alternative concepts and terminologies for teaching african art

National Art Education Association

Alternative Concepts and Terminologies for Teaching African ArtAuthor(s): Jacqueline ChandaSource: Art Education, Vol. 45, No. 1 (Jan., 1992), pp. 56-61Published by: National Art Education AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3193343 .

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Bambara (Bamana), Africa: Malil (Kenedougou District?). Antelope Headdress (Tji Wara). 19th-20th century, wood, beads, paint traces. H 108.25 cm x W 8.6cm x D 38.7cm. 1974. SC.9. Dallas Museum of Art, The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott. Reproduced with permission.

Alternative Concepts and Terminologies for

Teaching African Art

Jacqueline Chanda

With the current emphasis on multi- culturalism and diversity in education, we must consider the inclusion of non-Western cultures in art education curricula. The addition of non-Western artistic cultures necessitates a positive understanding of those cultures. Due to a lack of understanding of others and their culture, many hold negative attitudes towards cultural artistic manifestations that deviate from the norm (the norm being a Euro-centric perspective). They are non-receptive to the so called "primitive" cultures, i.e. African, pre-Columbian, Oceanic, and Native American.

Visual arts of the so called "primitive" people have been considered abstract or conceptual in nature, decorative in character, functional in purpose, and created by non-artists from uncivilized nations. Negative terms, such as "primitive", "idol," "fetish," are often used to describe the arts of these cultures. In spite of these negative terms, non-Western art is displayed in art museums. It is noted for its exquisite formal qualities. Its abstract character is considered a positive attribute. These changes can be attributed to Modem art pioneers, such as Picasso, Braque, and Brancusi, who were some of the first to be intrigued by the different visual approaches in non-Western art. Even though these forms are now called "art" and are exhib- ited in museums, they still carry the weight of a history filled with negative terminologies and concepts. As art educators we must not persist in using terms that per- petuate prejudiced attitudes toward works of art from non-Western cultures.

Alternative concepts and terminologies should be used in developing curriculum and in teaching non-Western Art. In this paper, consideration will be given to concepts and terminologies that focus on generalizations concerning traditional African art and culture. Traditional African religious beliefs, perceptions of primitivism

56 Art Education/January 1992



which involve social, cultural, political, and economic structures, and the functions of art objects from African societies will be explored. Other terms analyzed will be "fetish," tribal" art, and "primitive" art, with the idea of reconceptualizing their use within a multi-cultural framework.

Traditional African Religious Beliefs In order to understand traditional African religious beliefs, one must take a contex- tual approach. Traditionally African beliefs could not be separated from politics, social structure, and economic concerns. There was a degree of similarity in religious institutions in the traditional royal states of sub-Saharan Africa. However, we should not lose sight of the fact that some striking differences also exist among them. What can be made as a general statement about African beliefs is that a belief in nature was intimately involved in the struggle for a balanced, healthy society and life. Conse- quently, the lives of traditional Africans are intertwined with their religious beliefs.

It is often considered that traditional African peoples did not believe in one God, that they worshipped idols, and were therefore pagans (polythestic). Yet, every- where in Africa we encounter the belief in a supreme power, and omnipotent God on whose supernatural power man was wholly dependent. God, Nzambi (Congo), Mboli (Sande), Nyame (Ashanti), Olorun (Yoruba), however, was too far away and could only be approached through an intercessor or mediator. This intercessor or mediator often took the form of a supernatural creature described as a nature spirit, and/or an ancestor. The nature spirits, often related to natural forces, such as water, rivers, thunder, rain and forests, were considered lesser spirits, while the ancestor spirits took the more prominent role, for they were much closer to man and could directly influence his life (Wassing, 1988, p. 192). This belief system, which is often called animism (a belief that all natural phenomena have a life force independent of their physical being), is not the same as polytheism.

Wassing (1988) tells us that the "Higher beings, described here as gods (by West- ern man), are really divinities and are almost never depicted as images in Africa, for they are so distant and so comprehen- sive in their nature that they are not to be

imagined" (p. 192). Laude (1966) in his book Les Arts d'Afrique Noire, states explicitly,...the African statue...does not represent gods..."(p. 284). Fagg and Piass (1964) have described most (African) wood sculptures as "impersonal machines for the control of the life force, and for its direction towards particular ends..."(p. 35). Mbiti (1969) reinforces this idea with the statement "...no idols have been reported in African traditional societies" (p. 71). Wood sculptures or terracotta statues, consequently, acted as containers for the purpose of controlling the life force. It was not the statue that acted as the intermediary but the living-dead, the spirit. The statue was simply a symbol. Laude (1966) states,"... a statue is not only the habitat of the life force of an ancestor or a spirit: it also evokes or symbolizes a being or events in which this being was involved" (p. 286).

The perception of African imagery as idols stems from fifteenth and sixteenth- century Europeans. According to Marquet, Greek and Roman gods and goddesses were also "foreign and pagan, but as religious forces, they were dead, having been vanquished by victorious Christian- ity ..." (Marquet, 1986, p. 71). African statues, at the time they were encountered, represented living forces which were considered by the European to be hostile to Christ and resisting his conquest. "They could only be included in the religious segment of the Western reality as negative entities in the devil's camp. They were [thus] idols and fetishes, not statues" (Marquet, 1986, p. 71).

A case must, however, be made for the Yoruba, for it is probably because of their culture and art, so much more known than others, that we have some misconceptions about the whole of Africa. The Yoruba were indeed an exception to the rule of not creating gods in visual form. Wassing (1988) states, "the Yoruba, have devel- oped a pantheon out of a mixture of [divinities] and ancestors but do not make a personal image of their supreme God, Olorun. They represent instead only the orisha" (p. 192). The Yoruba had over 1,700 orisha or divinities. They were associated with natural phenomena and objects, as well as with human activities and experiences (Mbiti, 1969, p. 76).

The above clarification helps one to

Art EducatiornJanuary 1992 57



understand that the sculptures that so often have been labeled as idols are in reality not idols at all because they did not represent God, gods or goddesses. They were the seats of life forces. Mbiti (1969) states clearly, "As far as our sources of information are concered, we find no inanimate things being regarded as intermediaries (intermediaries here refers to the divinities, the spirits and the living- dead)" (p. 71). With this understanding it would be safe to say that, according to the definition above, the word "heathen" cannot and should not have been used to describe African people, for they did not worship idols.

So what term should we use in the classroom to replace "idol?" The easiest way is to simply use the veracular term of the particular ethnic group under study. The Chi Wara headdress should be simply referred to as a Chi Wara headdress, or a statue may be referred to as a statue, or a mask as a mask.

Primitivism Primitivism implies a society which is non- literate, has social relationships based primarily on kinship, has a non-urban setting, has small-scale settlements, is isolated, lacks historical records, is non- industrialized, has a moneyless economy, and lacks economic specialization. Three of these criteria do fit many of the traditional African societies. First, if we take the Western definition of literacy (the ability to read), the sub-Saharan African was non- literate before the coming of the Europe- ans. Second, traditional African societies were based primarily on kinship and still are. The importance of kinship, lineage, and blood line in Africa is perhaps the same in many European families. And third, traditional African societies were not industrialized in the western sense. How- ever, if one takes a close look at the criteria used for classifying African societies as primitive, there seems to be contra- dictions and inconsistencies involved, for as one author has said, "The issue of non- literacy and industrialization seems important only to those for whom it is important to preserve the concept of 'primitive.' Lack of factories and a high incidence of illit- eracy has never prevented scholars from classifying the world of Gothic France as a civilization" (Thompson, 1975, p. 25).

The remaining criteria, small-scale settlements, lack of historical records and economic specialization, and moneyless economies, simply do not apply to traditional African societies. For example, many African cities were large scale urban settlements. Marquet (1968, p. 75) tells us that in 1482 when the Portuguese reached the kingdom of the Kongo, they found a well-organized and rich state. The Yoruba had cities that were very large, and their urbanism, Bascon (1959, p. 29-44) indicates, predates the European penetration.

In many African societies, court singing kept historical records alive. These per- sons were often referred to as Griots and would re-tell by song the historical events at special gatherings. In other African societies, historical events were kept alive through the visual arts. Doors, shutters, bas-reliefs, and bronze plaques, whose purpose was to recall historical and mythical events, were made (Laude, 1966, p. 304).

As for the moneyless economies, Vansina (1962, p. 377) indicates that currencies, standards of value, and means of payment for services were extensively used throughout Africa. The Yoruba, Kuba, and the Luba are known to have traditionally had a currency based on cowrie-shells.

According to Vansina (1962) one of the main reasons for local as well as long distance trade was the use of "specialized products from local industry," (p. 375) in short, specialized economies. "The trade arises partly because some suitable raw materials exist only in some chiefdoms and not in others, and partly because of some special skill which are present only in some cultures. In Kubaland, the Pyaang are very skilled in iron-work, the Bushoong in the production of velvet-like cloth, the Shoowa in the manufacture of red and white embroidered cloth, etc" (Vansina, 1962, p. 375).

Based on this evidence, we can say that not all African traditional societies can be described as "primitive." Many were highly organized and extended over a vast distance. They had specialized economies with a monetary system, and they were not isolated.

The Function of African Art Objects The general misconception is that all of African art has a magio-religious function.




As we shall see, however, not all art objects were religiously oriented. African art objects may be divided into four de- scriptive categories: ritual, cult, political, and court art.

Ritual objects had more of a social function. They could be in the form of a mask or a statue, and were used as agents of control which insured the well being of the community. They were often described as being the seat of a vital life force and demonstrated their power during festival and public ceremonies.

Some cult objects were ritual objects, but not all ritual objects were cult objects. Cult objects could take the form of statues, masks, stools, etc. and are generally associated with a shrine. Shrines were made to serve individuals, families, vil- lages, or a kingdom. (Sieber & Walker, 1987, p. 63).

Objects that were politically related were those which were often called images of power, and were objects that expressed the power and might of the kings and chiefs. These works could take the form of a bust, a stool, a staff, a scepter, or a throne. They depict the essence and ideals of the kingship. They were held, sat on, placed in shrines, or carried. Some of the most spectacular were busts and statues, such as the Kuba king statues. The attributes or symbols of the kingship were identifiable on the piece. They could be a sword, an emblem, or a particular headdress.

Court art was art commissioned and used by the royalty and was generally utilitarian in nature. these objects consisted of cups, stools, neckrests, cosmetic jars, textiles or doors (as a part of the architec- tural arrangements) and objects of personal adornment and were a testimony of wealth and power. Ekpo Eyo (1987, p. 36) considers them as art for art's sake, for they were made for the glorification of man rather than the glorification of spirits. Such objects were identifiable by the profusion of decorations on the surface. For example, figural pots made by the Chokwe and Luena of Zambia function as symbols of status for the highranking class (Polfliet, 1987, p. 14).

The Fetish "Fetish" is a term often used indiscrimi- nately in the description of African art

Kongo. Africa: Zaire. Nail Fetish, 19th-20th century. Wood, metal, fibers, shells, glass. H 34 cm x W 14.1cm x D 15.45cm. 1972.24 MCD. Dallas Museum of Art, The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Fund. Reproduced with permission.

objects. For example, any wood sculpture is often described by amateurs as a fetish. According to Webster's dictionary, a fetish is a amulet or a charm or object of obses- sive concern. Based on this definition, anything could be a fetish: your car, your house, etc. Unfortunately, when applied to African art, the term implies an object believed by "superstitious people" to have magical power.

The majority of the wood sculptures from Africa were not fetishes but carvings of members of the royalty or images representing the force of ancestor, and/or nature spirits. The above statement is not meant to imply that the fetish did not exist in traditional Africa or does not exist in contemporary African society. It is simply an effort to clarity the fact that all sculptures were not fetish objects. The distinc- tion between a fetish and other sculptures as described by Fagg and Plass (1964, p. 35) is that a fetish was activated by the addition of "medicines" while a priest and/ or witch performs appropriate ceremonies and incantations. A good example of this

Art Education/January 1992 59



type of assemblage sculpture is the Konde figure (see fig. 2). "It is a human or animal figure often finely carved as receptacles for the insertion of large numbers of nails and other pieces of iron which, together with 'medicine', endow the (figure) with its force, ..." (Fagg and Plass, 1964, p. 87).

The best possible way of handling the term "fetish" is not to use it and to refer to the figure by its vernacular name. For example, the well known figure from the Kongo people, would be referred to as nkisi figure or by its ethnic name, Konde figure, or by its descriptor, "nail" figure.

Tribal Art The term "tribal art" refers to art produced by tribes. Even though the arts of Africa may be designated as being produced by various tribal groups, the term "tribe" itself carries a pejorative meaning. It is a word applied to so called preliterate peoples who were said to be descended from a common source or ancestor. It carries the connotation of primitivism and consequently reflects the evolutionist theory, for peoples were initially grouped in tribes which subsequently evolved into organized cities and states.

"Tribal art" is also a classification nomenclature. In early studies of African art, scholars, in attempting to classify stylistic characteristics, tried various approaches: geographical, area, provincial, material, and tribal or ethnic. If the word "tribal" designates a particular geographic area where art is created by a particular people with particular characteristics, then we must reconsider the use of this expres- sion because in African art "...specific categories of art objects or specific art styles are often correlated not with whole cultures [or geographic areas] but with particular institutions, such as initiation systems, cults, voluntary associations, restricted belief systems, and myths. These institutions represent only one dimension of the entire culture; sometimes they have a local rather than a pan-tribal distribution; sometimes they are trans- tribal" (Biebuyck, 1969, p. 2). The Makishi mask, for example, is a mask used in boys' initiation rites among the Chokwe, Ndembu, and Luena of Zambia and Zai It is a fiber mask created by several different ethnic groups. Is it a Chokwe style, a Ndembu style, or a Luena style?

To which tribe would it belong? Can it therefore be called '"ribal art" when the style transcends several ethnic groups?

Instead of using the term "tribal art," simply refer to the specific ethnic group or association in question. For example, a scholar might refer to a group of people in Zaire known as the Chokwe who produce a conical mask used in boys' initiation ceremonies. This mask is identical in concept and function to initiation masks produced by the Ndembu, the Luena, and the Mbundu, which are other ethnic groups located in the same geographical region. Therefore, such a mask might be called a multi-ethnic or transethnic mask found among several groups of people and used by all in their initiation ceremonies.

Primitive Art "Primitive" is a key term in the description of the arts of non-Western cultures and is a term that carries the most derogatory connotation. Wingert explains that it was the Darwin-inspired evolutionists in the late nineteenth century who designated non- Western peoples as "primitive," for the patterns of their lives "represented an earlier cultural phase through which the great civilizations of the world had pro- gressed" (Wingert, 1940, p. 3). However, since that time it has been shown that African cultures did not represent an earlier phase of the Western civilization; they were distinct civilizations that "achieved a maturity within the contexts of their own beliefs, institutions, and technolo- gies ..." (Wingert, 1940, p. 3). Whichever way it is defined, "primitive art" is a term that indicates works that are chronologically early, technologically immature, and created by the artistically untrained, naive individual. It is, consequently, seen as being related to child art or the art of the insane, inept, and crude. Unfortunately, those who still persist in identifying African art as primitive have failed to realize that, first of all, African art is not necessarily chronologically earlier, for it dates up to the present time with much of the prolific execution of the works taking place during the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries. Second, the technology of African people is and was not immature. Some of the very techniques used today by modern or contemporary artists, such as the lost wax method of casting wax, was used by African artists as early




as the 10th century (Laude, 1966, p. 351). And the highly sophisticated technical achievement of the Yoruba, for example, is an historical fact and rivals many accom- plishments of today (Thompson, 1975, p. 25). Third, African artists were trained and thus were not naive or ignorant. They received apprentice training from fathers, mothers, aunts, or uncles. These were artists who often executed their wares in workshops demonstrating a high level of organization and continuation. In some cases African artists were grouped in guilds, "the most famous instance being that of the ivory and the brass guilds at the court of Benin" (Vansina, 1984, p. 50). Art objects, therefore, were not created by untrained hands or the mystically insane. There were, however, two groups of artist. One, the hyphenated-artist and the other the professional artist. The hyphenated- artist (Feldman, 1982) in West Africa can be described as the specialist who created statues, masks, and crafts objects. He can also be the blacksmith. He carried a certain mystique and was often feared. He often lived on the outer edges of the village, in a specially reserved area. Among the Benin (Dahomey), for example, the artist was admired for his talent, but he had a ten- dency to be a non-conformist. He was respected for his art, but was looked upon with some scorn because he appeared to lack an interest in riches and prestige (Laude, 1966, 121).

In the second group we find the sculptor as a true professional. He had an occupation which allowed him certain privileges and honors. He was respected and held a high place in his society. In a sense he was a royal officer (Laude, 1966, 129).

African art objects cannot, for the most part, be classified as inept and crude (raw, lacking finish, grace, taste, uncultured, not carefully made or unadorned), for many African art pieces are of very high quality, as many scholars of today indicate (Ekpo Eyo, 1987; Sieber and Walker, 1987; Laude, 1968).

What are the alternatives to "primitive art?" Many Africanist have called works of art from Africa that reflect earlier periods "Classical" or 'Traditional." The African artist is consequently referred to as the traditional artist, or classical artist so as to distinguish him from the contemporary

artist who paints or sculpts in modern media but is from the African race. The earlier arts of Africa could be designated as traditional or classical African art.

This paper has been an attempt to clarify misconceptions about African societies and cultures in general and redefine selected pejorative terms applied to African art. Instead of "fetish," "idol," and "tribal," one can use more appropriate designations, such as vernacular terms or local descriptors. "Traditional" and "classical" art can be used to replace "primitive" art, and the term "traditional African artist" should be applied to the person who worked in more classical African manner. It is hoped that in using the alternatives suggested, we may deepen our understanding of the traditional African societies and traditional African art.

Jacqueline Chanda is on the faculty of the Art Educa tion Department at Ohio State University, Columbus.

References

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Art Education/January 1992 61



alternative concepts and terminologies for teaching african art

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