101 100 101 103 104 109 114 121
[24] MEAN DUR 0 32.5 65.0 97.9 131 163 195 228 261 293 323
[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
khaj21 ‘egg’ 121 113 104 97.2 97.2 95.0 95.2 94.9 93.7 92.1 92
khau21 ‘shake’ 115 111 106 101 98.5 97.0 96.1 95 97.2 98.2 98.7
khaau21 ‘news’ 114 107 102 98.6 97.1 97.8 95.7 94.7 94.4 93.3 95.5
phaa21 ‘to split’ 114 111 104 98.1 95.8 94.0 92.7 92.0 89.7 87.7 90.7
sii21 ‘shirt’ 113 110 103 98.5 96.3 93.7 91.7 90.3 89.4 87.7 84.4
khaʊ21 ‘knee’ 118 113 106 100 94.9 92.4 89.6 88.6 88.8 90.9 89.7
khaa21 ‘to kill’ 117 109 104 100 98.0 96.8 95.8 93.9 89.4 85.0 81.7
paa21 ‘forest’ 110 108 105 105 104 101 98.7 97.8 95.9 93.2 88.9
kaj21 ‘chicken’ 121 112 108 101 97.0 95.2 94.6 94.2 92.1 88.9 88.3
kaʊ21 ‘old’ 123 115 106 103 99.4 95.6 92.3 89.7 87.8 86.2 84.3
taʊ21 ‘turtle’ 114 105 99.4 98.9 97.3 94.4 92.5 89.4 89.1 84.7 84.7
baa21 ‘shoulder’ 102 103 103 102 97.4 95.6 95.3 95.4 91.3 85.7 86.7
baaw21 ‘young man’
103 101 99.2 97.2 94.6 93.7 91.6 90.8 90.9 89.9 87.9
86
laa21 ‘scold’ 104 103 102 99.5 98.4 97.1 95.1 93.2 92.1 89.8 91.6
bɒɒ21 ‘well’ 108 104 101 99.3 98.3 96.3 94.0 92.7 92.0 91.0 93.7
pii21 ‘older sibling’
117 114 108 102 99.0 97.8 96.1 94.2 92.2 86.8 86.7
pɒɒ21 ‘father’ 114 110 107 104 101 96.6 95.8 94.6 93.6 92.9 91.6
thoo21 ‘beans’ 109 109 104 99.7 97.6 95.4 93.9 92.5 90.7 88.7 87.7
phjɛn21 ‘board’ 127 120 112 106 101 97.1 96.1 97.0 95.4 93.1 95.6
maj21 ‘new’ 110 106 102 98.5 96.0 92.7 92.3 93.6 93.7 92.0 90.8
tam21 ‘low’ 111 108 103 101 99.6 96.2 94.8 91.2 89.7 88.6 89.4
ʔim21 ‘full’ 122 120 117 111 101 101 95.3 91.3 95.4 93.7 88.5
mɛɛ21 ‘mother’ 103 102 98.5 96.5 94.4 92.0 92.3 91.4 89.6 88.2 85.8
bon21 ‘otter’ 114 116 116 119 115 111 114 114 115 114 107
taa21 ‘wharf’ 108 105 104 95.5 94.4 96.0 96.0 94.9 92.6 90.4 85.6
[21] MEAN F0 113 109 105 101 98.5 96.5 95.1 93.9 92.9 90.9 89.9
[21] MEAN DUR 0 22.3 44.7 64.8 89.6 112 134 156 179 202 230
[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% khau43 ‘rice’ 123 119 116 117 115 113 111 110 112 108 101
səə43 ‘shirt’ 119 117 113 111 113 111 110 108 107 105 97.5
haa43 ‘five’ 125 119 116 114 115 113 112 114 113 112 102
lau43 ‘liquor’ 110 107 108 108 107 108 111 111 112 104 100
thaa43 ‘to wait’ 118 113 112 112 113 113 113 113 111 108 106
khau43 ‘enter’ 126 113 109 107 107 108 108 108 107 102 100
paa43 ‘older aunt’
115 110 107 105 106 106 107 105 106 105 99.3
kau43 ‘nine’ 115 109 105 105 104 106 110 109 109 106 103
kaj43 ‘close’ 124 120 114 112 112 112 112 114 113 111 105
kaa43 ‘rice seedlings’
119 115 112 111 110 109 108 110 107 107 102
taj43 ‘under’ 115 111 111 107 106 106 107 110 111 109 101
ʔaa43 ‘open’ 115 118 114 112 112 113 111 110 108 108 106
baa43 ‘crazy’ 111 111 111 109 108 107 108 107 106 106 106
laj43 ‘to get’ 114 112 111 108 107 107 107 108 106 104 102
ʔɒj43 ‘sugar cane’
115 117 111 109 104 101 100 100 104 105 102
naa43 ‘face’ 111 108 107 105 104 102 103 105 106 106 101
tom43 ‘boil’ 117 112 109 108 110 111 108 110 109 106 99.5
shɐn43 ‘short’ 127 121 115 113 116 115 114 113 114 112 106
baan43 ‘village’ 111 111 109 106 105 104 104 108 108 108 107
87
maj43 ‘hot’ 118 111 109 108 107 106 105 107 107 103 97.7
ʔɒn43 ‘soft’ 101 103 101 99.0 98.0 95.3 91.6 91.5 90.5 87.8 88.9
[43] MEAN F0 117 113 111 109 109 108 108 108 108 106 102
[43] MEAN DUR 0 26.2 52.1 78.2 104 130 156 182 208 234 258
[44] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% buə44 ‘lotus’ 115 117 121 123 122 121 120 119 119 114 109
laaw44 ‘star’ 115 112 110 110 110 108 108 106 103 100 97
toj44 ‘look’ 119 116 118 118 119 119 120 119 116 112 108
taj44 ‘guess’ 122 116 114 117 116 116 116 115 116 116 113
kwaj44 ‘buffalo’ 109 113 116 116 115 113 112 114 115 118 117
bin44 ‘to fly’ 112 112 112 110 110 108 108 107 102 100 96.3
mɨɨ44 ‘hand’ 122 122 121 120 119 120 122 122 125 127 132
maj44 ‘you’ 118 116 113 113 115 117 116 115 116 119 124
maa44 ‘come’ 114 114 110 115 115 116 116 117 120 124 125
naa44 ‘rice field’
121 121 124 124 125 125 126 127 129 130 133
rəən44 ‘house’ 115 117 114 114 112 115 115 117 117 117 116
nam44 ‘to lead’
116 116 118 116 119 118 115 114 112 114 115
[44] MEAN F0 117 116 116 116 116 116 116 116 116 116 115
[44] MEAN DUR 0 35.2 70.0 105 140 175 210 245 280 315 347
[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% shwɔj52 ‘string
something’ 150 141 138 134 128 120 110 102 95.8 90.5 97.6
ruu52 ‘to know’ 148 151 151 146 139 132 124 116 108 101 92.2
nam52 ‘water’ 136 136 134 130 121 117 114 109 105 105 98.5
maj52 ‘wood’ 131 129 124 117 111 101 98.5 95.6 93.4 84.7 82.7
maa52 ‘horse’ 137 134 131 127 123 119 115 108 100 101 97.4
lin52 ‘tongue’ 138 139 135 126 112 110 103 98.7 93.7 87.7 83.7
[52] MEAN F0 140 138 136 130 122 117 111 105 99.3 95.0 92.0
[52] MEAN DUR 0 20.7 47.9 61.9 82.4 103 123 145 165 185 204
88
NASAL SYLLABLES
[24] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% haŋ24 ‘tail’ 104 95.9 92.7 94.1 94.1 94.3 100 103 105 112 118
naŋ24 ‘skin’ 97.6 95.9 97.2 96.5 97.9 99.4 102 105 109 113 119
[24] MEAN F0 101 95.9 95.0 95.3 96 96.9 101 104 107 113 119
[24] MEAN DUR 0 31.1 62.0 93.2 125 155 186 218 249 280 308
[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% naŋ21 ‘to sit’ 107 104 101 101 98.4 94.9 93.5 92.8 90.6 90.8 88.6
nuŋ21 ‘to dress’ 114 110 105 102 100 97.7 96.1 95.3 93.3 90.4 87.9
[21] MEAN F0 111 107 103 102 99.2 96.3 94.8 94.1 92.0 90.6 88.3
[21] MEAN DUR 0 21.2 42.2 63.8 84.9 106 127 149 170 192 210
[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% shaaŋ43 ‘build’ 123 107 103 105 106 105 104 106 101 99.7 92.8
[43] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -
[43] MEAN DUR 0 28.0 55.5 83.5 111 139 166 194 222 250 275
[44] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% ljɛŋ45 ‘red’ 109 106 107 108 108 107 107 106 106 102 101
liŋ45 ‘monkey’ 127 131 132 133 135 137 138 136 137 137 138
[44] MEAN F0 118 119 120 121 122 122 123 121 122 120 120
[44] MEAN DUR 0 33.7 66.6 100 134 167 201 235 268 300 331
[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nɒŋ52 ‘younger
sibling’ 129 128 125 119 112 105 101 96.4 92.1 89.1 91.7
tɒŋ52 ‘stomach’ 143 142 137 132 127 121 115 111 107 103 101
laŋ52 ‘to wash’ 136 132 128 124 120 116 111 106 98.1 93.2 93.1
[52] MEAN F0 136 134 130 125 120 114 109 104 99.1 95.1 95.3
[52] MEAN DUR 0 20.0 40.0 60.3 80.3 100 120 140 161 180 199
89
CLOSED SYLLABLES
[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% maak21 ‘fruit’ 114 112 111 110 108 105 103 101 100 100 100
phəək21 ‘taro’ 126 121 115 113 110 107 103 98.7 96.7 91.5 89.5
haap21 ‘carry’ 114 113 111 109 108 105 103 102 100 99.8 103
pɒɒt21 ‘lungs’ 123 120 115 111 108 105 103 101 99.0 97.4 97.1
paak21 ‘mouth’ 111 110 106 102 98.8 99.7 99.9 99.7 99.1 96.1 92
taak21 ‘sun (verb)’
109 105 102 102 99.8 98.3 97.3 96.0 94.7 92.4 92.7
kɒɒt21 ‘hug’ 101 100 99.6 99.8 98.9 97.6 96.9 95.6 94.1 92.3 92.4
pjɛɛt21 ‘eight’ 114 110 107 106 104 101 99.2 99.4 98.4 96.8 95.8
kaat21 ‘market’ 112 109 105 100 97.1 94.0 94.0 94.3 93.9 92.9 92.8
kəət21 ‘be born’ 128 122 119 115 113 111 109 108 107 104 103
paat21 ‘harvest’ 108 106 104 102 101 98.0 95.1 93.5 92.6 91.4 90.7
lɔɔk21 ‘flower’ 110 110 107 105 102 99.8 99.1 97.0 94.0 90.4 86.0
ʔɒɒk21 ‘go out’ 111 108 107 110 108 107 104 100 95.3 91.5 89.5
luut21 ‘suck’ 119 118 117 116 114 111 111 111 110 110 111
laat21 ‘sword’ 104 102 99.3 95.9 93.8 93.7 93.9 92.8 93.4 92.1 93.3
nɒɒk21 ‘outside’ 111 110 108 106 105 102 99.8 97.4 94.6 93.5 90.0
raak21 ‘root’ 118 115 112 111 108 105 102 100 98.5 96.9 94.9
ləət21 ‘blood’ 119 119 117 115 113 112 111 110 109 107 107
[21] MEAN F0 114 112 109 107 105 103 101 99.9 98.4 96.4 95.6
[21] MEAN DUR 0 13.0 26.1 39.3 52.4 65.4 78.5 91.8 105 118 130
[44] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mat44 ‘flea’ 128 126 125 125 125 125 126 126 126 127 127
shʊk44 ‘cooked’ 139 137 136 136 138 139 139 137 134 129 126
phak44 ‘vegetable’ 131 130 128 126 127 127 127 128 127 127 126
hok44 ‘six’ 133 132 132 131 130 130 129 128 127 125 123
nak44 ‘heavy’ 125 124 124 123 123 124 124 124 125 125 124
shat44 ‘animal’ 138 138 136 134 133 133 134 134 133 133 132
hak44 ‘break’ 137 134 132 132 133 133 133 133 132 132 131
kop44 ‘frog’ 123 123 122 121 121 122 122 122 122 122 121
tap44 ‘liver’ 125 123 120 119 118 118 119 120 120 120 120
cɛp44 ‘to hurt’ 132 133 134 136 136 136 135 133 133 132 132
cɛt44 ‘seven’ 134 135 136 138 138 135 132 130 129 129 129
90
tok44 ‘to fall’ 126 126 126 126 126 125 125 124 123 120 113
pet44 ‘duck’ 126 126 128 127 127 128 129 130 130 130 129
xop44 ‘bite’ 135 134 133 132 132 132 132 132 130 128 127
ʋet44 ‘fishing rod’
131 132 132 131 131 131 131 131 131 131 131
lip44 ‘raw’ 131 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 135 131 124
ʔok44 ‘chest’ 130 130 130 132 131 131 129 127 125 123 121
lap44 ‘extinguish’ 127 127 126 126 127 127 129 130 132 132 132
bok44 ‘shore’ 126 127 128 130 131 132 133 133 132 131 130
ʔot44 ‘starve’ 130 129 128 130 132 134 136 138 139 139 140
lat44 ‘to bend’ 133 132 131 130 130 130 130 131 130 130 130
[44] MEAN F0 131 130 129 129 130 130 130 130 129 128 127
[44] MEAN DUR 0 7.99 15.9 23.0 31.9 38.8 47.8 53.1 63.8 71.7 79.0
[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nok52 ‘bird’ 137 135 133 132 131 128 125 120 114 108 106
mat52 ‘to tie’ 128 125 122 120 118 116 115 113 111 110 109
lak52 ‘steal’ 140 138 134 131 128 125 123 119 115 111 109
mot52 ‘ant’ 141 139 133 127 123 120 120 119 117 116 115
nap52 ‘to count’ 138 137 134 131 128 126 123 120 117 115 112
pop52 ‘to meet’ 151 152 152 148 141 136 130 125 119 115 113
[52] MEAN F0 140 138 135 132 128 125 123 119 116 113 111
[52] MEAN DUR 0 8.85 17.6 26.6 35.4 44.2 53.1 62.0 70.9 79.7 87.9
Northern Shan
OPEN SYLLABLES
[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% huu23 ‘ear’ 113 110 108 107 104 103 105 111 123 142 159
khaa23 ‘leg’ 108 102 101 102 102 101 104 110 112 121 136
maa23 ‘dog’ 113 110 109 108 108 110 108 110 114 122 132
muu23 ‘pig’ 105 105 106 108 109 110 111 114 117 120 130
laa23 ‘thick’ 108 107 107 107 105 105 105 108 113 120 130
fii23 ‘supernatural’
115 113 109 106 106 106 109 111 114 124 135
kɘɘ23 ‘salt’ 113 109 108 108 108 108 110 111 116 124 131
91
[23] MEAN F0 111 108 107 107 106 106 107 111 116 125 136
[23] MEAN DUR 0 31.6 63.7 95.8 128 159 192 224 256 288 317
[33] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% moo33 ‘lotus’ 114 114 114 114 115 113 114 114 113 113 114
kii33 ‘to blossom’
132 126 126 130 130 130 129 129 134 135 136
maɨ33 ‘leaf’ 114 115 115 115 115 115 117 117 117 118 118
[33] MEAN F0 120 118 118 120 120 119 120 120 121 122 123
[33] MEAN DUR 0 40.3 80.5 121 162 202 243 284 324 365 402
[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% khaj21 ‘egg’ 111 108 105 103 102 100 98.3 96.7 92.8 91.5 91.3
san21 ‘shake’ 115 105 97.9 97.3 96.6 95.2 93.5 89.4 91.4 92.9 90.4
khaaw21 ‘news’ 123 113 108 103 101 97.8 93.4 90.0 92.0 86.6 82.7
maɨ21 ‘new’ 121 116 115 113 111 108 105 103 101 98.1 95.3
sii21 ‘four’ 113 104 98.2 96.8 94.3 92.5 91.2 91.6 91.1 91.5 92.7
khaw21 ‘knee’ 119 111 106 102 98.1 95.8 91.9 88.6 91.1 91.2 91.9
paa21 ‘forest’ 103 101 97.7 98.6 95.4 95.7 92.9 92.9 90.7 90.5 90.4
kaj21 ‘chicken’ 111 106 100 97.5 97.2 95.5 93.5 93.8 93.4 92.1 92.1
kaw21 ‘old’ 125 114 109 107 105 101 99.5 97.5 95.3 94.1 94.5
win21 ‘turn around’
107 103 101 99.8 98.0 97.7 93.9 93.8 90.8 88.6 90.0
tjem21 ‘low’ 102 100 96.8 95.6 93.8 91.0 90.9 90.9 91.4 92.1 98.9
taw21 ‘turtle’ 131 123 119 112 109 106 105 104 104 101 103
pat21 ‘harvest’ 106 102 97.6 94.5 94.9 95.0 94.8 94.0 92.0 92.1 83.2
maa21 ‘shoulder’ 109 106 100 101 97.5 96.4 95.7 93.8 91.5 90.1 89.9
maaw21 ‘bachelor’ 97.3 94.2 93.6 90.3 91.6 89.0 87.5 87.1 86.1 86.2 86.2
laa21 ‘to scold’ 107 105 104 100 95.1 93.2 92.4 91.3 86.9 86.5 88
ʔim21 ‘full’ 108 106 105 104 103 96.5 99.2 98.8 91.5 88.5 88.9
mɒɒt21 ‘extinguish’ 118 114 110 105 104 102 100 97.8 95.8 95.4 94.4
[21] MEAN F0 113 107 104 101 99.3 97.1 95.5 94.2 92.7 91.6 91.3
[21] MEAN DUR 0 37.0 74.4 112 150 187 224 262 300 337 372
92
[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% pii43 ‘older
sibling’ 126 123 122 122 122 123 122 122 122 122 121
poo43 ‘father’ 117 117 115 116 116 116 116 115 117 118 117
mee43 ‘mother’ 123 116 119 119 116 119 118 118 120 120 118
taa43 ‘wharf’ 124 118 116 115 116 117 117 117 117 117 117
[43] MEAN F0 123 119 118 118 118 119 118 118 119 119 118
[43] MEAN DUR 0 35.1 69.9 105 140 175 210 245 280 319 348
[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mɨɨ45 ‘hand’ 139 141 142 145 144 144 145 144 142 141 141
maɨ45 ‘you’ 130 130 131 136 138 139 140 139 140 140 136
maa45 ‘come’ 132 134 140 147 148 148 148 150 150 150 150
woo45 ‘buffalo’ 124 127 130 130 130 131 133 133 132 130 128
laa45 ‘rice field’ 124 127 132 133 132 133 134 133 133 131 130
həən45 ‘house’ 124 126 128 129 130 131 131 131 128 131 130
[45] MEAN F0 129 131 134 137 137 138 139 138 138 137 136
[45] MEAN DUR 0 38.7 77.3 117 155 194 233 272 311 349 385
[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% khaw52 ‘rice’ 140 138 135 132 128 125 120 115 113 109 103
səə52 ‘shirt’ 135 129 125 123 120 117 113 111 110 111 116
haa52 ‘five’ 126 123 121 119 118 114 110 106 105 101 95.6
law52 ‘liquor’ 122 123 122 119 118 115 113 112 110 109 107
thaa52 ‘to wait’ 128 127 126 126 124 122 116 114 107 108 101
laa52 ‘face’ 135 135 136 136 134 131 129 125 122 120 115
khaw52 ‘to enter’ 153 150 149 149 148 147 142 136 130 122 115
paa52 ‘older aunt’
142 140 141 143 142 139 132 128 126 123 116
tom52 ‘boil’ 150 150 149 148 146 144 142 138 132 125 114
kaw52 ‘nine’ 135 133 132 132 131 130 128 125 121 117 115
kaɨ52 ‘close’ 142 136 137 137 134 132 130 127 125 116 112
kaa52 ‘rice seedlings’
132 131 132 130 130 131 130 128 125 121 119
təɨ52 ‘under’ 140 136 136 138 137 134 131 126 120 116 113
lom52 ‘to fall’ 141 139 138 138 135 134 131 128 123 115 111
maan52 ‘village’ 139 139 136 134 132 132 130 128 127 128 121
93
ʔaa52 ‘open’ 142 145 146 139 136 133 130 126 116 109 104
laj52 ‘to get’ 134 132 132 130 128 124 121 114 109 106 107
ʔɔɔj52 ‘sugar cane’
131 130 127 127 125 121 119 115 110 109 104
on52 ‘soft’ 137 135 131 129 127 125 123 120 119 113 112
maj52 ‘hot’ 151 153 152 152 150 148 146 143 138 131 125
lam52 ‘water’ 128 128 127 126 125 124 120 114 110 107 102
maj52 ‘wood’ 143 142 143 141 139 138 136 133 129 124 121
maa52 ‘horse’ 142 139 140 138 136 136 135 131 125 120 114
lin52 ‘tongue’ 145 140 139 137 134 131 125 118 113 112 110
huu52 ‘to know’ 144 140 136 135 133 131 128 126 121 115 112
[52] MEAN F0 138 137 136 134 132 130 127 123 119 116 111
[52] MEAN DUR 0 31.9 63.8 96.2 128 160 192 225 257 289 319
NASAL SYLLABLES
[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% haaŋ23 ‘tail’ 114 109 109 108 110 106 107 110 117 129 143
laŋ23 ‘skin’ 108 107 108 109 110 110 111 111 114 121 132
[23] MEAN F0 111 108 109 109 110 108 109 111 116 125 138
[23] MEAN DUR 0 34.5 68.6 104 138 172 207 242 277 311 343
[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% laŋ43 ‘to sit’ 128 126 124 125 126 125 126 125 125 126 125
[43] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -
[43] MEAN DUR 0 38.2 76.8 115 154 192 231 269 308 346 382
[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% liŋ45 ‘monkey’ 135 138 145 152 153 156 159 158 156 155 155
[45] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -
[45] MEAN DUR 0 34.6 69.2 104 139 174 209 244 279 313 346
[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% saŋ52 ‘to build’ 131 128 128 129 130 128 124 121 120 119 111
94
lɒɒŋ52 ‘younger sibling’
134 135 136 133 131 128 125 122 116 112 107
tɒŋ52 ‘stomach’ 136 134 134 133 129 125 122 117 115 114 114
[52] MEAN F0 134 132 133 132 130 127 124 120 117 115 111
[52] MEAN DUR 0 33.0 66.3 100 134 166 200 234 267 300 331
CLOSED SYLLABLES
[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mat23 ‘flea’ 112 111 112 112 111 111 112 113 116 123 131
suk23 ‘cooked’ 106 102 101 102 105 106 108 112 115 119 123
fak23 ‘food’ 113 112 109 107 107 107 109 112 117 125 133
hok23 ‘six’ 104 102 102 104 106 107 107 109 113 117 123
lak23 ‘heavy’ 110 107 107 107 108 108 110 114 118 122 126
sat23 ‘animal’ 102 99.5 97.0 94.8 96.8 99.8 101 101 103 105 108
mɨk23 ‘ink’ 111 108 108 110 111 112 114 116 121 128 134
cep23 ‘to hurt’ 104 103 102 102 102 103 103 104 106 111 116
cet23 ‘seven’ 109 107 104 102 103 104 105 108 112 118 119
pet23 ‘duck’ 108 107 106 105 105 105 105 106 108 112 115
tok23 ‘drop’ 107 105 105 104 103 104 106 107 109 111 113
khop23 ‘bite’ 112 104 102 101 102 102 102 106 112 118 128
met23 ‘fishing’ 105 104 103 102 102 103 102 104 107 109 110
lip23 ‘raw’ 108 104 101 101 100 101 101 103 107 111 115
ʔok23 ‘chest’ 114 113 111 110 111 112 114 117 121 129 135
[23] MEAN F0 108 106 105 104 105 106 107 109 112 117 122
[23] MEAN DUR 0 20.1 40.1 60.3 80.4 100 121 141 161 181 200
[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% maak21 ‘fruit’ 114 109 106 102 100 99.2 96.7 96.1 93.4 92.3 90.4
haap21 ‘carry’ 119 116 112 110 107 104 100 97.7 95.2 91.2 93.1
pɒɒt21 ‘lungs’ 121 119 112 108 104 102 99.9 99.4 94.8 95.7 98.3
[21] MEAN F0 118 115 110 107 104 102 98.9 97.7 94.5 93.1 93.9
[21] MEAN DUR 0 33.5 66.9 101 135 168 202 236 269 290 334
95
[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% lok52 ‘bird’ 160 160 159 157 155 154 150 141 131 123 118
mot52 ‘ant’ 140 139 138 136 135 133 130 130 132 128 124
kjɛp52 ‘narrow’ 142 142 140 138 137 135 132 130 124 116 113
lap52 ‘to count’ 137 137 137 136 135 134 134 135 135 135 134
haak52 ‘root’ 146 147 146 144 141 139 135 129 124 116 109
ləət52 ‘blood’ 150 149 148 148 146 145 143 140 132 124 115
[52] MEAN F0 146 146 145 143 142 140 137 134 130 124 119
[52] MEAN DUR 0 23.0 46.1 69.3 92.4 115 138 162 185 208 229
Xishuangpanna Shan
OPEN SYLLABLES
[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% huu45 ‘ear’ 132 128 131 132 136 137 138 142 143 145 146
xaa45 ‘leg’ 124 122 123 125 127 129 131 133 134 137 139
maa45 ‘dog’ 119 120 122 124 127 130 132 133 133 135 140
muu45 ‘pig’ 126 127 130 132 133 134 134 136 137 138 143
naa45 ‘thick’ 119 119 123 127 130 131 133 133 131 134 137
phii45 ‘ghost’ 123 121 122 125 128 131 132 134 136 136 134
pii45 ‘year’ 123 123 125 128 131 135 140 143 144 145 146
taa45 ‘eye’ 122 121 123 127 131 133 134 134 134 136 138
kin45 ‘to eat’ 128 126 128 133 137 139 142 141 141 144 144
paa45 ‘fish’ 127 125 129 132 135 136 137 136 136 138 141
paj45 ‘to go’ 119 122 124 128 133 134 134 137 137 139 140
too45 ‘body’ 123 123 126 129 133 133 133 134 134 136 140
kəə45 ‘salt’ 128 126 130 132 135 136 136 133 136 138 138
[45] MEAN F0 124 123 126 129 132 134 135 136 137 139 140
[45] MEAN DUR 0 36.1 72.0 108 145 180 216 253 289 325 358
[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% xaj23 ‘egg’ 106 94.6 95.3 96.5 97.9 100 102 105 109 111 116
shjɛn23 ‘shake’ 100 96.7 96.2 96.9 98.4 100 102 104 107 113 118
xaw23 ‘news’ 101 98.4 97.4 96.4 96.1 99.7 104 106 109 112 114
96
maj23 ‘new’ 95.7 95.2 93.9 93.1 94.7 98.8 100 103 106 109 112
sii23 ‘four’ 92.6 94.0 92.5 96.3 98.3 100 103 105 108 115 123
xaw23 ‘knee’ 91.9 91.1 88.0 91.8 95.6 97.2 99.3 101 103 107 112
paa23 ‘forest’ 91.9 92.1 92.2 93.1 93.8 91.7 92.5 95.8 99.0 104 109
kaj23 ‘chicken’ 93.8 95.7 96.6 96.4 94.9 97.2 100 102 102 106 109
tau23 ‘turtle’ 86.0 92.8 93.4 94.8 97.1 98.4 101 105 107 111 115
baa23 ‘shoulder’ 93.8 93.3 94.4 96.5 98.1 101 103 105 107 112 120
baaw23 ‘young man’
95.8 93.7 92.0 92.3 92.6 93.3 94.4 97.7 100 105 113
laa23 ‘scold’ 92.2 91.0 90.2 90.8 92.1 93.8 93.7 95.6 101 105 110
ʔim23 ‘full’ 101 99.7 98.7 95.3 98.2 101 104 107 112 115 121
bɔɔ23 ‘well’ 96.8 93.7 93.7 94.5 94.8 97.2 99.5 103 104 109 114
juu23 ‘to live’ 98.7 98.7 99.1 99.9 103 105 108 108 110 117 124
[23] MEAN F0 95.8 94.7 94.2 95.0 96.4 98.3 100 103 106 110 115
[23] MEAN DUR 0 35.3 70.7 106 142 177 212 248 284 319 352
[212] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% xaw212 ‘rice’ 107 95.2 86.9 93.8 90.6 91.4 93.1 96.3 102 108 110
səə212 ‘shirt’ 103 101 97.8 93.6 88.9 93.7 92.5 95.4 100 104 112
haa212 ‘five’ 103 100 96.5 93.6 90.9 90.9 89.1 87.0 95.0 102 101
laʊ212 ‘liquor’ 93.8 89.5 88.9 87.5 88.7 91.1 95.8 101 107 102 102
thaa212 ‘wait’ 106 95.8 91.6 89.0 91.1 90.9 90.5 93.8 99.4 102 99.4
naa212 ‘face’ 93.8 92 89.7 88.5 88.3 86.4 91.0 93.3 101 98.7 104
xaa212 ‘kill’ 97.1 92.8 91.0 88.3 90.4 91.2 90.4 93.9 96.9 101 98.7
xaw212 ‘enter’ 104 94.1 89.2 86.7 88.3 91.5 92.7 97.0 99.8 104 104
paa212 ‘older aunt’ 98.2 94.1 92 91.6 93.0 92.9 92.4 92.9 97.2 105 109
tom212 ‘boil’ 96.7 96.8 92.1 91.4 91.3 91.2 92.5 95.3 102 110 115
kaw212 ‘nine’ 96.7 92.8 88.2 87.2 90.4 88.5 90.2 93.3 98.6 106 103
shɛn212 ‘short’ 97.4 93.1 89.6 88.2 86.6 89.4 92.7 95.9 103 109 109
kaj212 ‘close’ 93.7 92.2 89.9 87.3 89.0 91.4 93.0 94.7 101 106 105
kaa212 ‘rice seedlings’
97.0 94.9 91.7 90.3 89.4 91.9 92.9 94.8 97.0 100 102
taj212 ‘under’ 95.8 95.0 91.1 86.2 92.6 97.1 95.3 95.1 102 107 106
ban212 ‘village’ 99.7 94.3 93.2 89.4 86.3 87.2 88.1 90.4 93.7 99.7 104
ʔaa212 ‘open’ 102 98.9 95.3 92.8 87.4 86.0 86.5 85.9 88.2 97.7 105
baa212 ‘crazy’ 94.8 91.8 87.4 86.0 89.7 89.4 90.4 90.9 94.6 95.5 98.6
daj212 ‘to get’ 96.8 93.8 91.1 87.3 88.0 88.4 90.0 91.7 94.6 100 102
ʔɔj212 ‘sugar 97.4 97.8 97.1 92.0 88.1 86.3 86.1 90.5 96.3 100 104
97
cane’
ʔoon212 ‘soft’ 100 96.9 91.5 90.2 90.8 88.2 90.2 95.0 100 102 102
beʊ212 ‘crooked’ 99.2 96.6 93.1 89.7 87.1 92.0 92.7 94.8 97.8 101 103
[212] MEAN F0 98.8 95.0 91.6 89.6 89.4 90.3 91.3 93.6 98.5 103 104
[212] MEAN DUR 0 29.6 59.2 89.1 119 148 178 208 238 268 295
[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mɨɨ42 ‘hand’ 118 118 119 116 114 109 105 102 100 99.0 96.5
maa42 ‘come’ 111 111 111 112 112 109 106 103 100 97.8 93.4
woo42 ‘buffalo’ 113 113 113 111 110 108 105 103 99.4 97.8 94.3
naa42 ‘rice field’ 116 114 114 115 113 112 109 106 101 96.5 93.6
hən42 ‘house’ 121 116 112 114 112 110 108 104 100 98.2 98.3
ljɛn42 ‘pangolin’ 108 108 107 106 104 104 100 97.9 97.1 94.3 95.0
naj42 ‘to lead’ 113 112 111 110 108 107 106 104 101 97.7 97.4
[42] MEAN F0 114 113 112 112 110 108 106 103 99.8 97.3 95.5
[42] MEAN DUR 0 33.9 67.7 102 136 170 204 238 273 306 338
[33] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% pii33 ‘older
sibling’ 109 109 109 108 107 108 109 110 110 114 114
pɒɒ33 ‘father’ 107 107 104 106 107 107 106 105 106 106 111
mɛɛ33 ‘mother’ 106 106 106 107 107 106 107 106 105 109 112
taa33 ‘wharf’ 108 108 108 108 109 110 109 110 110 109 109
[33] MEAN F0 108 108 107 107 108 108 108 108 108 110 112
[33] MEAN DUR 0 33.1 66.1 99.9 133 166 200 233 266 300 330
[32] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nam32 ‘water’ 102 100 99.2 97.8 96.0 95.1 93.3 91.2 90.4 89.4 95.2
maj32 ‘wood’ 102 101 101 101 102 100 99.1 97.7 95.6 94.0 94.6
maa32 ‘horse’ 99.2 98.9 99.2 99.7 100 99.2 97.4 95.6 93.3 92.9 90.5
lin32 ‘tongue’ 107 106 106 105 104 98.7 101 99.1 96.6 95.1 92.1
huu32 ‘to know’ 107 105 104 103 102 102 100 99 96.6 91.9 92.5
[32] MEAN F0 103 102 102 101 101 99.0 98.2 96.5 94.5 92.9 93.0
[32] MEAN DUR 0 22.8 45.7 68.8 91.7 115 137 161 184 206 228
98
NASAL SYLLABLES
[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% haaŋ45 ‘tail’ 126 122 125 128 131 135 136 136 137 136 139
naŋ45 ‘skin’ 120 120 121 123 128 129 131 132 134 136 140
[45] MEAN F0 123 121 123 126 130 132 134 134 136 136 140
[45] MEAN DUR 0 31.4 62.7 94.5 127 157 189 221 252 284 313
[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% weŋ23 ‘tilted’ 103 101 101 99.4 99.3 102 107 111 114 117 120
bjaŋ23 ‘divide’ 93.9 95.7 94.2 94.8 98.6 102 105 108 113 117 120
[23] MEAN F0 98.5 98.4 97.6 97.1 99.0 102 106 110 114 117 120
[23] MEAN DUR 0 33.6 67.2 101 135 169 203 237 271 304 336
[212] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% taŋ212 ‘build’ 100 98.1 94.1 90.0 88.8 90.8 91.2 94.2 101 108 112
[212] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -
[212] MEAN DUR 0 30.9 62.5 93.9 125 156 188 219 251 282 311
[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mɨŋ42 ‘you’ 117 117 117 116 114 111 107 104 101 99.8 96.0
[42] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -
[42] MEAN DUR 0 32.0 64.5 97.3 130 162 194 227 260 292 322
[33] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% naŋ33 ‘to sit’ 109 109 108 108 111 111 111 113 113 113 114
noŋ33 ‘to dress’ 111 111 111 113 113 114 115 115 114 116 116
[33] MEAN F0 110 110 110 111 112 113 113 114 114 115 115
[33] MEAN DUR 0 30.5 61.2 91.9 123 153 184 215 246 276 305
[32] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nɒɒŋ32 ‘younger 102 101 101 99.4 98.1 95.7 96.7 95.3 93.6 90.9 89.9
99
sibling’
tɒɒŋ32 ‘stomach’ 97.1 98.1 97.6 96.5 96.7 95.7 95.4 95.5 93.4 92.6 89.9
[32] MEAN F0 99.6 99.6 99.3 98.0 97.4 95.7 96.1 95.4 93.5 91.8 89.9
[32] MEAN DUR 0 26.7 53.5 80.6 107 134 162 189 215 242 267
CLOSED SYLLABLES
[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mat45 ‘flea’ 123 123 124 124 125 126 127 128 128 129 131
sʊk45 ‘cooked’ 144 142 137 136 136 136 136 135 133 129 128
phak45 ‘vegetable’ 133 133 132 131 131 131 131 131 130 127 126
hok45 ‘six’ 133 133 133 132 132 132 132 132 130 128 125
nak45 ‘heavy’ 128 128 128 128 129 129 130 130 130 130 129
sat45 ‘animal’ 133 133 132 131 131 132 132 132 132 134 135
hak45 ‘to break’ 131 131 131 131 132 133 134 134 134 133 133
mɨk45 ‘ink’ 136 136 137 138 138 138 139 139 138 137 137
kop45 ‘frog’ 138 137 137 137 138 138 138 139 139 138 137
tap45 ‘liver’ 125 125 126 127 128 130 131 132 132 132 132
tshep45 ‘to hurt’ 132 131 129 129 130 131 132 133 132 132 133
tshet45 ‘seven’ 128 128 128 128 129 129 129 129 129 128 127
pet45 ‘duck’ 125 126 127 128 129 129 130 130 130 130 130
tok45 ‘drop’ 127 128 128 129 130 132 133 135 135 134 132
xop45 ‘to bite’ 131 131 130 131 131 132 132 133 132 131 129
bjɛt45 ‘fishing rod’
134 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 140 139 139
lip45 ‘raw’ 126 126 127 128 129 130 131 131 131 131 130
ʔok45 ‘chest’ 126 126 127 129 131 133 134 135 135 134 133
[45] MEAN F0 131 131 130 131 131 132 133 133 133 132 131
[45] MEAN DUR 0 7.24 14.6 22.1 29.3 36.6 44.0 51.4 58.7 66.0 72.9
[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% maak23 ‘fruit’ 93.8 94.3 94.5 94.7 95.3 96.9 98.9 99.8 102 105 104
haap23 ‘fetch’ 93.6 92.0 91.5 91.3 91.8 92.2 92.8 95.3 97.5 100 100
haap23 ‘carry’ 91.5 92.8 93.0 94.1 94.8 95.3 95.4 95.5 94.9 95.1 96.7
pɔɔt23 ‘lungs’ 95.8 95.8 94.7 93.5 92.8 92.0 92.0 93.9 98.9 105 107
taak23 ‘sun (verb)’
89.4 91.2 93.6 94.5 94.7 93.6 92.9 93.9 95.7 98.2 97.1
100
hɔɔp23 ‘hug’ 97.5 91.6 92.8 92.6 92.7 93.1 93.6 94.4 103 94.8 98.3
pheet23 ‘land’ 107 95.6 95.6 95.8 95.8 95.8 95.4 98.2 99.7 98.4 100
kɘɘt23 ‘be born’ 101 98.7 99.4 97.1 97.8 98.4 99.3 101 104 107 106
dɔɔk23 ‘flower’ 96.8 95.8 95.3 93.8 92.1 92.9 94.4 97.7 98.8 97 95.6
jaak23 ‘hungry’ 92.7 91.2 89.8 89.6 90.2 90.2 90.9 93.0 96.5 98.0 98.2
ʔɔɔk23 ‘go out’ 93.6 93.1 93.2 92.7 91.8 91.3 91.6 93.3 96.3 100 100
daap23 ‘sword’ 89.9 89.5 89.3 89.9 89.9 90.5 90.8 92.2 94.0 95.1 96.4
[23] MEAN F0 95.2 93.5 93.6 93.3 93.3 93.5 94 95.7 98.4 99.5 100
[23] MEAN DUR 0 14.5 29.1 43.9 58.4 72.9 87.4 102 116 131 145
[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nok42 ‘bird’ 112 113 113 113 113 113 113 112 112 110 109
mat42 ‘to tie’ 110 110 110 110 110 111 111 112 111 111 112
lak42 ‘steal’ 104 104 103 103 103 105 106 106 105 104 103
mot42 ‘ant’ 112 111 111 112 113 114 115 117 117 118 118
sak42 ‘wash’ 109 109 110 111 109 106 107 107 107 107 106
nap42 ‘to count’ 110 110 110 110 110 111 111 111 110 103 102
wɒk42 ‘monkey’ 114 114 114 114 114 114 115 114 112 111 111
[42] MEAN F0 110 110 110 110 110 111 111 111 111 109 109
[42] MEAN DUR 0 7.99 16.0 24.0 32.0 48.0 40.0 56.1 64.1 72.0 79.4
[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nɔɔk42 ‘outside’ 104 104 104 104 105 106 107 108 108 106 102
haak42 ‘root’ 114 111 109 107 107 107 107 107 106 105 107
hɔɔk42 ‘otter’ 120 115 112 110 110 110 110 109 109 104 105
[42] MEAN F0 113 110 108 107 107 108 108 108 108 105 105
[42] MEAN DUR 0 11.1 22.1 33.4 44.5 55.6 66.7 77.9 88.9 100 110
101
Appendix D: Word list for tone sandhi EASTERN SHAN My green stone Mother’s green stone Older aunt’s green stone Your green stone Younger sibling’s green stone My big stone Mother’s big stone Older aunt’s big stone Your big stone Younger sibling’s big stone My smooth stone Mother’s smooth stone Older aunt’s smooth stone Your smooth stone Younger sibling’s smooth stone My heavy stone Mother’s heavy stone Older aunt’s heavy stone Your heavy stone Younger sibling’s heavy stone My small stone Mother’s small stone Older aunt’s small stone Your small stone Younger sibling’s small stone ________________________________________ My green fruit Mother’s green fruit Older aunt’s green fruit Your green fruit Younger sibling’s green fruit My big fruit Mother’s big fruit Older aunt’s big fruit Your big fruit Younger sibling’s big fruit My smooth fruit Mother’s smooth fruit Older aunt’s smooth fruit Your smooth fruit Younger sibling’s smooth fruit My heavy fruit Mother’s heavy fruit Older aunt’s heavy fruit Your heavy fruit Younger sibling’s heavy fruit
My small fruit Mother’s small fruit Older aunt’s small fruit Your small fruit Younger sibling’s small fruit ______________________________________ My white rice Mother’s white rice Older aunt’s white rice Your white rice Younger sibling’s white rice My dirty rice Mother’s dirty rice Older aunt’s dirty rice Your dirty rice Younger sibling’s dirty rice My smooth rice Mother’s smooth rice Older aunt’s smooth rice Your smooth rice Younger sibling’s smooth rice My wet rice Mother’s wet rice Older aunt’s wet rice Your wet rice Younger sibling’s wet rice My bird’s rice Mother’s bird’s rice Older aunt’s bird’s rice Your bird’s rice Younger sibling’s bird’s rice _______________________________________ My thin neck Mother’s thin neck Older aunt’s thin neck Your thin neck Younger sibling’s thin neck My dirty neck Mother’s dirty neck Older aunt’s dirty neck Your dirty neck Younger sibling’s dirty neck My smooth neck Mother’s smooth neck Older aunt’s smooth neck Your smooth neck Younger sibling’s smooth neck
102
My long neck Mother’s long neck Older aunt’s long neck Your long neck Younger sibling’s long neck My bird’s neck Mother’s bird’s neck Older aunt’s bird’s neck Your bird’s neck Younger sibling’s bird’s neck ______________________________________ My green bird Mother’s green bird Older aunt’s green bird Your green bird Younger sibling’s green bird My big bird Mother’s big bird Older aunt’s big bird Your big bird Younger sibling’s big bird My crazy bird Mother’s crazy bird Older aunt’s crazy bird Your crazy bird Younger sibling’s crazy bird My red bird Mother’s red bird Older aunt’s red bird Your red bird Younger sibling’s red bird My small bird Mother’s small bird Older aunt’s small bird Your small bird Younger sibling’s small bird
103
NORTHERN SHAN My yellow dog Guest’s yellow dog Mother’s yellow dog Your yellow dog Older aunt’s yellow dog Grandma’s yellow dog My new dog Guest’s new dog Mother’s new dog Your new dog Older aunt’s new dog Grandma’s new dog My mother’s dog Guest’s mother’s dog Laa’s mother’s dog Your mother’s dog Older aunt’s mother’s dog Grandma’s wine dog My house’s dog Guest’s house’s dog Mother’s house’s dog Your house’s dog Older aunt’s house’s dog Grandma’s house’s dog My stupid dog Guest’s stupid dog Mother’s stupid dog Your stupid dog Older aunt’s stupid dog Grandma’s stupid dog My red dog Guest’s red dog Mother’s red dog Your red dog Older aunt’s red dog Grandma’s red dog ____________________________________ My yellow fruit Guest’s yellow fruit Mother’s yellow fruit Your yellow fruit Older aunt’s yellow fruit Grandma’s yellow fruit My new fruit Guest’s new fruit Mother’s new fruit Your new fruit Older aunt’s new fruit Grandma’s new fruit
My mother’s fruit Guest’s mother’s fruit Mother’s mother’s fruit Your mother’s fruit Older aunt’s mother’s fruit Grandma’s mother’s fruit My fat fruit Guest’s fat fruit Mother’s fat fruit Your fat fruit Older aunt’s fat fruit Grandma’s fat fruit My small fruit Guest’s small fruit Mother’s small fruit Your small fruit Older aunt’s small fruit Grandma’s small fruit My red fruit Guest’s red fruit Mother’s red fruit Your red fruit Older aunt’s red fruit Grandma’s red fruit _________________________________ My thin father Guest’s thin father Laa’s thin father Your thin father Older aunt’s thin father Grandma’s thin father My new rice Guest’s new rice Mother’s new rice Your new rice Older aunt’s new rice Grandma’s new rice My mother’s rice Guest’s mother’s rice Laa’s mother’s rice Your mother’s rice Older aunt’s mother’s rice Grandma’s mother’s rice My wet rice Guest’s wet rice Mother’s wet rice Your wet rice Older aunt’s wet rice Grandma’s wet rice
104
My fat father Guest’s fat father Mother’s fat father Your fat father Older aunt’s fat father Grandma’s fat father My old father Guest’s old father Laa’s old father Your old father Older aunt’s old father Grandma’s old father My red grass Guest’s red grass Mother’s red grass Your red grass Older aunt’s red grass Grandma’s red grass My yellow hand Guest’s yellow hand Mother’s yellow hand Your yellow hand Older aunt’s yellow hand Grandma’s yellow hand My big hand Guest’s big hand Mother’s big hand Your big hand Older aunt’s big hand Grandma’s big hand My mother’s hand Guest’s mother’s hand Mother’s mother’s hand Your mother’s hand Older aunt’s mother’s hand Grandma’s mother’s hand My wet hand Guest’s wet hand Mother’s wet hand Your wet hand Older aunt’s wet hand Grandma’s wet hand My dry hand Guest’s dry hand Mother’s dry hand Your dry hand Older aunt’s dry hand Grandma’s dry hand
My right hand Guest’s right hand Mother’s right hand Your right hand Older aunt’s right hand Grandma’s right hand My yellow shirt Guest’s yellow shirt Mother’s yellow shirt Your yellow shirt Older aunt’s yellow shirt Grandma’s yellow shirt My big shirt Guest’s big shirt Mother’s big shirt Your big shirt Older aunt’s big shirt Grandma’s big shirt My mother’s shirt Guest’s mother’s shirt Laa’s mother’s shirt Your mother’s shirt Older aunt’s mother’s shirt Grandma’s mother’s shirt My wet shirt Guest’s wet shirt Mother’s wet shirt Your wet shirt Older aunt’s wet shirt Grandma’s wet shirt My dry shirt Guest’s dry shirt Mother’s dry shirt Your dry shirt Older aunt’s dry shirt Grandma’s dry shirt My red shirt Guest’s red shirt Mother’s red shirt Your red shirt Older aunt’s red shirt Grandma’s red shirt My yellow star Guest’s yellow star Mother’s yellow star Your yellow star Older aunt’s yellow star Grandma’s yellow star
105
My big star Guest’s big star Mother’s big star Your big star Older aunt’s big star Grandma’s big star My mother’s star Guest’s mother’s star Laa’s mother’s star Your mother’s star Older aunt’s mother’s star Grandma’s mother’s star My fat star Guest’s fat star Mother’s fat star Your fat star Older aunt’s fat star Grandma’s fat star My small star Guest’s small star Mother’s small star Your small star Older aunt’s small star Grandma’s small star My red star Guest’s red star Mother’s red star Your red star Older aunt’s red star Grandma’s red star
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