ambitions of jamaican adolescents and the school system

Ambitions of Jamaican Adolescents and the School SystemAuthor(s): ERROL L. MILLERSource: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 13, No. 1 (March, 1967), pp. 29-33Published by: University of the West Indies and Caribbean QuarterlyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40653006 .

Accessed: 15/06/2014 04:12

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

University of the West Indies and Caribbean Quarterly are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve andextend access to Caribbean Quarterly.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 195.78.108.107 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 04:12:24 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=uwi

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cariquar

http://www.jstor.org/stable/40653006?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


Ambitions of Jamaican Adolescents

and the School System

i

Senior modern schools in Jamaica are populated with adolescents who either were not selected to sit the common entrance examination or sat the examination and failed it. They represent about 65% of the 12-15 year old age group, another 10% in "high school" or "technical high schools", a very small percentage in private secondary schools and the rest being in no school at all. It is stated that the students in the senior schools are of modest mental abilities and would not benefit from the academic or technical education giv- en in high schools and technical schools respectively. The core of the curri- culumn in these schools is composedof English, Mathematics and the practical subjects - cookery, needlework, woodwork, metal work, technical drawing and arts and crafts. This core of subjects accounts for about 75% of the periods on the timetable. From this curriculum it is hoped that the students will gain a "rich amalgam of general and practical education. Armed with this the school leaver should be able to steer his way successfully through apprentise- ship in trade, industry, commerce and agriculture. He may enter the minor government services if, in addition, he seizes the opportunities of further education." The question arises: Is this stated objective congruent with the objectives and values of the students in these schools? Some indication of the answer to this question might be gained from a study of students of two urban senior schools. Generalizations to the entire population would be danger- ous, however, since the ssample consisted of only 158 students.

II

It might be instructive to look first at the students' view of education. In an open end questionnaire these students were asked, "What do you treasure most in life? Give reasons for your answer." Eighty-eight percent of the sample stated that education was the most important 'thing" to them. There was no significant difference between first-year students and third-year students (last year of schooling). Since this response was not solicited in any way and each answered independently it might be assumed that these students do put aliigh value on education. This assumption receives support from the fact that both Head teachers report that many students after leaving school, having reached the age limit, come back to beg for places. Also that having failed to get these places, they enrol in the evening institute and con-

1. Suggestioni to Teachers in Senior Schools and Departments. Pub. Ministry of Education, Jamaica.

29



tinue their education there. Again on another questionnaire on which students were asked to write about themselves, many of the 14-year olds des- cribed the future as being "black" because they would have to leave school at the end of the year.

The reasons the students gave for their choice of education as "the thing most valued" could almost all be classified as social mobility reasons. They needed education, "in order to get a good job", or "to amount to somebody in life". Very few students gave reasons which indicated that they value education because it is something worthwhile in itself.

It is not surprising that education is most valuable to these students because of the following three consideration». Firstly when the Head teachers and class teachers of the students were asked to state the values which the schools, and themselves personally, tried to communicate tto the students, educatitonal along with moral values were placed first. It could be said that the teachers were succeessful in communicating this value to the students and also succeeded in gaining commitment to it. Secondly, the free place system was instituted in 1957, wjth its increased provisions for the less privileged members of the society; the society as a whole has thus become "secondary education conscious". Secondary schools prize education. Thirdly, the students have seen older adolescent relatives and friends "make good" as a models for them and they have come to value education as the means of mak- ing good themselves.

Ill

Let us look at their subject preferences since this should give some indication of their values concerning the type of education they are receiving. Subject preferences were judged on the basis of their answers to the ques- tions "What subject do you like best? Why?" Forty-eight percent of the sample preferred English, while 33% preferred mathematics and only 5% preferred any of the practical subjects. There were no significant differences between the preferences of boys and girls or between first and third years. This differences between the preference for Mathematics and English and the practical subjects take on importance when it is remembered that En- glish, Mathematics and the practical subjects form the core and bulk of the curriculum. Both Head teachers report that past students who return to con- tinue their education in the evening institute very seldom choose to study any of the practical subjects; instead they choose the more academic subjects. From these findings it sesems reasonable to say that as soon as these students have any choice in determining their course of study they "drop" the practical subjects. In other words, they do not value the practical subjects. This is in keeping with the reasons for valuing education, in that the type of education which results in social mobility is an academic education and not a a practical one.

Let us now examine the socio-economic status of these students as judged by their parents' occupation.

30



TABLE 1: VOCATION OF PARENTS

Parents' Occupation 3rd Year 1st Year Boys Girls Boys Girls

HIGHER PROFESSIONAL - - - - LOWER PROFESSIONAL - 6.5% 3.3% 9.5% CLERICAL &

HIGHLY SKILLED 11.5% 25.8% 16.7% 16.7% SKILLED 50% 51.6% 48.7% 45.2% SEMI-SKILLED 26.9% 7.5% 16.7% 11.9% UNSKILLED 11.5% 6.5% 11.3% 16.7% CASUAL LABOUR - 2.8% 3.3% -

Where children were not living with their parents the occupation of their guardians was taken. Sir Cyril Burt's classification of occupation was used. Examples of occupations classified in the several categories in Table I are: Higher Professional - doctors, lawyers, managing directors, professinal engineers. Lower Professional - technical engineers, surveyors, civil servants, teachers. Clerical and Highly Skilled - stenographers, nurses, druggists, salesmen. Skilled:- tailors, dressmakers, carpenters, drivers. Semi-skilled - postmen, waiters, bartenders. Unskilled - domestics, fish vendors, gardeners. Casual Labour - occasional road work and oher simple forms of routine work.

From Table I it can be easily seen that no student had a parent holding a Higher Professional job, while only 1.6% had parents who were classified as casual labourer. If this sample is representative of the population of these schools then it would indicate that the children of the highest and lowest strata of the labour force are missing from senior schools. While it is quite likely that the children of the Higher Professional group are in other schools, it tis also quite likely that the children of the Casual Labour category are in no school at all. (This is, of course, based on the assumption that there are people in Jamaica whose occupations could be classified in these categories.)

Forty-eight percent of these parents belong to the Skilled category while approximately 17.5% belong to the Clerical and Highly Skilled and 15% to the Semi-skilled category. If from these occupations the children were placed into social classes, it would be reasonable to say that they - the majority, that is - come from lower-middle to middle-middle class homes.

TABLE II: VOCATIONAL REFERENCES OF STUDENTS

VOCATIONAL REFERENCES 3rd Year 1st Year Boys Girls Boys Girls

HIGHER PROFESSIONAL 56.3% 2.6% 70.5% 12% LOWER PROFESSIONAL 9.4% 16.4% 8.8% 18% CLERICAL HIGHLY SKILLED 12 4% 68.4% 2.9% 60% SKILLED 21.8% 12.5% 17.6% 10% SEMI-SKILLED - - - - UNSKILLED - - - - CASUAL LABOUR - - - -

31



An examination of TABLE II quickly reveals the fact that no student wants to take up an occupation classified lower than the skilled category. Al- so only approximately 15% actually choose Skilled occupations. (48.7% of their parents are classified in the skilled category). This seems to be a very clear indication that these students would like to move up the occupational - social ladder and the least they thinkk they can accomplish is skilled occupations. This further confirms the point made already that these students value education as a means of social mobility and that they do not see the curriculum of the senior school as being able to enhance their chances since it only allows them to realize their objectives at the lowest level. The stated objective of the senior school is to produce skilled personnel while 85% of these students desire occupations above the skilled category.

The second observation is that the boys' occupational preferences are unrealistic when considered in relationship to the type of education they are at present receiving, their educational attainment so far, and the fact that they will be out of school at age 15. 70.5% of the first year boys and 56.3% of the third year boys aspire to Higher Professional jobs. (This difference in percentages is not significant.) Not one of these boys has a parent in this category. On the other hand the girls' preferences are "more realistic" when compared to their parents' occupations. Only approximately 7% aspire to Higher Professional jobs. About 82% desire jobs in the Lower Professional - Clerical and Highly Skilled categories. (48% want to be nurses). The girls' preferences indicate some "occupational progress" but the social mobility indicated is not as great as that desired by the boys. On the average girls desire occupations one or two levels about their parents' while boys prefer jobs 2 or 3 levels above their parents'.

One possible explanation of this difference in preference between boys and girls is that there is much less parental pressure on the girls "to make good" than there is on the boys. Whereas in middle-class society it is felt that girls will get husbands to "look after them", and hence it is not necessary for them to become highly qualified, boys from their earliest youth are exhorted to "rise" socially and amount to "somebody". The threat of becoming a "'handcart man" is commonly heard when boys show negligence towards their school work. The hypothesis that parental pressure is responsible for the unrealistic preferences of the boys receives support from the fact that most of the boys wanted to be doctors or lawyers. It should be remembered that when the parents were children, Medicine and Law were two of the few professions in which colonials could rise to prominence and influence. It could be that these parents are prompting their children to pursue careers which they as- pired to in their youth, but for lack of educational opportunity were forced to accept Clerical, Skilled or Semi-skilled occupations. In other words parents want their children to realize their ambitions of yesteryear in circumstances in which they are no longer relevant.

VI

From the preceding discussion it appears that these senior school students value education for social mobility reasons and that for these same reasons they do not value the type of education they are receiving in the senior

32



schools. Also that the vocational preferences of these students are congruent with the stated vocational objectives for which the schools were designed. It should be remembered, however, that this study was done on a 10% sample of the population of two urban senior schools. This imposes severe limitations upon the inferences that can be made. Objectively these findings are only valid for the students studied. In attempting to answer the question, "What are the implications of these findings for educational development?" the comments will be confined to the group that was studied and not for the entire population.

The Jamaican Government is going to convert all senior schools into Junior secondary schools. The question arises as to whether the parents of these students will accept the new schools as bona fide secondary schools. Students and parents see education, more precisely secondary education, as the main vehicle of social mobility. If these junior secondary schools do not enhance social mobility they will not be accepted as secondary schools. This will, however, take some time before is is known whether these schools enhance social mobility or not. On a short term basis, students and parents will judge the new schools on the basis of its curriculum. The type of curriculum that is known to produce social mobility is ati academic one. If the curriculum of he junior secocndary schools is not different from the senior schools in an academic direction parents will take it that the schools have had a change of name only.

It should be remembered that this survey only involved 158 subjects. Hence any finding on such a sample can only usefully serve as one possible source of hypotheses for more thorough investigations into the problems arising from the operation of a tripartite system of education in a developing society. What effects does it have on the values and ambitions of adolescents in different parts of the system? How does the community view the different parts of the system? What effect does this have on educational development? One should hope that some answers are forthcoming.

ERROL L. MILLER

33



ambitions of jamaican adolescents and the school system

Documents