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Chiefly Power and Food Storage in Southeastern North AmericaAuthor(s): Cameron B. WessonSource: World Archaeology, Vol. 31, No. 1, Food Technology in Its Social Context: Production,Processing and Storage (Jun., 1999), pp. 145-164Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/125100 .
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C h i e f l y p o w e r a n d f o o d s t o r a g e insoutheastern N o r t h A m e r i c a
Cameron B. Wesson
Abstract
Recent researchon lateprehistoric ndearlyhistoricNativeAmericansitesin southeasternNorthAmericareveals a series of changes n the natureof food storageactivities.These alterationsarerelatedto changes n sociopolitical omplexityand householdorganization, ndshedlighton the
importance f storage n the emergenceandcollapseof complex,hierarchically-rankedocieties nthisregion.It is argued hat theabilityof elitesto controlsurplusoodsandcommunal torage acil-itiesplayedamajorrole in the emergenceof chiefdoms n southeasternNorthAmerica c.AD1000),and thatthe returnof primaryood storageto individualhouseholdsduring he Protohistoric ndHistoricperiods(AD1550-1750)playedanimportantpart n theircollapse.
Keywords
Alabama;Creek;politics;households; torage
Introduction
Attempts to explain the development of social complexity in chiefdom level societies have
long stressed the role of material advantage in the emergence of hierarchical social
formations. Elite social power is seen arising out of the role of chiefs as central redistrib-
utive officials (Fried 1967:116-18; Sahlins 1958;Service 1962, 1975). These interpretationspropose that chiefs overseeing communal stores of surplus goods (particularly food
surpluses) gradually pressed these resources into service to finance not only publicventures but also their own personal aggrandizement. Although the cross-cultural import-ance of chiefly redistribution has been questioned (Earle 1987), there is ample evidence
to support the idea that in many societies, chiefs were responsible for the storage and
redistribution of surplus foods (Blitz 1993;Ingold 1983;Testart 1982). Serving in this vital
capacity grants chiefs not only control over existing food storage but also gives them the
right to call for additional periodic contributions to these stores. Earle (1977: 216) sees
these demands transcending mere redistribution, serving instead as the mobilization of
resources for chiefly use and social aggrandizement. These arguments suggest that the
WorldArchaeology Vol. 31(1): 145-164 Food Technology in its Social Context
? Routledge 1999 0043-8243
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146 Cameron B. Wesson
control of surplus foods and other economic resources is an essential mechanism in the
development of social ranking in many societies.
Recent research explores alternative pathways to power for aspiring chiefs (e.g.
Carniero 1981; Earle 1987, 1991, 1997; Feinman and Neitzel 1984; Flanagan 1989; Flan-
nery 1972;Hayden 1995;Helms 1979, 1993;Johnson and Earle 1987;Sanders and Webster
1978; Upham 1990). These studies have shifted the discussion of chiefly emergence from
issues of redistribution to ideology, esoteric knowledge, prestige goods, and warfare.
Although these efforts have advanced our understanding of complex societies, the politi-cal economy is still discussed as the most stable form of power for ascendant elites (Costinand Earle 1989:691; Earle 1997:6-7, 203-5). From this materialist perspective, only after
elites install themselves in positions critical to the economic life of their communities can
they turn their attention to other means of social control (Earle 1997:203; Hayden 1995).As Earle (1997:211) states, these other 'sources of power are effectively co-opted by usingthe surplus generated from intensive agriculture to finance control over warriors and
police, craft specialists and managers, priests and ceremonies'. It is important to remem-
ber, however, that economics cannot be disembedded from social relations of authority
and the larger political economy.
Attempts by the elites to gain social power through the manipulation of the economy,
ideology, or any other means would not have gone unchallenged. Non-elites and other
aspiring elites most certainly would have played a significant role in the sociopolitical
development of these societies. None the less, most attempts to explain the emergence of
chiefdoms proceed from the assumption that the roots of social complexity are to be found
in the efforts of highly motivated, aggressive,individual
entrepreneurs,or
'aggrandizers'(see Clark and Blake 1994;Hayden 1995). These studies do not directly address non-elite
actions in response to emergent inequalities, the implication being that non-elites are
either unaware that the fruits of their labor are being siphoned off to support elite aspir-
ations (they are complicitors in the process of social differentiation), or they are power-
less to stop the growing social distance between themselves and elites. Morton Fried's
(1967: 183) contention that non-elites played a minimal role in the development of social
ranking, and that the events leading to hierarchical society 'passed without notice until
they were fully accomplished' best represents such views.
The rise of social complexity in southeastern North America, as in other world areas, is
thought to coincide with the intensification of agriculturalproduction, in particularthe culti-vation of maize (Smith 1989). Several scholarspropose that the intensification of maize agri-
culture was the causal factor in the development of southeastern chiefdoms (Caldwell 1958;
Griffin1952); a view consistent with the idea that social rankingis dependent on the ability
to produce food surpluses (Fried 1967: 111-12). Agricultural intensification would have
radicallyaltered existing relations of production in non-hierarchicalsoutheastern societies,
making it highly unlikely that the producers of this surplus (primarily non-elites) would
have been unaware of its existence, or its use by elites to augment their own social positions.
The production of agriculturalsurpluses and the expansion of elite sociopolitical power
would have been visible processes; they would have necessitated changes in the storage and
distribution of surplus foods that would have been apparent to even the most non-astutesocial actors. Attempts to model the development of complex society must take into
accountnot only the actions of those desirous of increasingtheir social power, but also those
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Chieflypower and food storage in southeastern North America 147
lacking such aspirations.We must resist the urge to reserve culturalcausality for elites, and
instead see the development of sociopolitical complexity as the result of a multi-causal
process of negotiation that included all members of society.
Symbolic capital and prestige goods economies
Wealth, the ultimate basis of power, can exert power, and exert it durably, only in the
form of symbolic capital, the unrecognizable, and hence socially recognizable, form of
the other kinds of capital. Their chief is indeed, in Malinowski's phrase, a 'tribal
banker', amassing food only to lavish it on others, in order to build up a capital of obli-
gations and debts which will be repaid in the form of homage, respect, loyalty, and when
the opportunity arises, work and services, which may be the bases of a new accumu-
lation of material goods.
(Bourdieu 1977: 195)
Our understandingof sociopolitical developments in hierarchicallyranked societies can
be advanced throughBourdieu's (1977) concept of symbolic capital. Symbolic capital is the
cultural value that derives from the ability to manipulate resources and social relations for
the advancement of one's honor and prestige. Bourdieu (1977: 179-80) views the ability to
convert material goods into symbolic capital as more socially valuable than the simple
ownership of these items. Thus, building one's symbolic capital demands not the hoardingof resources, but their dispersal, symbolic destruction, or consumption. However, as
Hayden (1995: 69) points out, 'the mere act of giving wealth away by itself does not resultin increased power for the giver.To be effective, wealth must be given away in contexts that
generate recognized andbinding obligations or other expected practicalbenefits.'Archaeo-
logical evidence and ethnohistorical documents from southeastern North America indicate
that social strategieswere in place that favored gift giving and competitive feasting in order
to solidify social alliances and generate symbolic capital. Such practices set the stage for the
development of social rankingin southeastern North America.
Recent explorations of the development of sociopolitical complexity in the southeast
have focused on the role of elites in the control of prestige goods economies (Anderson1990, 1994; Barker 1992; Brown et al. 1990; Muller 1997; Nassaney 1992; Pauketat 1992,
1994;Peregrine 1992;Rogers 1996;Scarry1990,1996; Smith 1990;Steponaitis 1991;Welch1991, 1996). Prestige goods economies are systems in which elite political power is
advanced through the control of resources that are available only through external trade
(Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978: 76). Prestige goods are considered valuable because
they symbolize other-worldly authority, making them powerful representations of social
power (sacra) and non-local contacts (Helms 1979, 1988, 1992, 1993; Knight 1986, 1990;Pauketat 1994; Peregrine 1992). Through their manipulation by elites, prestige goodsbecome essential components of ideologies that support elite social aggrandizement
(Knight 1985;Steponaitis 1986;Waselkov 1993). These items usually are not hoarded (i.e.
commodified), but are used by elites to establish and strengthen social alliances through
gift giving and trade. Thus, prestige goods systems produce symbolic capital through theconversion of material goods into social networks. The greater the investment of material
resources in a social exchange, the greater the potential for increased symbolic capital for
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148 Cameron B. Wesson
those offering these goods. What is ultimately accumulated is not the material, but 'a
capital of honour and prestige' (Bourdieu 1977: 179). Those who play the game well are
rewarded with increased social prestige and a clientele who are often both literally and
figuratively in their debt.
When individuals and/or lineages can successfully control access to prestige goods and
convert them into symbolic capital, their social power expands (Helms 1988, 1993;Kleppe
1989). In most cases, however, they are not the game's only players. Other individuals or
social groups are engaged in similar activities, attempting to improve their stock of
symbolic capital as well. Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978: 76) state that
[social] groups are linked to each other through the competitive exchange of wealth
objects as gifts in feasting in continuous cycles of status rivalry.Descent groups repro-
duce themselves in opposition to each other as their leaders compete for dominance
through differential access to resources and power.
Due to a critical lack of sufficient economic resources and/or previously developed
symbolic capital, the assets necessary to engage in such interactions are often well beyond
the capacity of most members of society. Since symbolic capital distributes power
unequally, those who have already amassed considerable wealth and prestige can afford
to engage in the competitive cultivation of symbolic capital to a greater degree than their
social rivals (Bourdieu 1977: 52, 67-8).
But where do the resources necessary to compete in these lineage-based struggles for
symbolic capital originate? In southeastern North America, the control of surplus food-
stuffs appears to have provided much of the ammunition (symbolic capital) necessary forthese 'status wars'. Thispaper examines the relationship between sociopolitical power and
food storage in the late prehistoric and early historic Native American cultures of south-
eastern North America, using archaeological data from Muskogee Creek households in
the present-day state of Alabama. Although the control of food storage has been argued
by Hayden (1995: 73-4) to play a minor role in the evolution of social ranking, stored
foods would have provided an unparalleled opportunity for the political manipulation of
surplus for the advancement of elite hegemony. Through the analysis of archaeological
data and ethnohistorical documents, we can examine long-term developments in food
storage practices and their relationship to the expansion and contraction of chiefly power
in the southeast. Due to the abundant documentation for the historical cultures of thesoutheast, these well-known groups provide rich analogies for groups from the previous
Mississippian era (Blitz 1993:10;Howard 1968;Hudson 1976;Swanton 1946). An examin-
ation of the political economy makes it possible to reveal strategies for social aggran-
dizement that may have originally brought southeastern elites to prominence during the
Mississippian Period. In addition, if the archaeological correlates of these actions can be
identified, our understanding of sociopolitical activity can be dramatically improved.
Food storage in southeastern North America
The best evidence for sociopolitical complexity in the southeast is found at sites dating to
the Mississippian Period (c. AD 900-1550). During this time, much of the region came
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Chieflypower and food storage in southeastern North America 149
under the rule of paramount elites who controlled vast territories and large populations,
uniting them into potent, complex chiefdoms. The most powerful of these elites is believed
to have governed a polity extending over 200 miles in length along major southeastern
river systems (DePratter et al. 1983; Hally et al. 1990; Hudson et al. 1985, 1987). It was
these societies that the earliest European explorers encountered in the interior southeast,and written accounts of these meetings demonstrate the importance of chiefs (Biedema
1968; Elvas 1968; Ranjel 1904). The power of these elites included the ability to control
external trade, raise armies and conduct warfare, oversee the construction of monumental
earthen architecture, demand tribute, and control food surpluses (Smith and Hally 1992;Swanton 1946).
Documentary evidence from the earliest Spanish contacts with southeastern peoplesindicates that food storage was a public activity, with chiefs controlling the use and distri-
bution of stored foods. Chronicles of the Hernando de Sotoexpedition (AD 1539-43),
the
earliest to penetrate the interior southeast, indicate that food was stored in large granaries
(called barbacoas by the Spanish), under the direct control of chiefs (Swanton 1946:
372-9). As Robertson (1993: 75) states,
They have barbacoas in which they keep their maize. This is a house raised up on four
posts, timbered like a loft and the floor of cane ... [Around] the houses of the lords or
principal men ... [are] many large barbacoas in which they gather together the tribute
paid them by their Indians.
Food from these stores was used to provision de Soto and his party (Elvas 1968; Ranjel
1904;Swanton 1922), suggesting that comestibles were used to establish alliances not onlywithin Native American communities, but in their dealings with the Spanish as well (Rees1997;Smith and Hally 1992:102;Swanton 1922:371). Muller (1997: 92) calculates that one
of the smaller towns visited by the de Soto expedition was able to provision the Spanish
with two to three metric tons of maize, indicating that even small villages were capable of
producing and storing large food surpluses. Ward (1985: 98) suggests that these storage
facilities functioned much like the Trobriandyam houses described by Malinowski (1961),with the conspicuous display of surplus foods demonstrating the wealth and social status
of those controlling these facilities.
Archaeological evidence also supports the idea that food storage was a communal
activity. Mississippian societies usually lack household food storage facilities, indicating apreference for large, community-based facilities. This is particularly true in the largest
Mississippiancenters such as Cahokia (DeBoer 1988;Emerson 1997), Angel (Black 1967),
Kincaid (Cole et al. 1951;Muller 1978), and Moundville (Welch cited in DeBoer 1988: 9),where household-based subterranean food storage is virtually unknown. However, priorto the Mississippian Period, there is little evidence for the communal storage of surplusfoods. In fact, archaeological data from occupations immediately prior to the Mississip-
pian emergence (c. AD 900) indicate that the majority of food storage was accommodated
within individual households (DeBoer 1988; Dickens 1985; Ward 1985). Large, subter-
ranean storage facilities are common in domestic structures from these pre-Mississippian,
Late Woodland Period sites, some of which demonstrate extremely large capacities(exceeding 1.5 m3) (DeBoer 1988;Ward 1985).
During the Protohistoric and Historic periods, archaeological and documentary evidence
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150 Cameron B. Wesson
indicates that food storage continued to alternate, with communal storage giving way to
household-based storage. These changes in storage practices, like those occurring duringthe
MississippianPeriod, have
implicationsfor the nature of
chiefly power,and the role of
individuals, households, and other small-scale social groups in the production of politicalculture. The Muskogee Creek provide a specific example of continued changes in storage
practices that both resulted from, and played a role in, the erosion of traditional chiefly
power.
Food storage among the Creek
The Creek were a sedentary agricultural society occupying central portions of the present-
day states of Alabama and Georgia (Fig. 1). Composed of a confederacy of powerful
Muskogean chiefdoms and several other ethnic groups, including portions of theShawnee, Yuchi, Alabama, and Natchez, the Creek were one of the most powerful south-
eastern Native American groups (Corkran 1967: 4; Hawkins 1848: 14; Martin 1991;Swanton 1922;Wright 1986). Archaeological research indicates a strong link between the
Figure1 Area of Creekoccupationn southeasternNorth America.
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Chiefly power and food storage in southeasternNorth America 151
historic Creek and prehistoric Mississippian groups in the region (Fairbanks 1952, 1958;
Hally 1994; Kelly 1938; Knight 1985, 1994a, 1994b; Mason 1963; Moore 1994; H. Smith
1973;Williams and Shapiro 1990), and linguistic evidence suggests that several of the para-mount chiefdoms encountered by the de Soto expedition were themselves MuskogeeCreek (Hudson 1976; Moore 1994; Swanton 1928, 1946). The Muskogee are traditional
sources of analogies for Mississippian societies, and have helped establish widely acceptednotions of Mississippian culture (Howard 1968; Knight 1981, 1986, 1990; Moore 1994;Swanton 1922, 1928;Waring 1968;Waringand Holder 1945).
Recent archaeological research at the Creek site of Fusihatchee on the TallapoosaRiver in Central Alabama (Fig. 1) has yielded the most complete information to date on
Creek village life. Fusihatchee is important because it provides the first comprehensivedata on Creek domestic structures, burials, and community structure, and because occu-
pationlasted
throughoutthe Protohistoric and Historic
periods, yieldingexcellent
diachronic data on household organization and food storage practices. The earliest
evidence of a Creek presence at Fusihatchee is from the Protohistoric Atasi phase (AD
1550-1715), with continuous occupation until the middle of the Historic Tallapoosa phase
(AD 1715-1832). Historical records indicate that Fusihatchee was abandoned after being
destroyed by Andrew Jackson's forces during the First Creek War of 1813-14 (Swanton
1928).
Analysis of Atasi phase domestic structures from Fusihatchee indicates limited house-
hold-based food storage facilities, with the majority of domestic structures lackingevidence of food storage (Fig. 2). These structures show little evidence of sub-surface
storage features, suggesting that foods were most probably stored in above ground cribs(i.e. the barbacoas described by the Spanish). The few Atasi phase storage features
encountered at Fusihatchee are very small in size (Fig. 3), with these shallow, dish-
shaped basins averaging only 0.17 m3 in volume (Fig. 4). The earliest accounts of Creek
villages indicate that cribs for food storage were common, but most descriptions placethem near elite residential compounds (Bartram 1958: 122-3; Bourne 1904: I: 53;
Robertson 1993: 75). The limited number and size of subterranean storage features in
Atasi phase domestic structures suggests that, as early accounts indicate, protohistoric
Creek chiefs continued to control communal food storage facilities much as their Missis-
sippian predecessors had.
Food storage facilities in the subsequent Tallapoosa phase domestic structures atFusihatchee reveal a very different pattern. Analysis of these structuresindicates an abun-
dance of household food storage features (Fig. 5). Unlike their small Atasi phase coun-
terparts, Tallapoosa phase storage pits are usually large bell-shaped pits (Fig. 3), averaging0.59 m3 in size, with some exceeding 1.70 m3 (Fig. 4). Both the increased number, and
larger sizes of food storage features represent a dramatic change in the nature of food
storage activities from the Atasi phase to the Tallapoosa phase. Such changes indicate the
increasing importance of subterranean household-based food storage facilities, and
suggest a possible transition from communal to individual household storage during the
Protohistoric and Historic periods.
Differences in household storage patterns between the Atasi and Tallapoosa phasescoincide with changes in the architectural form and size of domestic structures (Wesson
1997), and with a dispersal of households across the landscape, away from nucleated
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152 Cameron B. Wesson
Figure 2 Examples of
r. . -/ r-~- Atasi Phase domestic
XcO^i,?~~~O XI.J.j/^* structures romFusihat-
:cT.0'~o7 fchee.".C
l.~~0\. 0 meters 10
Y :y 'Posts ?
Features (
Structure Limit
villages (Ashley 1988). This pattern of change indicates a reduction in the size of domes-
tic structures and, presumably, a decline in the number of individuals living under the
same roof. These changes would have necessitated reorganization of household activities,
and a shift in the household's importance for the Creek. These changes are best under-stood when viewed in concert with similar changes that occurred during the Mississippian
emergence.The spatial structure of communities changes duringthe MississippianPeriod, with data
indicating that villages became increasingly nucleated (Bareis and Porter 1984: 156;Pauketat and Lopinot 1997). This evidence suggests not only increased population densi-
ties, but also the development of new modes of food storage for Mississippian peoples.Without storage pits, primaryfood storage for Mississippian peoples shifted to the above-
ground granariesmentioned in early historical accounts. The shift from subterranean food
storage facilities to public granaries has important implications for the organization of
surplus, household production, and the nature of social and political relations.Attempts by dominant groups to gain (or maintain) power or control over others, are
often countered by alternative ideologies that promote both active and symbolic resistance
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Chieflypower and food storage in southeastern North America 153
/B
APlan
Figure 3 Examples of Atasiand Tallapoosa phase food
storage eatures.
Profile
Atasi Phase
B
A
N,
A
Plan
B
Profile
TallapoosaPhase
to this domination (Bourdieu 1977;Beaudry et al. 1991;Giddens 1995:50; McGuire 1992;McGuire and Paynter 1991). Such actions are often reflected in household remains, and
recent research in southeastern North America indicates the significanceof households to
the understanding of sociopolitical processes (Mehrer and Collins 1995; Pauketat 1994;
Rogers 1995;Scarry 1995;Smith 1995; Sullivan 1995;Wesson 1997;Williams 1995). Clan-
destine subterranean storage is an effective means of removing surplus foods from public
display, reserving these surpluses for household use (DeBoer 1988). Visible surpluses
cannot be effectively hidden from the knowledge of others, and such stores would be trou-blesome to households if they promoted excessive 'freeloading' by non-household
members (Hayden 1995: 28-9). However, the successful manipulation of food surpluseswould lead to the creation of new modes of economic exchange, and new possibilities for
the cultivation of symbolic capital and political advantage.Previous research (summarizedin DeBoer 1988:9-10) indicates that, as elites begin their
rise to power in the American Bottom region, two patterns of food storage emerge: sites in
close proximity to Cahokia show decreased subterranean household storage, while those
at some distance from the center show dramatic increases in both the number and size of
subterranean food storage facilities. This led DeBoer (1988: 10) to conclude that these
actions represent the conscription of surplus foods by the elites of Cahokia, with distantvillages and farmsteads 'resist[ing] the expropriation of their goods and labor' by these
elites. Food surpluses at sites closer to Cahokia were stored in large, communal granaries,
A -B...i .. . . . .
:-:-i(i-i
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i:,l- i: E::
* TE
ED: ":
tEEE
. :::
iS
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:-.!EE
* .E .
\
::i
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154 Cameron B. Wesson
Figure 4 Examples of Talla-
./?9 ,o Q/ poosa Phase domestic struc-
:0--^- B~e,, M/ .--tures from Fusihatchee.
0 meters 10 N
Posts
?.o KY~Bb "Features
Storage Pits
StructureLimit
under the direct supervision of chiefs, conforming to the description of chiefs as redistrib-
utors (Fried 1967;Malinowski 1935;Service 1962). Under such circumstances, namely the
institutionalization of social ranking, DeBoer (1988: 8-9) contends that, 'There is nomystery to the absences of subterranean storage in such circumstances.It is expected.'
Attempts to account for these divergent storage practices have focused on the increased
productivity made possible by intensive maize cultivation and the transition to year-roundsedentism (see DeBoer 1988; Ward 1985). These surpluses resulted from the intensifica-
tion of agricultural production that occurred in the southeast at around AD 1000. Although
archaeologists have usually discussed the production of surplus in terms of maize alone,
Lopinot (1997) suggests that this intensification included starchy seed plants and other
domesticated plant species. DeBoer (1988:2) suggests that household-based subterranean
storage is most effective when people are seasonally mobile or when they desire to conceal
resources from invaders or members of their own community. Thus, the transition fromindividual household-based subterranean storage to above-ground communal storage
suggests either a new commitment to year-round sedentism, the introduction of new
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Chieflypower and food storage in southeastern North America 155
u./
0.6-
0.5 ----
0.4 .-------------------------
E 0.3-
0.2-
Figure5 Comparison f Atasiand Tallapoosa phase food
storage features. The upper
figure is a chart illustratingaverage sizes of storagefeatures for eachphase,whilethe lower figureis a box-plotrepresenting he variability n
storage eature sizeby phase.
0.1-
0
Atasi Tallapoosa
ARCHAEOLOGICALHASES
IAtasiPhase| I
ITallapoosa hasel I * *
0.0.0 1.0 2.0 3.0
subsistence practices, the emergence of a new social order, or a combination of these
actions (DeBoer 1988: 9; Ward 1985: 99-100). Recent evidence indicates that sedentism
and intensive agriculture pre-date the Mississippian emergence (Johannessen 1993;Scarry
1993;Smith 1992), suggesting that these may not have been the most important factors inthe transition from household to communal food storage. Therefore, the possibility that
storage played a significantrole in, or is a reflection of, the development of new social and
political practices must be examined.
Chiefly power, symbolic capital, and food storage
Ward (1985), Dickens (1985), and DeBoer (1988) demonstrate that pre-Mississippian,Late Woodland Period storage practices were reliant on household-based subterranean
food storage features. During the Early Mississippian period these features decrease infrequency, until they disappear from most large Mississippian sites. During the Protohis-
toric and Historic periods, these subterranean domestic storage features reappear, with
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156 Cameron B. Wesson
increases in both the number and size of subterranean food storage facilities throughout
these periods.
But what forces encouraged individual households to abandon subterranean storage
and surrender control of their food surpluses to chiefs? I believe the answer is to be found
in the emergence of prestige goods economies and the asymmetrical cultivation of
symbolic capital. The earliest granaries would not have been communal facilities under
the control of paramount chiefs, but would have been used for the organization of food
surpluses within extended family groups. These resources would have been used to meet
not only the subsistence needs of these groups, but would have provided surpluses which
could then be used for trade, gift giving and feasting; these activities were specifically
designed to expand the group's symbolic capital. As Hayden (1995: 59) suggests, the use
of such surpluses for the cultivation of social position by extended families would have
giventhese
groupsan
advantageover those
attemptingto control their resources inde-
pendently. Once a group firmly established its superiority in such alliance building, it
could then afford to invest more of its resources into cultivating additional relationships
(Bourdieu 1977: 52; Sahlins 1963: 300). As Bourdieu (1977: 52) states,
It is logical that the higher a group is placed in the social hierarchy and hence the richer
it is in official relationships, the greater the proportion of its work or reproduction that
is devoted to reproducing social relationships, whereas poor relations who have little
to spend on solemnities, can make do with the ordinary marriages that practical kinship
ensures them.
It is from such successful groups that social leaders are believed to have emerged. Theseemerging inequalities ultimately sparked the development of social ranking and the insti-
tutionalization of political office.
Along with the symbolic capital accumulated through trade, competitive feasting, and
gift giving, prestige goods were another means of cultivating symbolic capital. Elite
control, display, and exchange of these goods reinforced existing social and political hier-
archies and established new social relationships (Pauketat 1994; Peregrine 1992; Sahlins
1963). Such interactions enabled southeastern elites to amass considerable power, and
gave rise to social ideologies promoting elite hegemony as central to cultural continuity.
As Peregrine (1992: 7) states, these developments were made possible because 'indi-
viduals ... intensified production to support their elites in competitive exchanges withothers so that they would have had access to prestige goods, and hence a better oppor-
tunity to socially reproduce themselves at acceptable levels'. Although there is status and
increased rank to be won through expanding one's social networks, the quest for prestige
goods and symbolic capital is not free of pitfalls. In every exchange the players run the
risk of losing material goods as well as a portion of their existing symbolic capital. Such
risk causes symbolic capital to fluctuate between social groups and individuals, with
fortunes rising and falling with each exchange (Bourdieu 1977: 56-8, 67-8).
Challenges to elite control of socially desirable goods would have been an ever-present
threat from both internal and external sources. Certain members of society, secondary
elites in particular, would have been tempted to circumvent elite control of trade in
attempts to build both economic and social capital for themselves and their kin. Such
actions would arguably have been present from the initial moments of social ranking. To
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Chieflypower and food storage in southeastern North America 157
present reconstructions of past cultural actors without such abilities would be, as Archer
(1996: 9) states, to deny 'the readiness of opportunistic gurus, ambitious younger sons or
disgruntled minorities to capitalize on cultural ambiguities and discontinuities which
would advance their ambitions'. Gellner (1974: 143-4) argues that the failure to consider
factional competition in social exchanges presents culture as if 'there can be no
syncretism, no doctrinal pluralism, no deep treason, no dramatic conversion or doctrinal
oscillation, no holding of alternative belief systems up one's sleeve, ready for the oppor-tune moment of betrayal'. These threats would have presented considerable challengesto elite aspirations, and may account for other means of displaying and maintaining elite
hegemony such as monumental earthen architecture, elaborate funerary offerings, and
military fortifications.
Anderson (1990, 1994, 1996a, 1996b) has demonstrated that southeastern chiefdoms
were inherently unstable social formations, experiencing constant fluctuations in social
complexity, and oscillating between periods of expansion, collapse, and reconstitution.
Much of the cycling identified by Anderson and others (Blitz 1993;Hally 1996;Williams
and Shapiro 1996) can be tied to fluctuations in elite control of prestige goods and stocks
of symbolic capital. With political fortunes rising and falling, southeastern chiefdoms
would have been far from stable, with factional competition and chiefly cycling being
integral components of the developmental history of all southeastern chiefdoms. If chiefly
power were financed largely through the control of food surpluses, then efforts to hide
foods from the knowledge of chiefs within subterranean storage facilities would have
represented significant challenges to continued elite hegemony. As DeBoer (1988: 14)
argues, 'subterranean storage is ... a powerful signal of resistance to a new social orderin which such inequality might be imposed by human elites, superhuman gods, or some
holy coalition between the two'.
Viewed from the perspective of prestige goods and symbolic capital, the relationshipbetween food storage and chiefly power can be understood as a competitive process where
surpluses were mobilized to advance elite interests. The decrease in the number and size
of subterranean storage facilities in Mississippian centers during the height of elite poweris a strong indication of elite control over food surpluses, while contemporary increases
in these features in hinterland villages denotes resistance to tribute payments and/or elite
confiscation. During the Protohistoric and Historic periods, the re-emergence of subter-
ranean storage features implies opposition to the chiefly role as redistributor. Forexample, Bartram (1958: 122-3) indicates that contributions to communal granaries were
no longer compulsory, but 'recommended'. Such changes in traditional sources of chiefly
prerogative threatened the role of chiefs as central redistributive officials and the nature
of social power in southeastern society. Increased household-based storage of foods
together with decreased contributions to communal stores became powerful forms of
resistance to the power of social elites. Reliance on household food reserves placed a
premium on domestic relations in subsistence activities, as individuals chose to forgo long-
standing mechanisms of elite controlled centralized redistribution. Such actions rein-
forced the importance of the domestic economy, and became the basis for the
advancement of the household's status.Archaeological data from the Creek site of Fusihatchee provides evidence of the
relationship between food storage, prestige goods, symbolic capital, and the collapse of
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158 Cameron B. Wesson
traditional avenues of chiefly power in southeastern North America. One of the inherent
problems of prestige goods economies concerns the control of the number of these goods
circulatingin a society at any one time (Helms 1979, 1988, 1992, 1993;Kleppe 1989;Pauke-
tat 1994; Peregrine 1992). Increases in the number of these goods circulating in societythreatens elite power since more of these goods are available to social competitors
(Anderson 1994;Friedman 1982;Kleppe 1989). Alliances with those who control prestige
goods are not required if all individuals have unrestricted access to them (Peregrine 1992:
31). Evidence from Fusihatchee indicates that during the Historic Period, along with an
increase in subterranean food storage, individual Creek households had greater access to
prestige goods through direct trade with Euroamericans instead of their chiefs (Wesson
1997). Ultimately, social power became tied to the control of large numbers of Euro-
american prestige goods rather than through traditional means of accumulating social
power (Knight1985:
175-9).This transition suggests that
duringthe Historic Period social
positions were negotiated through consensus rather than coercion (Beaudry et al. 1991:
165).
Food storage practiceshave the potential to yield important informationnot only on diet,subsistence strategies, and environment, but also hold the potential to improve our under-
standing of largersocial and culturalprocesses. Farfrom being an isolated culturalactivity,food storage is embedded in largernetworks of social meaning. In complex societies, indi-
viduals and social groups vie for control of food surpluses and compete for symbolic capitalin an effort to advance their own social interests. Through the analysis of archaeologicaland ethnohistorical data from southeastern North America, food storage is demonstrated
to have played an active role in the negotiation of social ranking and political power.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Mark Rees and Ross Hassig for their helpful suggestions during the
preparation of this manuscript. I would particularlylike to acknowledge the many insight-ful comments of Marla Aviles and Jose Oliver. Maria and Jose have not only improvedthe present manuscript, their reviews have raised important theoretical considerations
that will influence my future efforts as well. The assistance of John Cottier, CraigSheldon,
Greg Waselkov, and R. Barry Lewis is also gratefully acknowledged. Any errors in factor interpretation are solely those of the author.
Department of Anthropology
Universityof Oklahoma
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