a phonological and phonetic description of shan dialects progra… · analysis posits that shan has...

Final Year Project

A Phonological and Phonetic Description of Shan Dialects

By

SOH Jyr Minn

Supervised by Assoc Prof Alexander Coupe

2014 Division of

Linguistics and Multilingual Studies

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Table of Contents List of figures and tables ............................................................................................... ivAbstract ......................................................................................................................... viAcknowledgments ....................................................................................................... vii1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1

1.1 Aim and Motivation .......................................................................................... 11.2 Genetic Affiliation ............................................................................................ 21.3 Literature Review .............................................................................................. 2

2. Methodology ........................................................................................................... 72.1 Participants ........................................................................................................ 7

2.1.1 Background of Participants ........................................................................ 72.2 Collection of Data ............................................................................................. 8

2.2.1 Word Lists .................................................................................................. 92.2.2 Elicitation ................................................................................................. 10

3. Phonotactics .......................................................................................................... 113.1 Linear syllable structure .................................................................................. 11

3.1.1 Metrical syllable structure ........................................................................ 144. Tonal Phonology ................................................................................................... 15

4.1 Previous Research ........................................................................................... 154.1.1 Chiang Rai Shan by Brown (1985) .......................................................... 154.1.2 Northern Shan by Edmondson (2008:194) .............................................. 164.1.3 Southern Shan by Edmondson (2008:195) .............................................. 16

4.2 Auditory Tonal Analysis of Monosyllables .................................................... 184.2.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 184.2.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 184.2.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 19

5. Acoustic Tonal Analysis ....................................................................................... 285.1 Tonal Acoustics .............................................................................................. 28

5.1.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 285.1.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 285.1.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 30

5.2 Perceptual Analysis ......................................................................................... 405.2.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 405.2.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 405.2.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 41

5.3 Tone Sandhi .................................................................................................... 44

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5.3.1 Materials .................................................................................................. 445.3.2 Procedure ................................................................................................. 445.3.3 Findings .................................................................................................... 46

6. Segmental Phonology ........................................................................................... 556.1 Eastern Shan .................................................................................................... 55

6.1.1 Consonant Phonemes ............................................................................... 556.1.2 Vowel Phonemes ..................................................................................... 58

6.2 Northern Shan ................................................................................................. 616.2.1 Consonant Phonemes ............................................................................... 616.2.2 Vowel Phonemes ..................................................................................... 65

6.3 Xishuangpanna Shan ....................................................................................... 696.3.1 Consonant Phonemes ............................................................................... 696.3.2 Vowel Phonemes ..................................................................................... 72

7. Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 74References .................................................................................................................... 75Appendix A: Modified Gedney’s list ........................................................................... 78Appendix B: Swadesh 200-word list ........................................................................... 79Appendix C: Acoustic analysis tables .......................................................................... 85Appendix D: Word list for tone sandhi ...................................................................... 101

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List of figures and tables

Figures

Figure 1.1: Shan and its place in the Tai-Kadai family ................................................. 2

Figure 1.2: Areas in central Shan state where people were forced to relocate (Grundy-

Warr & Wong, 2002: 104) ............................................................................................. 3

Figure 1.3: Shan vowels (Cushing, 1871:1-2) ............................................................... 5

Figure 1.4: Shan consonants (Cushing, 1871:3) ............................................................ 5

Figure 1.5: Tones in Shan (Cushing, 1871:8) ................................................................ 5

Figure 3.1: Metrical syllable structure of Shan ............................................................ 14

Figure 4.1: Diagram of tones in Chiang Rai Shan by Brown (1985:153) ................... 15

Figure 4.2: Diagram of tones in Mangshi Shan, Northern Shan, by Edmonson

(2008:194) .................................................................................................................... 16

Figure 4.3: Diagram of tones in southern Shan, by Edmondson (2008:195) .............. 16

Figure 5.1: Pitch contours of open syllables in Eastern Shan ...................................... 30

Figure 5.2: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Eastern Shan ..................................... 31

Figure 5.3: Pitch contours of closed syllables of in Eastern Shan ............................... 32

Figure 5.4: Pitch contours of open syllables in Northern Shan ................................... 33

Figure 5.5 Pitch contours of tones /33/ and /23/ .......................................................... 34

Figure 5.6: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Northern Shan ................................... 35

Figure 5.7: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Northern Shan ................................. 36

Figure 5.8: Pitch contours of open syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan ......................... 37

Figure 5.9: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan ........................ 38

Figure 5.10: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan .................... 39

Tables

Table 3.1: Possible syllable types in ES ...................................................................... 12

Table 3.2: Possible syllable types in NS ...................................................................... 12

Table 3.3: Possible syllable types in XS ...................................................................... 12

Table 3.4: Phonemes and tonemes of ES ..................................................................... 13

Table 3.5: Phonemes and tonemes of NS .................................................................... 13

Table 3.6: Phonemes and tonemes of XS .................................................................... 13

Table 4.1: Representation of tones in Eastern Shan using Gedney’s diagram ............ 19

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Table 4.2: Representation of tones in Northern Shan using Gedney’s diagram .......... 21

Table 4.3: Representation of tones in Xishuangpanna Shan using Gedney’s diagram 24

Table 5.1: Table of recorded responses for the 5 target words of Set 1 in which lexical

contrast is signalled by pitch ........................................................................................ 41





Table 6.1: Consonant phonemes of ES ........................................................................ 55

Table 6.2: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in ES ..................................................... 58

Table 6.3: Diphthongs in ES ........................................................................................ 60

Table 6.4: Consonant phonemes of NS ........................................................................ 61

Table 6.5: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in NS ..................................................... 65

Table 6.6: Diphthongs in NS ....................................................................................... 67

Table 6.7: Consonant phonemes of XS ........................................................................ 69

Table 6.8: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in XS ..................................................... 72

Table 6.9: Diphthongs in XS ....................................................................................... 73

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Abstract

This paper provides an in-depth phonological and phonetic analysis of three dialects

in Shan: Eastern Shan (ES), Northern Shan (NS) and Xishuangpanna Shan (XS). This

analysis posits that Shan has a (C1) (G1) V (V2) (C2)T structure to account for

diphthongs and vowel length in the data. Each dialect of Shan possesses a different

consonant and vowel inventory, as they are at different stages of sound change.

Xishuangpanna is the only dialect that does not have a vowel length distinction.

Eastern Shan and Northern Shan both have vowel length distinction for /a/. Three

male consultants participated in this study, with each consultant representing his own

dialect. Three word lists (a modified Gedney’s checklist, 200 Swadesh word list and a

tailored word list for each dialect to investigate tone sandhi) and a perceptual test

were prepared. Eastern Shan is discovered to have five distinct tones: /24/, /21/, /43/,

/44/ and /52/. Northern Shan has six distinct tones: /23/, /21/, /43/, /45/, /52/ and /33/.

Tones /23/ and /33/ are suspected to be coalescing. Xishuangpanna also has six

distinct tones: /45/, /23/, /212/, /42/, /33/ and /32/. This study hopes to lend a better

understanding of the Shan language.

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Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful to a number of people who have helped, directly or indirectly, in

the preparation and completion of this thesis.

I would like to thank my supervisor, Alec, for his guidance and patience despite

having fallen short and lacking in so many ways. He was always happy to extend help

when I needed any, and when I did not understand certain concepts, he would

patiently impart his knowledge in ways that I could comprehend. He never spared his

efforts when reviewing my thesis and was always giving detailed comments, building

my paper to how it is today. His zeal for linguistics contributed a lot to my passion in

this field, and it is truly an honour to learn from him. I have grown in so many ways

and learned greatly under his supervision and teaching.

I would also like to express my thanks to my parents for being so loving and

supportive during this period. Special mention to my dad for always going out of his

way to pick me up from any location on this island when I am too tired to travel

home.

I thank my friends for their constant encouragement and love, and for always

believing in me. Special mention to Jamie and Desiree for always opening up their

homes to me because the temptation of my bed is far too real.

I would also like to thank my consultants for their participation in this study. They

readily agreed to be my consultants and took time out of their busy schedules to

accommodate me. This paper could not even be done if not for them.

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This is for the One from whom I draw all strength.

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1. Introduction

1.1 AIM AND MOTIVATION

This study aims to document the phonetics and phonology of three different dialects

of Shan—Eastern Shan (ES), Northern Shan (NS), and Xishuangpanna Shan (XS)—

through the provision of a description of their phonological rules and sound systems.

Despite a wide literature available on Tai-Kadai languages, Shan is one of the

languages belonging to the family that is insufficiently documented. While there have

been attempts in the study of this language, they seldom delved deeper into the

language. This study hopes to venture deeper into the waters and fill a portion of the

gap in knowledge by providing an in-depth phonological and phonetic investigation

of three dialects in this language. This paper contributes to a better understanding of

dialectal variation in the segmental and suprasegmental inventories of Shan.

Phonotactics, segmental phonology, tonal phonology and analysis of all three dialects

make up the chapters in this thesis.

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1.2 GENETIC AFFILIATION

Shan belongs to the family of Tai-Kadai languages, but for greater specification, is

more often known or identified as a Tai language. Along with Thai, Lao, Khamti and

many others, Shan is under the Southwestern branch of Tai (Diller, 2008:1).

Figure 1.1: Shan and its place in the Tai-Kadai family

1.3 LITERATURE REVIEW

Shan is a language that carries with it the heavy history of its people. The Shan have

suffered great losses in people and territory over the decades and have relinquished

independence reluctantly under the pressure of other dominant empires such as the

Chinese, the Burmese, and the Kachin (Edmondson, 2008:190; Grundy-Warr &

Wong, 2002). Lacouperie (1885), in his book The Cradle of the Shan race, wrote

about the scattering of the Shan over a vast area, resulting in an indeterminable

number of communities becoming intermingled with different surrounding cultures

and societies. The predicament of the Shan, particularly in Burma, is a result of

protracted fighting between the Shan and the Burmese, which led to the heavy

displacement of people from their villages, uprooting them from their homes, and

forcefully moving them to different areas of the country or to neighbouring countries

(Grundy-Warr & Wong, 2002).

Tai-Kadai Kam-Tai Hlai Kra

Kam-Sui Lakjia Tai

South-western Northern Central

Shan

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As Andrews (1998:1) states, a language that is living will morph itself to suit its

speakers. This leads us directly to the linguistic consequences that result from

displacement of people due to language contact with surrounding communities,

bringing forth changes in their language. The map (Figure 1.2) below illustrates the

extent of displacement in central Shan State, with the shaded area being the territories

where people had to uproot from their homes.

Figure 1.2: Areas in central Shan state where people were forced to relocate (Grundy-Warr & Wong, 2002: 104)

From the map above, it appears to be a significant area of Myanmar in which people

were affected and displaced. Such displacement resulted in large numbers of people

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moving away and relocating to other communities, and if language morphs to fit its

speakers, then it would not be surprising to find great variation between speakers of

Shan. Creativity is derived from the freedom of language activity, but while speakers

enjoy this freedom, they are also restricted by the traditions of their language

(Lehmann, 1985), hence while the language they speak may not have changes that are

too vast, differences would emerge over time, and as such, the Shan language would

have or already has great linguistic variation across its dialects.

Little work has been done on the Shan language, with only a few notable publications

from Edmondson (2008:5), Edmondson and Solnit (1997:4), and Cushing (1871),

leaving the documentation of this language much to be desired. Cushing (1871)’s

published grammar of Shan is the first comprehensive work ever done on the

language. He started this documentation in the hope that others would build upon his

work, but it has been nearly one and a half centuries since the language was left at

that stage. It is unfortunate that his attempt in the documentation of the language

largely included the Shan script, rendering the reader unable to decipher his work in

its entirety without prior knowledge of the script. Three figures (Figure 1.3, Figure 1.4

& Figure 1.5) provided below display the vowels, consonants, and tones of Shan as

described in his grammar.

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Figure 1.3: Shan vowels (Cushing, 1871:1-2)

Figure 1.4: Shan consonants (Cushing, 1871:3)

Figure 1.5: Tones in Shan (Cushing, 1871:8)

Cushing (1871:1) identified ten individual vowels, five diphthongs and nineteen

consonants. He also described five distinct tones in Shan. What is unfortunate is that

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language documentation in his time was largely undeveloped, unlike now, where we

have robust transcription systems that we can adopt to represent our data for better

comprehension and clarity, and there have been significant advancements in our field

since then as well.

One of the recent works on Shan is by Edmondson and Solnit (1997:337-359). The

paper provides acoustic evidence of tonal pairs in southern, northern, Namkhan and

Muse varieties of Shan.

Building upon that work, Edmondson (2008:184-203) explores more on the language.

The paper describes sound changes across the different regions of Shan speakers, such

as the deplozivation1 of /ʔb/, /ʔb/ and /ʔbl/ to /l/ or /m/, changing of /kh/ to /x/,

fortition of /f/ to /ph/, secondary articulation that was lost, and changes in vowels.

The need to document this language is growing in urgency due to the global trend of

speakers of minority language communities relocating and moving to big cities in the

search for better economic opportunities (Laikha, 2007). There is limited education

provided in the Shan language, as the medium for teaching in public schools is the

majority language, depending on the jurisdiction the territory is under. Many public

schools no longer teach Shan, with only a handful of monasteries and Christian

churches offering Shan classes (Kyaw, 2007:165). Young Shan people are

increasingly losing interest in their language (Laikha, 2007; Kyaw, 2007:165), and

may soon not even be able to communicate in Shan, or even identify themselves as

Shan. Edmondson (2008:190) discovers that the Shan identifies themselves as Shan

not so much through their language but by being Theravada Buddhists and rice paddy

cultivators. Together with the movement to cities, people displacement, and loss of

interest in the Shan language among the young Shan, it appears that the language is

moving towards becoming obsolete in the years to come. This increases the urgency

of documenting the language.

1 The term deplozivation is used in Edmondson (2008:199) to describe the process in which voiced plosives lose their quality of being a plosive and become a lateral or a nasal.

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2. Methodology The entire data collection process for this project is described under this section.

Methods employed in eliciting data from the consultants will be touched on briefly

here while the details on the procedures for the different data collected will be

elaborated upon in the subsequent chapters. All data collected were utilized in the

various analyses that make up the different chapters in this paper.

2.1 PARTICIPANTS

This study hinges on the output of three native speakers who acted as consultants

during the course of this project. Each consultant is a native speaker of their

respective Shan dialect. Two participants were in their twenties while one of them

was in his forties. They have identified themselves as Shan and were fluent speakers

of their respective dialect, having spent their formative years acquiring and speaking

them. All speakers are monks who are currently serving in a Theravada Buddhist

monastery in Singapore.

Each native speaker is multilingual, because the environment in which each grew up

in rendered it necessary to speak other languages other than their native tongue.

2.1.1 BACKGROUND OF PARTICIPANTS

2.1.1.1 Consultant S

A native speaker of Eastern Shan, S was born and brought up in Tachilek, Eastern

Shan State of Myanmar, along the border that separates Shan territory from Northern

Thailand. S speaks four languages—Shan, Thai, English and Burmese (ordered in

accordance to frequency of use of language). He is 38 years-old this year and hails

from a full Eastern Shan background as both parents are native Eastern Shan

speakers.

2.1.1.2 Consultant M

M was born in Mogok, one of the cities in the Mandalay division of Myanmar, and

lived there for ten years before moving to Yangon for a short period of time and then

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finally settling down in Namkhan, which is located near the Yunnan border. M speaks

Northern Shan, which is the dialect that inhabitants of Namkhan converse in. As his

mother, who is his primary caregiver, is a Northern Shan speaker, he was brought up

speaking that particular dialect of Shan and converses with his family members in that

dialect as well. There is a small community of Northern Shan speakers who used to

stay along the Yunnan border; these Shan moved to Mogok and the consultant grew

up interacting with that community. M speaks four languages—Shan, Burmese,

English and Mandarin (ordered in accordance to the frequency of use of language).

2.1.1.3 Consultant KZ

KZ grew up in a small Shan community in Xishuangpanna, Yunnan, and has lived

there for close to twenty years. He speaks the Xishuangpanna dialect of Shan, and

converses with his family members and friends in that language. KZ speaks three

languages—Shan, Mandarin and Thai (ordered in accordance to frequency of use of

language). He was the only consultant with whom I communicated in Mandarin with,

as he had close to zero knowledge of English.

2.2 COLLECTION OF DATA

Since Shan is a tonal language, a first step towards the documentation of its phonetics

and phonology is to explore its tones. To achieve this, Gedney’s checklist (Gedney,

1972) for determining tones was the perfect foundation upon which I could build.

Gedney’s checklist is a list of words organized into twenty boxes based on their

initials and tones in the proto-language. There are five columns and four rows. Each

column represents a Proto-Tai tone and each row represents the category of initials in

Proto-Tai language. These were initials that underwent a split into two or three tones

when two waves of sound change almost four centuries ago hit Southeast Asia and

China (Coupe, 2001:3, Gedney, 1972:1, Edmondson, 2008:187). Gedney’s checklist,

however, had insufficient words in each box for an acoustic analysis. In order to build

a more extensive word list, I have combined Gedney’s checklist with two other Tai

word lists (further elaboration will be found in Chapter 3). For a greater database to

help determine the consonants and vowels of each dialect, I have also recorded the

200 Swadesh word list with my consultants. Apart from that, I have adopted Hyman’s

approach (Hyman, 2007) in exploring tone sandhi through the preparation of a list

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consisting of all possible permutations of the tones of each dialect. To strengthen my

findings, I have also conducted a perceptual analysis with each consultant, adopting

Coupe’s approach (Coupe, 2003).

Recordings were made in a quiet room in the monastery in Novena, with all its doors

and windows closed, and all air-conditioning and fans switched off. While this may

not be the most ideal place for recording, the recordings were clear and good enough

for analysis and the environment was sufficiently quiet as well. The acoustic integrity

of recordings was therefore not compromised.

All recording was done at a sampling rate of 48kHz and bit depth of 24, with a Shure

Beta 53 external microphone that was attached to a Marantz PMD-661MKII.

English was used to communicate with consultants S and M while Mandarin was the

medium for communication with KZ. Instructions were communicated effectively to

the consultants prior to each recording session and all doubts were cleared before

recordings were made.

2.2.1 WORD LISTS

Consultants were provided a physical copy of the word lists, depending on the type of

list we were recording during that session, and the words were in English (for S and

M) and in Mandarin (for KZ). The consultants would write the Shan equivalent of

each word in the space provided beside the words, and we would go through the list

together to ensure that there was no misunderstanding or different interpretation of the

words, with occasional showing of images if the consultants needed extra clarification

or confirmation. All the above preparation was done to set the stage for easier and

more confident recordings to be made. The consultants were then tasked to say each

word once in isolation, then in a frame sentence, then once again in isolation, during

the recording. As the consultant’s comfort was of priority during the recordings, I

worked with each consultant to come up with a frame sentence that he could utter

with ease and permits the insertion of all words in the word list. Hence, each

consultant has a different frame sentence. Each frame sentence is provided below.

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kaw24 laat21 ______ jaaw52

ISG say ______ already

“I say ____ already.” (Consultant S)

kaw23 tan52 lɒŋ52 ______ jaaw52

ISG PFV say ______ already

“I have said ____ already.” (Consultant M)

an23 ______ ljaaw32

read ______ already

“(I) read ____ already.” (Consultant KZ)

The primary purpose of a frame sentence is to elicit the target word in its respective

tone in the most natural condition possible, and the words that flank the target word

are helpful in deciphering the tone more accurately. Tones of words uttered in

isolation may be exaggerated because of a longer duration allowing for full

performance of the tone, but it is usually not the case in natural speech, hence a frame

sentence mimics natural speech and allows for a truer realization of the tone. A frame

sentence also accounts for the relativity of pitch in a language’s tone system (Pike,

1948: vi, 20; as cited in Coupe, 2014), which helps in making findings more robust, as

it controls for the variation in pitch.

2.2.2 ELICITATION

Consultants were often consulted during the course of each session to identify and

verify the sounds and tones of the language and this aids in accuracy of interpretation

of data.

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3. Phonotactics This chapter describes the linear and metrical structures of syllable in the Shan

language. All three dialects share the same linear and metrical structures.

3.1 LINEAR SYLLABLE STRUCTURE

The canonical Shan syllable consists minimally of an obligatory vowel and tone. The

linear structure is as follows:

(1) (C1) (G1) V1 (V2) (C2) T where C1 = [-syllabic] G1 = [-syllabic -consonantal] V1 = [+syllabic] V2 = [+syllabic] C2 = [-syllabic] T = any tone

All consonants can fill C1. Likewise, all vowels can fill V1. When G1 and V1 are filled,

either C2 or V2 must be filled. In the case where V2 is filled, C2 cannot be filled. This

brings us to the optional coda of Shan. C2 need not be filled, because the coda is

optional in this language. When V1 and V2 are filled, in the case of diphthongs and

vowel length, a coda is not needed, hence C2 is not filled.

The syllable structure (1) above allows for nine possible types of syllables for ES and

NS, and eight possible types of syllables for XS. The three tables provided below

represent these syllable types in each dialect. All words are monosyllabic.

12

Table 3.1: Possible syllable types in ES

Table 3.2: Possible syllable types in NS

XS is the only dialect without a vowel length distinction.

Table 3.3: Possible syllable types in XS

V1T /i44/ ‘to push’

V1V2T /aa43/ ‘to open’

V1C2T /ɒn43/ ‘soft’

C1V1T /pi44/ ‘fat’

C1V1V2T /kheu24/ ‘green’

C1V1C2T /pum24/ ‘belly’

G1V1V2T /jaa43/ ‘grass’

G1V1C2T /jep52/ ‘to sew’

C1G1V1C2T /khjaŋ24/ ‘to freeze’

V1T /i45/ ‘to push’

V1V2T /aa52/ ‘to open’

V1C2T /on52/ ‘soft’

C1V1T /ko33/ ‘to fear’


C1V1C2T /sot23/ ‘to drink’

G1V1V2T /jaa33/ ‘grass’

G1V1C2T /jɒm23/ ‘thin’

C1G1V1C2T /tjep23/ ‘to cut’

V1T /a212/ ‘open (mouth)’

V1C2T /uj32/ ‘to push’

C1V1T /me33/ ‘mother’


C1V1C2T /sop45/ ‘mouth’

G1V1T /ja212/ ‘grass’

G1V1C2T /jaw42/ ‘long’

C1G1V1C2T /tjak23/ ‘to split’

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As the phonemes of each dialect will not be discussed until Chapter 6, a preview is

provided below.

Consonants Vowels Tonemes Diphthongs

p t c k

ph th ch kh

m n ŋ

s sh

w l j r h

i ɨ u

e ə o

a a ɒ

24 ‘low rising’

21 ‘low falling’

43 ‘high slightly falling’

44 ‘high level’

52 ‘high falling’

eu au

Table 3.4: Phonemes and tonemes of ES


p t c k

th kh

m n ɲ ŋ

f s sh ts tsh

w l j h

i ɨ u

e ə o

a a ɒ

23 ‘low rising’

21 ‘low falling’

43 ‘high slightly falling’

45 ‘high slightly rising’

52 ‘high falling’

33 ‘mid level’

eu eu əɨ aɨ

Table 3.5: Phonemes and tonemes of NS


p t k b d

ph th

m n ŋ

f s tsh

w l j h

x

i ɨ u

e ə o

a ɔ

45 ‘high slightly rising’

23 ‘low rising’

212 ‘low falling-rising’

42 ‘high falling

33 ‘mid level’

32 ‘mid falling’

eu au

Table 3.6: Phonemes and tonemes of XS

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3.1.1 METRICAL SYLLABLE STRUCTURE

The metrical syllable structure of Shan is represented in Figure 3.1 below.

Figure 3.1: Metrical syllable structure of Shan

Shan is a monosyllabic language, hence utterances mostly consist of monosyllables.

The syllable structure of Shan allows for maximally four components. C1 allows for

all consonants to fill its position. G1 only allows for /j/ and /w/. V1 allows for all

vowels while V2 only allows /a, u, ɨ/. C2 only allows for /p, t, k, w, j, m, n, ŋ/. Not all

vowels can occur with all glides. /u, i, ɨ/ cannot occur with /j/ and only /a, e/ can occur

with /w/.

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4. Tonal Phonology In this chapter, the content covers previous research on the tones of Shan, as well as

an auditory analysis of monosyllables. The auditory analysis determines the

phonological tone system of Shan. The tone systems will be presented using Gedney’s

diagram for Tai tones.

4.1 PREVIOUS RESEARCH

There has been some work done on the tones of different dialects in Shan. Brown

(1985:153) charts the tones of Shan in Chiang Rai, Thailand. Edmondson (2008:194-

195) charts the tones of Mangshi Shan and Southern Shan.

4.1.1 CHIANG RAI SHAN BY BROWN (1985)

In Brown’s (1985:153) analysis of Chiang Rai Shan, five distinct tones are identified

in the language: low rising, low level, high rising, mid falling and high falling. Figure

4.1 below is a reproduction of his chart.

Figure 4.1: Diagram of tones in Chiang Rai Shan by Brown (1985:153)

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4.1.2 NORTHERN SHAN BY EDMONDSON (2008:194)

Edmondson (2008:194) identifies six distinct tones for Mangshi Shan, which is

spoken in the northern areas of Shan, and Figure 4.2 below is a reproduction of the

chart from his article.

Figure 4.2: Diagram of tones in Mangshi Shan, Northern Shan, by Edmonson (2008:194)

He describes Shan as having five or six tones in unchecked or open syllables and

three or four tones in checked or closed syllables. Looking at the figure above, there

are six tones in open syllables: mid rising, mid level, high level, low level, mid

falling, and high falling; and three tones in closed syllables: low falling, mid rising,

and high falling.

4.1.3 SOUTHERN SHAN BY EDMONDSON (2008:195)

Nine tones are identified in Edmondson (2008:195) for Southern Shan and Figure 4.3

below is a reproduction of the chart of tones from the article.

Figure 4.3: Diagram of tones in southern Shan, by Edmondson (2008:195)

Looking at the Figure 4.3 above, there are five tones in open syllables: high rising,

high falling, high slightly rising then falling, mid level; and four tones in closed

17

syllables: high slightly falling, high level, mid level, high falling. It appears to be

typical for open syllables to have the largest variation of tones while the closed

syllables have fewer tonal variations.

An interesting find in both Northern and Southern Shan is that the C tone is creaky.

Edmondson (2008:195) explains that the cause of it is due to the pitch fall and

contraction of the glottis at the end of each syllable.

18

4.2 AUDITORY TONAL ANALYSIS OF MONOSYLLABLES

4.2.1 MATERIALS

A list of 157 words was prepared for the consultants. Building upon the original

Gedney’s checklist, I have collected and added words from Li (1977:29-35) and

Jackson and Jackson and Shuh (2012:130) to form a modified version of the checklist

such that it could be used for tonal acoustic analysis (in Chapter 5) as well (Appendix

A). The checklist is divided into twenty boxes; five columns and four rows. The

columns represent the Proto-Tai tones A, B, C, DS and DL, while the rows represent

the Proto-Tai word initials—voiceless fricatives, voiceless unaspirated stops, pre-

glottalized stops and voiced initials. Two waves of sound change swept through tonal

languages in Southeast Asia and China over four centuries ago, resulting in tonal

splits based on the initial consonants of that time (Coupe, 2001; Edmondson, 2008:

186; Gedney, 1972). The split in original tones resulted in contrastive tones that we

see in Tai languages today. This explains Gedney’s motivation for his categorization

of boxes so as to account for these sound changes.

4.2.2 PROCEDURE

Consultants S, M and KZ provided the data for dialects Eastern Shan (ES), Northern

Shan (NS) and Xishuangpanna Shan (XS) respectively. All data was recorded at a

sampling rate of 48kHz and bit depth of 24, with a Shure Beta 53 external

microphone attached to a Marantz PMD-661MKII. They were recorded in a

controlled and quiet environment in the monastery.

Due to tonal deviation in dialects, the consultants were taken through the list of words

and words that do not belong to the original tone box were moved to another tone

box. My limited knowledge of Tai istorical linguistics restricts the movement of

words around boxes. If I am not confident of the box in which the words could be

moved to, I omit them completely to reduce the risk of making mistakes. Also, due to

some lexical differences between the three dialects, the same word pronounced in

each dialect could mean different things, and this resulted in differing word lists for

each consultant. Apart from the checklist, minimal pairs were also elicited from the

consultants.

19

The words were then transcribed based on auditory impressions and pitch values were

assigned to them. Chao tone letters (Chao, 1930) were used to represent these pitch

values.

4.2.3 FINDINGS

4.2.3.1 Eastern Shan

There are five distinct tones in ES: low rising /24/, low slightly falling /21/, high

slightly falling /43/, high level /44/ and high falling /52/. All five tonal variations are

found in open syllables while only three tonal variations (/44/, /21/, /52/) are found in

closed syllables. Table 4.2.3.1 below is an illustration of the tones using Gedney’s

diagram.

A B C DS DL

Voiceless fricatives

Voiceless

unaspirated stops

Pre-glottalized

stops

Voiced sounds

Table 4.1: Representation of tones in Eastern Shan using Gedney’s diagram

24

21

43

44

21

44 52

20

4.2.3.1.1 Minimal pairs

The minimal pairs below exemplify the tonal differences in ES.

24 21 [khaa24] ‘leg’

[khaa21] ‘galangal’

[kaa24] ‘crow’

[kaa21] ‘price’

[paa24] ‘fish’

[paa21] ‘forest’

21 43 [paa21] ‘forest’

[paa43] ‘older aunt (unrelated)’

[baa21] ‘shoulder’

[baa43] ‘crazy’

[maj21] ‘new’

[maj43] ‘hot’

43 52 [maj43] ‘hot’

[maj52] ‘wood’

[kaa43] ‘dancing’

[kaa52] ‘trade’

44 24 [ʔaa44] ‘older aunt (related)’

[ʔaa24] ‘older uncle (related)’

[maa44] ‘come’

[maa24] ‘dog’

44 43 [ʔaa44] ‘older aunt (related)’

[ʔaa43] ‘open (mouth)’

[naa44] ‘rice field’

[naa43] ‘face’

[maj44] ‘you’

[maj43] ‘hot’

21

4.2.3.2 Northern Shan

It appears that there are six tones in NS, however, I suspect that tone /33/ is

coalescing with tone /23/, and tones /43/ and /52/ are coalescing as well. The six tones

are low rising /24/, low falling /21/, high slightly falling /43/, high slightly rising /45/,

high falling /52/, and mid level /33/. All six tonal variations are found in open

syllables while only three tonal variations (/23/, /21/, /52/) are found in closed

syllables. Table 4.2 below is an illustration of the tones using Gedney’s diagram.

A B C DS DL


Voiceless

unaspirated stops

Pre-glottalized

stops

Voiced sounds

Table 4.2: Representation of tones in Northern Shan using Gedney’s diagram

Words uttered in isolation for the second and third box under Proto-Tai tone A were

clearly tone /33/, but when uttered within the frame sentence they were clearly tone

/23/. Only three other words in the third box were tone /33/ when uttered within the

frame sentence, which led to first suspicions of coalescing tones despite the

consultant’s insistence on tone /33/ for all the words uttered in these two boxes.

Throughout the following consultation sessions, M revealed constant confusion

between tones /23/ and /33/. For example, in the first few sessions he would assign the

tone /23/ to the word ljaŋ ‘red’, but when recording the 200 Swadesh word list, he

assigned the tone /33/ to ‘red’, and even with subsequent clarifications, he would

alternate between tone /23/ and /33/. It happened to other words like laaw ‘star’, taa

‘eye’, mii ‘bear’ and a few others as well. In addition, while eliciting minimal pairs,

23

21

52

23

21

33

45

43

22

M repeated the word thaa ‘shave’ twice, during the same session, variously assigning

to it tone /23/ and tone /33/. As for tones /43/ and /52/, it appeared that there were

very few words with the tone /43/, and when performing the perceptual test (Chapter

5, sub-heading 5.2) on M for the identification of the individual tones of his dialect,

there were confusions between the two tones. This will be further elaborated upon in

Chapter 5.

23


The minimal pairs below exemplify the tonal differences in NS.

23 21 [taa23] ‘eye’

[taa21] ‘for’

[paa23] ‘fish’


21 43 [kuu21] ‘bed’

[kuu43] ‘to borrow’

[taa21] ‘for’

[taa43] ‘wharf’

43 53 [taa43] ‘wharf’

[taa53] ‘if’

[kaa43] ‘dancing’

[kaa53] ‘trade’

45 23 [maa45] ‘come’

[maa23] ‘dog’

23 33 [jaa23] ‘to cure’

[jaa33] ‘grandmother’

33 45 [maɨ33] ‘leaf’

[maɨ45] ‘you’

24

4.2.3.3 Xishuangpanna Shan

There are six distinct tones in XS: high slightly rising /45/, high falling /42/, low

rising /23/, mid level /33/, low slightly falling then rising /212/ and mid falling /32/.

Similar to those above, all six tones are found in open syllables while only three (/45/,

/23/, /42/) are found in closed syllables. Table 4.3 below is an illustration of the tones

using Gedney’s diagram.

A B C DS DL


Voiceless

unaspirated stops

Pre-glottalized

stops

Voiced sounds

Table 4.3: Representation of tones in Xishuangpanna Shan using Gedney’s diagram

45

23

212

45

23

42

33

32

42

25


The minimal pairs below exemplify the tonal differences in XS.

45 23 [paa45] ‘fish’


23 33 [xaj23] ‘egg’

[xaj33] ‘to dictate’

[xaa23] ‘bamboo basket’

[xaa33] ‘branches’

33 42 [kaw33] ‘stir’

[kaw42] ‘interrupt’

[xaa33] ‘to dictate’

[xaa42] ‘thatch’

23 212 [paa23] ‘forest’

[paa212] ‘older aunt’

[xaw23] ‘news’

[xaw212] ‘to enter’

[xaj23] ‘egg’

[xaj212] ‘sickness’

45 42 [taa45] ‘eye’

[taa42] ‘brush’

[maa45] ‘dog’

[maa42] ‘come’

[naa45] ‘thick’

[naa42] ‘rice field’

32 33 [tsaj32] ‘to account for’

[tsaj33] ‘to be’

[xaa32] ‘to accuse’

[xaa33] ‘branches’

26

4.2.3.4 Comparisons

4.2.3.4.1 Northern Shan (Edmondson, 2008:194) vs. NS

There are quite some significant differences in tones for the northern Shan dialect

spoken in Mangshi and that spoken along the Yunnan border, which is labelled as NS

in my paper. Nevertheless, what is worthy to note is that the tone /33/ that seems to be

coalescing with tone /23/ in NS is remaining independent in Mangshi Shan, where the

second and third boxes under Proto-Tai tone A are tone /33/. Apart from the last box

across columns that represent Proto-Tai tones C, DS and DL and that are realised as

tone /53/, all other tones in Mangshi Shan are different from that of NS.

4.2.3.4.2 ES vs. NS vs. XS

The distribution of tones in XS is significantly different from that of ES and NS.

Under the Proto-Tai tone A column, voiceless fricatives and voiceless unaspirated

stop initials have low rising tones /24/ in ES and /23/ in NS, while it is a high slightly

rising tone /45/ for XS. Voiced initials have a high level tone /44/ in ES, high slightly

rising tone /45/ in NS and a high slightly falling tone /43/ in XS. Under the Proto-Tai

tone B column, voiceless fricatives, voiceless unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized

stop initials have a low falling tone of /21/ for both ES and NS while it is a low rising

tone of /23/ for XS. Under Proto-Tai tone C column, voiceless fricatives, voiceless

unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized stop initials have a high falling tone of /43/ for

ES and /53/ for NS, while it is a low slightly falling then rising tone of /212/ for XS.

The Proto-Tai tone DS column, however, is slightly different. Voiceless fricatives,

voiceless unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized stop initials have a high level tone /44/

for ES and a high slightly rising tone /45/ for XS, while it is a low rising tone of /23/

for NS. Under the Proto-Tai tone DL column, voiceless fricatives, voiceless

unaspirated stops and pre-glottalized stop initials have a low falling tone of /21/ for

ES and NS, while it is a low rising tone of /23/ for XS. The only similarity across all

three dialects is the tone assigned to voiced initials under Proto-Tai tone DS and DL

columns, where it is a high falling tone of /52/ for ES, /53/ for NS, and /42/ for XS.

The only small difference is that the tone assigned to voiced initials under Proto-Tai

tone DL column for ES is a low falling tone of /21/.

27

It appears that the various dialects of Shan differ in their tones. While they share some

similarities, the differences are rather significant. XS especially varies the most from

the two other dialects. The reason could be due to its location that creates such a

variety because NS and ES are still within the Myanmar territory while XS is in the

Chinese territory.

Even as we compare the three dialects in this thesis with that under Section 4.1, all the

dialects are different in their tones, which seem to suggest high variation across

dialects for the Shan language.

28

5. Acoustic Tonal Analysis Building upon the auditory analysis in the previous chapter, this chapter provides

greater detail on the tones of each dialect. The first section of this chapter describes

the tonal acoustics of all three dialects—the pitch contours and levels, duration, etc. It

then moves on to include a perceptual analysis to determine how well each consultant

could identify the tones of his language, which also helps in shedding some light on

earlier suspicions of coalescing tones. The last section touches on tone sandhi across

the three dialects.

5.1 TONAL ACOUSTICS

5.1.1 MATERIALS

The materials used for acoustic analysis are the same as that described in Chapter 4,

which was for the use of auditory analysis.

5.1.2 PROCEDURE

The words were categorized into three different categories—open, closed and nasal

syllables—for the individual dialect before any acoustic analysis was done. The

reason for such a categorization is due to the significant differences in duration and F0

between these different syllables. Closed syllables have a duration much shorter than

that of nasal and open syllables. Rose (1992) discovered that syllables with a /ŋ/ coda

have their rhyme duration and F0 significantly affected when compared to oral

syllables, which led to the creation of a separate category to control for syllables with

a velar nasal coda. There was no need for further categorization of closed syllables as

those with long vowels have a different tone value from those with short vowels.

As mentioned above, all recording was done at a sampling rate of 48kHz and bit

depth of 24, with a Shure Beta 53 external microphone that was attached to a Marantz

PMD-661MKII.

Praat was used to load the sound files and wide band spectrograms (300Hz) were

temporally aligned with each utterance. Only the F0 in the rhyme of each syllable was

29

selected for extraction, as Howie (1974) discovers that the F0 of syllable onsets was of

no tonal relevance. Simultaneous documenting of the rhyme’s duration and extraction

of F0 at every 10% increment was done with the help of Praat’s automatic F0

extraction and display of duration at the selected points. In cases where the pitch

contour was found to be absent or absurdly spiked in an interval, a manual extraction

of F0 was done. Narrow band spectrograms with a frequency range of 0-1000Hz were

aligned with the rhyme such that the harmonics could be clearly identified. The F0

value is then calculated through the division of the frequency of the nth harmonic with

n (Baken, 1987:140 as cited in Coupe, 2003).

All detailed calculations can be found in Appendix C.

30

5.1.3 FINDINGS


5.1.3.1.1 Open syllables

There are twelve tokens for tone /24/, twenty-five tokens for tone /21/, twenty-one

tokens for tone /43/, twelve tokens for tone /44/, six tokens for tone /52/.

Figure 5.1: Pitch contours of open syllables in Eastern Shan

Figure 5.1 above shows the pitch contours of each tone in ES and it appears that the

rising tone /24/ and level tone /44/ have evidently longer durations in their production

when compared to the falling tones.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

31

5.1.3.1.2 Nasal syllables

There are two tokens for tone /24/, two tokens for tone /21/, two tokens for tone /43/,

two tokens for tone /44/ and three tokens for tones /52/.

Figure 5.2: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Eastern Shan

Looking at Figure 5.2 above, it appears that pitch contours in nasal syllables are more

inconsistent and messier when compared with that of open syllables. Each percentage

interval appears to be smaller as well, and the duration of nasal syllables tend to end

within the 9th interval of open syllables.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

32

5.1.3.1.3 Closed syllables

There are eighteen tokens for tone /21/, twenty-one tokens for tone /44/ and six tokens

for tone /52/.

Figure 5.3: Pitch contours of closed syllables of in Eastern Shan

Looking at Figure 5.3 above, duration of closed syllables are definitely much shorter

than that of nasal and open syllables. This is expected of closed syllables since the

stop codas prevent any further performance of the tones. The height of F0 at the

beginning of the rhyme provides a strong cue for the recognition of a short tone,

especially for distinguishing tones /21/ and /52/, as they have very similar contours.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

33



There are seven tokens for tone /23/, eighteen tokens for tone /21/, four tokens for

tone /43/, six tokens for tone /45/, twenty-five tokens for tone /52/ and three tokens

for tone /33/.

Figure 5.4: Pitch contours of open syllables in Northern Shan

Looking at Figure 5.4 above, tones /23/ and /33/ appear to differ drastically, which

makes it seem unlikely that these two tones are coalescing. However, the tonal

acoustic analysis was based on the isolated utterances for clearer presentation of the

tonal contours, which meant that tonal contrasts could be exaggerated since they were

not uttered naturally. When uttered in frame sentences however, pitch contours of

tones /23/ and /33/ are of close proximity, with the slight difference of tone /23/

having lower values of F0 at the beginning. This is illustrated in Figure 5.5 below.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

34

Figure 5.5 Pitch contours of tones /33/ and /23/

Figure 5.5 above displays the close proximity of these two tone contours. The middle

portion of both tone contours appears to have overlapped. This shows that in natural

speech, tones /23/ and /33/ are rather close, which explains the possibility of

coalescence.

As mentioned in the earlier chapter, the speaker showed some confusion in the

identification of tones /43/ and /52/ in the perceptual test. The figure above, however,

displayed very different pitch contours between the two tones. Even when uttered in

frame sentences, pitch contours of both tones are distinguishably different.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

35


There are two tokens for tone /23/, one token each for tone /43/ and /45/, and three

tokens for tone /52/.

Figure 5.6: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Northern Shan

Looking at Figure 5.6 above, there is a smaller selection of tones in nasal syllables,

and the duration of rhyme tends to end within the 9th interval of open syllables. The

delineation of tone /45/ is much more exaggerated when compared to its counterpart

in open syllables.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

170

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

36


There are fifteen tokens for tone /23/, three tokens for tone /21/, and six tokens for

tone /52/.

Figure 5.7: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Northern Shan

Looking at Figure 5.7 above, there is clearly a smaller selection of tones as compared

to open and nasal syllables. Duration of rhyme of closed syllables are significantly

shorter. Tone /21/ has a longer duration for performance as the vowels in these

syllables are long.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

37



There are thirteen tokens for tone /45/, fifteen tokens for tone /23/, twenty-two tokens

for tone /212/, seven tokens for tone /42/, four tokens for tone /33/, and five tokens for

tone /32/.

Figure 5.8: Pitch contours of open syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan

Figure 5.8 above displays all tonal contrasts in open syllables. It appears that tone /45/

is uttered at a significantly higher register while the other five tones cluster at the

lower registers.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

38


There are two tokens for tone /45/, two tokens for tone /23/, one token each for tones

/212/ and tone /42/, two tokens for tone /33/, and two tokens for tone /32/.

Figure 5.9: Pitch contours of nasal syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan

Figure 5.9 above displays the full selection of tones in nasal syllables. The duration of

rhyme in nasal syllables tends to end within the 9th interval of open syllables as well.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

39


There are eighteen tokens for tone /45/, twelve tokens for tone /23/, seven tokens for

tone /42/S, and three tokens for tone /42/L.

Figure 5.10: Pitch contours of closed syllables in Xishuangpanna Shan

Looking at Figure 5.10 above, there are only three tones in closed syllables. I have

separated syllables with long vowels and syllables with short vowels for tone /42/

because of the obvious difference in duration. A longer duration allows for greater

performance of the tone.

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450

F0 (H

z)

Duration (ms)

40

5.2 PERCEPTUAL ANALYSIS

A perceptual test determines the extent to which tonemes are identifiable to native

speakers. It is an important supplement that follows auditory analyses and helps to

determine the number of distinct tonemes in the language.

5.2.1 MATERIALS

With each consultant, I elicited a set of words with all the tonal contrasts in their

dialect. They were then extracted into a second audio file, interspersed with a random

selection of words from previous recordings with the consultant. Instead of using

isolated utterances, frame-sentenced utterances were used. Each completed audio file

has 85, 130 and 100 words respectively for ES, NS and XS. Each audio file contains 4

tokens of each target word. A blank numbered list was prepared for each dialect so

that their responses could be recorded.

5.2.2 PROCEDURE

The target words were recorded some time before the perception test was performed

so that that the consultants would be oblivious to the purpose of this test (Coupe,

2003:96). The random words interspersed in each audio file were also repeated

randomly so as to divert their suspicions away from the repeated target words. Each

response was noted on the blank numbered list for each dialect, and the consultant

may choose to replay any word without limit. Below are the 3 sets of tonal contrasts

for each dialect.

Set 1 (Eastern Shan)

[ka24] ‘crow’

[ka21] ‘price’

[ka43] ‘dancing’

[ka44] ‘car’

[ka52] ‘trade’

Set 2 (Northern Shan)

[ka24] ‘crow’

[ka21] ‘go’


[ka45] ‘car’

[ka52] ‘trade’

[ka33] ‘expensive’

41

Set 3 (Xishuangpanna Shan)

[xa45] ‘leg’

[xa23] ‘bamboo basket’

[xa212] ‘sand’

[xa42] ‘thatch’

[xa33] ‘branch’

[xa32] ‘accuse’

5.2.3 FINDINGS

5.2.3.1 Set 1: Eastern Shan

Stimulus

Response [ka24] ‘crow’

[ka21] ‘price’


[ka44] ‘car’

[ka52] ‘trade’

[ka24] ‘crow’ 4/4

[ka21] ‘price’ 4/4

[ka43] ‘dancing’ 4/4

[ka44] ‘car’ 4/4

[ka52] ‘trade’ 4/4

Table 5.1: Table of recorded responses for the 5 target words of Set 1 in which lexical contrast is signalled by pitch

In Table 5.1 above, numbers in the shaded cells illustrate the number of correct

responses to the 4 tokens of each word. All responses were correct, which

demonstrated 100% intelligibility for the targeted words.

5.2.3.2 Set 2: Northern Shan

Stimulus

Response [ka24] ‘crow’

[ka21] ‘go’


[ka45] ‘car’

[ka52] ‘trade’

[ka33] ‘expensive’

[ka24] ‘crow’ 4/4

[ka21] ‘go’ 4/4

[ka43] ‘dancing’ 0/4

[ka45] ‘car’ 4/4

[ka52] ‘trade’ 4 4/4

[ka33] ‘expensive’ 4/4


42

Looking at Table 5.2 above, the responses demonstrated high intelligibility for the

target words with the exception of tone /43/, where there is zero correct response. The

consultant identified all tokens of [ka43] as [ka52]. It is possible that tones /43/ and /52/

are coalescing and that the individual words can only be identified through context,

hence when depending on pitch for lexical contrasts, the consultant was unable to

differentiate between the two. There is also the possibility of tone sandhi since the

target words were in frame sentences. Nevertheless, there are too few tokens of each

target word for a clearer and better analysis. The perceptual test can be worked on

better.

As mentioned earlier, the consultant often confused tones /23/ and /33/, and it was

through the perceptual test that I could confirm that there is a sixth tone and that it

could be coalescing with tone /23/, which explains the inconsistent labelling of tones

on the part of my consultant.

5.2.3.3 Set 3: Xishuangpanna Shan

Stimulus

Response [xa45] ‘leg’

[xa23] ‘bamboo basket’

[xa212] ‘sand’

[xa43] ‘thatch’

[xa33] ‘branch’

[xa32] ‘accuse’

[xa45] ‘leg’ 4/4

[xa23] ‘bamboo

basket’ 4/4

[xa212] ‘sand’ 4/4 2

[xa42] ‘thatch’ 4/4

[xa33] ‘branch’ 4/4 2

[xa32] ‘accuse’ 0/4


Looking at Table 5.3 above, the responses demonstrated high intelligibility for the

target words except for tone /32/, which the consultant confused with tone /33/ and

tone /212/. There is zero correct response for tone /32/. It seems understandable that

tone /32/ could be confused with tone /33/ because of their close proximity in register

and contour, but the confusion with /212/ seems irrational. As mentioned earlier, the

perceptual test has much room for improvement and could be better prepared.

43

Nevertheless, this test has played a definite role in the analysis of Shan’s tones, and

could still be used to supplement other findings.

44

5.3 TONE SANDHI

5.3.1 MATERIALS

Working with the collected word lists recorded with each consultant, a phrase list is

compiled for each dialect of Shan. Hyman (2007), in his proposal to argue for the

value of elicitation being a form of experimental phonology, provided a detailed

description of his methodology for analyzing tone sandhi. He formed three-word

phrases with all possible combinations of all the tones in the language and recorded

his speaker in one sitting. Adopting his approach, I have compiled three different lists

of three-word phrases to elicit for tone sandhi. ES has one hundred and twenty-five

combinations while NS and XS have two hundred and sixteen combinations since

they have six tones in their dialect. One thing done different from Hyman (2007) is

the words chosen to form the phrases. Hyman (2007) combined nouns to make for

possessive structure and they were almost completely senseless. Coupe (in press)

mentions that Hyman (2007)’s approach in having the consultants utter senseless

constructions may have serious implications. It is also disrespectful to the consultants

to have them utter constructions that are nonsensical and could potentially cause them

discomfort. Therefore, great efforts were expended to ensure that the words combined

in my three-word phrases were sensible and something that my consultants would be

comfortable with uttering.

5.3.2 PROCEDURE

I made sure to go through the phrase list with each consultant so as to rectify any

mistakes that I could have made, and to change any phrases that the consultants were

uncomfortable with uttering. Each list is completely different from the other and can

be found in Appendix D.

The consultants were recorded individually and recordings were completed in one

sitting.

As mentioned above, all recording was done at a sampling rate of 48kHz and bit

depth of 24, with a Shure Beta 53 external microphone that was attached to a Marantz

PMD-661MKII. All analyses were done in Praat.

45

Below is an example set from my phrase list for ES to illustrate the data preparation

and collection process.

Example sets

a.

b.

c.

d.

e.

T1 T1 T1

T1 T1 T2

T1 T1 T3

T1 T1 T4

T1 T1 T5

hin24 kheu24 kaw24

hin24 kheu24 mɛɛ21

hin24 kheu24 paa43

hin24 kheu24 maj44

hin24 kheu24 nɒɒŋ52

‘my green stone’

‘mother’s green stone’

‘older aunt’s green stone’

‘your green stone’

‘younger sibling’s green stone’

T1 T2 T1

T1 T2 T2

T1 T2 T3

T1 T2 T4

T1 T2 T5

hin24 jaj21 kaw24

hin24 jaj21 mɛɛ21

hin24 jaj21 paa43

hin24 jaj21 maj44

hin24 jaj21 nɒɒŋ52

‘my big stone’

‘mother’s big stone’

‘older aunt’s big stone’

‘your big stone’

‘younger sibling’s big stone’

T1 T3 T1

T1 T3 T2

T1 T3 T3

T1 T3 T4

T1 T3 T5

hin24 ləəm43 kaw24

hin24 ləəm43 mɛɛ21

hin24 ləəm43 paa43

hin24 ləəm43 maj44

hin24 ləəm43 nɒɒŋ52

‘my smooth stone’

‘mother’s smooth stone’

‘older aunt’s smooth stone’

‘your smooth stone’

‘younger sibling’s smooth stone’

T1 T4 T1

T1 T4 T2

T1 T4 T3

T1 T4 T4

T1 T4 T5

hin24 nak44 kaw24

hin24 nak44 mɛɛ21

hin24 nak44 paa43

hin24 nak44 maj44

hin24 nak44 nɒɒŋ52

‘my heavy stone’

‘mother’s heavy stone’

‘older aunt’s heavy stone’

‘your heavy stone’

‘younger sibling’s heavy stone’

T1 T5 T1

T1 T5 T2

T1 T5 T3

T1 T5 T4

T1 T5 T5

hin24 let52 kaw24

hin24 let52 mɛɛ21

hin24 let52 paa43

hin24 let52 maj44

hin24 let52 nɒɒŋ52

‘my small stone’

‘mother’s small stone’

‘older aunt’s small stone’

‘your small stone’

‘younger sibling’s small stone’

46

5.3.3 FINDINGS

Here are some acronyms used to represent the findings that will be displayed below.

R: Rising tone, F: Falling tone, L: Level tone, FR: Falling-rising tone (only in XS)


Summary of X + Y + Z sequences a. R + R + R F - F - R

R + R + F F - F - F

R + R + F F - F - F

R + R + L F - F - R

R + R + F F - F - F

b. R + F + R R - F - R

R + F + F R - F - F

R + F + F R - F - F

R + F + L R - F - R

R + F + F R - F - F

c. R + L + R R - L - R

R + L + F R - L - F

R + L + F R - L - F

R + L + L R - L - R

R + L + F R - L - F

d. F + R + R F - F - R

F + R + F F - F - F

F + R + F F - F - F

F + R + L F - F - R

F + R + F F - F - F

e. F + F + R F - F - R

F + F + F F - F - F

F + F + F F - F - F

F + F + L F - F - R

F + F + F F - F - F

f. F + L + R F - L - R

F + L + F F - L - F

F + L + F F - L - F

F + L + L F - L - R

F + L + F F - L - F

g. L + R + R L - F - R

L + R + F L - F - F

L + R + F L - F - F

L + R + L L - F - R

L + R + F L - F - F

h. L + F + R L - F - R

L + F + F L - F - F

L + F + F L - F - F

L + F + L L - F - R

L + F + F L - F - F

i. L + L + R L - L - R

L + L + F L - L - F

L + L + F L - L - F

L + L + L L - L - R

L + L + F L - L - F

47

As seen, the summary above includes all possible input sequences, with repeated

sequences omitted so that it is easier on the eyes of the reader. There are only ten

output sequences: F-F-R, F-F-F, R-F-R, R-F-F, R-L-R, R-L-F, L-F-R, L-F-F, F-L-R,

F-L-F.

There are a few striking observations that could be drawn from the summary provided

above. First, all first tones can be F, R, or L. Second, all pre-final tones are restricted

to F or L. Third, all final tones are restricted to F or R.

When the first and pre-final positions of the input sequence are occupied by R, they

become F in the output sequence. When the pre-final position of the input sequence is

occupied by R, it becomes F in the output sequence. When the final position of the

input sequence is occupied by L, it becomes R in the output sequence.

Hyman (2007) discovers that while contour tones may not appear in pre-final

syllables, they must appear on final syllables. My findings coincide with his

discovery, where contour tones must appear on final syllables. On top of that, my

findings reveal that only contour tones can appear on final syllables in ES. My

findings also reveal that the rising tone is more restricted in the positions it can occur

in—only in the first and final syllable.

48


Summary of X + Y + Z sequences a. R + R + R L - L - R

R + R + F L - L - F

R + R + F L - L - F

R + R + R L - L - R

R + R + F L - L - F

R + R + L L - L - L

b. R + F + R R - F - R

R + F + F R - F - F

R + F + F R - F - F

R + F + R R - F - R

R + F + F R - F - F

R + F + L R - F - L

c. R + L + R L - L - L

R + L + F L - L - F

R + L + F L - L - F

R + L + R L - L - R

R + L + F L - L - F

R + L + L L - L - L

d. F + R + R F - R - R

F + R + F F - R - F

F + R + F F - R - F

F + R + R F - R - R

F + R + F F - R - F

F + R + L F - R - L

e. F + F + R F - F - R

F + F + F F - F - F

F + F + F F - F - F

F + F + R F - F - R

F + F + F F - F - F

F + F + L F - F - L

f. F + L + R F - L - L

F + L + F F - L - F

F + L + F F - L - F

F + L + R F - L - R

F + L + F F - L - F

F + L + L F - L - L

g. L + R + R L - R - L

L + R + F L - R - F

L + R + F L - R - F

L + R + R L - R - R

L + R + F L - R - F

L + R + L L - R - L

h. L + F + R L - F - R

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + R R - F - R

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + L R - F - L

i. L + F + R R - F - R

L + F + F L - F - F

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + R L - F - R

L + F + F L - F - F

L + F + L R - F - L

j. L + R + R R - R - R

L + R + F L - R - F

L + R + F R - R - F

L + R + R R - R - R

L + R + F R - R - F

L + R + L R - R - L

49

k. L + F + R L - F - R

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + R R - F - R

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + L R - F - L

l. L + L + R L - L - L

L + L + F R - L - F

L + L + F R - L - F

L + L + R L - L - R

L + L + F L - L - F

L + L + L R - L - L

As seen, the summary above includes all possible input sequences. The situation for

this dialect is quite tricky, as there are some inconsistencies with tone /33/. The

combination of sequences from (g) to (l) are italicized because they are problematic.

There is a very limited pool of words that are of tone /33/, and as I have mentioned in

Chapter 4 about inconsistent assigning of tones /23/ and /33/ to the same words,

sequences (g) to (l) have captured these inconsistencies. The word that occupied the

first position in the sequences that is “supposedly” tone /33/ is ‘star’. As we scan

through the first position of all output sequences from (g) to (l), we can see an

inconsistent production of level or rising tone. The inconsistent production of ‘star’

seems to confirm the suspicion that tones /23/ and /33/ are indeed coalescing. That

makes for a very interesting discovery.

Looking at sequences (a) to (f), there are fifteen output sequences: L-L-R, L-L-L, L-

L-L-F, R-F-R, R-F-F, R-F-L, F-R-R, F-R-F, F-R-L, F-F-R, F-F-F, F-F-L, F-L-L, F-L-

F, F-L-R. One interesting observation of the output sequences above is that F, L and

R tones can occur in any position. It is also observed that when the R tone occupies

both the first and pre-final position in the input sequence, they will become L tones in

the output sequence. When the first position of the input sequence is a R tone and the

pre-final position is a L tone, the first tone of the output sequence will become level.

50

The sequence that is highlighted in grey in (c) and (f) are special cases. When the pre-

final tone and the final tone of the input sequence are tone /33/ and tone /23/

respectively, the final tone of the output sequence will become level.

51


Summary of X + Y + Z sequences a. R + R + R R - R - R

R + R + R R - R - R

R + R + FR R - R - FR

R + R + F R - R - F

R + R + L R - R - R

R + R + F R - R - F

b. R + FR + R R - FR - R

R + FR + R R - FR - R

R + FR + FR R - FR - FR

R + FR + F R - FR - F

R + FR + L R - FR - R

R + FR + F R - FR - F

c. R + F + R R - F - R

R + F + R R - F - R

R + F + FR R - F - FR

R + F + F R - F - F

R + F + L R - F - R

R + F + F R - F - F

d. R + L + R R - L - R

R + L + R R - L - R

R + L + FR R - L - FR

R + L + F R - L - F

R + L + L R - L - R

R + L + F R - L - F

e. FR + R + R F - R - R

FR + R + R F - R - R

FR + R + FR F - R - FR

FR + R + F F - R - F

FR + R + L F - R - R

FR + R + F F - R - F

f. FR + FR + R FR - FR - R

FR + FR + R FR - FR - R

FR + FR + FR FR - FR - FR

FR + FR + F FR - FR - F

FR + FR + L FR - FR - R

FR + FR + F FR - FR - F

g. FR + L + R F - R - R

FR + L + R F - R - R

FR + L + FR F - R - FR

FR + L + F F - R - F

FR + L + L F - R - R

FR + L + F F - R - F

h. F + R + R F - R - R

F + R + R F - R - R

F + R + FR F - R - FR

F + R + F F - R - F

F + R + L F - R - R

F + R + F F - R - F

i. F + FR + R F - FR - R

F + FR + R F - FR - R

F + FR + FR F - FR - FR

F + FR + F F - FR - F

F + FR + L F - FR - R

F + FR + F F - FR - F

j. F + F + R F - F - R

F + F + R F - F - R

F + F + FR F - F - FR

F + F + F F - F - F

F + F + L F - F - R

F + F + F F - F - F

52

k. F + L + R F - R - R

F + L + R F - R - R

F + L + FR F - R - FR

F + L + F F - R - F

F + L + L F - R - R

F + L + F F - R - F

l. L + R + R R - R - R

L + R + R R - R - R

L + R + FR R - R - FR

L + R + F R - R - F

L + R + L R - R - R

L + R + F R - R - F

m. L + FR + R R - F - R

L + FR + R R - F - R

L + FR + FR R - F - FR

L + FR + F R - F - F

L + FR + L R - F - R

L + FR + F R - F - F

n. L + F + R R - F - R

L + F + R R - F - R

L + F + FR R - F - FR

L + F + F R - F - F

L + F + L R - F - R

L + F + F R - F - F

o. L + L + R L - L - R

L + L + R L - L - R

L + L + FR L - L - FR

L + L + F L - L - F

L + L + L L - L - R

L + L + F L - L - F

As seen, the summary above includes all possible input sequences. There are twenty-

four output sequences: R-R-R, R-R-FR, R-R-F, R-FR-R, R-FR-FR, R-FR-F, R-F-R,

R-F-FR, R-F-F, R-L-R, R-L-FR, R-L-F, F-R-R, F-R-FR, F-R-F, F-FR-R, F-FR-FR,

F-FR-F, F-F-R, F-F-FR, F-F-F, FR-FR-FR, FR-FR-R, FR-FR-F.

A few observations can be drawn from these sequences. First, all first tones can be R,

F, L or FR. However, the occurrence of L and FR are restricted to the tone that

appears in the pre-final position. L and FR tones can only occupy the first position

when the pre-final tone is the same tone, that is, L-L and FR-FR. Second, all pre-final

tones can be R, F, L or FR. Third, all final tones can only be contour tones R, F and

FR.

When the final tone of the input sequence is L, it will become R in the output

sequence. When the first tone and pre-final tone of the input sequence are FR and L

respectively, they will become F and R respectively in the output sequence.

53

Interestingly, when the first and pre-final tones of the input sequence are L and FR

respectively, they will become R and F respectively in the output sequence. When the

first tone or the pre-final tone is L, it will become R in the output sequence if the

neighbouring tone (only in first or pre-final position) is F.

As mentioned earlier under Eastern Shan, Hyman (2007) discovers that contour tones

must appear on final syllables. My findings, once again, coincide with his discovery.

Apart from that, my findings reveal that only contour tones can appear on final

syllables in XS.

54

5.3.3.4 Comparisons

Comparatively, ES has fewer output sequences than NS and XS. It is understandable

that ES has fewer output sequences since it only has five tones and three tone shapes

while NS has six tones and three tone shapes and XS has six tones and four tone

shapes.

When the first and pre-final tones in the input sequences of ES and NS are R, they

will become another tone in the output sequences—F for ES and L for NS. Unlike

them, the first and pre-final tones in the output sequences of XS remain the same as

that in the input sequences.

One similarity that all three dialects share is that when the first tone in the input

sequences of ES, NS and XS is F, it remains as F in the output sequences.

Final syllables in both ES and XS are restricted to contour tones, which coincide with

Hyman (2007)’s findings. NS, interestingly, permits level tones to occur in final

syllables. Nevertheless, more work needs to be done on NS to account for the

discoveries made.

55

6. Segmental Phonology This chapter describes the consonants and vowels of ES, NS and XS. Consonant and

vowel inventories are provided, and each section touches briefly on the sound changes

that have occurred or are occurring in the individual dialects.

6.1 EASTERN SHAN

6.1.1 CONSONANT PHONEMES

There are nineteen consonant phonemes in ES. Table 6.1 below represents all

consonant phonemes.

Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosive voiceless unaspirated p t c k h voiceless aspirated ph th ch kh voiced b Nasal m n ŋ Fricative unaspirated aspirated

s sh

Approximant w l j Trill r

Table 6.1: Consonant phonemes of ES

6.1.1.1 Consonant minimal pairs

The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic

contrasts between aspirated and unaspirated plosives.

Bilabial plosives

/p/ /ph/ [paj24] ‘to walk’

[phaj24] ‘who’

[pi24] ‘fat’

[phi24] ‘ghost/spirit’

56

Alveolar plosives

/t/ /th/ [taa24] ‘eye’

[thaa43] ‘if’

[to24] ‘body’

[tho21] ‘beans’

Palatal plosives

/c/ /ch/ [cut21] ‘to burn’

[chuk44] ‘to stand’

There is a shortage of words with palatal plosive initials, which makes it difficult to

find for minimal pairs.

Velar plosives

/k/ /kh/ [kaj24] ‘to swell’

[khaj24] ‘egg’

[kon44] ‘person’

[khon24] ‘feather’

The following minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between

voiced and voiceless plosives.

Bilabial plosives

/p/ /b/ [paa43] ‘older aunt’

[baa43] ‘crazy’

/ph/ /b/ [phaa21] ‘to split’

[baa21] ‘shoulder’

57

The following sub-minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrast between

aspirated and unaspirated fricatives. Due to a shortage of words with fricative initials,

this minimal pair is not as ideal.

/s/ /sh/ [saam24] ‘three’

[shaaŋ43] ‘to build’

6.1.1.2 Allophonic realizations

/kh/ aspirated velar stop [x] / __ V(C)# in free variation

examples: /khut44/ [xut44] ‘to dig’ /khwaː24/ [xwaa24] ‘right (hand)’ The allophonic realization of [x] as /kh/ can be explained as transition of sounds from

/kh/ to [x]. Edmonson (2008:199) provides an extensive table of sound change from

*kh in Proto-Tai to [x] or [kx] in various Shan dialects. There were many dialects of

the language that were still in transition from /kh/ to [x]. It is thus a possibility that the

same is happening in ES, hence the free variation of [x] as /kh/.

/h/ voiceless glottal stop [ɦ] / __ V[+low +back] C[+stop]#

examples: /hak21/ [ɦak21] ‘to vomit’

58

6.1.2 VOWEL PHONEMES

There are nine monophthongal vowel phonemes in ES. Table 6.2 below provides the

vowel inventory of ES, categorizing them according to their height and position.

Front Central Back

High i ɨ u

Mid e ə o

Low

a a

ɒ

Table 6.2: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in ES

6.1.2.1 Monophthong minimal pairs

The following minimal and sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic

contrasts between vowels that are phonetically similar.

/i/ /ɨ/ [i44] ‘to push’

[ɨ43] ‘dull’

/i/ /ɛ/ [li44] ‘good’

[lɛ43] ‘and’

/i/ /e/ [pit21] ‘wings’

[pet44] ‘duck’

/ɨ/ /ə/ [mɨ44] ‘hand’

[mə21 laj44] ‘when’

[kɨt52] ‘to think’

[kət52] ‘be born’

/u/ /ɒ/ [ʔun21] ‘warm’

[ʔɒn43] ‘soft’

59

/a/ /aː/ [khau21] ‘shake’

[khaau21] ‘news’

[laj24] ‘to flow’

[laaj24] ‘many’

There is only vowel length distinction for /a/.


/ɒ/ low back rounded vowel [ɔ] / l __ C#

examples: /lɒk21/ [lɔk21] ‘flower’ /lɒj44/ [lɔj44] ‘mountain’ /a / low front unrounded vowel

[ ] / C __ # examples: /pa 24/ [p 24] ‘fish’ /ma 24/ [m 24] ‘dog’ /tha 43/ [th 43] ‘to wait’ /ma 44/ [m 44] ‘come’ /ə/ low back rounded vowel

[ɘ] / C __ (C)# in free variation examples: /kə24/ [kɘ24] ‘salt’ /e/ low back rounded vowel

[ɛ] / Cj __ C# [ɛ] / C __ # in free variation

examples: /jep52/ [jɛp52] ‘to sew’ /ljeŋ44/ [ljɛŋ44] ‘red’ /me21/ [mɛ21] ‘mother’

60

6.1.2.2.1 Nasalization of vowels

Apart from the nasalization of /aː/ that was presented above, there is also contextual

nasalization of vowels in ES. Adjacent nasal consonants will influence the vowels to

carry the nasal qualities of these consonants. Some examples are provided below.

/naŋ24/ [nãŋ24] ‘skin’ /mɨ44/ [m ̃44] ‘hand’

6.1.2.2.2 Creaky vowels

Vowels are usually creaky when the assigned tone of the syllable is /21/. Laver (1980:

122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003) discovers that one of the few conditions for a creak to

occur is when the fundamental frequency is below 100Hz. The fundamental

frequency of tone /21/ goes below 100Hz (the tonal acoustics of tone /21/ can be seen

in Chapter 5 section 5.1.3.1), hence affecting the vowel quality of the syllable, turning

it creaky. Another condition that Laver (1980: 122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003)

discovers is that the tension in vocal cords cause creakiness as well. If the coda is a

plosive, it is almost always that the adjacent vowels are creaky because the glottis is

preparing itself to close, causing tension in the vocal cords. Below are some examples

of creaky vowels.

/pɒt21/ [pɒ̰t21] ‘lungs’ /pjɛt21/ [pjɛ̰t21] ‘eight’

6.1.2.3 Diphthongs

There are only two diphthongs in ES according to the data collected from Consultant

S. Table 6.3 below provides the two diphthongs in ES.

Diphthongs

eu au

Table 6.3: Diphthongs in ES

There is certainly insufficient data to confirm that this is a complete inventory of

diphthongs in the language. This is an area that could be further explored.

61

6.2 NORTHERN SHAN


There are nineteen consonant phonemes in NS. Table 6.4 below represents all

consonant phonemes.

Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosive voiceless unaspirated p t c k h voiceless aspirated th kh voiced Nasal m n ɲ ŋ Fricative unaspirated aspirated

f

s sh

Affricate unaspirated aspirated

ts tsh

Approximant w l j

Table 6.4: Consonant phonemes of NS

Looking at Table 6.4 above, we can see that voiceless unaspirated /p/ does not have

an aspirated counterpart like other plosives. That is due to sound change of voiceless

aspirated /ph/ to unaspirated fricative /f/. Edmondson (2008:201) reports that many

Shan dialects have the habit of hypercorrection where originally the sound change

was /f/ to /ph/, but the speakers then got used to reversing the rule to make it /ph/ to

/f/. This is a characteristic change of Shan. Alveolar nasal /n/ only appears in the coda

of syllables. The original Proto-Tai initial is *hn and the sound change occurred from

*hn to /n/ in Siamese, Lungchow and Po-ai (Li, 1977:114). When comparing NS with

ES and XS, it revealed that in syllables where ES and XS still retained their /n/ initial,

it was a /l/ initial in NS. This led to the assumption that a sound change had occurred

from alveolar nasal /n/ to lateral approximant /l/ in syllable initials, hence /n/ is

restricted to appearing only in the final position.




62

Alveolar plosives

/t/ /th/ [taa23] ‘eye’

[thaa23] ‘to shave’

[tom52] ‘boil’

[thom21] ‘to spit’

Velar plosives

/k/ /kh/ [kau21] ‘knee’

[khau21] ‘knee’

[kaj23] ‘far’

[khaj21] ‘egg’

[ko33] ‘fear’

[kho45] ‘neck

The following minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between

plosives that are phonetically similar.

/t/ /c/ [tin23] ‘foot’

[cin23] ‘to eat’

/k/ /h/ [ko33] ‘to fear’

[kwak45 ho23] ‘head’

/kh/ /h/ [kho23] ‘to laugh’

[kwak45 ho23] ‘head’

The following minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between

aspirated and unaspirated fricatives.

/s/ /sh/ [saŋ23] ‘what’

[shaŋ23 tsə52 waa43] ‘to eat’

63


contrasts between fricatives that are phonetically similar.

/s/ /f/ [san21] ‘shake’

[tshə52 fan45] ‘seed’

/f/ /sh/ [faaj23] ‘sharp’

[shaaj23] ‘rope’


contrasts between aspirated and unaspirated affricates.

/ts/ /tsh/ [thʊj52 tsə23] ‘to breathe’

[maak21 ho23 tshə23] ‘heart’

[shaŋ23 tsə52 waa43] ‘if’


The following sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between

approximants that are phonetically similar.

/l/ /j/ [lam52] ‘water’

[jam45] ‘wet’

[laj23] ‘to flow’

[jaj21] ‘big’


palatals that are phonetically similar.

/j/ /ɲ/ [jin45 ʔaaj23] ‘to smell’

[ɲin45] ‘to hear’

64


/kh/ aspirated velar stop [x] / __ V(C)# in free variation [kx] / __ V(C)# in free variation

Similar to ES, the allophonic realization of [x] and [kx] as /kh/ can be explained as

sound change that is still in transition, hence the free variation that is occurring in

these sounds.

examples: /khop23/ [xop23] ‘bite’ /khon23/ [kxon23] ‘feather’ /h/ voiceless glottal stop

[ɦ] / __ V[+low +back] C[+stop]# examples: /hak52/ [ɦak52] ‘to vomit’

65


There are nine monophthongal vowel phonemes in NS. Table 6.5 below provides the

vowel inventory of NS, categorizing them according to their height and position.

Front Central Back

High i ɨ u

Mid e ə o

Low a a

ɒ

Table 6.5: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in NS


The following minimal and sub-minimal pairs of words illustrate the phonemic

contrasts between vowels that are phonetically similar.

/i/ /ɨ/ [si21] ‘four’

[sɨ23] ‘straight’

/i/ /e/ [li23] ‘good’

[le52] ‘and’

/e/ /ə/ [me43] ‘mother’

[mə52 laɨ23] ‘when’

[le52] ‘and’

[lə52] ‘meat (flesh)’

/ɨ/ /ə/ [tshɨ52] ‘name’


/u/ /o/ [hu23] ‘ear’

[khon23 ho23] ‘hair’

[mu45] ‘snake’

[mo33] ‘lotus’

66

/a/ /a / [hap21] ‘close’

[ha p21] ‘carry(on shoulder)’

[faj45]

‘fire’

[fa j23] ‘sharp’

There is only vowel length distinction for /a/.


/ɒ/ low back rounded vowel [ɔ] / (C) __ j#

examples: /kɒj23/ [kɔj23] ‘to break’ /lɒj23/ [lɔj23] ‘mountain’ /aː/ low front unrounded vowel

[ ] / C __ (C)# examples: /ka 52/ [k 52] ‘rice seedlings’ /ma n52/ [m n52] ‘village’ /ma 23/ [m 23] ‘dog’ /ə/ low back rounded vowel

[ɘ] / C __ (C)# in free variation examples: /kə24/ [kɘ24] ‘salt’ /e/ low back rounded vowel

[ɛ] / (C)j __ C# in free variation examples: /kjep52/ [kjɛp52] ‘narrow’ /jep23/ [jɛp23] ‘to sew’ /u/ low back rounded vowel

[ʊ] / C __ j# in free variation [ʊ] / C __ e# in free variation

examples: /muj23/ [mʊj23] ‘snow’ /thuj52 tsə23/ [thʊj52 tsə23] ‘to breathe’ /tue21/ [tʊe21] ‘to swell’

67

6.2.2.2.1 Nasalization of vowels

Similar to ES, there is contextual nasalization of vowels in NS apart from the

nasalization of /a /. Nasal consonants will influence the vowel quality of adjacent

vowels and bring over their nasal qualities. Some examples are provided below.

/min23/ [mĩn23] ‘to fly’ /mɨ45/ [m ̃45] ‘hand’

6.2.2.2.2 Creaky vowels

Vowels are usually creaky when the assigned tone of the syllable is /21/ or /52/. Laver

(1980: 122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003) discovers that one of the few conditions for a

creak to occur is when the fundamental frequency is below 100Hz. The fundamental

frequencies of tone /21/ and second half of tone /52/ go below 100Hz (the tonal

acoustics of tones /21/ and /52/ can be seen in Chapter 5 section 5.1.3.2), hence

affecting the vowel quality of the syllable, turning it creaky. If the coda is a plosive, it

is almost always that the adjacent vowels are creaky because the glottis is preparing

itself to close, causing tension in the vocal cords. This is another condition Laver

(1980: 122ff; as cited in Coupe, 2003) discovers. Below are some examples of creaky

vowels.

/khaj21/ [kha̰j21] ‘egg’ /cjek21/ [cjɛ̰k21] ‘to split’ /tha 21/ [tha̰a̰52] ‘to wait’

6.2.2.3 Diphthongs

There are only four diphthongs in NS according to the data collected from Consultant

M. Table 6.6 below provides the diphthong inventory in NS.

Diphthongs

ue eu aɨ əɨ

Table 6.6: Diphthongs in NS

68

Similar to ES, there is insufficient data to construct a complete inventory of

diphthongs in the dialect. This is an area that could be further explored.

69

6.3 XISHUANGPANNA SHAN


There are eighteen consonant phonemes in XS. Table 6.7 below is the consonant

inventory of the language.

Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosive voiceless unaspirated p t k h voiceless aspirated ph th voiced b d Nasal m n ŋ Fricative f s x Affricate unaspirated aspirated

tsh

Approximant w l j

Table 6.7: Consonant phonemes of XS

Looking at Table 6.7 above, we can see that voiceless unaspirated velar plosive /k/

does not have an aspirated counterpart unlike other voiceless plosives. Edmondson

(2008:197) discovers that the aspirated velar plosive /kh/ in Shan dialects are going

through a sound change to unaspirated velar fricative /x/. XS is one of the dialects

where the lenition of /kh/ to /x/ is almost2 complete.

XS in still in transition in its sound change from /ph/ to /f/, which explains the co-

existence of /ph/ and /f/ in the consonant inventory. This is expected as Edmonson

(2008:201) mentions that there are still some Shan dialects that have remnants of /ph/

found in them.

There is also the curious case of aspirated affricate in the inventory. I suspect that the

unaspirated affricate /ts/ went through a sound change to unaspirated fricative /s/

since it is physiologically more economical to produce a fricative than an affricate.

The aspirated affricate /tsh/ is then left behind because a sound change to become an

aspirated fricative has not yet commence. This, however, is just my speculation, and I

have not been able to find an evidence to support that yet.

2 I use almost here because it is possible that with more data collection, there may be discoveries of /kh/ in some words to indicate that the lenition process is not complete.

70




Bilabial plosives /p/ /ph/ [pi45] ‘year’

[phi45] ‘ghost’

[paj45] ‘to go’

[phaj45] ‘sharp’

Alveolar plosives

/t/ /th/ [tau23] ‘turtle’

[thau212] ‘old’

[tom212] ‘to boil’

[thom23] ‘to spit’


plosives that are phonetically similar.

/p/ /b/ [pin45] ‘to live’

[bin45] ‘to fly’

[pa212] ‘older aunt’

[ba212] ‘crazy’

/ph/ /b/ [phaj45] ‘sharp’

[baj45] ‘leaf

/t/ /d/ [tak23] ‘sun (verb)’

[dap23] ‘sword’

[taŋ42] ‘road’

[hu42 daŋ45] ‘nose’

71

The following sub-minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts between

phonetically similar fricatives.

/s/ /f/ [su45] ‘2PL’

[fu42] ‘to float’

The following minimal pair of words illustrate the phonemic contrasts phonetically

similar approximants.

/j/ /w/ [xaj23] ‘egg’

[xaw23] ‘knee’


/h/ voiceless glottal stop [ɦ] / __ V[+low +back] C[+stop]#

examples: /hak42/ [ɦak42] ‘to vomit’ /s/ voiceless unaspirated fricative

[sh] / __ V C# in free variation examples: /saj212/ [shaj212] ‘guts’ /si23/ [shi23] ‘four’

72


There are eight monophthongal vowel phonemes in XS. Table 6.8 below provides the

vowel inventory of XS, categorizing them according to their height and position.

Front Central Back

High i ɨ u

Mid e ə o

Low a ɔ

Table 6.8: Monophthongal vowel phonemes in XS


It was extremely difficult to find minimal pairs to demonstrate phonemic contrasts

between phonetically similar vowels in XS. The vowels seem to occur in almost

exclusive conditions. Even when the consonants that flank the vowels in the pairs are

the same, the tone for each syllable is different. This makes it almost impossible to

identify minimal pairs. The examples below illustrate such a phenomenon. Apart from

/ɨ/ and /e/ where a minimal pair is found, there are no minimal pairs for the others.

It is possible that my insufficient data limits the search for minimal pairs, as I only

have 300 unique words to work with. Nevertheless, the vowels in XS pose a big

problem.

/i/ /ɨ/ [min32] ‘louse’

[mɨn33] ‘smooth’

/ɨ/ /e/ [mɨ42] ‘hand’

[me42] ‘wife’

/ɨ/ /ə/ [mɨn33] ‘smooth’

[mən45 hɨ42] ‘how’

/o/ /ɔ/ [bo45] ‘lotus’

[bɔ23] ‘well’

73


/ɔ/ low back rounded vowel [ɒ] / C __ C[+velar]#

examples: /mɔk23 məj45/ [mɒk23 məj45] ‘fog’ /nɔŋ45/ [nɒŋ45] ‘lake’ /a/ low front unrounded vowel

[ ] / C __ (C)# in free variation examples: /xa45/ [x 45] ‘leg /tshaj42/ [tsha j42] ‘man’ /e/ low back rounded vowel

[ɛ] / (C)j __ C# in free variation examples: /kjep42/ [kjɛp42] ‘narrow’ /jep45/ [jɛp45] ‘to sew’ /u/ low back rounded vowel

[ʊ] / C __ C[+nasal]# in free variation [ʊ] / C __ C[+palatal]#

examples: /xum45/ [xʊm45] ‘to smell’ /uj32/ [ʊj32] ‘to push’ /phum45/ [phʊm45] ‘hair’

6.3.2.3 Diphthongs

There are only two diphthongs in NS according to the data collected from Consultant

KZ. Table 6.9 below provides the diphthong inventory in NS.

Diphthongs

eu au

Table 6.9: Diphthongs in XS

74

7. Conclusion This is only the beginning of an in-depth phonological and phonetic investigation of

the Shan language. It is a pity that only three dialects were described in this paper, but

due to time and resource constraints, this is the most that I could do. As this thesis

takes us through the different chapters, it is evident that there is significant variation

between each dialect. It appears that it would be a challenge to document this

language, but nevertheless a worthwhile endeavour.

There are a few limitations to this paper. There is only one native speaker for each

dialect. This cannot make for a representative sample size of the dialects I have

described. It is also likely that idiosyncrasies of the speakers were captured in this

paper. The data that was used for analysis was also limited as there are only three

hundred unique words for each dialect. The data size could be largely increased to

make for a more accurate analysis. Nevertheless, it is hoped that this thesis makes for

a good starting point for deeper investigation and description of this language.

There are still large areas of this language that are left undiscovered, and though

Edmondson (2008:184-202) and Edmondson and Solnit (1997:337-359) have done

some impressive work on the language, they are still at the beginning stages of

exploration. The urgency to document this language continues to grow.

75

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78

Appendix A: Modified Gedney’s list

79

Appendix B: Swadesh 200-word list

Word Transcription

ES NS XS

001 All

002 And

003 Animal

004 Ashes

005 At

006 Back

007 Bad

008 Bark (Of A Tree)

009 Because

010 Belly

011 Big

012 Bird

013 To Bite

014 Black

015 Blood

016 To Blow

017 Bone

018 To Breathe

019 To Burn (Intransitive)

020 Child

021 Cloud

022 Cold (Weather)

023 To Come

024 To Count

025 To Cut

026 Day

027 To Die

028 To Dig

029 Dirty

030 Dog

031 To Drink

032 Dry

033 Dull (Knife)

034 Dust

taŋ44 seŋ43

lɛɛ43

shat44

tau43

tii21

laŋ24

laj52

pəək21 maaj52

phɒɒ43 waa21

pum24

jaaj21

nok52

xop44

lam44

ləət21

pau21

luk21

thoj43 chaaj24

cut21 phaj44

luk21

mɒk21

kat44

maa44

nap52

tat44

wan44

taaj24

xut44

bwee21

maa24

kin24

hjɛŋ43

ʔɨɨ43

phun24

taŋ45 seŋ52

lee52

sat23

faw21

tii45

laŋ21

ʔam21 lii23

pək21 maj52

kɒp43 waa43

tɒŋ52

jaj21

lok52

khop23

lam23

ləət52

paaw23

lop21

thʊj52 tsəə23

faj45 maj52

luk21

mɒk21 kum23

kat23

maa45

lap52

tjep23 / paat21

wan45

taaj23

khut23

haŋ52 weej21

maa23

sot23

hjaŋ52

ʔam21 faaj23

fen21 mut52

taŋ42 mon42

lɛɛ32

sat45

fun23

juu23

laŋ45

luu32

naŋ45 maj32

pəə33 waa33

tɒɒŋ32

jaj23

nok42

xop45

dam45

lət42

pat42

duk23

thʊj212 tshaj45

maj212

luk42

faa212

naaw45

maa42

nap42

sɔj42

kaŋ45 wan42

taaj45

xut45

haŋ212

maa45

dəm23

hjaŋ212

puk45

mɒk32 taw45

80

035 Ear

036 Earth (Soil)

037 To Eat

038 Egg

039 Eye

040 To Fall (Drop)

041 Far

042 Fat

043 Father

044 To Fear

045 Feather

046 Few

047 To Fight

048 Fire

049 Fish

050 Five

051 To Float

052 To Flow

053 Flower

054 To Fly

055 Fog

056 Foot

057 Four

058 To Freeze

059 Fruit

060 To Give

061 Good

062 Grass

063 Green

064 Guts

065 Hair

066 Hand

067 He

068 Head

069 To Hear

070 Heart

071 Heavy

072 Here

073 To Hit

074 Hold (In Hand)

huu24

lin44

kin24

khaj21

taa24

waŋ44

kaj24

pii44

pɒɒ21

koo24

khon24

ʔit45 ʔɒɒn24

tɒɒ21 suu43

phaj44

paa24

haa43

phuu44

laj24

lɒɒk21

bin44

məj24

tin24

shii21

khjaŋ24

maak21

hɨɨ43

lii44

jaa43

kheu24

khəŋ21 naj44

phom24

mɨɨ44

man44

kwak44 huu24

jin44

ho24 chaj24

nak44

tii21 nii43

pɒɒ52/ tup52

jook52

huu23

lin23

cin23

khaj21

taa23

tok23

kaj23

pii45

poo43

koo33

khon23

ʔii21

fit23 kan23

faj45

paa23

haa52

fuu45

laj23

mɒk21

min23

mɒj23

tin23

sii21

kat23

maak21

pan23

lii23

jəə52 jaa52

kheu23

khoŋ45 laɨ45

khon23 hoo23

mɨɨ45

man45 tshaaj45

kwak45 hoo23

ɲin45 maak21 ho23 tshəə23

lak23

ti52 laj52

top52

kam23

huu45

din45

kin45

xaj23

taa45

tok45

kaj45

pii42

pɔɔ33

hwam42 koo45

xon45

kii23

ʔeeŋ23

faj42

paa45

haa212

fuu42

laj45

dɔɔk23

bin45

mɒk23 məj45

xaa45

sii23

khjaaŋ45

maak23

pan45

dii45

jaa212

kheu45

shaj212

phʊm45

mɨɨ42

man42

kwak42 huu45

faŋ42

tshaj45

nak45

tii32 nii212

tii45

kam45

81

075 How

076 To Hunt

077 Husband

078 I

079 Ice

080 If

081 In

082 To Kill

083 Know

084 Lake

085 To Laugh

086 Leaf

087 Left (Hand)

088 Leg

089 To Lie (On Side)

090 To Live

091 Liver

092 Long

093 Louse

094 Man (Male)

095 Many

096 Meat (Flesh)

097 Moon

098 Mother

099 Mountain

100 Mouth

101 Name

102 Narrow

103 Near

104 Neck

105 New

106 Night

107 Nose

108 Not

109 Old

110 One

111 Other

112 Person

113 To Play

114 To Push

pjɛn24 hɨɨ24

laj21

phoo24

kau24

nam52 khjaŋ24

thaa43

naj44

khaa21

ruu52/ huu52

nɒɒŋ24

khoo24

baj44 maj52

shaaj52

khaa24

nɒɒn44

juu21

tap44

jaaw44

ɦaw24

phuu43 chaaj24

laaj24

nəə52

ləən44

mɛɛ21

lɔɔj44

paak21

cɨɨ21

kjɛp21

kaj43

khɒɒ44

maj21

kaŋ24 kham21

laŋ44

waw21

kau21

nɨŋ21

jaaŋ21 ʔɨn21

khon44/ kon44

leen43

ʔii44

tshəŋ52 hɨɨ23

lam45

foo23

kaaw23

lam52 kaam52 shaŋ23 tsə52 waa43

ti43 laɨ45

ʔaw23 taaj23

huu52

lɒɒŋ23

khoo23

maɨ23

shaaj52

khaa23

ljɛn23

ju21 shaaw45

tap23

jaaw45

haw23

tshaaj45

taŋ45 lam23

ləə52

ləən23

mee43

lɔɔj23

sop21

tshɨɨ52

kjɛp52

tsham23

khoo45

maɨ21

kham52

khu45 laŋ23

ʔam23 tshəɨ33

kaaw21

ləəŋ43

taŋ21 ʔan23

koo52

lin52

ʔii45

mən45 hɨɨ42

laj33 sjɛt45 paa23

phoo45

xɔj212

məj45

kan42 lɛɛ32

juu23

xaa212

huu32

nɒŋ45

xoo45

fəə45 maj32

shaaj32

xaa45

nɔɔn42

pin45

tap45

jaaw42

min32

tshaaj42

laaj45

tshin32

dən45

mɛɛ33

dɔɔj45

sop45

tshɨɨ45

kjɛp42

kaj212

xɔɔ43

maj23

kaŋ45 xɨn42

hu43 daŋ45

baw212

thau212

nɨŋ33

ʔan42 ɨn23

kun43

len212

ʔʊj32

82

115 To Rain

116 Red

117 Right (Correct)

118 Right (Hand)

119 River

120 Road

121 Root

122 Rope

123 Rotten (Log)

124 Rub

125 Salt

126 Sand

127 To Say

128 Scratch

129 Sea

130 To See

131 Seed

132 To Sew

133 Sharp (Knife)

134 To Sing

135 To Sit

136 Skin

137 Sky

138 To Sleep

139 Small

140 To Smell (Perceive Odor)

141 Smoke

142 Smooth

143 Snake

144 Snow

145 Soft

146 Some

147 To Spit

148 To Split

149 To Squeeze

150 To Stab

151 To Stand

152 Star

153 Stick (Of Wood)

154 Stone

phon24 tok44

ljɛŋ44

thuk21

xwaa24

mɛɛ21 nam52

sjɛn21 taŋ44

raak21

cəək21

nau21

luup21

kɘɘ24

shaaj44

laat21

kaw24

ma52 haa24 sa44 mut44

han24

mjɛt52

jɛp52

phaaj24

lɒŋ52

naŋ21

naŋ24

tɒŋ52 phaa52

nɒɒn44

lik52 / nɒɒj52

lom44

kwan44

ləəm43

muu44

mɒk21 məj24

ʔɒn43

ʔee21

thom21

phaa21

phan52

tjɛŋ44

chuk44

laaw44

khɒn52

hin24

fon23 to23

ljaaŋ23

mjɛn33

khwaa23

ke45 lam52

taŋ45

haak52

shaaj23

mjɛn23 som52

mɒɒt21

kɘɘ23

shaaj45

laat52

jaaj45

paŋ21 laaj21

han23

tshəə52 fan45

jɛp23

faaj23

hɒŋ52

laŋ43

laŋ23

kaaŋ23 haaw23

lɒɒn45

lik52

jin45 ʔaaj23

kɔɔn45

ləm52 lii23

muu45

mʊj23

ʔon52

kam33 fɒɒŋ43

thom21

cjɛk21

mip21

tjaŋ45

tshuk23

laaw23

ljam52 maj52

maak21 hin23

fʊn45 tok45

djaŋ45

mjɛn33

kwaa45

nam32 maa32

taŋ42

haak42

tshək42

lan33 ljau45

jum45

kəə45

saaj42

waa33

jaat45

mɛɛ33 nam32

duu45

tshəə32 fan42

jɛp45

phaj45

xap45

naŋ33

naŋ45

kaŋ45 haw45

lap45

nɔj32

xʊm45

kwɔn42

mɨn33

muu42

məj45

ʔoon212

ʔit45

thom23

tjak23

mip23

tjaŋ42

tshjɛn23

daaw45

xaa33 maj32

maak23 hin45

83

155 Straight

156 To Suck

157 Sun

158 To Swell

159 To Swim

160 Tail

161 That

162 There

163 They

164 Thick

165 Thin

166 To Think

167 This

168 Thou/You

169 Three

170 To Throw

171 To Tie

172 Tongue

173 Tooth

174 Tree

175 To Turn (Veer)

176 Two

177 To Vomit

178 To Walk

179 Warm (Weather)

180 To Wash

181 Water

182 We

183 Wet

184 What

185 When

186 Where

187 White

188 Who

189 Wide

190 Wife

191 Wind (Breeze)

192 Wing

193 Wipe

194 With (Accompanying)

sɨɨ43

luut21

taa24 wan44

kaj21

lui44

haŋ24

nan52

pun52

khau24

naa24

phɒm24

kɨt52

nii52

maj44

saam24

xwaŋ43

mat52

lin52

kheu43

ton43 maj52

mun24

sɒɒŋ24

ɦak21

paj24

ʔun21

laŋ52

nam52

hau44

jam44

saŋ24

məə21 laj44

tii21 laj44

khau24

phaj24

kwaŋ43

mee44

lom44

pik21

cɛt52

loj43

sɨɨ23

tshup21

ljɛɛt23

tʊe21

lui45

haaŋ23

ʔan23 lan52

ti52 lan52

haw23

laa23

jɒɒm23

woon52

ʔan23 laj52

maɨ45

saam23

thɨm52 pjɛt52

mat52

lin52

shew52

ton52 maj52

waj21

sɒɒŋ23

ɦak52

paj23

ʔoon21

laaŋ52

lam52

haaw45

jam45

saŋ23

məə52 laɨ23

ti52 laɨ23

fək21

faɨ23

kaŋ52

mee45

loom45

pik21

tshet23

tshɒm45

sɨɨ33

dut23

taa45 wan42

pɒŋ42

lɔɔj42

haaŋ45

ʔan33 nan32

tii33 han212

xaw45

naa45

jɔɔm45

kɨt42

ʔan33 ni32

tshaw212

saam45

haaj45

mat42

lin32

khew212

tʊn212 maj32

phat45

sɒŋ45

ɦak42

jaaŋ33

ʔʊn23

sak42

nam32

haw42

tshʊm32

baw23 saŋ45

jaam42 daj45

ti32 naj45

xaaw45

phaj45

kwaŋ212

mee42

lʊm42

pik23

tshjet42

kap45

84

195 Woman

196 Woods

197 Worm

198 Ye

199 Year

200 Yellow

mɛɛ21 jiŋ44

maj52

nɒɒn24

suu24

pii24

ləəŋ24

jiŋ45

thən23

tək21 ləən23

suu23

pii23

ləŋ23

jiŋ42

paa23 maj32

mjɛɛŋ42

suu45

pii45

ləŋ45

85

Appendix C: Acoustic analysis tables Eastern Shan

OPEN SYLLABLES

[24] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

huu24 ‘ear’ 115 114 114 113 114 116 118 120 127 129 134

khaa24 ‘leg’ 113 103 102 103 104 104 105 104 106 113 119

phii24 ‘ghost’ 109 104 100 99.6 99.8 100 102 105 110 112 119

pii24 ‘year’ 114 107 104 103 103 104 104 106 111 114 124

taa24 ‘eye’ 104 97.4 97.6 99.6 99.2 100 102 99.5 101 107 110

paa24 ‘fish’ 102 97.5 99.3 98.0 98.0 98.6 102 105 111 114 122

too24 ‘body’ 107 101 98.6 96.0 96.0 95.0 94.0 94.4 96.8 104 109

maa24 ‘dog’ 103 99.4 97.3 96.4 94.7 95.7 99.3 102 109 113 121

muu24 ‘pig’ 105 103 101 100 100 102 104 110 116 126 133

naa24 ‘thick’ 99.3 97.3 96.7 94.4 92.5 91.4 91.1 92.9 97.6 109 118

kin24 ‘eat’ 112 108 107 106 102 106 108 108 108 113 118

kɘɘ24 ‘salt’ 114 106 103 102 102 103 102 102 109 114 119

[24] MEAN F0 108 103 102 101 100 101 103 104 109 114 121

[24] MEAN DUR 0 32.5 65.0 97.9 131 163 195 228 261 293 323

[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

khaj21 ‘egg’ 121 113 104 97.2 97.2 95.0 95.2 94.9 93.7 92.1 92

khau21 ‘shake’ 115 111 106 101 98.5 97.0 96.1 95 97.2 98.2 98.7

khaau21 ‘news’ 114 107 102 98.6 97.1 97.8 95.7 94.7 94.4 93.3 95.5

phaa21 ‘to split’ 114 111 104 98.1 95.8 94.0 92.7 92.0 89.7 87.7 90.7

sii21 ‘shirt’ 113 110 103 98.5 96.3 93.7 91.7 90.3 89.4 87.7 84.4

khaʊ21 ‘knee’ 118 113 106 100 94.9 92.4 89.6 88.6 88.8 90.9 89.7

khaa21 ‘to kill’ 117 109 104 100 98.0 96.8 95.8 93.9 89.4 85.0 81.7

paa21 ‘forest’ 110 108 105 105 104 101 98.7 97.8 95.9 93.2 88.9

kaj21 ‘chicken’ 121 112 108 101 97.0 95.2 94.6 94.2 92.1 88.9 88.3

kaʊ21 ‘old’ 123 115 106 103 99.4 95.6 92.3 89.7 87.8 86.2 84.3

taʊ21 ‘turtle’ 114 105 99.4 98.9 97.3 94.4 92.5 89.4 89.1 84.7 84.7

baa21 ‘shoulder’ 102 103 103 102 97.4 95.6 95.3 95.4 91.3 85.7 86.7

baaw21 ‘young man’

103 101 99.2 97.2 94.6 93.7 91.6 90.8 90.9 89.9 87.9

86

laa21 ‘scold’ 104 103 102 99.5 98.4 97.1 95.1 93.2 92.1 89.8 91.6

bɒɒ21 ‘well’ 108 104 101 99.3 98.3 96.3 94.0 92.7 92.0 91.0 93.7

pii21 ‘older sibling’

117 114 108 102 99.0 97.8 96.1 94.2 92.2 86.8 86.7

pɒɒ21 ‘father’ 114 110 107 104 101 96.6 95.8 94.6 93.6 92.9 91.6

thoo21 ‘beans’ 109 109 104 99.7 97.6 95.4 93.9 92.5 90.7 88.7 87.7

phjɛn21 ‘board’ 127 120 112 106 101 97.1 96.1 97.0 95.4 93.1 95.6

maj21 ‘new’ 110 106 102 98.5 96.0 92.7 92.3 93.6 93.7 92.0 90.8

tam21 ‘low’ 111 108 103 101 99.6 96.2 94.8 91.2 89.7 88.6 89.4

ʔim21 ‘full’ 122 120 117 111 101 101 95.3 91.3 95.4 93.7 88.5

mɛɛ21 ‘mother’ 103 102 98.5 96.5 94.4 92.0 92.3 91.4 89.6 88.2 85.8

bon21 ‘otter’ 114 116 116 119 115 111 114 114 115 114 107

taa21 ‘wharf’ 108 105 104 95.5 94.4 96.0 96.0 94.9 92.6 90.4 85.6

[21] MEAN F0 113 109 105 101 98.5 96.5 95.1 93.9 92.9 90.9 89.9

[21] MEAN DUR 0 22.3 44.7 64.8 89.6 112 134 156 179 202 230

[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% khau43 ‘rice’ 123 119 116 117 115 113 111 110 112 108 101

səə43 ‘shirt’ 119 117 113 111 113 111 110 108 107 105 97.5

haa43 ‘five’ 125 119 116 114 115 113 112 114 113 112 102

lau43 ‘liquor’ 110 107 108 108 107 108 111 111 112 104 100

thaa43 ‘to wait’ 118 113 112 112 113 113 113 113 111 108 106

khau43 ‘enter’ 126 113 109 107 107 108 108 108 107 102 100

paa43 ‘older aunt’

115 110 107 105 106 106 107 105 106 105 99.3

kau43 ‘nine’ 115 109 105 105 104 106 110 109 109 106 103

kaj43 ‘close’ 124 120 114 112 112 112 112 114 113 111 105

kaa43 ‘rice seedlings’

119 115 112 111 110 109 108 110 107 107 102

taj43 ‘under’ 115 111 111 107 106 106 107 110 111 109 101

ʔaa43 ‘open’ 115 118 114 112 112 113 111 110 108 108 106

baa43 ‘crazy’ 111 111 111 109 108 107 108 107 106 106 106

laj43 ‘to get’ 114 112 111 108 107 107 107 108 106 104 102

ʔɒj43 ‘sugar cane’

115 117 111 109 104 101 100 100 104 105 102

naa43 ‘face’ 111 108 107 105 104 102 103 105 106 106 101

tom43 ‘boil’ 117 112 109 108 110 111 108 110 109 106 99.5

shɐn43 ‘short’ 127 121 115 113 116 115 114 113 114 112 106

baan43 ‘village’ 111 111 109 106 105 104 104 108 108 108 107

87

maj43 ‘hot’ 118 111 109 108 107 106 105 107 107 103 97.7

ʔɒn43 ‘soft’ 101 103 101 99.0 98.0 95.3 91.6 91.5 90.5 87.8 88.9

[43] MEAN F0 117 113 111 109 109 108 108 108 108 106 102

[43] MEAN DUR 0 26.2 52.1 78.2 104 130 156 182 208 234 258

[44] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% buə44 ‘lotus’ 115 117 121 123 122 121 120 119 119 114 109

laaw44 ‘star’ 115 112 110 110 110 108 108 106 103 100 97

toj44 ‘look’ 119 116 118 118 119 119 120 119 116 112 108

taj44 ‘guess’ 122 116 114 117 116 116 116 115 116 116 113

kwaj44 ‘buffalo’ 109 113 116 116 115 113 112 114 115 118 117

bin44 ‘to fly’ 112 112 112 110 110 108 108 107 102 100 96.3

mɨɨ44 ‘hand’ 122 122 121 120 119 120 122 122 125 127 132

maj44 ‘you’ 118 116 113 113 115 117 116 115 116 119 124

maa44 ‘come’ 114 114 110 115 115 116 116 117 120 124 125

naa44 ‘rice field’

121 121 124 124 125 125 126 127 129 130 133

rəən44 ‘house’ 115 117 114 114 112 115 115 117 117 117 116

nam44 ‘to lead’

116 116 118 116 119 118 115 114 112 114 115

[44] MEAN F0 117 116 116 116 116 116 116 116 116 116 115

[44] MEAN DUR 0 35.2 70.0 105 140 175 210 245 280 315 347

[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% shwɔj52 ‘string

something’ 150 141 138 134 128 120 110 102 95.8 90.5 97.6

ruu52 ‘to know’ 148 151 151 146 139 132 124 116 108 101 92.2

nam52 ‘water’ 136 136 134 130 121 117 114 109 105 105 98.5

maj52 ‘wood’ 131 129 124 117 111 101 98.5 95.6 93.4 84.7 82.7

maa52 ‘horse’ 137 134 131 127 123 119 115 108 100 101 97.4

lin52 ‘tongue’ 138 139 135 126 112 110 103 98.7 93.7 87.7 83.7

[52] MEAN F0 140 138 136 130 122 117 111 105 99.3 95.0 92.0

[52] MEAN DUR 0 20.7 47.9 61.9 82.4 103 123 145 165 185 204

88

NASAL SYLLABLES

[24] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% haŋ24 ‘tail’ 104 95.9 92.7 94.1 94.1 94.3 100 103 105 112 118

naŋ24 ‘skin’ 97.6 95.9 97.2 96.5 97.9 99.4 102 105 109 113 119

[24] MEAN F0 101 95.9 95.0 95.3 96 96.9 101 104 107 113 119

[24] MEAN DUR 0 31.1 62.0 93.2 125 155 186 218 249 280 308

[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% naŋ21 ‘to sit’ 107 104 101 101 98.4 94.9 93.5 92.8 90.6 90.8 88.6

nuŋ21 ‘to dress’ 114 110 105 102 100 97.7 96.1 95.3 93.3 90.4 87.9

[21] MEAN F0 111 107 103 102 99.2 96.3 94.8 94.1 92.0 90.6 88.3

[21] MEAN DUR 0 21.2 42.2 63.8 84.9 106 127 149 170 192 210

[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% shaaŋ43 ‘build’ 123 107 103 105 106 105 104 106 101 99.7 92.8

[43] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -

[43] MEAN DUR 0 28.0 55.5 83.5 111 139 166 194 222 250 275

[44] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% ljɛŋ45 ‘red’ 109 106 107 108 108 107 107 106 106 102 101

liŋ45 ‘monkey’ 127 131 132 133 135 137 138 136 137 137 138

[44] MEAN F0 118 119 120 121 122 122 123 121 122 120 120

[44] MEAN DUR 0 33.7 66.6 100 134 167 201 235 268 300 331

[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nɒŋ52 ‘younger

sibling’ 129 128 125 119 112 105 101 96.4 92.1 89.1 91.7

tɒŋ52 ‘stomach’ 143 142 137 132 127 121 115 111 107 103 101

laŋ52 ‘to wash’ 136 132 128 124 120 116 111 106 98.1 93.2 93.1

[52] MEAN F0 136 134 130 125 120 114 109 104 99.1 95.1 95.3

[52] MEAN DUR 0 20.0 40.0 60.3 80.3 100 120 140 161 180 199

89

CLOSED SYLLABLES

[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% maak21 ‘fruit’ 114 112 111 110 108 105 103 101 100 100 100

phəək21 ‘taro’ 126 121 115 113 110 107 103 98.7 96.7 91.5 89.5

haap21 ‘carry’ 114 113 111 109 108 105 103 102 100 99.8 103

pɒɒt21 ‘lungs’ 123 120 115 111 108 105 103 101 99.0 97.4 97.1

paak21 ‘mouth’ 111 110 106 102 98.8 99.7 99.9 99.7 99.1 96.1 92

taak21 ‘sun (verb)’

109 105 102 102 99.8 98.3 97.3 96.0 94.7 92.4 92.7

kɒɒt21 ‘hug’ 101 100 99.6 99.8 98.9 97.6 96.9 95.6 94.1 92.3 92.4

pjɛɛt21 ‘eight’ 114 110 107 106 104 101 99.2 99.4 98.4 96.8 95.8

kaat21 ‘market’ 112 109 105 100 97.1 94.0 94.0 94.3 93.9 92.9 92.8

kəət21 ‘be born’ 128 122 119 115 113 111 109 108 107 104 103

paat21 ‘harvest’ 108 106 104 102 101 98.0 95.1 93.5 92.6 91.4 90.7

lɔɔk21 ‘flower’ 110 110 107 105 102 99.8 99.1 97.0 94.0 90.4 86.0

ʔɒɒk21 ‘go out’ 111 108 107 110 108 107 104 100 95.3 91.5 89.5

luut21 ‘suck’ 119 118 117 116 114 111 111 111 110 110 111

laat21 ‘sword’ 104 102 99.3 95.9 93.8 93.7 93.9 92.8 93.4 92.1 93.3

nɒɒk21 ‘outside’ 111 110 108 106 105 102 99.8 97.4 94.6 93.5 90.0

raak21 ‘root’ 118 115 112 111 108 105 102 100 98.5 96.9 94.9

ləət21 ‘blood’ 119 119 117 115 113 112 111 110 109 107 107

[21] MEAN F0 114 112 109 107 105 103 101 99.9 98.4 96.4 95.6

[21] MEAN DUR 0 13.0 26.1 39.3 52.4 65.4 78.5 91.8 105 118 130

[44] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mat44 ‘flea’ 128 126 125 125 125 125 126 126 126 127 127

shʊk44 ‘cooked’ 139 137 136 136 138 139 139 137 134 129 126

phak44 ‘vegetable’ 131 130 128 126 127 127 127 128 127 127 126

hok44 ‘six’ 133 132 132 131 130 130 129 128 127 125 123

nak44 ‘heavy’ 125 124 124 123 123 124 124 124 125 125 124

shat44 ‘animal’ 138 138 136 134 133 133 134 134 133 133 132

hak44 ‘break’ 137 134 132 132 133 133 133 133 132 132 131

kop44 ‘frog’ 123 123 122 121 121 122 122 122 122 122 121

tap44 ‘liver’ 125 123 120 119 118 118 119 120 120 120 120

cɛp44 ‘to hurt’ 132 133 134 136 136 136 135 133 133 132 132

cɛt44 ‘seven’ 134 135 136 138 138 135 132 130 129 129 129

90

tok44 ‘to fall’ 126 126 126 126 126 125 125 124 123 120 113

pet44 ‘duck’ 126 126 128 127 127 128 129 130 130 130 129

xop44 ‘bite’ 135 134 133 132 132 132 132 132 130 128 127

ʋet44 ‘fishing rod’

131 132 132 131 131 131 131 131 131 131 131

lip44 ‘raw’ 131 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 135 131 124

ʔok44 ‘chest’ 130 130 130 132 131 131 129 127 125 123 121

lap44 ‘extinguish’ 127 127 126 126 127 127 129 130 132 132 132

bok44 ‘shore’ 126 127 128 130 131 132 133 133 132 131 130

ʔot44 ‘starve’ 130 129 128 130 132 134 136 138 139 139 140

lat44 ‘to bend’ 133 132 131 130 130 130 130 131 130 130 130

[44] MEAN F0 131 130 129 129 130 130 130 130 129 128 127

[44] MEAN DUR 0 7.99 15.9 23.0 31.9 38.8 47.8 53.1 63.8 71.7 79.0

[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nok52 ‘bird’ 137 135 133 132 131 128 125 120 114 108 106

mat52 ‘to tie’ 128 125 122 120 118 116 115 113 111 110 109

lak52 ‘steal’ 140 138 134 131 128 125 123 119 115 111 109

mot52 ‘ant’ 141 139 133 127 123 120 120 119 117 116 115

nap52 ‘to count’ 138 137 134 131 128 126 123 120 117 115 112

pop52 ‘to meet’ 151 152 152 148 141 136 130 125 119 115 113

[52] MEAN F0 140 138 135 132 128 125 123 119 116 113 111

[52] MEAN DUR 0 8.85 17.6 26.6 35.4 44.2 53.1 62.0 70.9 79.7 87.9

Northern Shan

OPEN SYLLABLES

[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% huu23 ‘ear’ 113 110 108 107 104 103 105 111 123 142 159

khaa23 ‘leg’ 108 102 101 102 102 101 104 110 112 121 136

maa23 ‘dog’ 113 110 109 108 108 110 108 110 114 122 132

muu23 ‘pig’ 105 105 106 108 109 110 111 114 117 120 130

laa23 ‘thick’ 108 107 107 107 105 105 105 108 113 120 130

fii23 ‘supernatural’

115 113 109 106 106 106 109 111 114 124 135

kɘɘ23 ‘salt’ 113 109 108 108 108 108 110 111 116 124 131

91

[23] MEAN F0 111 108 107 107 106 106 107 111 116 125 136

[23] MEAN DUR 0 31.6 63.7 95.8 128 159 192 224 256 288 317

[33] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% moo33 ‘lotus’ 114 114 114 114 115 113 114 114 113 113 114

kii33 ‘to blossom’

132 126 126 130 130 130 129 129 134 135 136

maɨ33 ‘leaf’ 114 115 115 115 115 115 117 117 117 118 118

[33] MEAN F0 120 118 118 120 120 119 120 120 121 122 123

[33] MEAN DUR 0 40.3 80.5 121 162 202 243 284 324 365 402

[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% khaj21 ‘egg’ 111 108 105 103 102 100 98.3 96.7 92.8 91.5 91.3

san21 ‘shake’ 115 105 97.9 97.3 96.6 95.2 93.5 89.4 91.4 92.9 90.4

khaaw21 ‘news’ 123 113 108 103 101 97.8 93.4 90.0 92.0 86.6 82.7

maɨ21 ‘new’ 121 116 115 113 111 108 105 103 101 98.1 95.3

sii21 ‘four’ 113 104 98.2 96.8 94.3 92.5 91.2 91.6 91.1 91.5 92.7

khaw21 ‘knee’ 119 111 106 102 98.1 95.8 91.9 88.6 91.1 91.2 91.9

paa21 ‘forest’ 103 101 97.7 98.6 95.4 95.7 92.9 92.9 90.7 90.5 90.4

kaj21 ‘chicken’ 111 106 100 97.5 97.2 95.5 93.5 93.8 93.4 92.1 92.1

kaw21 ‘old’ 125 114 109 107 105 101 99.5 97.5 95.3 94.1 94.5

win21 ‘turn around’

107 103 101 99.8 98.0 97.7 93.9 93.8 90.8 88.6 90.0

tjem21 ‘low’ 102 100 96.8 95.6 93.8 91.0 90.9 90.9 91.4 92.1 98.9

taw21 ‘turtle’ 131 123 119 112 109 106 105 104 104 101 103

pat21 ‘harvest’ 106 102 97.6 94.5 94.9 95.0 94.8 94.0 92.0 92.1 83.2

maa21 ‘shoulder’ 109 106 100 101 97.5 96.4 95.7 93.8 91.5 90.1 89.9

maaw21 ‘bachelor’ 97.3 94.2 93.6 90.3 91.6 89.0 87.5 87.1 86.1 86.2 86.2

laa21 ‘to scold’ 107 105 104 100 95.1 93.2 92.4 91.3 86.9 86.5 88

ʔim21 ‘full’ 108 106 105 104 103 96.5 99.2 98.8 91.5 88.5 88.9

mɒɒt21 ‘extinguish’ 118 114 110 105 104 102 100 97.8 95.8 95.4 94.4

[21] MEAN F0 113 107 104 101 99.3 97.1 95.5 94.2 92.7 91.6 91.3

[21] MEAN DUR 0 37.0 74.4 112 150 187 224 262 300 337 372

92

[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% pii43 ‘older

sibling’ 126 123 122 122 122 123 122 122 122 122 121

poo43 ‘father’ 117 117 115 116 116 116 116 115 117 118 117

mee43 ‘mother’ 123 116 119 119 116 119 118 118 120 120 118

taa43 ‘wharf’ 124 118 116 115 116 117 117 117 117 117 117

[43] MEAN F0 123 119 118 118 118 119 118 118 119 119 118

[43] MEAN DUR 0 35.1 69.9 105 140 175 210 245 280 319 348

[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mɨɨ45 ‘hand’ 139 141 142 145 144 144 145 144 142 141 141

maɨ45 ‘you’ 130 130 131 136 138 139 140 139 140 140 136

maa45 ‘come’ 132 134 140 147 148 148 148 150 150 150 150

woo45 ‘buffalo’ 124 127 130 130 130 131 133 133 132 130 128

laa45 ‘rice field’ 124 127 132 133 132 133 134 133 133 131 130

həən45 ‘house’ 124 126 128 129 130 131 131 131 128 131 130

[45] MEAN F0 129 131 134 137 137 138 139 138 138 137 136

[45] MEAN DUR 0 38.7 77.3 117 155 194 233 272 311 349 385

[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% khaw52 ‘rice’ 140 138 135 132 128 125 120 115 113 109 103

səə52 ‘shirt’ 135 129 125 123 120 117 113 111 110 111 116

haa52 ‘five’ 126 123 121 119 118 114 110 106 105 101 95.6

law52 ‘liquor’ 122 123 122 119 118 115 113 112 110 109 107

thaa52 ‘to wait’ 128 127 126 126 124 122 116 114 107 108 101

laa52 ‘face’ 135 135 136 136 134 131 129 125 122 120 115

khaw52 ‘to enter’ 153 150 149 149 148 147 142 136 130 122 115

paa52 ‘older aunt’

142 140 141 143 142 139 132 128 126 123 116

tom52 ‘boil’ 150 150 149 148 146 144 142 138 132 125 114

kaw52 ‘nine’ 135 133 132 132 131 130 128 125 121 117 115

kaɨ52 ‘close’ 142 136 137 137 134 132 130 127 125 116 112


132 131 132 130 130 131 130 128 125 121 119

təɨ52 ‘under’ 140 136 136 138 137 134 131 126 120 116 113

lom52 ‘to fall’ 141 139 138 138 135 134 131 128 123 115 111

maan52 ‘village’ 139 139 136 134 132 132 130 128 127 128 121

93

ʔaa52 ‘open’ 142 145 146 139 136 133 130 126 116 109 104

laj52 ‘to get’ 134 132 132 130 128 124 121 114 109 106 107

ʔɔɔj52 ‘sugar cane’

131 130 127 127 125 121 119 115 110 109 104

on52 ‘soft’ 137 135 131 129 127 125 123 120 119 113 112

maj52 ‘hot’ 151 153 152 152 150 148 146 143 138 131 125

lam52 ‘water’ 128 128 127 126 125 124 120 114 110 107 102

maj52 ‘wood’ 143 142 143 141 139 138 136 133 129 124 121

maa52 ‘horse’ 142 139 140 138 136 136 135 131 125 120 114

lin52 ‘tongue’ 145 140 139 137 134 131 125 118 113 112 110

huu52 ‘to know’ 144 140 136 135 133 131 128 126 121 115 112

[52] MEAN F0 138 137 136 134 132 130 127 123 119 116 111

[52] MEAN DUR 0 31.9 63.8 96.2 128 160 192 225 257 289 319

NASAL SYLLABLES

[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% haaŋ23 ‘tail’ 114 109 109 108 110 106 107 110 117 129 143

laŋ23 ‘skin’ 108 107 108 109 110 110 111 111 114 121 132

[23] MEAN F0 111 108 109 109 110 108 109 111 116 125 138

[23] MEAN DUR 0 34.5 68.6 104 138 172 207 242 277 311 343

[43] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% laŋ43 ‘to sit’ 128 126 124 125 126 125 126 125 125 126 125

[43] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -

[43] MEAN DUR 0 38.2 76.8 115 154 192 231 269 308 346 382

[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% liŋ45 ‘monkey’ 135 138 145 152 153 156 159 158 156 155 155

[45] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -

[45] MEAN DUR 0 34.6 69.2 104 139 174 209 244 279 313 346

[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% saŋ52 ‘to build’ 131 128 128 129 130 128 124 121 120 119 111

94

lɒɒŋ52 ‘younger sibling’

134 135 136 133 131 128 125 122 116 112 107

tɒŋ52 ‘stomach’ 136 134 134 133 129 125 122 117 115 114 114

[52] MEAN F0 134 132 133 132 130 127 124 120 117 115 111

[52] MEAN DUR 0 33.0 66.3 100 134 166 200 234 267 300 331

CLOSED SYLLABLES

[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mat23 ‘flea’ 112 111 112 112 111 111 112 113 116 123 131

suk23 ‘cooked’ 106 102 101 102 105 106 108 112 115 119 123

fak23 ‘food’ 113 112 109 107 107 107 109 112 117 125 133

hok23 ‘six’ 104 102 102 104 106 107 107 109 113 117 123

lak23 ‘heavy’ 110 107 107 107 108 108 110 114 118 122 126

sat23 ‘animal’ 102 99.5 97.0 94.8 96.8 99.8 101 101 103 105 108

mɨk23 ‘ink’ 111 108 108 110 111 112 114 116 121 128 134

cep23 ‘to hurt’ 104 103 102 102 102 103 103 104 106 111 116

cet23 ‘seven’ 109 107 104 102 103 104 105 108 112 118 119

pet23 ‘duck’ 108 107 106 105 105 105 105 106 108 112 115

tok23 ‘drop’ 107 105 105 104 103 104 106 107 109 111 113

khop23 ‘bite’ 112 104 102 101 102 102 102 106 112 118 128

met23 ‘fishing’ 105 104 103 102 102 103 102 104 107 109 110

lip23 ‘raw’ 108 104 101 101 100 101 101 103 107 111 115

ʔok23 ‘chest’ 114 113 111 110 111 112 114 117 121 129 135

[23] MEAN F0 108 106 105 104 105 106 107 109 112 117 122

[23] MEAN DUR 0 20.1 40.1 60.3 80.4 100 121 141 161 181 200

[21] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% maak21 ‘fruit’ 114 109 106 102 100 99.2 96.7 96.1 93.4 92.3 90.4

haap21 ‘carry’ 119 116 112 110 107 104 100 97.7 95.2 91.2 93.1

pɒɒt21 ‘lungs’ 121 119 112 108 104 102 99.9 99.4 94.8 95.7 98.3

[21] MEAN F0 118 115 110 107 104 102 98.9 97.7 94.5 93.1 93.9

[21] MEAN DUR 0 33.5 66.9 101 135 168 202 236 269 290 334

95

[52] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% lok52 ‘bird’ 160 160 159 157 155 154 150 141 131 123 118

mot52 ‘ant’ 140 139 138 136 135 133 130 130 132 128 124

kjɛp52 ‘narrow’ 142 142 140 138 137 135 132 130 124 116 113

lap52 ‘to count’ 137 137 137 136 135 134 134 135 135 135 134

haak52 ‘root’ 146 147 146 144 141 139 135 129 124 116 109

ləət52 ‘blood’ 150 149 148 148 146 145 143 140 132 124 115

[52] MEAN F0 146 146 145 143 142 140 137 134 130 124 119

[52] MEAN DUR 0 23.0 46.1 69.3 92.4 115 138 162 185 208 229

Xishuangpanna Shan

OPEN SYLLABLES

[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% huu45 ‘ear’ 132 128 131 132 136 137 138 142 143 145 146

xaa45 ‘leg’ 124 122 123 125 127 129 131 133 134 137 139

maa45 ‘dog’ 119 120 122 124 127 130 132 133 133 135 140

muu45 ‘pig’ 126 127 130 132 133 134 134 136 137 138 143

naa45 ‘thick’ 119 119 123 127 130 131 133 133 131 134 137

phii45 ‘ghost’ 123 121 122 125 128 131 132 134 136 136 134

pii45 ‘year’ 123 123 125 128 131 135 140 143 144 145 146

taa45 ‘eye’ 122 121 123 127 131 133 134 134 134 136 138

kin45 ‘to eat’ 128 126 128 133 137 139 142 141 141 144 144

paa45 ‘fish’ 127 125 129 132 135 136 137 136 136 138 141

paj45 ‘to go’ 119 122 124 128 133 134 134 137 137 139 140

too45 ‘body’ 123 123 126 129 133 133 133 134 134 136 140

kəə45 ‘salt’ 128 126 130 132 135 136 136 133 136 138 138

[45] MEAN F0 124 123 126 129 132 134 135 136 137 139 140

[45] MEAN DUR 0 36.1 72.0 108 145 180 216 253 289 325 358

[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% xaj23 ‘egg’ 106 94.6 95.3 96.5 97.9 100 102 105 109 111 116

shjɛn23 ‘shake’ 100 96.7 96.2 96.9 98.4 100 102 104 107 113 118

xaw23 ‘news’ 101 98.4 97.4 96.4 96.1 99.7 104 106 109 112 114

96

maj23 ‘new’ 95.7 95.2 93.9 93.1 94.7 98.8 100 103 106 109 112

sii23 ‘four’ 92.6 94.0 92.5 96.3 98.3 100 103 105 108 115 123

xaw23 ‘knee’ 91.9 91.1 88.0 91.8 95.6 97.2 99.3 101 103 107 112

paa23 ‘forest’ 91.9 92.1 92.2 93.1 93.8 91.7 92.5 95.8 99.0 104 109

kaj23 ‘chicken’ 93.8 95.7 96.6 96.4 94.9 97.2 100 102 102 106 109

tau23 ‘turtle’ 86.0 92.8 93.4 94.8 97.1 98.4 101 105 107 111 115

baa23 ‘shoulder’ 93.8 93.3 94.4 96.5 98.1 101 103 105 107 112 120

baaw23 ‘young man’

95.8 93.7 92.0 92.3 92.6 93.3 94.4 97.7 100 105 113

laa23 ‘scold’ 92.2 91.0 90.2 90.8 92.1 93.8 93.7 95.6 101 105 110

ʔim23 ‘full’ 101 99.7 98.7 95.3 98.2 101 104 107 112 115 121

bɔɔ23 ‘well’ 96.8 93.7 93.7 94.5 94.8 97.2 99.5 103 104 109 114

juu23 ‘to live’ 98.7 98.7 99.1 99.9 103 105 108 108 110 117 124

[23] MEAN F0 95.8 94.7 94.2 95.0 96.4 98.3 100 103 106 110 115

[23] MEAN DUR 0 35.3 70.7 106 142 177 212 248 284 319 352

[212] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% xaw212 ‘rice’ 107 95.2 86.9 93.8 90.6 91.4 93.1 96.3 102 108 110

səə212 ‘shirt’ 103 101 97.8 93.6 88.9 93.7 92.5 95.4 100 104 112

haa212 ‘five’ 103 100 96.5 93.6 90.9 90.9 89.1 87.0 95.0 102 101

laʊ212 ‘liquor’ 93.8 89.5 88.9 87.5 88.7 91.1 95.8 101 107 102 102

thaa212 ‘wait’ 106 95.8 91.6 89.0 91.1 90.9 90.5 93.8 99.4 102 99.4

naa212 ‘face’ 93.8 92 89.7 88.5 88.3 86.4 91.0 93.3 101 98.7 104

xaa212 ‘kill’ 97.1 92.8 91.0 88.3 90.4 91.2 90.4 93.9 96.9 101 98.7

xaw212 ‘enter’ 104 94.1 89.2 86.7 88.3 91.5 92.7 97.0 99.8 104 104

paa212 ‘older aunt’ 98.2 94.1 92 91.6 93.0 92.9 92.4 92.9 97.2 105 109

tom212 ‘boil’ 96.7 96.8 92.1 91.4 91.3 91.2 92.5 95.3 102 110 115

kaw212 ‘nine’ 96.7 92.8 88.2 87.2 90.4 88.5 90.2 93.3 98.6 106 103

shɛn212 ‘short’ 97.4 93.1 89.6 88.2 86.6 89.4 92.7 95.9 103 109 109

kaj212 ‘close’ 93.7 92.2 89.9 87.3 89.0 91.4 93.0 94.7 101 106 105


97.0 94.9 91.7 90.3 89.4 91.9 92.9 94.8 97.0 100 102

taj212 ‘under’ 95.8 95.0 91.1 86.2 92.6 97.1 95.3 95.1 102 107 106

ban212 ‘village’ 99.7 94.3 93.2 89.4 86.3 87.2 88.1 90.4 93.7 99.7 104

ʔaa212 ‘open’ 102 98.9 95.3 92.8 87.4 86.0 86.5 85.9 88.2 97.7 105

baa212 ‘crazy’ 94.8 91.8 87.4 86.0 89.7 89.4 90.4 90.9 94.6 95.5 98.6

daj212 ‘to get’ 96.8 93.8 91.1 87.3 88.0 88.4 90.0 91.7 94.6 100 102

ʔɔj212 ‘sugar 97.4 97.8 97.1 92.0 88.1 86.3 86.1 90.5 96.3 100 104

97

cane’

ʔoon212 ‘soft’ 100 96.9 91.5 90.2 90.8 88.2 90.2 95.0 100 102 102

beʊ212 ‘crooked’ 99.2 96.6 93.1 89.7 87.1 92.0 92.7 94.8 97.8 101 103

[212] MEAN F0 98.8 95.0 91.6 89.6 89.4 90.3 91.3 93.6 98.5 103 104

[212] MEAN DUR 0 29.6 59.2 89.1 119 148 178 208 238 268 295

[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mɨɨ42 ‘hand’ 118 118 119 116 114 109 105 102 100 99.0 96.5

maa42 ‘come’ 111 111 111 112 112 109 106 103 100 97.8 93.4

woo42 ‘buffalo’ 113 113 113 111 110 108 105 103 99.4 97.8 94.3

naa42 ‘rice field’ 116 114 114 115 113 112 109 106 101 96.5 93.6

hən42 ‘house’ 121 116 112 114 112 110 108 104 100 98.2 98.3

ljɛn42 ‘pangolin’ 108 108 107 106 104 104 100 97.9 97.1 94.3 95.0

naj42 ‘to lead’ 113 112 111 110 108 107 106 104 101 97.7 97.4

[42] MEAN F0 114 113 112 112 110 108 106 103 99.8 97.3 95.5

[42] MEAN DUR 0 33.9 67.7 102 136 170 204 238 273 306 338

[33] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% pii33 ‘older

sibling’ 109 109 109 108 107 108 109 110 110 114 114

pɒɒ33 ‘father’ 107 107 104 106 107 107 106 105 106 106 111

mɛɛ33 ‘mother’ 106 106 106 107 107 106 107 106 105 109 112

taa33 ‘wharf’ 108 108 108 108 109 110 109 110 110 109 109

[33] MEAN F0 108 108 107 107 108 108 108 108 108 110 112

[33] MEAN DUR 0 33.1 66.1 99.9 133 166 200 233 266 300 330

[32] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nam32 ‘water’ 102 100 99.2 97.8 96.0 95.1 93.3 91.2 90.4 89.4 95.2

maj32 ‘wood’ 102 101 101 101 102 100 99.1 97.7 95.6 94.0 94.6

maa32 ‘horse’ 99.2 98.9 99.2 99.7 100 99.2 97.4 95.6 93.3 92.9 90.5

lin32 ‘tongue’ 107 106 106 105 104 98.7 101 99.1 96.6 95.1 92.1

huu32 ‘to know’ 107 105 104 103 102 102 100 99 96.6 91.9 92.5

[32] MEAN F0 103 102 102 101 101 99.0 98.2 96.5 94.5 92.9 93.0

[32] MEAN DUR 0 22.8 45.7 68.8 91.7 115 137 161 184 206 228

98

NASAL SYLLABLES

[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% haaŋ45 ‘tail’ 126 122 125 128 131 135 136 136 137 136 139

naŋ45 ‘skin’ 120 120 121 123 128 129 131 132 134 136 140

[45] MEAN F0 123 121 123 126 130 132 134 134 136 136 140

[45] MEAN DUR 0 31.4 62.7 94.5 127 157 189 221 252 284 313

[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% weŋ23 ‘tilted’ 103 101 101 99.4 99.3 102 107 111 114 117 120

bjaŋ23 ‘divide’ 93.9 95.7 94.2 94.8 98.6 102 105 108 113 117 120

[23] MEAN F0 98.5 98.4 97.6 97.1 99.0 102 106 110 114 117 120

[23] MEAN DUR 0 33.6 67.2 101 135 169 203 237 271 304 336

[212] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% taŋ212 ‘build’ 100 98.1 94.1 90.0 88.8 90.8 91.2 94.2 101 108 112

[212] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -

[212] MEAN DUR 0 30.9 62.5 93.9 125 156 188 219 251 282 311

[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mɨŋ42 ‘you’ 117 117 117 116 114 111 107 104 101 99.8 96.0

[42] MEAN F0 - - - - - - - - - - -

[42] MEAN DUR 0 32.0 64.5 97.3 130 162 194 227 260 292 322

[33] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% naŋ33 ‘to sit’ 109 109 108 108 111 111 111 113 113 113 114

noŋ33 ‘to dress’ 111 111 111 113 113 114 115 115 114 116 116

[33] MEAN F0 110 110 110 111 112 113 113 114 114 115 115

[33] MEAN DUR 0 30.5 61.2 91.9 123 153 184 215 246 276 305

[32] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nɒɒŋ32 ‘younger 102 101 101 99.4 98.1 95.7 96.7 95.3 93.6 90.9 89.9

99

sibling’

tɒɒŋ32 ‘stomach’ 97.1 98.1 97.6 96.5 96.7 95.7 95.4 95.5 93.4 92.6 89.9

[32] MEAN F0 99.6 99.6 99.3 98.0 97.4 95.7 96.1 95.4 93.5 91.8 89.9

[32] MEAN DUR 0 26.7 53.5 80.6 107 134 162 189 215 242 267

CLOSED SYLLABLES

[45] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% mat45 ‘flea’ 123 123 124 124 125 126 127 128 128 129 131

sʊk45 ‘cooked’ 144 142 137 136 136 136 136 135 133 129 128

phak45 ‘vegetable’ 133 133 132 131 131 131 131 131 130 127 126

hok45 ‘six’ 133 133 133 132 132 132 132 132 130 128 125

nak45 ‘heavy’ 128 128 128 128 129 129 130 130 130 130 129

sat45 ‘animal’ 133 133 132 131 131 132 132 132 132 134 135

hak45 ‘to break’ 131 131 131 131 132 133 134 134 134 133 133

mɨk45 ‘ink’ 136 136 137 138 138 138 139 139 138 137 137

kop45 ‘frog’ 138 137 137 137 138 138 138 139 139 138 137

tap45 ‘liver’ 125 125 126 127 128 130 131 132 132 132 132

tshep45 ‘to hurt’ 132 131 129 129 130 131 132 133 132 132 133

tshet45 ‘seven’ 128 128 128 128 129 129 129 129 129 128 127

pet45 ‘duck’ 125 126 127 128 129 129 130 130 130 130 130

tok45 ‘drop’ 127 128 128 129 130 132 133 135 135 134 132

xop45 ‘to bite’ 131 131 130 131 131 132 132 133 132 131 129

bjɛt45 ‘fishing rod’

134 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 140 139 139

lip45 ‘raw’ 126 126 127 128 129 130 131 131 131 131 130

ʔok45 ‘chest’ 126 126 127 129 131 133 134 135 135 134 133

[45] MEAN F0 131 131 130 131 131 132 133 133 133 132 131

[45] MEAN DUR 0 7.24 14.6 22.1 29.3 36.6 44.0 51.4 58.7 66.0 72.9

[23] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% maak23 ‘fruit’ 93.8 94.3 94.5 94.7 95.3 96.9 98.9 99.8 102 105 104

haap23 ‘fetch’ 93.6 92.0 91.5 91.3 91.8 92.2 92.8 95.3 97.5 100 100

haap23 ‘carry’ 91.5 92.8 93.0 94.1 94.8 95.3 95.4 95.5 94.9 95.1 96.7

pɔɔt23 ‘lungs’ 95.8 95.8 94.7 93.5 92.8 92.0 92.0 93.9 98.9 105 107

taak23 ‘sun (verb)’

89.4 91.2 93.6 94.5 94.7 93.6 92.9 93.9 95.7 98.2 97.1

100

hɔɔp23 ‘hug’ 97.5 91.6 92.8 92.6 92.7 93.1 93.6 94.4 103 94.8 98.3

pheet23 ‘land’ 107 95.6 95.6 95.8 95.8 95.8 95.4 98.2 99.7 98.4 100

kɘɘt23 ‘be born’ 101 98.7 99.4 97.1 97.8 98.4 99.3 101 104 107 106

dɔɔk23 ‘flower’ 96.8 95.8 95.3 93.8 92.1 92.9 94.4 97.7 98.8 97 95.6

jaak23 ‘hungry’ 92.7 91.2 89.8 89.6 90.2 90.2 90.9 93.0 96.5 98.0 98.2

ʔɔɔk23 ‘go out’ 93.6 93.1 93.2 92.7 91.8 91.3 91.6 93.3 96.3 100 100

daap23 ‘sword’ 89.9 89.5 89.3 89.9 89.9 90.5 90.8 92.2 94.0 95.1 96.4

[23] MEAN F0 95.2 93.5 93.6 93.3 93.3 93.5 94 95.7 98.4 99.5 100

[23] MEAN DUR 0 14.5 29.1 43.9 58.4 72.9 87.4 102 116 131 145

[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nok42 ‘bird’ 112 113 113 113 113 113 113 112 112 110 109

mat42 ‘to tie’ 110 110 110 110 110 111 111 112 111 111 112

lak42 ‘steal’ 104 104 103 103 103 105 106 106 105 104 103

mot42 ‘ant’ 112 111 111 112 113 114 115 117 117 118 118

sak42 ‘wash’ 109 109 110 111 109 106 107 107 107 107 106

nap42 ‘to count’ 110 110 110 110 110 111 111 111 110 103 102

wɒk42 ‘monkey’ 114 114 114 114 114 114 115 114 112 111 111

[42] MEAN F0 110 110 110 110 110 111 111 111 111 109 109

[42] MEAN DUR 0 7.99 16.0 24.0 32.0 48.0 40.0 56.1 64.1 72.0 79.4

[42] F0 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% nɔɔk42 ‘outside’ 104 104 104 104 105 106 107 108 108 106 102

haak42 ‘root’ 114 111 109 107 107 107 107 107 106 105 107

hɔɔk42 ‘otter’ 120 115 112 110 110 110 110 109 109 104 105

[42] MEAN F0 113 110 108 107 107 108 108 108 108 105 105

[42] MEAN DUR 0 11.1 22.1 33.4 44.5 55.6 66.7 77.9 88.9 100 110

101

Appendix D: Word list for tone sandhi EASTERN SHAN My green stone Mother’s green stone Older aunt’s green stone Your green stone Younger sibling’s green stone My big stone Mother’s big stone Older aunt’s big stone Your big stone Younger sibling’s big stone My smooth stone Mother’s smooth stone Older aunt’s smooth stone Your smooth stone Younger sibling’s smooth stone My heavy stone Mother’s heavy stone Older aunt’s heavy stone Your heavy stone Younger sibling’s heavy stone My small stone Mother’s small stone Older aunt’s small stone Your small stone Younger sibling’s small stone ________________________________________ My green fruit Mother’s green fruit Older aunt’s green fruit Your green fruit Younger sibling’s green fruit My big fruit Mother’s big fruit Older aunt’s big fruit Your big fruit Younger sibling’s big fruit My smooth fruit Mother’s smooth fruit Older aunt’s smooth fruit Your smooth fruit Younger sibling’s smooth fruit My heavy fruit Mother’s heavy fruit Older aunt’s heavy fruit Your heavy fruit Younger sibling’s heavy fruit

My small fruit Mother’s small fruit Older aunt’s small fruit Your small fruit Younger sibling’s small fruit ______________________________________ My white rice Mother’s white rice Older aunt’s white rice Your white rice Younger sibling’s white rice My dirty rice Mother’s dirty rice Older aunt’s dirty rice Your dirty rice Younger sibling’s dirty rice My smooth rice Mother’s smooth rice Older aunt’s smooth rice Your smooth rice Younger sibling’s smooth rice My wet rice Mother’s wet rice Older aunt’s wet rice Your wet rice Younger sibling’s wet rice My bird’s rice Mother’s bird’s rice Older aunt’s bird’s rice Your bird’s rice Younger sibling’s bird’s rice _______________________________________ My thin neck Mother’s thin neck Older aunt’s thin neck Your thin neck Younger sibling’s thin neck My dirty neck Mother’s dirty neck Older aunt’s dirty neck Your dirty neck Younger sibling’s dirty neck My smooth neck Mother’s smooth neck Older aunt’s smooth neck Your smooth neck Younger sibling’s smooth neck

102

My long neck Mother’s long neck Older aunt’s long neck Your long neck Younger sibling’s long neck My bird’s neck Mother’s bird’s neck Older aunt’s bird’s neck Your bird’s neck Younger sibling’s bird’s neck ______________________________________ My green bird Mother’s green bird Older aunt’s green bird Your green bird Younger sibling’s green bird My big bird Mother’s big bird Older aunt’s big bird Your big bird Younger sibling’s big bird My crazy bird Mother’s crazy bird Older aunt’s crazy bird Your crazy bird Younger sibling’s crazy bird My red bird Mother’s red bird Older aunt’s red bird Your red bird Younger sibling’s red bird My small bird Mother’s small bird Older aunt’s small bird Your small bird Younger sibling’s small bird

103

NORTHERN SHAN My yellow dog Guest’s yellow dog Mother’s yellow dog Your yellow dog Older aunt’s yellow dog Grandma’s yellow dog My new dog Guest’s new dog Mother’s new dog Your new dog Older aunt’s new dog Grandma’s new dog My mother’s dog Guest’s mother’s dog Laa’s mother’s dog Your mother’s dog Older aunt’s mother’s dog Grandma’s wine dog My house’s dog Guest’s house’s dog Mother’s house’s dog Your house’s dog Older aunt’s house’s dog Grandma’s house’s dog My stupid dog Guest’s stupid dog Mother’s stupid dog Your stupid dog Older aunt’s stupid dog Grandma’s stupid dog My red dog Guest’s red dog Mother’s red dog Your red dog Older aunt’s red dog Grandma’s red dog ____________________________________ My yellow fruit Guest’s yellow fruit Mother’s yellow fruit Your yellow fruit Older aunt’s yellow fruit Grandma’s yellow fruit My new fruit Guest’s new fruit Mother’s new fruit Your new fruit Older aunt’s new fruit Grandma’s new fruit

My mother’s fruit Guest’s mother’s fruit Mother’s mother’s fruit Your mother’s fruit Older aunt’s mother’s fruit Grandma’s mother’s fruit My fat fruit Guest’s fat fruit Mother’s fat fruit Your fat fruit Older aunt’s fat fruit Grandma’s fat fruit My small fruit Guest’s small fruit Mother’s small fruit Your small fruit Older aunt’s small fruit Grandma’s small fruit My red fruit Guest’s red fruit Mother’s red fruit Your red fruit Older aunt’s red fruit Grandma’s red fruit _________________________________ My thin father Guest’s thin father Laa’s thin father Your thin father Older aunt’s thin father Grandma’s thin father My new rice Guest’s new rice Mother’s new rice Your new rice Older aunt’s new rice Grandma’s new rice My mother’s rice Guest’s mother’s rice Laa’s mother’s rice Your mother’s rice Older aunt’s mother’s rice Grandma’s mother’s rice My wet rice Guest’s wet rice Mother’s wet rice Your wet rice Older aunt’s wet rice Grandma’s wet rice

104

My fat father Guest’s fat father Mother’s fat father Your fat father Older aunt’s fat father Grandma’s fat father My old father Guest’s old father Laa’s old father Your old father Older aunt’s old father Grandma’s old father My red grass Guest’s red grass Mother’s red grass Your red grass Older aunt’s red grass Grandma’s red grass My yellow hand Guest’s yellow hand Mother’s yellow hand Your yellow hand Older aunt’s yellow hand Grandma’s yellow hand My big hand Guest’s big hand Mother’s big hand Your big hand Older aunt’s big hand Grandma’s big hand My mother’s hand Guest’s mother’s hand Mother’s mother’s hand Your mother’s hand Older aunt’s mother’s hand Grandma’s mother’s hand My wet hand Guest’s wet hand Mother’s wet hand Your wet hand Older aunt’s wet hand Grandma’s wet hand My dry hand Guest’s dry hand Mother’s dry hand Your dry hand Older aunt’s dry hand Grandma’s dry hand

My right hand Guest’s right hand Mother’s right hand Your right hand Older aunt’s right hand Grandma’s right hand My yellow shirt Guest’s yellow shirt Mother’s yellow shirt Your yellow shirt Older aunt’s yellow shirt Grandma’s yellow shirt My big shirt Guest’s big shirt Mother’s big shirt Your big shirt Older aunt’s big shirt Grandma’s big shirt My mother’s shirt Guest’s mother’s shirt Laa’s mother’s shirt Your mother’s shirt Older aunt’s mother’s shirt Grandma’s mother’s shirt My wet shirt Guest’s wet shirt Mother’s wet shirt Your wet shirt Older aunt’s wet shirt Grandma’s wet shirt My dry shirt Guest’s dry shirt Mother’s dry shirt Your dry shirt Older aunt’s dry shirt Grandma’s dry shirt My red shirt Guest’s red shirt Mother’s red shirt Your red shirt Older aunt’s red shirt Grandma’s red shirt My yellow star Guest’s yellow star Mother’s yellow star Your yellow star Older aunt’s yellow star Grandma’s yellow star

105

My big star Guest’s big star Mother’s big star Your big star Older aunt’s big star Grandma’s big star My mother’s star Guest’s mother’s star Laa’s mother’s star Your mother’s star Older aunt’s mother’s star Grandma’s mother’s star My fat star Guest’s fat star Mother’s fat star Your fat star Older aunt’s fat star Grandma’s fat star My small star Guest’s small star Mother’s small star Your small star Older aunt’s small star Grandma’s small star My red star Guest’s red star Mother’s red star Your red star Older aunt’s red star Grandma’s red star

106

XISHUANGPANNA SHAN

a phonological and phonetic description of shan dialects progra… · analysis posits that shan has...

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