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Africa Must Unite

KWAME NKRUMAH

F R E D E R I C K A . P R A E G E R , Publisher

New York



B O O K S T H AT M AT T E R

Published in th e U nited States of Am erica in 1963

by Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., Publisher64 University Place, New York 3, N.Y.

A ll rights reserved

(§) K w a m e N k r u m a h 1963

Library of Congress Catalog Card N um ber: 63-18462

1

Printed in G reat Britain



Dedicated toG e o r g e P a d m o r e

(1900-1959)and to

the African Nationthat must be



C O N T E N T S

Introduction page

ixi T h e A frican Background 1

2 The Colonial Imprint 93 Colonial Pattern of Economics 20

4 Society Under Colonialism 32

5 The Intellectual Vanguard 436 Freedom First 507 Achieving our Sovereignty 578 Problems o f Go vernm ent 66

9 Bringing Unity in Ghana 7210 O u r G h a n aia n C on stitu tio n 7911 The Administrative Instrument 8712 Reconstruction and Deve lopment 9713 Tow ards Economic Independ ence 10714 Building Socialism in Ghana 118

15Tow ards African U nity 132

16 Some A ttem pts at U nification 141Economic and Political In tegra tion : Africa’s Need 150

18 Neo-colonialism in Africa 17319 Africa in World Affairs 19420 Examples o f M ajor U nions of States 20521 Co ntinental G overnm ent for Africa 216

Index 223



I N T R O D U C T I O N

Freedom! Hedsole! Sawaba! Uhuru!M en, women and children through out the length and brea dth

of Africa rep eat the slogans of African nationalism - the g reatest polit ic al phenom enon of the la tte r pa rt o f the tw entieth centu ry.

N ever before in histo ry has such a sw eeping fervour for freedom expressed itself in g rea t mass movements which are drivingdown the bastions o f emp ire. T his w ind of change blowingthro ug h Africa, as I have said before, is no o rdin ary w ind. I t is araging hurricane against which the old orde r canno t stand.

T he grea t millions o f Africa, a nd of Asia, have g rown im

pa tien t of being hewers of wood and drawers of w ater, and arerebelling against the false belief th at providence created some to

be the menia ls of others .In this century there have alrea dy been two world wars fought

on the slogans of the preservation of dem ocracy; on the right of peoples to dete rm ine the form of governm ent under which theywant to live. Statesmen have broadcast the need to respectfun dam en tal freedoms, the righ t of m en to live free from theshadow of fears which c ram p their d ignity w hen they exist inservitude, in poverty, in degradation and contempt. They

proclaim ed the A tlantic C harter and the C harter of th e U nited Nations, and then said th a t all these had no reference to theenslaved world outside the limits of imperialism an d racialarrogance.

But in the course o f fighting for their own freedom, they h ad ,

like Abraham Lincoln in fighting America’s civil war, to enlistthe aid o f the enslaved, who b ega n to question the justice o f their being dragged into wars for th e freedom of those who intendedto keep them in bondage. T he dem ocratic enunciations o f thew orld’s statesmen ca me un de r the c ritical exam ination of thecolonized world. Men and women in the colonies began to



X INTRODUCTION

regard them as deceptions; clearly they were not to have universal application.

Th e realization was breaking upon the vast world of subject peoples th a t freedom is as m uch th eir in alienable rig ht as it is ofthose who h ad set themselves over them on the pretext o f bringingthem Christian light a nd civilization. T he ideas of freedom anddemocracy, w hich the W estern w orld was busily propag ating toengage support for their cause, were being eagerly absorbed bythose to whom freedom had been most strenuously denied. A

boom erang to those who broadcast them , and ‘dangerous’ inthose to whom they were not intended to apply, they werefeeding the will to freedom in the overseas areas of the worldwhere their meaning was most deeply felt and accepted.

T urn ed by the n ationalist leaders to the interests of thestruggle for political emancipation, they have helped to fomentthe revolt of the m ajority of the w orld’s inh ab itants against theiroppressors. Th us we have witnessed the greatest awakening everseen on this ea rth of suppressed an d exploited peoples against the

powers th a t have kept th em in subjection. This , w ithout a doubt,is the m ost significant hap pe ning of the twe ntieth century.

Hence the twentieth century has become the century ofcolonial emancipation, the century of continuing revolutionwhich m ust finally witness the total libe ration of Africa fromcolonial rule an d im perialist exploitation. T he independenc e o fG ha na in 1957 opene d wide the floodgates of African freedom.Within four years, eighteen other African countries achieved

independe nce. This development is the unique factor in wo rldaffairs today. For it has bro ug ht a bo ut significant changes in thecomposition of the U nited Nations O rganization, an d is having am omentous im pac t u pon the b alance of world affairs generally.It has resulted in an expa nded world of free nations in which thevoice of Africa, a nd of the reb orn states of Asia, La tin A mericaan d the C aribbe an will dem and more an d more careful attention.

Th is e xpa nding world of free African nations is the climax o f

the conscious an d determ ined struggle of the African peoples tothrow off the yoke o f imperialism, an d it is transform ing thecon tinent. Not all the r am pa rts o f colonialism have yet fallen.Some still stand, though showing gaping rents from the stormyonslaughts th at have bee n m ade against them. A nd we who have



INTRODUCTION xi

battled our way to independence shall not stand quiet until thelast stronghold of colonialism has been laid to the ground inAfrica.

Fo r we have de dicated ourselves to the attain m en t of totalAfrican freedom. H ere is one bo nd of un ity th a t allies free Africawith unfree Africa, as well as all those independent statesdedicated to this cause. My party, the Convention People’sPa rty, fervently upholds, as an unqu estionable right, the bu rningaspirations of the still subjected peoples of our continent forfreedom. Since our inception, we have raised as a cardinal policy, the total em ancip ation of Africa from colonia lism in allits forms. To this we have added the objective of the politicalunion of African states as the securest safeguard of ou r h ard-w onfreedom a nd the soundest found ation for our individual, no lessthan our common, economic, social and cultural advancement.

In my Autob iography, and to some extent also in an other bookof m ine, I Speak o f Freedom , I tried to show how, and why, thestruggle for independe nce developed an d succeeded in the then

Gold Coast. My purpose now is to trace briefly the African backgro und and the effects of centu rie s of colonialism on the polit ical, economic and social life of Africa as a w hole; to placedevelopments in G han a in the b road er co ntext of the Africanrevolution; an d to explain my political philosophy based on myconviction of the need for the freedom an d unification of Africaan d its islands.1

1 Th e following are the islands of Africa: (i) Can ary Islands G ran C an ar ia,Tenerife, Las Palmas, Ferro, Fue rte-Ventura, Lan zarote, Spanish ; (2) CapeVerde Islands (Sto. Antao, Sao Tiago), Portuguese ; (3) Madeira withSelvagens, Portuguese ; (4) Arquipelago dos Bijagos (Caravela, Roxa),Portuguese', (5) Los Island, Guinea ; (6) Fernando Po, Spanish; (7) Principe,Portuguese; (8) Sao Tome, Portuguese ; (9) Annohon,Spanish; (10) Ascension,

British; (11) St. Helena, British ; (12) T ristan da C un ha w ith Gough, British ; (13) Prince Edward and Marion, South African ; (14) Malagasy, Independent; (15) Bassas da India, French ; (16) Europa, French; (17) De la Reunion,French ; (18) Mauritius, Br itish; (19) Rodriguez, British; (20) Archipel desComores (Grande Comore, Moheli, Anjouan, Mayotte, Banc du Geyses,Glorieuses), French; (21) Seychelles (Bird, Denis, Silhouette, Praslin, M ah e,Platte, Amirante, Desroches, Bijoutier, Alphonse, St. Francois, Coetivy,Aldabra, Assumption, Cosmoledo, Astove, Providence, St. Pierre, Cerf,Farquhar, Agalega), British; (22) Socotra, British; (23) Dahalach Chebir,

Ethiopian; (24) Zanzibar, British; (25) Pemba, British; (26) Mafia, British.



Xll INTRODUCTION

O ut of this conviction, I am necessarily as m uch c oncernedwith the problems of all the different countries which make upour grea t continent as I a m with those of Ghana. I have, the re

fore, d raw n for illustration up on all pa tterns of colonialism. I fthere does at times appear to be an emphasis upon the British p a tte rn and upon events in G hana, it is because these are p a rt ofmy personal experience. They have been to a considerableexten t the agencies th a t have m oulded my intellectual processesand political philosophy. But I have also, as an African and a

political being draw n into the vortex of African affairs out of myded ication to the cause of Africa’s freedom an d un ity, sustained

an indelible impression from the experience of my c ontinental broth ers under other colonial rulers.

T heir history of colonialist subjection differs from ours only indetail and degree, not in kind. Some there are who make finedistinctions between one br an d of colonialism an d another, whodeclare th a t the British are ‘bette r’ masters than the Fren ch, orthe Fren ch ‘bette r’ th an the Belgian, or the Portuguese or thewhite settlers of Sou th Africa, as thoug h there is virtue in thedegree to which slavery is enforced. Such specious differentiations come from those who have never experienced the miseriesan d de gra da tion o f colonialist suppression an d exploitation.M ore frequen tly they are apologists for the colonialism o f theirown country, anxious out of jingois tic patr iotism to make a casefor it.

T he colonial subject, the true be are r of the ‘white m an ’s burden’, c an have no such philosophical approach. He is, therefore, un ab le to jud ge the delicate difference between hav ing to pass th rough a door m arked ‘natives’ in any p a rt of th e worldand one so marked in Joh ann esbu rg, simply because the latterwould often be in a separate, segregated area.

Whatever the means used by the colonialists, the objectivewas the same. I t was not th at a nasty-minded b unc h o f menawoke simultaneously one morning in England, France,Belgium, Ge rmany , P ortuga l, or in any other of the colonialcountries, and decided tha t it would be a good thing to ju m pinto Africa and grind the people’s noses in the dust so that theycould all of them retire to the ir homelands in due course, richan d ha pp y from the Africans’ hardship. I t was a good deal more



INT RODUCT ION Xlll

complex than that, despite the plundering compulsions thatsent the Portuguese and others out as early as the fifteenthcentury to pluck Africa’s gold and ivory, and later its humantreasure, to enrich the coffers of W estern m onarchs an dmerchants.

W hen the great scram ble for Africa b egan in the last qu arterof the n inetee nth century, colonies had become a necessaryapp endag e for Eu ropean capitalism , which ha d by then reachedthe stage of indu strial an d financial m onopoly th at neededterritorial expansion to provide spheres for capital investment,sources of raw m aterials, m arkets, an d strategic points ofimperial defence. Thus all the imperialists, without exception,evolved the means, their colonial policies, to satisfy the ends, theexploitation o f the subject territories for the ag gran dizem en t ofthe metropolitan countries. They were all rapacious; they allsubserved the needs of the subject lands to their own d em and s;they all circumscribed human rights and liberties; they allrepressed and despoiled, degraded and oppressed. They took

ou r lands, ou r lives, ou r resources, an d o ur dignity. W ithou texception, they left us nothing but our resentment, and later,our determination to be free and rise once more to the level ofm en an d w omen who walk with their heads held high.

W hen th at time came an d we showed our resolution to be ridof them as un bid den an d u nwelcome foreign intrud ers, they stillrefused to go un til we forced the issue. I t was when they h ad goneand we were faced with the stark realities, as in Ghana on themo rrow of our independen ce, th at the destitution of the landafter long years of colonial rule was b rou gh t sharply hom e to us.There were slums and squalor in our towns, superstitions andancient rites in our villages. All over the country, great tracts ofopen land lay untilled and uninhabited, while nutritionaldiseases were rife amo ng o ur people. O u r roads were meagre, ou rrailways short. There was much ignorance and few skills. Overeighty per cent o f ou r people were illiterate, an d ou r existingschools were fed on imp erialist pap , comp letely un related to ou r

background and our needs. T rad e and commerce were controlled, directed and ru n almost entirely by E uropeans.

O f industries, we h ad none except those extracting g old anddiam onds. We m ade not a pin, not a handkerchief, not a m atch.



x iv I N TR ODUCTION

The only cloth we produced was hand-woven kente, traditionalan d exclusive. W e were w ithout m ost of the raw materialsnecessary to industrial production. Though there had been

geological surveys o f our sub-soil, we were unaware whetherthese materials existed or not, as the reports had beenscrupulously withheld. We were reliant upon the outsideworld, and more particularly upon the United Kingdom, for

practic ally everyth ing we used in our daily life.Among our roads were those called ‘political roads’, the old,

worn and sometimes untarred colonial roads. There were alsothe new roads, built since 1951, when my Party entered upongovernment. Th ere was Ta korad i ha rbo ur and the new harbo urand port under construction at Tema. We had a telegraph andtelephone system. We had an efficient administrative machine,

b u t one adjusted to th e needs of co lonial rule and decidedly notthe m ost suitable for the new requirem ents o f indep end entstatehood.

As a heritage, it was stark and daunting, and seemed to besummed up in the symbolic bareness which met me and mycolleagues when we officially moved into Ghristiansborg Castle,formerly the official residence of the British governor. M akingou r tour thro ug h room after room, we were struck by the generalemptiness. Except for an occasional piece of furn iture, there wasabsolutely nothing to indicate th at only a few days before peoplehad lived and worked there. Not a rag, not a book was to befo u n d; not a piece of p a p e r; not a single rem inder th at for very

many years the colonial administration had had its centrethere.That complete denudation seemed like a line drawn across

our continuity. It was as though there had been a definiteintention to cu t off all links between the past an d p resent whichcould help us in finding our bearings. It was a covert remindertha t, hav ing ourselves rejected th at past, it was for us to make o urfuture alone. In a way it h inged w ith some of our experience

since we had taken office in 1951. From time to time we hadfound gaps in the records, connecting links missing here andthere which m ade it difficult for us to get a full pictu re of certainim po rtant m atters. The re were times when we ha d a n inkling ofm aterial withheld, o f files tha t h ad strayed, o f reports th at ha d



INTRODUCTION XV

got ‘mislaid5. W e were to find o the r gaps an d inte rruptions as wedelved de eper into the business of m aking a going concern o f therun-down estate we had inherited. That, we understood, was

p a rt o f th e business of dislodging an incum bent who h ad not beentoo willing to leave a nd was expressing a sense of inju ry in acts of petu la nce. O n th e other hand, th ere m ay have been th ings tohide. I t was pa rt o f the price, like m uch else, tha t we had to payfor freedom. It is a price that we are still paying and mustcontinue to pay for some time to come.

For freedom is no t a com m odity wh ich is ‘given5to the enslavedupon demand. It is a precious reward, the shining trophy of

struggle and sacrifice. Nor do the struggle and sacrifice ceasewith the attain m en t of freedom. T he period of servitude leaves behin d tolls beyond w hat i t has already taken. These are th e costof filling in the emptiness t h a t colonialism has le ft; the struggleand the toil to build the foundation, a nd then the superstructure,of an economy th a t will raise up the social levels o f ou r people,th a t will provide th em with a full an d satisfying life, from whichw ant a nd stagnation will have been banished. We have to guard

closely our h ard-w on freedom an d keep it safe from the p red atorydesigns of those who wish to reimpose their will upon us.

New nations like ours are confronted with tasks and problemstha t would certainly tax the experience a nd ingenuity of m ucholder states. Th ey w ould be difficult enough if we existed in a

peaceful world , free of contendin g powers and in te reste dcountries eager to dabb le in our intern al affairs and m anipu lateour domestic and external relations in order to divide usnationa lly an d internationa lly. As it is, our problems are m ademore vexed by the devices of neo-colonialists. A nd when weattempt to deal with them in ways which, having regard to allthe facts that are known to us, seem most appropriate in theendeavour to maintain the internal unity upon which ourviability and progress depend, we are misrepresented to theoutside world to the po int of distortion.

I f th at outside world refuses us its sym pathy an d un de rstanding, we have at least the righ t to ask it to leave us alone to workou t our destiny in ways th at seem most apposite to our circumstances and means, human as well as material. In any event, weare determined to overcome the disruptive forces set against us



xv i INTRODUCTION

an d to forge in Africa a G ha na ian n ation th at will stand o ut as ashining example before the rest of the world of the African’sability to manage his own affairs.

T h a t we shall succeed, I have no doub t. But years of toil and perseverance, of restra int and even priv atio n, lie ahead. Wehave to free ourselves from the g rip of economic imperialism, an d

prote ct our freedom. W e have a t th e same time to work ceaselessly for the complete liberation and un ity o f Africa.

There is, in fact, an interacting relation in these objectives.Imperialism is still a most powerful force to be reckoned with inAfrica. It controls our economies. It operates on a world-wide

scale in com binations o f m any different kinds: economic, political, cultural, educatio nal, m il itary; and through intelligence a nd inform ation services. In the c ontext of the newindependence mounting in Africa, it has begun, and willcontinue, to assume new forms and sub tler disguises. I t is alreadym aking use, an d will continue to make use, o f the d ifferentcu ltural an d economic associations which colonialism has forced

betw een erstwhile European masters and African subjects. I t iscrea ting client states, which it manipu lates from the d istance. Itwill distort an d p lay upon , as it is already doing, the la ten t fearsof burgeo ning n ationalism an d independence. It will, as it isalready doing, fan the fires o f sectional interests, of personalgreed and ambition among leaders and contesting aspirants to

power.These an d m any o thers will be the devious ways of the neo

colonialism by which the imperialists hope to keep the ir stranglehold on Africa’s resources for their own continued enrichment.To ensure their continued hegemony over this continent, theywill use any a nd every device to ha lt an d disrup t the growing willam ong the vast masses of Africa’s populations for unity. Ju st asour strength lies in a unified policy and action for progress anddev elopm ent, so the stren gth of the im perialists lies in our disunity. W e in Africa can only meet them effectively by presenting

a unified front and a continental purpose.We have to be constantly on the alert, for we are steadfastlyresolved that our freedom shall never be betrayed. And thisfreedom of ours to bu ild ou r economies, stands open to dan ger

ju st as long as a single country on this continent remains fet-



INTRODUCTION x v i i

tered by colonial rule an d ju st as long as there exist on Africansoil puppet governments manipulated from afar. Our freedomstands open to dang er jus t as long as the in dep end ent states o fAfrica remain apart.

A t this very m om ent, the U nion of South Africa is building u pa m ilitary m achine com parable w ith those of the foremostnations of W estern Europe . This presents a most ominousdanger, not just to the struggle of those African peoples stillfighting for freedom, b u t to the ve ry existence of the ind epen de ntAfrican states. Unless we meet this obvious and very powerfulthreat with a unified African front, based upon a common

economic and defence policy, the strategy will be to pick us offan d destroy us one by one.Our essential bulwark against such sinister threats and the

other multifarious designs of the neo-colonialists is in our political unio n. I f we are to rem ain free, if we are to enjoy th efull benefits of Africa’s rich resources, we must u nite to pla n forour total defence and the full exploitation of our material andhu m an means, in the full interests of all our peoples. ‘To go it

alone ’ will limit ou r horizons, cu rtail ou r expec tations, an dthreaten our liberty.

But since we cann ot sit idly by waiting for the consum m ationof ou r hopes for the earliest unification of Africa, we in G ha naare m aking ou r plans and shall strive un rem ittingly to raise ou r

people to such hig her levels o f civilized l iving as we are able to do by our own exertions. At the same time, we shall never relaxou r efforts to bring total independen ce and un ity to this Africancon tinent, for the greater good o f all Africa an d of each of us ascomponent mem bers o f African U nion.



C H A P T E R O N E

T H E A F R I C A N B A C K G R O U N D

C o l o n i a l i s m and its attitudes die hard, like the attitudes ofslavery, whose hangover still dominates behaviour in certain

parts o f the W este rn hemisphere .Before slavery was practised in the New World, there was no

special den igration o f Africans. Travellers to this co ntinentdescribed the inhabitants in their records with the naturalcuriosity an d exa m ination to be exp ected of individuals comingfrom other environments. It was when the slave trade andslavery began to develop the ghastly proportions that made

them the base of th at capital accu m ulation which assisted therise of W estern industrialism, th at a new a ttitud e towardsAfricans emerged. ‘Slavery in the Caribbean has been toonarrow ly identified w ith the m an of colour. A racial twist hasthereby been given to what is basically an economic phenomenon. Slavery was not b orn of racism: ra th er, racism was theconsequence o f slavery.’1 W ith this rac ial twist was inven ted them yth o f ‘colour’ inferiority. This m yth sup po rted the subsequ ent

rape of our con tinent w ith its despoliation and continuingexploitation un de r the advanced forms o f colonialism an dimperialism.

It was during the period that has come to be called ‘theopen ing up of Africa’ th at there be gan to spring up a school ofw hat some fervid African nationalists have du bb ed ‘imp erialistanthropologists’, whose rank s extend dow n to the p resent time.T he ir works are aim ed at prov ing the inferiority of the African.Anything of value th at has been un covered in Africa is attrib u ted

by them to th e in fluence of some allegedly superior group w ith inthe continent or to people from outside Africa. The idea that1 D r Eric W illiam s: Capitalism and Slavery , University of N orth Carolina Press,Chapel Hill 1944, p. 7.



2 AFRICA MUST UNITE

Africa can have exerted any civilizing influence over other people is shunned or denied.

O f late, an oth er school of thought is re-assessing the evidence

an d applying m ore objective standards of judg em ent. Somehistorians and anthropologists think that civilization dawnedcontemporaneously in Africa and in China. Very much ex

ploratio n for further evidence which will dete rm in e the earlyhistory of m an in Africa remains to be done.

L. S. B. Lea key 1, has this to say:

In every country that one visits and where one is drawn intoconversation about Africa, the question is regularly asked by

people who should know better: ‘But what has Africa contri buted to world progress? . . . not the wheel, not writing, notmathematics, not art . . . not this, not that and not the otherthing . . .* These critics of Africa forget that men of sciencetoday are, with few exceptions, satisfied that Africa was the

birth-place of man himself, and that for many hundreds of centuries thereafter Africa was in the forefront of all world progress.

I t is certain th at the origins of Eu rope an cu lture trace theirroots to the a nc ien t civilizations of the Nile valley. Earlygeographers and chroniclers speak of well organized A fricanstates and empires on both sides of the continent. N orth Africa,

before th e Islamic invasion inhabited by th e T uareg andBerber people, maintained flourishing societies and centres oftrade. It was w ith the spread of Islam th at the mass A rab drivereached into Africa’s northern belt as well as Egypt. From the

discovery of w ritten records in Arabic going back as far as thenin th c entury , we are lea rning something of Africa’s past. Th eytell us that Ghana was already a centralized state in A.D. 800.This kingdom, whose centre lay some 200 miles north of thewatershed between the Senegal and Niger rivers, was oneof the earliest of W est African kingdoms. T ho ugh G han awas seriously weakened by the Almoravid invasion of theeleventh century, its traditions of governm ent a nd empire did

not die. T hey r eached even grea ter heights in its successor stateof M ali, w hich flourished in the fourteenth century, and which possessed in te llectu al centres, such as Djenne and Tim buktu,1 The Progress and Evolution o f Man in Africa (O.U.P. 1961) : Lecture 1, TheProgress of M an in Africa, p. 1.



THE AFRICAN BACKGROUND 3

whose colleges could exchange scholars with Spain and other parts of th e M uslim world . W hen M ali declined, it was repla ced by th e ju st as splendid Songhay empire of Gao, while farther to

the east lay the gre at state of K ane m , w ith a m onarchy , almost asancien t as tha t of G han a, w hich continued steadfastly into thenineteenth century.

Books like the Tarikh es Sudan and the Tarikh el Fettach, w ritten by th e African scholars of T im buktu in the six teenth andseventeen th cen turies, give graphic descriptions o f still existingSudanese states of pow er an d prestige. O ne of the g rea t writersof Islam, Ib n Battuta, touring through M ali in the middle

of the fourteen th c entury, observed o f its peoples th at they

are seldom unjust, and have a greater abhorrence of injusticethan any other people. Their sultan shows no mercy to anyonewho is guilty of the least act of it. There is complete security intheir country. Neither traveller nor inhabitant in it has anythingto fear from robbers or men of violence. They do not confiscatethe property of any white man who dies in their country, even ifit be uncounted wealth. On the contrary, they give it into thecharge of some trustworthy person among the whites, un til therightful heir takes possession of it .1

Could as much be said for our European contemporaries ofth a t time ? Europe was then passing into its Renaissa nce; it wasawakening from the social torpo r o f medievalism an d dividedinto petty and quarrelsome kingdoms. Capitalism was onthe uprise and seafaring adventurers were starting out ontheir centuries-long search for gold and spices and silks, slavesand ivory, that they might plunder them for money-hungrymo narchs an d traders. These voyages brou gh t them to the coastof Africa. Originally, the African coastline was explored byPho enician a nd Greek sailors and there is growing knowledge ofChinese con tact w ith the east coast going bac k at least to the earlytwelfth century. Th e m odern p eriod of exploration m ay be saidto have begun with the Portuguese voyages during the time ofPrince Henry the Navigator (1394-1460). Bartholomew Diazsailed rou nd the Cape of Good H ope in 1488, a nd some ten years

1 Ibn Battu ta: Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, translate d by H . A. R . Gibb(Routledge 1929) pp. 329-30.



4 AFRICA MUST UNITE

later Vasco da G am a touche d on the Kenya coast on his way toIndia.

W ha t kind of people, w hat kind of cities did these plunderers

find ? Basil Davidson, add uc ing evidence from authen tic recordsof the time, sums up the scene th u s:

They anchored in havens tha t were thick with ocean shipping.They went ashore to cities as fine as all bu t a few they could haveknown in Europe. They watched a flourishing maritime trade ingold and iron and ivory and tortoiseshell, beads and copper andcotton cloth, slaves and porcelain; and saw that they had

stumbled on a world of commerce even larger, and perhapswealthier, than anything that Europe knew.To these European sailors of the last years of the fifteenth

century the coast of eastern Africa could have seemed no lesscivilised than their own coast of Portugal. In the m atter of wealthand knowledge of a wider world it must have seemed a great dealmore civilised. They were repeatedly surprised by the ease andsubstance of the ports and towns they saw and sheltered in and

plundered. They found themselves repeatedly disregarded asstrange and uncouth. ‘When we had been two or three days atthis place,’ says the laconic log-book of da Gama’s flagship, theSao Gabriel , of an encounter at a port tha t was probably Queli-mane [above the Zambesi river], ‘two senhores of the countrycame to see us. They were very haughty; and valued nothingwhich we gave them. One of them wore a cap with a fringe em

broidered in silk, and the other a cap of green silk. A young manin their company - so we understood from their signs - had come

from a distant country, and had already seen big ships likeours.’1

Th is was the Africa these plund erin g sailors found, an Africaof fair an d thriving cities, whose inh abitan ts allowed them unimp eded entry, to their own undoing. Fo r the strangers,

schooled in the bitter rivalries of Europe . . . fell upon thesetolerant and easy-going civilizations of the Indian Ocean with aferocity and violence that were like nothing seen there throughmany centuries. . . . All this was as easy for the Portuguese, andfor much the same reasons, as it was in India whenever they met

1 Basil Davidson: Old Africa Rediscovered , Victor Gollancz Ltd. 1959, p. 165.




with resistance to their greed and theft. They were better armed.They were trained to ruthlessness. They wanted more than asimple monopoly of trade, ruinous though that would be for the

coastal cities: they wanted loot as well. African warfare, likeIndian warfare, was designed to minimize casualties, notmaximize them. These invaders had no such care.1

It is well worth dwelling upon these facts when we recall the pretexts on which later European colo nization of Africa was justif ied. Assuming th e C hristian responsib ility o f redeem ingAfrica from the benightedness o f barb arism , the ravages o f the

Eu rope an slave trade were forgotten; the enorm ities of theEuropean conquest were ignored. Maps prepared in Europewhich h ad borne the nam es of M ali and Songhay were lost.Records o f the African kingdoms were left to ga the r dust a n dcrumble away. Th e achievements of states tha t h ad m anufactured in iron and gold and carried on lucrative internationa ltrade were expunged from m emory.

Th ey h ad disappeared as a result of the continuing E urop ean p enetration and spoliation. For on the heels o f th e Portuguesethere quickly followed D utch , Spanish, Danish an d E nglish andFren ch sailors an d trade rs. Th eir purposes were the same, theirmethods, too. They set up forts and trading posts at various

points alo ng our coasts, and added a living com m odity to th eother items o f plun der. For over three h un dred years the slavetrade dominated Africa’s history; and, in fact, influences it still

today through our diminished population and its brutalizingand retarding effects upon our socio-economic order. It doesnot requ ire a very perceptive m ind to appreciate the disastrousconsequences it has had upon African development. Wholevillages were frequen tly left em pty of inh ab itants either th rou ghcap ture or flight. T he nu m ber o f inhab itants draw n off theAfrican continent as slaves has been variously put betweentwenty an d fifty million.

In G han a, there exist m any rem inders of those days. Chris-tiansborg Castle, which the Danes built in the seventeenthcentury, still stands. So also do forts at Cape Coast, their gunsstill facing out to sea, where they once were used to ward off

1 Basil Davidson: op. cit., pp . 168-70.



6 AFRICA MUST UNITE

attacks by other Europeans who wanted to plunder gold andivory, a nd to share in the rich slave trade.

It was the Portuguese who, in the fifteenth century, discovered

gold in the area between the Ankobra and Volta rivers andcalled the country Mina, ‘the mine’, or the ‘Gold Coast*. Theywere the first to build fortified warehouses along our shores forthe pro tection of their trad e. But soon Spanish, English an dDutch ships also began to explore the Guinea Coast, as theycam e to call it, an d m ore forts were established. Tow ards the endof the sixteenth century the G old Coast was exporting ab ou t tenthousa nd slaves a year, a nd more tha n h alf the trad e was inBritish hands. In 1808, Britain stopped trad ing in slaves, and in1874 the Gold Coast colony was established, thirty years afterthe ‘Bo nd’ signed by o ur chiefs gave Britain h er first real po liticalinfluence in the country.

Th e notorious ‘scramble for Africa5beg an in the last qu arte rof the nineteen th century. A t tha t time, G reat Britain, France,Germany, Spain, Portugal, Belgium and Italy embarked on arace for colonies. In 1881, France extended her colonial swayover Tunis, and in the following year Britain secured controlover Egy pt. I n 1884, the first G erm an colony was established atAngra Pe que na on the coast of South-W est Africa. Th e oc cupation o f To go land and the Cam eroons in West Africa followed. AFrench force seized the territory between the Cameroons andthe Portuguese colony of Angola, which becam e the Fren chCongo. In 1894 the tricolour was hoisted over Timbuktu,Dahom ey an d the Iv ory Coast. T he whole of the western Sudanwas soon occupied by France . I n 1885 a pro tecto rate was established over M adag ascar.

T he n ensued the An glo-French jealousy which c ulm inated ina crisis in 1898 when the occupa tion of the Sudanese post ofFashoda threatened to upset Britain's colonial position withinthat area. War between France and Britain appeared to beimminent, but the French force withdrew. France then turned

her attention to Morocco. There she came up against Germanam bitions. A conference o f colonial powers was called inAlgeciras in 1906, with the result that French and Spanishclaims to interfere in M oroc can in ternal affairs were recognized.

In 1876 the Congo International Association was formed




un de r the d irection of Leopold I I of Belgium for the o ccupa tionof the Congo Basin. Am ong the declared objects of the Association was the inten tion cto open to civilization the only pa rt of

our globe where it had not yet penetrated’. At the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, whe n the Eu rop ean powers divided most ofAfrica up between them, Leopold obtained permission to formthe Belgian settlements into a ‘Congo Free S tate ’ un de r his

personal suzerain ty .Italy, coming relatively late into the scramble for colonies,

occupied, among other places, Assab and Massawa (on theAfrican shore of the R ed S ea ); an d in 1889 the colony of Italia n

Som aliland was formed. Thu s, by the beginning of the twen tiethcentury, Africa, apart from South Africa which developeddifferently, was largely divided up between the various E uro pea n

powers. Africa’s people , m in eral resources, harbours, rivers,forests - all were to be used to bu ild up the econom ic and political strength of the colonia l powers.

Some of the territories cha nged h and s after the F irst W orldW ar, wh en former Germ an colonies were distributed am ong thevictors as m an da ted territories u nd er the League of Nations.Britain received G erm an East Africa, a qu arter of Togoland anda piece of the Cam eroons. F rance took over the rem aining three-quarters of Togo land and the greater pa rt of the Cameroons,while Belgium got a slice of G erm an East Africa. T he U nion ofSouth Africa received G erm an South-W est Africa.

Just as when the colonies were originally seized, the rights ofthe indigenous peoples were completely disregarded. Territorial

boundarie s were confirmed or freshly delim ited in accordancewith the new ‘share o ut’ in a qu ite arb itrary fashion. Th ey h ad norelation to ethnic realities. In many cases boundaries cut acrosstribes and even villages. Problems resulting from the cynical

parcell ing-out of Afr ica still rem ain , and can only be settled bycontinental union.

The reasons which led the nations of Europe to seek colonies

have been explained, with differing emphasis, by many historians. M ost seem to agree th a t the colonial powers were guided prim arily by economic, poli tical and m il itary considera tions, probably in th a t order. A lthough certain in div id uals m ay havecome to Africa from purely altruistic motives the general ideas



C H A P T E R T W O

T H E C O L O N I A L I M P R I N T

T h e t e r m ‘colony’ originally m ean t a settlem ent o f im m igrants in a foreign lan d. In the political sense, a colony is eithe ra settlem ent of the subjects of a n atio n or state bey ond its ownfrontiers; or a territorial unit geographically separated from it,

b u t owing allegiance to it. In m odern colonia l his to ry , tw o typesof colonies have grown up , owing in the m ain to climatic conditions. Th ere is the ‘settlement5 colony in which climate andgeographical environment have favoured the establishment ofsizeable European communities; while the others, regardedformerly, before the discovery of pro ph ylactic drugs and theclearance o f jungles, as inimical to the he alth of Europ eans,usually ga thered relatively small groups of business men,adm inistrators, soldiers an d m issionaries, all of whom lived in anenv ironm ent quite different from th at of the ‘m oth er’ cou ntry.

These two different forms o f colony have b een responsible forthe evolution of different systems o f gov ernm ent. In fact, therehas been no uniform system of colonial government in Africa.

T he p attern has varied according to the policy an d traditions o fthe different colonial powers, as well as to the existence and sizeof a settler com m unity.

France, the colonial power which ruled over the largest areao f territo ry in Africa, followed a policy of assimilation aim ed at

p roducing an elite class. She hoped by in troducing a favouredclass of Africans to F rench cu lture an d civilization an d raisingthem to the status of Frenchm en, to avoid the rise of Africannationalism in the territories under her rule. The class of elites,however, always remained relatively small, and outside it the

bulk of the Africans rem ained ‘subjects ’, to be explo ited andm altreated a t the will of on-the-spot Frenchm en, b oth high andlow.



10 AFRICA MUST UNITE

‘W ha t was Fren ch ad m inistration like in prac tice? ’ I asked aM oroccan friend w hen I visited the c oun try some years ago.

He shrugged his shoulders, and proceeded to tell me how the

French had never allowed a national election in Morocco, orindeed any form of dem ocratic assembly. No M oroccan sat inthe F rench A ssembly or Senate. Th ere was no question of tra ining Africans to manage their own affairs, even in the field ofgovernm ent. T here was no freedom of the press. P atrioticorganizations, like Istiqlal, were d riven un dergro und .

‘It was practically impossible for a Moroccan child to get adec ent ed uc ation ,’ he said. ‘As for economic matters, the w ealth

of the country was almost entirely in French hands.’But French policy can perhaps best be studied in Algeria.

There the French really tried to make the country an integral p a rt of France. T he D epartm ents of Algiers, Constantine andOran had the same status as Departments inside France itself;and the African inhab itants o f Algeria ha d, if they renouncedMuslim law, the same rights as citizens of France. Yet the utterfailure of French policy in Algeria is apparent to the world.

T he reason is simple. A lgeria forms p a rt of the A frican continent.I t could never be p ar t o f France. It was jus t self-deceit to talk ofFrench A lge ria; for there is only one Algeria, an d th at is Algerian.

I have publicly stated Ghana’s position towards Algeria. Wesupported the Algerian nationalists publicly. The argumentthat the European settlers had made Algeria their home andregarded themselves as Algerians, is irreleva nt. I f they h ad

been truly patriotic Algerians, they would not have opposed

the Algerian nationalists: they would not have killed andterrorized, and broken the provisions of the F ranco-Algerian

peace agreements . To the African, th e European settler,w he ther living in Sou th Africa, K eny a, Angola, or anyw here elsein Africa, is an intruder, an alien who has seized African land. No am ount of arguing about th e so-called benefits of E uropeanrule can alter the fund am ental righ t of Africans to orde r theirown affairs.

In the areas of settlement, the Europeans, in order to buttresstheir domination and entrench their economic hold, alienatedthe lan d from the Africans an d then raised poll an d o ther taxesupon them in order to drive them out to work for starvation



THE COLONIAL IMPRINT II

wages. T hey erected barriers o f race to enforce segregation ongrounds of the inferior social development of the indigenous

people, and m ade th is a reason for enfo rc ing their rig ht to ru le .

Th ere is no logic except the righ t of m ight th at can accept theundem ocratic rule of a m ajority by a minority. Th e pred om inantracial group must, and will, provide the g overnm ent of acountry. The race that is in the majority is the possessor of theland it occupies, irrespective of the annex ations m ade by am inority o f settlers. I t is obvious th at u nhappiness, friction andfear must prevail when a minority settler group tries to take possession of a land , or to d ictate to a m ajo rity, as in the cases of

Sou th Africa, Algeria, K eny a, or the C entral African Fed eration.T he first step tow ards testing the rig ht of rule in communities

of mixed races and creeds is to give every ad ult, irrespective ofrace and creed, the right to vote. When each citizen therebyenjoys equ ality of status w ith all others, ba rriers of race an dcolour will disappear, and the people will mix freely togetheran d will work for the co mm on good.

Portugal, like France, has also pursued a colonial policy ofassimilation in its African territories, th ou gh of a ra th er differentkind. Mozambique and Angola are regarded as integral partsof Portugal, adm inistered by the M inisterio do U ltram ar inLisbon. T he press is censored, an d all nation al m ovements sup

pressed. M ozam bique, where the Portuguese have been for over450 years, has a Governor-General’s Council, with equalnu m bers o f official and non-official mem bers, an d sends two

deputies to Lisbon. But the Portuguese have never intended toallow any development towards self-government. Likewise inAngola, everything is run from Lisbon.

Po rtug al is at hom e an o ld-fashioned despotic oligarchy established an d m aintaine d in the interests of a small group o f extremely wea lthy families. I t is at the same time one o f the poo restof Eu rop ean countries. T here is, therefore, a p otentially revolutionary situation in Portugal itself. All those who are afraid of

social change in E urope thus become the allies of Portuguesecolonialism, since its m ainten an ce app ears to be the only method

by which Portu gal itself can be saved fro m revolu tion.Although there is no official colour bar in the Portuguese

colonies, conditions both in Mozambique and Angola are




among the worst in Africa. In r ecen t years, the average Africanwage in Mo zam bique was abo ut ninepence a day. Ed ucation has been shamefully neglected. In 1955, th ere were only 68 African

high school students in the whole of Angola.But the system of forced lab ou r, which still operates, is perhaps the worst blo t on th e Portuguese record in Africa. I tamo unts to a form of slavery. M en are trea ted n ot as men, b ut aschattels, to be pushed around from place to place at the whimof the local Ghefe do Posto, or d istrict officer. T he ‘assimilado’or ‘civilizado’ system, whereby a n African m ay, by process oflaw, become in effect a ‘w hite ’ m an, i f he comes up to ce rtain

European standards, demonstrates yet another aspect of thePortuguese b ran d of colonialism. Qu ite ap art from the arrog antassum ption of racial supe riority implied in the idea th at everyAfrican would wish to become ‘white’, is the insidious effecto f a policy aim ed a t de liberately trying to tu rn Africans intoPortuguese. I am reminded of the African from LourengoM arque s who sa id : ‘Th e Portuguese think th at it was a mistakeon the p a rt of Go d to make the African, African. Th eir assimi-

lado policy is an effort to correct this divine error.’I in ten d to discuss the social and econom ic effects of colonial

ism as a whole in a later chapter. It is sufficient at this point tostate th at all the injustice, social deg radation an d slavery of thePortuguese regime in Africa reach ed a climax a t the time of the1961 revolt in Angola. The Angola people have entered theAfrican nation alist revolution, an d the cou ntry will never be thesame again.

Doubtless the end ing of Belgian rule in the n eighbouringCongo en couraged the rise of nationa lism in Angola. Th e vastco un try of the Congo, ab out 77 times the size of Belgium, was

betw een 1876 and 1908 the exclusive property of one m an, K in gLeopold II of Belgium. He becam e one of the richest men in theworld by mercilessly exploiting the country. African workerswere mutilated or shot if they failed to bring in the requiredam ou nt of rub be r or ivory, the two chief objects of value in theCongo at th a t time. A reliable source has put the cost of lives ofLeopold’s regime at between five and eight million. In 1908, asa result of a Commission of Enquiry set up to investigateatrocities, the Congo Free State became a colony under the



THE COLONIAL IMPRINT 13

Belgian Government. A Governor-General was appointed,responsible to the Belgian Parliam en t, bu t he had no LegislativeCouncil or Assembly to check his power, and no Congolese satin the Brussels Pa rliam en t. No body in the Congo, white or black,could vote, an d the Congolese had few, if any, civil rights. Theessence of the Belgian colonial system, as late r developed, was to

buy off any discontent by giving a certain am ount of economicopportunity.

Belgian district commissioners ruled their various localities inthe same authoritarian manner as the Governor-General inLeopoldville. The Roman Catholic church and big business

were the other, no less, powerful rulers of the Congo. T heBelgian G overnm ent, in fact, shared considerably in the investm ent holdings o f the interlocking combines which monopolizedthe Congo’s econom y, often to the ex ten t of as m uch as fifty percent.

T he belated a ttemp ts of the Belgians to prevent m oun tingna tion al feeling in the Congo from expressing itself in violence,

by hold ing carefully controlled and lim ited m unic ipal elections,

failed. Th e Congo becam e indep end ent in Ju n e i960, and tragicsubsequent events showed tha t the Belgians never intend ed th atCongolese indepen den ce should, in fact, become effective. Th erewere practically no experienced Congolese politicians or civilservants, and no African officers in the force publique. The persistent interference of Belgian big business interests in Congolese politics has further com plicated an extremely difficult situation.

In South Africa a different, thou gh no less dangerous, state ofaffairs exists. There, government policy can be summed up inthe one word, apartheid, which involves social, political andeconomic segregation on a basis of race. T he U nion of SouthAfrica, when it was formed in 1910, was a sovereign, inde

pendent sta te with in th e British Em pire.It is now a R epublic, no longer a mem ber of the C omm on

wealth, and the only indep end ent co untry in Africa governed byits white minority. The problem in South Africa is basically thesame as that in other settler territories in Africa. In these countries there is a European minority, settled over a considerable

period of time, which claims by virtu e of race th e rig ht to rulefor ever over the m ajority of the inh abitants.



H AFRICA MUST UNITE

T h e rulin g class in So uth Africa consists of some three million persons of European descent. This rulin g class co ntrols th earmed forces, which are armed and trained specifically to dealwith civil disturbance. The opponents, the remaining twelvemillion inhabitants of South Africa, are unarmed and lack theelaborate political and economic organization which the rulingclass has bu ilt up. I t is because o f this th at the ruling class consider that their position is safe and that they can continue indefinitely to pursue the ir apartheid policy.

History has shown th a t such a calculation is entirely false, an dif we look below the surface it can, I think, b e shown th at the

positio n of th e South Afr ican Governm ent is fundam enta llyweak. T he re has bee n a significant repud iation o f the regime bya section o f the in tellec tua l class, significant in the con text o f theSouth African situation, where even the slightest liberalism inrace relations brings d own the w rath of the G overnm ent. I t isthe cloud the size of a man’s hand seen by the Prophet Elijah,the inevitable a pp roach of the storm.

A second sign of troub le to come is the division in the rulingclass itself. The two main political parties in South Africa, theU nited Pa rty and the Nationalists, thoug h bo th dedicated to them aintenan ce of racial inequality, differ abo ut how this inequ ality should be m ain tained. T he significance of the divisionis th at it run s deep e nou gh to have split the un ity of the wieldersof So uth A frica’s intensive racialist policy, a nd the Governm entcannot, therefore, claim undivided loyalty.

Also significant in recent years is the emergence of the Progressive P arty, an org aniza tion of persons o f goodwill allied tosome o f the shrewdest financiers in th e cou ntry. These financiersare m ainly of British stock and represent m ining, m anufacturingan d com mercial interests, concerned with the erection of a widerinternal market and easier international relations than theBoer-controlled apartheid policy allows. The intellectuals withinthe party realize that there is something deeply wrong withSou th Africa, an d t h at if the U nio n is to survive, radical changesm ust be made. U ltima tely, however, they all fight shy of theonly change which can solve the South African situation, theestablishmen t of the principle of one m an one vote, irrespectiveof colour or racial origin. Like most reforming parties which




spring up on the eve of revolution, they see an abyss opening up before th em , b u t are unable to form ula te any decisive a lternative.

Against the disrupting tendencies in the U nio n itself stands thetremendou s unfolding of the A frican Rev olution, which hasspread with remarkable swiftness out towards the east, centrean d south, so th at it is now almost a t the frontiers of Sou th Africa.‘Why are you so certain that there will soon be a change ofregime in South Africa?5 a mem ber of the G hana NationalAssembly asked me shortly after So uth Africa left the Com m onwe alth. I rep lied : ‘Because o f the streng th of the African R evo

lution which has already transformed m ost of Africa; an d because th e South African regim e shows exactly those symptomswhich have invariab ly preceded revolutions elsewhere.5 Sou thAfrica is a country timed for explosion, like Haiti before itsrevolt, an d for the same reason s: racial tyra nn y a nd fear.

N ot surprisingly , therefore, discontent mounts in th e U nion,as also in the South African administered territory of SouthWest Africa.

Labour disputes often end in strikes and demonstrations;sporadic outbreaks of violence increase in size and nu m be r.These in themselves may not be enough to disrupt the SouthAfrican economy, b ut if a sufficient nu m be r of countries boycottSouth Africa, the total effect is bound to be considerable.Already the Union government is dangerously isolated politically, cu t off from the sym pathy of its African neighbours, an ddep rived, because of its apartheid policy, o f the m oral su ppo rt ofmost of the world.

T he Sou th African que stion is one u po n w hich African stateshave proved tha t they have a unity of approac h, and it shouldno t be difficult to devise an ap prop riate line o f policy whichcould atta in universal African support. Plans must certainly bemade to train Africans from South Africa to be ready to takeover positions of responsibility once the existing governm ent has

been overth rown.British colonial policy has assumed various forms in different

parts of Africa. A fu ll descrip tion would fill several books, and Ican m ention only wha t I consider to be some of the m ore significant an d charac teristic aspects of it. T he avowed British



i6 AFRICA MUST UNITE

policy has been to guid e th e colonial te rritorie s to responsibleself-government within the Commonwealth. The late ErnestBevin defined the reasons for this policy as ‘Give . . . and keep.5It seems he meant that by voluntary withdrawal at a suitabletime the British would retain the goodwill of the African,strengthen the Com m onw ealth, earn the praise of the rest of theworld, and at the same time keep maximum political andeconomic advantages. The British, though liking to pose asdream y idealists who, thro ug h absence of m ind, achieved anemp ire, are in my experience the most hard -hea ded of realists.Th ey know th at Africa m ust inevitably be ruled by Africans, an dthey w an t to come o ut of the business in the best possible way.

From early days internal self-government was granted tocolonies of settlem ent, b u t in the case of colonies where there wasno strong European settler community to run affairs, politicaldevelopment was much slower. Unlike France, Britain did notconsider he r colonies an extension of the h om eland. No colonialconstituencies have at a ny time been represented in the House ofComm ons in London.

Generally, a Governor was placed over each colony. He wasresponsible to the Secretary o f State for the Colonies, who in tu rnwas responsible to the House of Commons, the Cabinet, andultimately to the Crown. He was not responsible to a local electo rate; and here the truly auth orita rian n ature of the regime

becomes ap paren t.Although most colonies had an Executive Council (Exco),

this was usually appo inted by the G overnor, an d again was notresponsible to any locally-elected assembly. In some coloniesunofficial members were in due course appointed. Europeanunofficial mem bers sat on the Executive Cou ncil in K en ya after19 19; an d Africans on the Executive Councils of the G old Coast(Ghana) and Nigeria after 1942. These Councils had advisory

power only ; an d th eir pro ceedings were secret.Under the Executive Council was the Legislative Council

(Legco), which passed the Budget and certain laws. It couldde ba te a nd vote on legislative proposals pu t before it, an d couldquestion the government. But the government was not boundto take its advice. Before the Second W orld W ar no Africans satin Legislative Councils in East Africa. In 1944 one was nomi




na ted to the Keny a Legislative C ou nc il; the following year threewere appointed in Uganda; and in 1946, two in Tanganyika.Progress was faster in W est Africa. The first African m em ber of

the Legislative Council in the Gold Coast was nominated in1861.Th e pow er of the Legco varied in d ifferent countries acc ord

ing to the ratio betw een official, unofficial (i.e. ap po inted ), an delected members. Where the elected members were outnumbered by the official and unofficial members, the assemblywas controlled, in fact, by the Governor. But, in any case, theLegco could no t cause the g ove rnm ent to resign, even if it ou t

voted it on some Bill. The Governor had certain ‘reserved powers’ by which he could invalid ate legis la tion; and he could,in time of extreme emergency, suspend the c onstitution an d rule

by decree. This was actu ally done not long ago in BritishGuiana.

T he re have, of course, in recent decades be en progressiverevisions of the constitutions of almost all United Kingdomdependencies, and those which are not already independent

have advanced constitutions which place responsibility for theirown affairs largely in the hands of the local people. The evolution towards parliamentary government on the Westminstermodel has been marked by an obstinate refusal to grant, particularly in areas o f wh ite settlem ent, universal ad ult suffrage,the keystone, after all, of true dem ocracy.

In spite of the moralizings o f British colonialists who argu eth at political reform is granted as and wh en the colony is readyfor it, chang e has, in fact, come mostly as a result of pressurefrom below. In the case of G ha na , a vigorous cam paign waged by m y party, its slogan ‘Se lf-Government Now’, was needed before independence could be achieved. As I said in th e Natio nalAssembly on 10 Ju ly 1953, when prese nting the historic motionfor independ ence:

There comes a time in the history of colonial peoples whenthey must, because of their will to throw off the hamperingshackles of colonialism, boldly assert their God-given right to

be free of a foreign ruler. . . . I f there is to be a criterion of a people’s preparedness for self-government, then I say it is their



i8 AFRICA MUST UNITE

readiness to assume the responsibility of governing themselves.For who but a people themselves can say when they are pre

pared ?

I know of no case where self-government has been han de d to acolonial and oppressed people on a silver platter. The dynamichas h ad to come from the people themselves. It is a standing jokein Africa that when the British start arresting, independence is

ju st around the corner.Th e principle of indirect rule ado pted in W est Africa, an d also

in othe r parts of the con tinent, allowed a certain am oun t of

local self-government in that chiefs could rule their districts provid ed th ey did nothin g contrary to th e laws of the colonial power, and on condition they accepted certain orders from th ecolonial gove rnm ent. T he system of ind irect rule was notab lysuccessful for a time in Northern Nigeria, where the Emirsgoverned m uch as they h ad done before the colonial period. Butthe system had obvious dangers. In some cases, au tocratic chiefs,

propped up by the colonial governm ent, became inefficient andunpopular, as the riots against the chiefs in Eastern Nigeria in1929, an d in S ierra Leone in 1936, showed.

In wide areas of East Africa, where there was no developedsystem of local governm ent which could be used, h ead m en or‘w arran t’ chiefs were app oin ted , usua lly from noble families.They were so closely tied up with the colonial power that manyAfricans th ou gh t chiefs were an inven tion o f the British.

The alliance o f the go verning pow er w ith the privileged classestended to slow up or put a break on social change and progress,as both had an interest in maintaining the status quo. In Ghana,the position of chiefs is entrenc hed in our Constitution, an d theystill play an im po rtan t pa rt in the life of the country. Chiefs insome parts of Africa have been, and still are, in the forefront ofnationalist movements. In Tanganyika, for example, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) claimed that not asingle chief supp orted the govern m ent; they were all supportersof TA N U . But by a nd large, the system of indirect rule, w herechiefs were pa id to adm inister th eir areas un de r the supervision ofthe colonial power, did lead frequently to divided loyalties, aswell as to the slowing dow n o f dem ocra tic processes.



C H A P T E R T H R E E

C O L O N I A L P A T T E R N O F E C O N O M I C S

M a n y h a v e arg ued th at the resources of Africa were useless

to the native inhabitants until they were developed, and theycould not have been developed without European capital andskill. I t has even been said tha t ‘the E uro pe an investor, however

Jself-interested he m ay have been, was serving Africa.’1 This sort’ of argum ent reminds me of the m an who, having found buried

treasure in his neighbour ’s garden, took it away and then toldhis neighbour that he was doing him no harm, because, untilthen, he was una w are of its existence. In any case, he did not

own a spade. To those who study the facts fairly, it must surelyI be clear th a t th e E uropean occupatio n of Africa was carrie d out* for the benefit of Europeans. Concern for the welfare of the\ African peoples ha rdly entered into the m atter.J Ju les Ferry, Prem ier of Fra nce in 1885, gave the do m inan t(reasons for the European quest for colonies in Africa, when hespoke in the Cha m ber of Deputies in defence of the colonial policy of the French Governm ent.

He said:

Is it not clear that the great states of modern Europe, themoment their industrial power is founded, are confronted withan immense and difficult problem, which is the basis of industriallife, the very condition of existence - the question of markets ?Have you not seen the grea t industrial nations one by one arriveat a colonial policy ? And can we say that this colonial policy is a

luxury for modern nations ? Not a t all, gentlemen, this policy is,for all of us, a necessity, like the market itself.Today, as you know, the law of supply and demand, freedom

1 A. J . H an na : European Rule in Africa (1961). Hist. Assoc. Pamphlet G.46, p. 17.



COLONIAL PATTERN OF ECONOMICS 21

of exchange, the influence of speculations, all these move in acircle which extends to the ends of the world.

Colonies are for rich countries one of the most lucrativemethods of investing capital. . . . I say that France, which isglutted with capital, and which has exported considerablequantities, has an interest in looking at this side of the colonialquestion. It is the same question as that of outlets for our m anufacture.

Colonial policy is the offspring of industrial policy, for richstates in which capital is abundant and is rapidly accum ulating,in which the manufacturing system is continually growing andattracting, if not the most numerous, at least the most alert andenergetic par t o f the population that works with its hands, inwhich the countryside is obliged to industrialize itself, in orderto main tain itself, in such states exportation is an essential factorof public property. . . . The protective system is like a steam

boiler without a safety-valve, unless it has a healthy and seriouscolonial policy as a corrective and auxiliary. European consumption is saturated r i t k necessary to raise new masses of consumers in otherjparts^TlHe globe, eise~we^KalTput modern*

society into bankruptcy and j j r e pare for the dawn of the!"twentieth century a cataclysmic social liquidation of which we Jcannot calculate thBnconsequen.ces.,- ^ *

Albert Sa rrau t, F rench Co lonial Secretary of State in 1923,spoke in even stronger terms, a t the Ecole Coloniale in P ar is:

W hat is the use of painting the tru th ? At the start colonizationwas no t an act of civilization, no r was it a desire to civilize. I t wasan act of force motivated by interests. An episode in the vitalcompetition which, from man to man, from group to group,has gone on ever increasing; the people who set out to seizecolonies in distan t lands were thinking primarily o f themselves, (and were working for their own profits, and conquering for theirown power.

Sarraut concluded his speech with these words: ‘The origin ofcolonization is no thin g else th an enterprise of ind ividu al interests,a one-sided and egotistical imposition of the strong upon theweak.5H e thus exposed the falsehood of the theory of the ‘whitem an 's burden 5and the ‘mission civilisatrice\




Th e M arxist-Leninist view supports the stand of Jules Ferry,which argues that the most determined imperialists are freque ntly concealed M arxists an d abler exponents of M arxist

analysis th an m any self-styled socialists. TAccording to theM arxist-Leninist view, im perialism is the d evelopm ent of thecap italist system to its highest stage. Its most im po rtan t featureis that of monopoly . T he conc entration of produ ction an d ca pitalhas developed to such a degree that it has created monopolieswhich play a decisive role in economic life^National monopolieshave linked up internationally to share the world among themselves, a nd the terr itorial division of the globe is completed.!

Banking capital has reached the stage where it dominates pro-'duc tion ca pital; and the ex port of investmen t capital has becomeas vitally necessary as the exp ort of comm odities. I t is true th atexcess capital could be invested at home in the improvement ofagriculture, but the profits are not by any means as large asthose ob tained from overseas investment in ‘ba ck w ard ’ cou ntries, where labour and land costs are minimal. The annualreturn s on overseas investm ent (one o f the chief hid den benefitsof colonies) are often several times the volume of trad e andshipping w ith the ‘ba ck w ard 5areas. As a result of intensive production, there is keen competition for raw materials,/

It was at the jun ctu re w here production was dom inated byindustrial combines an d the shortage of raw materials was

becoming acute , th a t th e possession of colonies became im perative, as controlled sources of raw m ate ria ls and outlets formanufactured goods and finance capital. On the colonial scene,the stage opened w ith the ap peara nce o f the missionaries, thetraders and the administrators. While missionaries implored thecolonial subject to lay up his ‘treasures in H eaven, where n eitherm oth n or rust doth co rrup t5, the traders an d a dm inistratorsacq uired his minerals a nd land. T he re was no intention of processing locally the discovered raw materials. These were intend ed to feed the m etrop olitan mills and plants, to be exported

back to the colonies later in th e form of finished commodities.The simple two-way traffic is implicit in colonial trade .J In herAfrican colonies, B ritain controlled the export o f raw materials

by preventin g their direct ship m ent to foreign markets. Aftersatisfying the demand s of he r hom e industries, she sold the



surplus to other nations and netted the profits herselfjThecolonial farmer and worker had no share in those profitsANorwas any p a rt of them used in pro viding p ublic works a nd "social

services in the colonies. Th ere is a belief th a t the British Go vernm ent con tributed to the costs of adm inistration a nd pub licservices in their colonies. T his is a fallacy. Each colony raised itsown bu dge t out of taxes and revenue, a nd the first charge upo nit was the salaries of the E uro pean officials of the ad m inistration.T he construction of railways, harb ours an d roads was m et outof loans raised from local sources, an d was u nd erta ke n largelyto meet the transp ort an d comm unications requirements o f the

colonialists. For example, diamonds and gold lay at the basis ofSouth Africa’s railway system. Gold prospecting, the finding ofcoal at Wan kie, an d the open ing up o f the cop per belt fixed the

p a tte rn of Rhodesia’s first railways. O ur own ra ilways in G hanawere laid down in order to take out minerals and timber fromareas of produ ction to the ha rbo ur at T akorad i.

Immense profits have been, and are still being, taken out ofAfrica. Im po rtan t m ineral deposits in various pa rts of Africahave attracted foreign capital, which has been used mainly toenrich a lien investors. Th e rich co pper mines of N orth ernRho desia are a case in point. The Anglo-American C orpo rationof So uth Africa with its associated d iam on d com bine, besideshaving a practical m onopoly of all the diamonds produced inAfrica, an d ow ning m any gold an d coal mines in S outh Africa,has a large stake in the Rh ode sian copp er belt.{, M uch o f the g rea t m ineral wealth of Africa, which oug ht to

have been kept in Africa to develop basic industries here, has been systematically shipped a w a y ^ h e process is still going on,even in the independent countries. There are those who argueth a t the conditions a nd resources of Africa are n ot suited toindustrialization. In this way they seek to excuse the economic policy of the colonial powers and support th e infilt ration of neocolonialism. The arg um en t falls to the grou nd w hen the facts are

examined. \ W e have here, in Africa, eve rything necessary to become a powerfu l, m odern, industr ia liz ed continent. U nited Nationsinvestigators have recently shown that Africa, far fromhaving inadequate resources, is probably better equipped for





industrialization than almost any other region in the world.Potentia l reserves of iron ore, for instance, w ould last some twothousand years. Coal deposits are estimated at 4,500 million

tons. The Sahara’s oil reserves are thought to be as great asthose in the Arabian peninsula. Natural gas abounds in the

bowels of th e Sahara. N orthern Rhodesia is reported to havethe second largest vanadium deposits in the world. Potentialhydro-electrical power is almost limitless. In Ghana we have bauxite reserves estimated a t some 200 million tons. I havem entioned only a few of ou r na tura l resources; m any otherfigures, equally impressive, could be given. When the whole

continent has been geologically surveyed, immense new richeswill undoubtedly be discovered.

T he tru e exp lana tion for the slowness of ind ustrial developm en t in Africa lies in the policies o f the colonial period.Practically all our natural resources, not to mention trade,shipping, banking, building, and so on, fell into, and haverem aine d in, the han ds of foreigners seeking to enrich alien/investors, and to hold back local economic initiative. Out of£148,000,000 allocated between 1946 and 1956 under the U.K.Colonial Developm ent a nd Welfare Aid, only £54 5,000 , less thanh alf per cent, was directly used for indu strial de velopm ent.1

Cap ital investment from ou tside is, of course, requ ired inAfrica. But only if there is rea l political indepen den ce can the profits from th e investm ent of this capital be shared in a waywhich is fair bo th to the outside investor an d to the people of thecou ntry where the investmen t is m ade.

The way in which many foreign companies obtained theirconcessions in Africa was often sordid, to say the least. A Commission of Enqu iry, set up to investigate the gra nting ofconcessions in the Gold Coast, recently discovered some veryrevealing facts.

These concessions were secured by local agents pe rsuad ing thechiefs, the custodians o f tribal an d Stool lands, to sign away the

mineral and timber rights of their people for purely nominalsums. Some m oney, a few hu nd red yards o f cloth, a few cases ofwhisky and gin, were usually sufficient inducement to secure the

1 Special Study on Economic Conditions in Non-Self-Goveming Territories. United Nations, 1958.




marks of the chiefs to legal docum ents which they could n eithe rread nor understand.

O ne of G ha na ’s best known chiefs, N an a Sir Ofori A tta I, told

the Legislative Council in 1939 how six of his bro ther chiefs had been deceived when th ey signed away concessions to th e la rgestof the mining companies. One , he said, got £66 , an othe r £133, athird and a fourth received £50 each, and the fifth and sixth£20 0 a nd £1 00 respectively. ‘These rents,’ he ad ded , ‘are payable to chiefs in respect of the A shan ti Goldfields Lim ited, an dno thing goes to any o f the chiefs on the profits th a t a re e arn ed .’1The chiefs tried to get the then G overnor, Sir A rno ld Hodson, tosupport a Bill which would require the company to pay the

Native Authorit ie s a royalty on their profits. He refused, givingthe reason tha t it would be shortsighted a nd extremely harmfu lto interfere because ca pital was very sensitive, a nd it m ight havethe effect of driving it away to other pa rts o f the w orld.

At the end of the A shanti wars, abo ut 300 British concernssecured mining and timber concessions which, according to

Lord H ailey,2 am oun ted to ab out a third of the total land area o fthe G old Coast Colony, an d abou t one-eighth of Ashanti.W ith all the we alth draw n from o ur m ineral resources, it may

come as a shock to some to lea rn th at, except for a small annu altribute from the gold mines, no mining company in the GoldCoast ever ma de any c ontribu tion by w ay of direct taxes to thecountry’s revenue, until my government introduced its newtaxation measures in 1952, and these made no noticeable im

pression upon the distributed profits of these companies. I oftenwonder jus t how much the U nion M ini ere du H aut-K atanga

paid for its concessions in the Belgian C ongo!Com mercial exploitation in ou r country has a long history, as

long, in fact, as Euro pe an con tact with the W est African coast.In keeping w ith the im perialist policy of fostering single c ropagriculture in the colonies, ou r farmers, having found th at cocoadid well in ou r soil and climate, were encouraged to concen trateon its prod uc tion to the neglect of local food crops an d a diversityof cash crops. Th e enco uragem ent o f mono-crop cultivation wasnot, however, accom panied by stable prices. T he price o f our

1 Gold Coast Legislative Council Debates , 1939, No. 1.2 Lord Hailey: African Survey , Oxford University Press, p. 778.




cocoa was m anipulated by E uropean and Am erican buyers, whoincluded, besides the large chocolate man ufacturers, the big im

porte rs and dis tr ibuto rs of food products , farm im plements and

manufactured goods. Joined together in their association, theyforced down the p rice o f cocoa, while the cost of im ported commodities, upon which our people became more and moredep enden t, as a result of single-crop farming, rem ained stable.

During the war, the British Gov ernm ent set up grou p m arketing boards in the West African colonies as agencies for the bloc

purchase of ra w m ate ria ls by th e M in is try of Supply in Londonas p ar t of its plan ne d arrangem ents for satisfying the m etro

politan rationin g system. O ur present Cocoa M arketin g Board,which operates our bulk purchasing and selling of the crop,developed o ut of these wartim e arrangem ents. T his system of

p lanned purchase and sale enables us to give th e farmers agu ara nte ed p rice fixed to prevent a domestic inflationary spiral.Th ere has been a steady elim ination of the pred atory m iddlemenwho used to act as the agents of the big m ercha nt firms andchocolate m anu facturers, while the foremost of the tradin g firmshas itself retired from this sphere of activity. Bu t the twin purposefor which o ur economy ha d b een geared un der im perialist rule,of providing m arkets for British products an d m ercantileservices, a nd the expo rt of cocoa, a nd m ining commodities, onthe basis of low-paid labour, can not ov ernight be replaced byone more suited to the needs of m odern G hana . T he pa ttern ofits m onopolistic con trol was firmly set in the first qu ar te r o f the

present centu ry, w7hen th e pio neerin g firms and our own Afr ican‘m erc hant princes’, as they were called, were e ither forced ou t of business or absorbed by th e gia nt companies. A substantialvolume of pe tty trade came to be carried on by thousands ofwomen street hucksters and market vendors. These women, afew of whom have accu m ulated some sizeable ca pital, play animportant part in our internal trade distribution. But they arereliant for their supplies on the monopoly firms, for whom they

provid e the cheapest kin d of re tail dis tr ibutive system it has been possible to devise.

U nd er colonial rule, foreign monop oly interests had o ur wholeeconom y com pletely tied u p to suit themselves, j In a coun trywhose ou tpu t of cocoa is the largest in the w orld, there was not a




single chocolate factory. W hile we prod uce the raw m aterials forthe m anufac ture oT soap and edible fats, palm prod ucts, themanufacture of these items was discouraged. A British firm

owning lime plantations here, as it does in the West Indies,actually expresses the juice from the fruit before shipping it in bulk to th e U nited K ingdom and exportin g it back to us, bottled, to retail in stores at a hig h price. T hough we had theraw m aterials needed for their m anufa cture, every bottle used inthis co un try was im ported. These facts have a kind o f Alice inW ond erland craziness about the m w hich ma ny will find ha rd toaccept. But they are im plicit in the whole concept an d policy of

colonialism. Native initiative, where it was likely to endangerthe interests of the colonial power, was quickly stifled.

W e imp ort a lot of soap and, as I have a lready said, we havethe raw materials right here. Indeed, the overseas manufacturers get the ir vegetable oils from us. It seemed quite a soundidea for a Ghanaian to establish a soap factory here in Ghana.

Not so sound, though, for th e British firm which m anufacturedsoap, or for those who shipped it to us and im po rted it, especially

when they were tied up together. A Ghanaian factory wasstarted, b ut the m achinery o rdered was of the wrong type,designed for animal rather than vegetable fat. The automaticcutter produ ced bars o f laun dry soap larger tha n those imp orted.There were constant break-downs with the machinery, and thelarger soap b ar could no t retail at a price above th at ch arged forthe imported soap. Inevitably the Ghanaian factory was forcedto close down, and soap continued to be imported.

I cannot understand why so many people in the UnitedK ingd om still refuse to adm it tha t local industry was deliberatelydiscouraged in m any of the colonies. After all, they lea rn in the irschool history books tha t the Americans com plained o f the samesort of thing in the eighteenth c entury. T hey , too, were notallowed to manufacture any commodity which might competewith industries in the m etropo litan c ountry. I f the Am ericancolonists had genuine economic grievances, why not us? Whynot Africa?

In his book, West Africa , F. J . Pedler adm its th at the colonialgovernments prevented industries from being introduced, butgives the strange reason t h a t: ‘T hey ha ve wished to safeguard the




social system of the African tribes against disintegrating influences of u rb an con ditions.’1 And yet so man y historiansreg ard the ind ustrial revo lution as one of the best things that ever

happened to Britain.The view that the African must be spared the dangers ofind ustrialization an d tow n life used to be very widely held. M anya district officer under the colonial regime sincerely believed it,and would have been genuinely h u rt if it was suggested th at his

belief sprang from an inner convic tion th a t th e Africans were aninferior people, ca pab le only of prim itive village life. I t is un de rstan dable th at histories of Africa, un til recently w ritten almost

entirely by Europeans, should give the European viewpoint.But it is time th at some of the po pu lar an d most glaring misconceptions abou t colonialism were cleared up. T he system must

be examin ed in th e lig ht of the facts, and from th e point of viewof those who suffered u nd er it.

N ot least am ong our worries in planning th e economicdevelopm ent of ou r co untry has been the whole question ofcommunications. Before we took office in 1951, there was nodirect railway between Accra and Tak oradi, o ur capital city andour main port. Passengers and freight had to travel by way ofKu m asi. This was because K um asi was the centre of the cocoa,timb er a nd m ining industries. W e have now built a railway linefrom Achiasi to Kotoku, thus linking Accra to Takoradi by adirect route. Another line links Accra with the new harbour atTema.

Similarly with roads; there were relatively few before 1951.Fa rm ers found it difficult to get their produ ce to market, becauseof the lack of feeder roads from fa rm to m ain highways. Few ofou r villages ha d any regu lar trans po rt to a m ain road or station.In the towns, one was lucky if one hap pen ed to live nea r a‘m am m y lorry9route. Fo r the most p ar t o ur people walked from

place to place.The colonial administration would, no doubt, have claimed

that they were working to a specific budget, a budget strictlyrelated to the revenue. But our revenue in no way reflected thevolume of the co un try’s production , its trade an d comm erce.

1 Home Study Books, 2nd edition, Methuen, 1959, p. 93.




Income tax was kept at a deliberately low level, when it wassteadily rising in the United Kingdom. Worse than that, theBritish companies ope rating in the Go ld Co ast were registered in

England, which received the tax benefits from the enormous profits m ade out o f our wealth and labour. I t was not o ur farm ersan d workers who shared the profits m ade, b ut the British shareholders to whom dividends were exported. It is estimated thatdu ring the last thirty years o f British colonial adm inistration,British trading an d sh ipping interests took ou t of our cou ntry atotal of £300,000,000. Ju st im agine wh at m ight have been done

by way of develo pm ent if only p a rt o f these gig antic transfers of

profi t h ad been retained and used fo r the benefit of our people.

I hav e alread y referred to the grim emptiness th at faced us onou r assum ption o f indepen dence, the gaps and deficiencies.Behind it all was the refusal to use our wealth for our development. Not only were our natural resources extracted but the

benefits o f their explo itation came, no t to us b u t to th e m etro po litan country. This is the answer to those economists whom aintain tha t imperialism should be jud ge d not on w hat it takesaway b u t on w ha t it leaves behind , as well as to those who para dethe h eritage of the schools and hospitals an d roads th at themissionaries an d ou r colonial rulers left to us. T he y have no caseagainst the actualities that I am describing.

Under the British there was no poultry farming to speak of;there was no proper dairy farm ing, an d the ordinary Gold Coast

fam ily never saw a glass of fresh m ilk in its life. There wras noraising of beef cattle. T he re were no indu strial crops. Clim ate, p lan t and catt le disease, are th e least of th e reasons for th isdeplorable neglect, for the Ghana Government is going aheadwith precisely these agricultural projects, with considerablesuccess. The British sent out a few good veterinary doctors and

botanis ts , who carried out a certain am ount o f field work andexperiments. These, however, were isolated, and remained

mostly unapplied at the practical level. Somehow or other,useful and necessary knowledge seldom seemed to percolatedown to the local farmer.

The adm inistrators who should hav e used the ir scientific resultsas the basis of a thorough-go ing ag ricultural developm ent policy




were either too lethargic or too uninterested to take action. Itmay be that they were reluctant to do anything which mightinterfere with the import of agricultural products at monopoly

prices. W hate ver th e reason, local agricultu re was discouragedand imports swelled.During the war, British troops were stationed in the Gold

Coast. Everyone knows that potatoes are to the British what bread is to th e French. A m eal is not comple te w ith out them .U nd er w artime conditions, shipping was severely restricted, a ndit looked as though the British soldiers would have to go witho uttheir potatoes. It had always been maintained that our climate

was not suitable for growing them. But the administration,moved at the tho ug ht of British servicemen being dep rived ofthe ir staple food, began a ‘grow po tatoes’ cam paign . Before long,ou r hithe rto ‘unsu itable’ climate was produ cing m agnificentcrops. Once the war was over, however, and normal shippingfacilities were resumed, the D ep artm ent of Ag riculture changedits tune. Gold Coast potatoes, we were told, were unfit forhuman consumption. The result was that potatoes disappeared

from o ur fields and once m ore figured am ong our imports.We have wide savannahs in the north, ideal with the right

irrigation for the growing of cotton. Yet for ma ny years we spentmillions o f pounds imp orting richly-patterne d cloths fromabro ad. W e have m ade plans for irrigating these savannahs, a ndhave projects for cotton-growing and textile-making, and ourexperiments are going ahead. W e have ha d to do everything fromscratch, b u t in spite o f this great progress is being m ade.

Similarly with the fishing industry, we hope in due course tomake up for lost time. Here, too, the colonial regime failed. Inthe absence of cattle farming, fish was the m ost im po rtan t sourceof anim al protein in the c ountry, a nd there are plenty of goodfishing grounds near our coasts. A comparatively small ex penditure of money on refrigeration and on moto rized boatswou ld have pro vided for a sufficient qu an tity o f fish to be cau ghtand brought home in good condition to cover the local marketan d leave some over for export. Th rou gh ou t the entire period ofBritish administration, even though malnutrition figured as a

basic cause of a num ber of the country’s diseases, and wascertainly a contributory factor in low productivity, no attempt



was made to initiate such a project. On the contrary, the GoldCoast an nu ally im po rted large q uan tities o f fish.

T he failure to prom ote the interests o f ou r people was due to

the insatiable dem ands of colonial exp loitation. Ho wever wise,enlightened and good-hearted certain individual officers mayhave been, their functions an d auth ority fitted into a p attern ofcolonial adm inistration w hich was itself cond itioned by thecentral an d o ver-all need to ex tract the riches of the coloniesan d transfer them overseas. I f in th e process it was necessary to

build some roads, to construct a harbour, or to educate someAfricans, well and good. The point I want to make is that any

welfare activity for the benefit of ou r people was little more th anincidental. It was far from being the underlying purpose ofcolon ial rule. .

COLONIAL PA TT ER N OF ECONOMICS 31



C H A P T E R F O U R

S O C I E T Y U N D E R C O L O N I A L I S M

T h e r e i s growing up in Ghana a generation which has nofirst-hand knowledge of colonial rule. These boys and girls, bo rn

since Indepen denc e, will find it difficult to believe tha t there wasa time when Africans could not walk in certain parts of everytown, unless they had business there as servants. The limitationson our freedom, the crimes against our dign ity as hu m an beings,will seem to them rem ote an d unreal. I t is cheering to think tha twh en they m eet a Eu rop ean it will never occur to them to touchthe im ag inary forelock, or bow in servility, as some of ou r o ldermen still do, so hard is it to break long-established habits.

T he social effects of colonialism are more insidious th an the political and economic. This is because th ey go deep into theminds of the people an d therefore take longer to eradicate. Th eEu rope ans relegated us to th e position o f inferiors in every aspectof our everyday life. M any of our people came to accept the viewtha t we were an inferior people. It was only whe n the validity oftha t concept was questioned th at the stirrings of revolt beganan d the whole structure of colonial rule cam e u nd er a ttack.

Signs like n o a f r i c a n a l l o w e d , or f o r e u r o p e a n s

o n l y could at one time be seen in practically every part ofAfrica. Now they are fast disappearing, though still much inevidence in the R epub lic of South Africa and in SouthernRhode sia. I can well imagine w hat the reac tion o f an Englishm an wo uld be if he cam e across signs proclaim ing n o b r i t o n

a l l o w e d in any p art of Europe, or even in one of the newly-

ind epen de nt African states. Africans, however, were expected to pu t up indefin itely with such treatm ent in th e land of th eir birth.The colour bar, where it has operated strongly, has been

responsible for mu ch o f the bitterness, which has, in some areas,entered into African nationalism. This is hardly surprising. But



SOCIETY UNDER COLONIALISM 33

w hat is perhaps more rem arkable is the m oderation o f mostAfrican political leaders. Not a single one has advocated anykind of policy fou nd ed on rac ial discrim ination. All have stressed

the need for co-operation between races, based on the rule of them ajority. W e have seen too m uch of racialism to wa nt to per petuate the evil in any w ay.

O f course, it will be some time before all traces o f colonialismwill disappear from our society. Problems connected withhealth, education, housing and living conditions generally,continue to remind us of the colonial period. W e have m uchgro un d to make up , as a result of long years of being trea ted as an

inferior people fit only to provide cheap labour for foreignemployers. W e were supposed n ot to be able to app reciate, o r toneed, a ny real measure o f social improvem ent.

It is true that shelter in a tropical climate is a less urgent p roblem th an it is in a cold or tem perate climate . I t is also truethat Africans do have improvised homes. This, in fact, was thehousing position in the Go ld Coast un de r colonial administration .But Africans did not live in shacks and mud huts because they

preferred them to p roper houses. They h ad no choice. They h adneithe r the jobs no r the resources to enab le them to build. An d itnever occurred to the ad m inistration to do w hat m ost advancedcountries perform as an automatic service, undertake a popularhousing program m e for the people. N or were there any buildingsocieties to help folk without ready capital to acquire homes.Th us the people o f this co un try lived as they h ad always lived,

crowded together in hovels as far removed from the dream ofliving in a three-roomed abode with normal conveniences as aLon do n messenger boy is of owning B uckingham Palace.

There was once in England a similar prevailing upper-classview o f workers who lived in slums. ‘T hey enjoy it,5 was thesentim ent expressed. ‘They like to live crowded together. I f wedid give them up-to-date houses with bathroom s, they w ou ldn'tknow what to do with them. They would use the bath to store

coa l.5Strangely enough , this was not m erely a justification for theConservative Gov ernments of the time to do noth ing to m eetgeneral housing needs. Some really believed that only theeducated upper class wanted and knew how to appreciate adecent house.




W ith the close of the Second W orld W ar there followed achange in the official outlook on these m atters. M ost establishedcountries brought about tremendous alterations in the social

p a tte rn of their people by cle arin g slums and launchin g vasthousing schemes for the working population. These new ideasof po pu lar housing, however, never reache d Africa. We couldgo on living as we had always lived. We knew no better. Whathad been good enough for our great-grandparents could go on

bein g good enough for us and our children.The housing situation when we took office was shocking. It

reflected wh at ap pea red to be a stand ard Eu rope an view of the

African attitude towards domestic shelter: anything that keepsoff the r ain an d offers shade from the sun is good enough. T hewhite man, living in his stone, brick or concrete house, seemedto think that the African ‘native5neither wanted nor needed anelaborate structure in which he and his family could live incomfort. It was considered enough for a few palm fronds andthatc h to give shelter to the family living in the village a nd for animprovised shack with co rrugated iron roo f to serve the towns

folk. This assum ption was ju st a no the r facet of the con temptuousreg ard of the African as a cre ature devoid of hu m an sensibility.

In all the years that the British colonial office administeredthis country, hardly any serious rural water development wasca rried out. W ha t this means is not easy to convey to readers whotake for granted that they have only to turn on a tap to get animm ediate supply of good drinking water. This, if it had occurredto our r ura l comm unities, would h ave been their idea of heaven.Th ey would have been gratefu l for a single village well or stand pipe.

As it was, after a hard day 's work in the hot and hu m id fields,m en an d w omen would return to their village a nd then have totram p for as long as two hours w ith a pail or pot in which, at theend of their o utw ard journ ey, they would be lucky to collectsome brackish germ-filled water from what may perhaps have

been litt le more than a swamp. T hen th ere was th e long journey back. Four hours a day for an inadequate supply of wate rfor washing and drinking, water for the most part disease-ridden !

This pictu re was true for almost the whole cou ntry an d ca n be




explained by the fact that water development is costly and nomore th an a public service for the people being adm inistered. Itgave no imm ediate prospect o f economic return . Y et a fraction

of the profits taken ou t of the cou ntry by the business and m ininginterests would have covered the cost of a first-class watersystem.

Under the colonial administration there was, until morerecent times, discrimination in the Gold Coast health services.For example, there were seven hospitals in the country whichcatered for un de r 3,000 Eu ropeans as against thirty-six for abo ut4,000,000 Africans. We all remember when the Ridge hospitalin A ccra was reserved for whites a nd wh en only in very specialcases any o f ou r own people were ad m itted there. Ko rle Bu, the

principal Accra hospital, was always over-cro wded. Even atth at, it was considered one of the best in Africa. I n fact, as w itheducation, so the p ub lic hea lth an d m edical services of the GoldCoast were rate d to be well ah ead of those in m ost other colonies.

Yet the services they provided were hopelessly inadequate.

Some attempt had been made by the administration to raisehe alth standards, an d m edical m en and nurses had been brou gh tin from Britain to complement the medical services which had

been started by the missions. T he budget, however, was terrib lyrestricted and practically nothing was done by way o f preventivemedicine. T he greatest scourge of ou r people is m alaria , wh ich isalmost endem ic. I t is extremely d eb ilitating a nd one o f its effectsis sterility in wo men. To get rid of m alaria one has to rid the

co un try of the anopheles mosquito. O th er diseases* like tub erculosis, yaws, an d kwashiorkor, tak e a shock ing toll of life andenergy, and are immediately ascribable to poor nutrition, overcrowded living conditions and bad drinking water. Infantmortality rates are appallingly high, and many survivingchildren are crippled or invalid.

A ttemp ts were being made to bring ab ou t some amelioration,through the health services, but administrative policy didnothing to eliminate the economic conditions which assisted theincidence of death-dealing and energy-depriving diseases andmaladies. T o some degree lack of edu cation can also be blam ed,

because w ithout knowledge supersti tio n persists. H ealth andeducation m ost certainly go han d in h and, and m any of our




people resisted th e ‘white m an’s m edic ine’, because theysuspected it of being evil rathe r tha n good. Acceptance o ftwe ntieth-century m edical techniques dema nds a certain level ofeducation, and w ithout this m any of our people accepted de athan d disease as p ar t of an o rdaine d p attern.

Ju s t as the colonialists failed to develop ou r countries, they d idlittle to enlarge our intellectual a nd social horizons. Th e reasonsthey gave for this were as much resented by us as the denial of theadvantages. The African, it was maintained, would notapp reciate be tter conditions. H e was incapa ble of educ ation

beyond certain lim its; he would not respond to th e incentives ofhigh er stand ards of life. All these argum ents, produ ced over an dover again in the past, have since been shown to be no more th anslander and calumny.

In m any p arts of our continent, Africans were deliberately barred fro m atta in ing necessary skills to raise wages andstand ards o f living. A n ind ustrial colour ba r has existed. Africansan d Europ eans d oing the same job , as in the Copp er Belt, aregiven very different pay; in most cases Africans are g etting ab ou tone -tenth of the E urop ean e quivalent. Conditions in S outhAfrica are too well known to need illustration, though it maycome as a surprise to some to learn th at in C ato M ano r, a sub urbof D urban , abou t 95 per cent of the inhabitants live perman ently

below th e bread line. Even on th e Reef, th e richest p a rt of thecountry, 70 per cent have incomes below the essential minim u m . 1

A W orld H ealth Organ isation report by D r J . A. M unoz 2 hasrevealed th at in Basutoland the already low stan da rd of livingseems to be sinking even lower. The birth-rate which was 30.6

per thousand in 1951, h ad dropped to 22 per th ousand in 1957, it being thought th a t in fe rtili ty was due to lack of food. The in fantm ortality rate do ubled betw een 1951 an d 1957, when it reach ed116 pe r thou sand children.

Eu rope an colonization has been responsible for mu ch of the

suffering of so m any Africans. A recent w riter has gone so far as tosay that ‘imperialist rule, far from bringing about progress, has

1 R on ald Seg al: The Agony o f Apartheid.2 Patrick Duncan: Contact , 9 Ja nu ary i960. Qu oted Africa Digest , Februaryi960.




led to a catastrophic decline in the s tan da rd of living of the A frican people .’1 In m any parts native agriculture was discouraged infavo ur o f cash crop s; soil was ruthlessly exploited, sometimes

causing erosion; and millions were tu rne d into low-paid workers.Fo r example, when D utch settlers first app eared in S outh Africathey found native tribes of strong, h ealthy people, who lived byraising cattle, growing corn and hu nting w ild game. T od ay thedie t o f these tribes is almost exclusively corn. ‘Lab orato ry ratsfed on a typ ical African’s d iet,’ acco rding to an article in the New Scientist ,2 ‘will ea t th eir ow n offspring.’

It has been argued th at Africans are poo r because they do n ot produce enough. But their capacity to work m ust be exam ined. Itis now generally agreed tha t m alignant m alnu trition is a m ajorcause o f African fatigue. I f African lab our is ‘po or ’ it is becausewages an d conditions are poor.

T he re is, too, the q uestion of incentive. W h at incentive h ad theAfrican worker un d er colonial rule, when his efforts only servedto en rich non-A fricans ? D urin g th e last twenty years, Africanm iners have steadily increased the ou tpu t of copper in N orthe rnR ho desia; yet every penn y of increased wages ha d to be b itterlyfought for. African workers, once they are liberated fromcolonialism, will soon show the world what they are capable of,in the same way as workers in Russia and China have done.U n d er the old regimes, Russians and Chinese were tho ug ht to beincapab le of runn ing a m od ern industrialized country.

Under colonialism, African workers have no effective

bargain ing power. T rad e unions are frequently disallowed bylaw, and they are largely unorganized. They have either toaccept the pitifully low wages offered to them or suffer theconsequences o f being w ithou t work, which, in certain regimes,makes them liable to a variety o f pun ishmen ts. I n So uth Africa,under the gruesome regulations of apartheid , the African workeris hou nd ed and forced into cond itions of helotry. Sham efulas these are, conditions for Africans in the Portuguese territories

p robably surpass them though they have not so far received suchattention from critics.

Fo r the Portuguese colonies in Africa are slave states, and hav e1 Ja ck W oddis: Africa , the Roots o f Revolt , Lawrence & Wishart i960, p. 166.2 20 August 1959.




always be en slave states. Th ou gh theoretically abolished in 1875,slavery was still continued by various methods which a Portuguese law o f 1899 pu t into definite legal shape. T his law, which is

still in force in Angola, provides th a t ‘all nativ es5, tha t is to say,all Africans, are subject to a ‘moral and legal obligation* toacq uire by la bo ur the means o f subsisting or ‘be ttering theirsocial condition*. U nde r this law every African male in A ngola,which is in practice inte rpreted as those above the a pp are nt ageof ten years, m ay be obliged to show any time either th at he hasworked for six months in the yea r previous or th a t he is working.Employers who want forced labour indent to the Governor-

Genera l for ‘a supply5, the te rm used indiscrim inately of goodsand men. The Governor-General then allocates a calculatednum ber. Local administrators up a nd down the coun try are sentorders to round up the numbers, which is done by threateningthe chiefs and headm en. W hen the required num bers have been

brought to th e collecting centres, th e Dis tr ic t Officer enforcesa collective contrac t, which is entered into on be ha lf of theworkers by the chiefs and headmen who have produced thespecified n um bers.

Less than half of the labour employed in Angola is officiallyclassified by the Portuguese authorities as contract labour, thatis, forced labour. Over ha lf of it is theoretically vo lun tary labour, bu t in practice th e position o f th e v olunta ry labourer is not b etterthan tha t of the forced labourer.

T he volun tary labo urer can not leave his job because if he doeshe will becom e liable to be classed as ‘idle 5an d therefore subjectto forced lab ou r. His only cha nce of escape is by slipping ou t ofthe Portuguese territory an d a ttem pting to obtain work in otherneighbouring states. Portuguese sources have estimated that inthe ten years previous to 1947 over one million people had leftthe Portuguese colonies by way of clandestine em igration. Butnot all the people can go, and those who are left behind often bear the b run t for those who have gone. And th ey have nom edium throu gh w hich they can make their grief known, theirsorrows heard; nowhere to turn for mitigation of their plight.When others have been in the same position, there have beenthose who have raised their voices for them. All over the worldwe have heard cries for people who are reputed to exist in




conditions which would be p aradise to the Africans of the P or tuguese colonial territories.

In an atte m pt to cover up this system of slavery, the forced

workers are, in theory, paid wages. In fact, however, three-qua rters o f these wages are deferred until the end of their c ontract

period and are not handed over until th e G overnm ent hasdeducted taxation. T his is so high th at at the end o f their periodof employm ent they are left w ith scarcely any balanc e at all. Fo rexample, in one authenticated case, a man employed in thefishing industry had, after he had worked for four years, a final

bala nce of £ 3 2s. 6d.T he indescribable misery of Angolan conditions has con

tinuously been broug ht to the notice of the Portuguese Go vernment, but nothing except paper reforms has been carried out.In 1947 Captain Henrique Galvao, Deputy for Angola in thePortuguese N ationa l Assembly and Senior Inspec tor of OverseasTerritories, investigated these conditions on the request o f thePortuguese Government and submitted a comprehensive

report.Galvao had been appo inted because the P ortuguese Government expected from him, as a fervent Government supporter, awhitewashing repo rt which they could use in the U nited Nationsan d elsewhere. In fact, C ap tain Galvao was so shocked by whathe saw in Angola that he changed his political views and subm itted an honest an d b alanced account o f w hat was taking placein the Portuguese possessions overseas. As might be imagined,

the Portuguese Government did everything possible to suppressthe report and Captain Galvao was thrown into prison for his

presum ption in te lling the tru th . U ltim ately he escaped fromPortugal to appear dramatically on the scene in 1961 when heled a b an d of seventy brave m en to seize the Portuguese linerSanta Maria .

One of Captain Galvao’s chief criticisms of the Portugueseregime was its deceit. In theory and on paper it had abolishedforced labo ur on b eh alf of private firms and individuals. In factforced labo ur was being stepped up. C aptain Galvao w rote :

In some ways the s i tua t ion is worse th an s im p le s lavery. U n d er s lavery, a f te r a l l, the n a t ive is bo ug h t as an an im al ; h i s ow ner




p refers h im to r e m a in as fit as a ho rse o r a n ox. H e re th e n a t iv e isno t bough t , he i s h i r ed f rom the S ta t e , a l t hough he i s ca l l ed af ree m an . A nd h is em ploye r cares l it tl e i f he s ickens or d ies , once

he is w ork ing , b ecau se w hen he s ickens or d ies h is em ploye r wi lls im p ly ask fo r ano the r.

These opinions he backs up with horrifying statistics showingin some cases a de ath rate of 40 per cen t am ong the forcedlabourers.

The situation has recently been made much worse by theintroduction of a large settler class. The precarious state of thePortuguese economy at hom e makes it necessary for Portuga l to

export its own poverty and to compensate citizens for the workwhich the State cannot provide them with at home, by dis

possessing th e African popula tio n of the colonies and by providing for Portuguese immigrants land and cheap African labour.Ju st as the farmers of South Africa are even harsh er a nd cruelleremployers tha n are the m ine owners and big industrial magnates,so are the Portuguese settlers, in the main, even more ruthlessand cruel than the international big-business men who haveestablished themselves in Angola.

T he Portuguese consider the continuan ce o f forced labouressential as it helps to feed the neo-colon ial econom y of ne igh

bourin g states and te rritorie s. In 1959, th e last year for w hich wehave statistics, only one -third of the la bo ur force o f nearly h alf amillion workers employed in the Sou th African mines came fromwithin the borders o f Sou th Africa.

At the beginning of the century, in the early days of SouthAfrican m ining a nd before pass laws an d the policy o f repressionof Africans generally h ad really got und er w ay, it was impossibleto recruit in South Africa free labour to work in the mines. ThePortuguese colony of M oza m biqu e was used, therefore, as asource of forced lab ou r and in 1903, for exam ple, provided noless tha n 89 pe r cen t of the to tal labou r force of the Sou th Africanmines. This supply of conscript labour is still an economic

necessity to Sou th Africa if wages are to be kept down and tradeunions prohibited.Accordingly, the South African Governm ent has entered into

an actual treaty with the Portuguese Government to supplylabo ur for the m ines. Th e basis of the a greem ent is that in re turn



C H A P T E R F I V E

T H E I N T E L L E C T U A L V A N G U A R D

T h e h i s t o r y of hu m an achievement illustrates th at w hen anaw akened intelligentsia emerges from a subject people it becomesthe va ng ua rd o f the struggle against alien rule. T he re is a directrelation b etween this fact and the neglect of the im perial powersto provide for the p roper growth of educationa l facilities in the ircolonies. I saw this connection quite soon in my career, and itwas one of the m ain reasons why I becam e a teach er for a time.

The tremendous enthusiasm for education in Africa neverfails to impress visitors. A schoolboy once wrote: T think thehappiest event in my life was the day w hen my father told me togo to school.’1 A no the r said: ‘T he most unfortunate th ing th atcould hap pen to me would be to have had no education, or to besent away from school now, for then all my life would bew asted.’2 The bu rning desire for educ ation am ong both childrenand adults received little encouragement from the colonial

powers, and one of the worst legacies of colonialism has been theabsence of a train ed body of African technicians a nd ad

ministrators.A b rief glimpse at the edu cationa l position in various parts of

Africa will illustrate my po int. In N orth ern Rhodesia, in 1960,only 43 pe r cen t of African ch ildren of school age were a t schoo l;an d only 1.1 per cent of those who reach ed the eligible age forsecondary education received it. The 1954 report for SouthernRhodesia showed only 16.5 pe r cen t of the school poten tialactually at school. In Ken ya, the Gov ernment provided hardlyany schools for Africans u ntil the 1930s, so the Kikuyus crea tedtheir own. They formed the Kikuyu Independent SchoolsAssociation. To provide teachers, Peter Koinange founded the1 Ja ck W oddis: Africa , the Roots o f Revolt , Lawrence & Wishart i960, p. 157.2 ibid .




Keny a Tea chers’ College at Githun guri, where Jom o K en ya ttalater became Principal. Not surprisingly, these Kikuyu schoolsturned out keen nationalists, and they were suppressed by the

British after the M au M au outb rea k in 1952. In 1955 there wereonly 35 high schools in the entire coun try for 5 J m illion Africans.In the whole of Fren ch E qu atorial Africa there were abou t 850

elem entary schools, an d most of them were badly e quippe d andstaffed. O f the children o f school age, only abo ut 18 pe r cen twent to school at all.

As for higher educa tion, until the foun dation o f the UniversityCollege at Salisbury incorporated in 1955, Makerere College,

founded in 1922, was the only school with university ran k in thewhole immense distance between K hartou m and Joha nnesbu rg.In all the British colonies put together, there were only threeother colleges similar to M ak ere re: Ac himo ta in G han a, th en theGold Coast, Ibadan in Nigeria, and Fourah Bay in SierraLeone. In Fren ch Africa, south of the Sa hara, there was one; inPortuguese Africa, none. The Sudan had Gordon College, andthe Belgians opened a small Roman Catholic University outsideLeopoldville, at Lovanium.

In the U nion, w here little m ore tha n 30 per cent of Africanchildren go to school, there are now very few opportunities forhigher education, because the Afrikaner nationalists fearAfrican progress. There were once four universities whichaccepted Africans, thou gh the total n um ber of graduates everyyear probably did not exceed 400. But in December 1953 DrMalan, pursuing the policy of apartheid , announced that theUniversities of Capetown and Witwatersrand would no longeraccept Africans. In May 1955 the all-African College at FortH are was closed down as the resu lt of an alleged ‘secret au tho rity ’among the students.

Th e p roblem of education was uppermost in my m ind and inthe m inds of my p arty when we had our first meeting after takingoffice un de r the colonial adm inistration. Th e fact th at most of my

colleagues had , like me, been traine d as teachers reflected theirfaith, too, in edu cation as the key to our libera tion an d advance .Before we could em bark on o ur plans, we m ade a review of the

situation as we found it. I t was not heartening. T he picture hadchanged little since a foremost British authority on colonial



T HE INT E L L E CT UAL VANGUARD 45

affairs, M r Leon ard Barnes, writing in the nineteen-thirties, hadthis to say abou t education in the Gold C oa st:

In 1913 education there cost £25,000: in 1931, the peak year,it cost just over a quarter of a million. This is ten times as much,and there can be no objection to calling it such, or to calling it anincrease of 900 per cent, if you prefer. The same fact can bestated, though less impressively, by saying that educationalexpenditure took eighteen years to rise from 3 per cent to 7 percent of Government revenue. Both forms of statement omitanother fact, which is equally relevant, namely, that even in1931 four Gold-Coast children out of five were receiving noschooling of any kind, and less than ha lf per cent got past the

primary stage.. . . Authorities have calculated that at our presentrate of progress it will be 700 years before the natives of even theGold Coast can read and write their own language. Note: O r3,500 years, if the natural increase of population is taken intoaccount.1

It is difficult to appreciate from these observations that theedu cational system in the G old Coast was considered to be oneof the most advanced in tropical Africa. O ur prim ary education,in fact, goes back as far as 1752 a nd was b eg un by missionariesan d con tinued by th em for a very long time. After a long period,they received grants-in-aid from the local government, but agood part of the money was used for purely religious purposesand in paying for the salaries of European missionaries. Unfortunately, too, they paid the local teachers irregularly andenforced u po n th em the pu rely religious duties of lay preachers,catechists an d Su nd ay school teachers. These faults aside, it m ust

be adm itted th at we owe a consid erable deb t o f g ratitude to themissionaries for the con tribution they m ade to such education asthe cou ntry received. O n their side, however, they did n ot lose,for in addition to the grants received from government, theycha rged school fees, an d some of them set up bookshops for the

sale of religious literatu re an d school text-books. A few, like theBasel Mission, even branched out into trading and havedeveloped into no t inconsiderable business concerns. To da y themission bookshops more or less control the importation and

1 L eon ard Ba rnes : Empire or Democracy? V icto ry Gollancz, Ltd, 1939, p. 141.




distribu tion o f school books, an d m y G ove rnm ent is faced withthe task of establishing oth er means of getting text-books to o urschool population which will not be subject to the kind of

m an ipu lation which now creates a scram ble for these books and atoo heavy financial bu rde n up on parents.There did come a time when colonial administrators found

that it was too expensive for the local budget to import Britishofficers for the lower grades of the service, and when the Euro

pean trad ing communities discovered a need for African workerswith some degree of literacy. T he colonial adm inistration thentook a hand in providing facilities at primary and secondary

levels, though they were niggardly, especially in regard tosecondary schools. Little attention was given to technicaltraining, and as a result educated Africans have acquired a biastowards clerical work and a contem pt for m anu al labour.

A fateful consequence o f this accent upon a literary educa tionhas been the denial to ou r coun try of a skilled labour force. I donot refer here to highly qualified specialists, but to our general

body of workers. There were no university facilities in th e GoldCoast until the college started at Achimota in 1948 and laterremoved to Legon. Those of ou r young m en who could collectthe resources to enable them to pursue higher studies in theUnited Kingdom in the main went in for law. Apart from thefact tha t they found a n a ttraction in the wig an d gown which arethe em blem of this profession, the indu strial backwardness o f ourcou ntry, co upled with the rea lity tha t they could not find placesin the ad m inistration - the almost sole employer o f such skills - asengineers, doctors, pharmacists, agronomists, accountants,architects, and the rest, discouraged them from trainin g for these

professions. O ther considerations were the higher cost andincreased length of study req uire d for these professions ascompared with those required for training in law.

This lopsided state of affairs has created for us one of the biggest of o ur problem s: th at is, how to create a skilled labourforce an d a bod y of train ed technicians in the m any fields ofmodern agriculture, industry, science and economics in thequickest possible time.

W hen m y colleagues and I cam e into office in 1951, we foundsome governm ent schools in the princ ipal towns of the country.



THE INTELLECTUAL VANGUARD 47

But they served only a small pa rt of the u rb an populations an d am inute section of the rura l areas. T he villages, w here m ost of our

people live, boaste d few schools; such as there were , were

operated m ainly by the missions. Th e nu m be r of secondaryschools was limited, being based mainly in Cape Coast. These,too, were largely the prod ucts o f missionary endeavour. T he rewas the large semi-governmental institution at Achimota.

When we confronted the colonial administration with thisappa lling situation on taking office at the beg inning of 195 1, theytold us th at the bu dg et was limited a nd time was needed . Tim e,they said, was requ ired to train the a rm y of teachers needed forthe edu cation of all the children. T hey did no t look very happ ywhen we pointed o ut tha t they seemed to have ha d time enoughto allow the traders and shippers and mining companies toamass huge fortunes. As for the bu dge t, we made the po int th at itdid n ot seem inequ itable to use pa rt o f those fortunes to ed ucatethe children of the land from which they ha d bee n draw n. W ewere determ ined, we said, to press for increased e xpend iture onsocial services.

I can no t say tha t in the six years in wh ich we formed a tokengovernment under British administration, we were able toregister unqualified success with our educational plan. Wecertainly d id go some way towards laying the foundations o f acountry-wide educational system. The plan which we proposedin the Legislative Assembly in August 1951 provided for theabolition o f school fees in the p rim ary schools as an initial step

towards a m ore comprehensive policy of free educ ation. T heR om an Catholic hierarch y strongly resented our decision to discon tinue the subsidizing out of public funds of new schools ownedand managed by religious bodies. It was not our aim, as we

pointed out, to prevent the establishm ent and m aintenance ofnew schools by denominational bodies through voluntarycontributions, but they could not look to government forfinancial support.

At the beg inning o f 1951, prim ary school enrolmen ts stood a t125,000. A t the be ginn ing of 1952, there were 270,000 childrenenrolled in our prim ary institutions an d we estim ated th at thisnu m be r would reach 400,000 by the be ginning o f 1957. Actually,at the time o f indepe nden ce in M arch 1957, the figure ha d




expan ded far beyond ha lf a million. We h ad hoped th at by th attime our e ducational program m e of teacher training a nd theerection of buildings an d equ ipm ent would be able to cater for

the anticipated increase. But the increase was greater than weha d expected and our o utpu t of trained teachers an d buildingshad not, unfortunately, kept pace with it, even though thetraining college enrolment had more than doubled over the

period.W e h ad established a system of scholarships a nd ha d plann ed

for additional secondary schools. We established the College ofArts, Science and Technology at Kumasi, now the Kwame

N krum ah Univers ity, which will provid e accom m odation for 2,000 students and offer courses in building, engineering,accountancy, agriculture, science and commerce, among othersubjects. Teacher training institutions in 1951 produced some700 new teachers annually, a far too inadequate figure. Wem an aged to establish twelve new train ing colleges and to doublethe cap acity o f four. By 1957, we were tu rnin g ou t some 4,000new teachers each year, but this left us far behind the 70,000teachers requ ired to serve the n ationa l needs of eleme ntaryeducation.

We achieved some headway in trade and technical education,increasing the annual enrolment in six years from 600 to some2,000, a considerable gain, bu t woefully short of need. W ithsecondary school education we could do very little. Adm inistrative bu dg et for these needs was minim al, a nd we ju st didnot have the time to train teachers to the standard required forsecondary school instruction. T he two institutions of learning,the University College at Legon a nd the College of Technologyat Ku m asi, continued to take in more students each year and wewere ab le to improve an d e xpand the ir services.

There was enough material in these records from whichattrac tive brochu res could be com piled by the Colonial Office to

present to th e U nited Nations showing how m uch was being

done to introduc e educa tion to the ‘primitive peoples of WestAfrica’. They were often accompanied by pretty pictures ofschools and happy children at play in the grounds. They maywell have impressed the outsider. T he y were of small comfort tous, when we sat down in March 1957 to consider, not what we



C H A P T E R S I X

F R E E D O M F I R S T

I t is my deep conviction that all peoples wish to be free, andth a t the desire for freedom is rooted in the soul of every one o f us.

A people long subjected to foreign domination, however, doesnot always find it easy to translate that wish into action. Underarbitrary rule, people are apt to become lethargic; their sensesare dulled. Fear becomes the dominant force in their lives; fearof break ing the law, fear o f the pun itive measures which mightresult from an unsuccessful attempt to break loose from theirshackles. Those who lead the struggle for freedom must breakthroug h this ap ath y a nd fear. T hey m ust give active expression

to the universal longing to be free. They must strengthen the people s’ faith in them selves, and encourage them to take p a rt inthe freedom struggle. Above all, they must declare their aimsopenly and unmistakably, and organize the people towards theachievem ent of their goal o f self-government.

T he essential forger of the political revo lution is a strong, well-organized, broadly based political party, knit together by a

program m e tha t is accepted by all the members , who also submit

themselves to the party’s discipline. Its programme should aimfor ‘Freed om first’. ‘Seek ye first the political k ingdom ,’ becam ethe principal slogan of the Convention People’s Party, for withou t political indepen dence none o f our plans for social andeconomic developm ent could be p ut into effect.

T he re has been a good deal of talk abo ut de pen den t territoriesm aking themselves viable before attem pting to take upon th emselves the responsibilities of self-government. T h a t is precisely

w ha t they cannot do. As long as the governm ent o f less developed countries rem ains in the hands of colonial a dministrators, their economies are set to a pattern determined bythe interests, n ot o f the indigenous inh abitan ts bu t o f the n ational



FREEDOM FIRST 51

beneficia ries of the ruling country. Im provem ent in livingconditions for the bulk of the people will no t come un til political

power passes into their hands.

Thus, every movement for independence in a colonialsituation contains two elements: the demand for politicalfreedom and the revolt against poverty and exploitation.Resolute leadership is required to subordinate the understandable desire of the people for be tter living conditions to theachievement of the primary aim of the abolition of colonialrule.

Before the Second W orld W ar, a n um ber o f political dem onstrations and strikes took place in various pa rts o f colonial Africa.The most common demands were for reforms; few peopleenvisaged at th at time the emergence of na tional political partiesdem anding independence.

During the 1940s, however, many African national organizations were formed. For example, in 1944, the N ation al C ouncilof Nigeria and the Cam eroons was founded, a nd, in the same

year, the N yasa land N ation al C ongress.1 Tw o years later, theKenya African Union was formed; and the RassemblementDe m ocratique A fricain, a federation o f the various organizationswhich had developed throughout the French colonies in Westan d Equ ato rial Africa. There followed, in 1947, the formation ofthe N orth ern R hodesian African N ational Co ngress;2 and , inour country the United Gold Coast Convention, with its aim:self-government in the shortest possible time. O n 12 Ju n e 1949,came the split with the U.G.C.C. when I founded the Convention People’s Pa rty w ith the dec lared aim of achieving ‘SelfGovernment Now’.

T he 1950s saw the emergence of the U ga nd a N ationalCongress (1952), the Tanganyika African National Union(:953)3 and the African National Congress in SouthernRhode sia.3 T he re w ere also na tiona l organizations formed in the

1 This was bann ed in 1958 an d the Ma law i Congress P arty set up in its place .2 W hen the C entral African Fede ration was formed in 1953, this p ar ty splitup, and others emerged, e.g. The United National Independence Partyund er Kenne th K aun da in 1958.3 Th is was originally founded in 1920. I t was ba nn ed in 1959, an d th e

N ational D em ocra tic Party was fo rm ed.




Congo. In Portuguese Africa, the Uniao dos Populacaos deAngola and the Movemento Popular de Libertacao de Angolawere formed. Eventually, in 1959, they merged to form the

African Revolutionary Front Against Portuguese Colonialism.This organization includes supporters in Mozambique andPortuguese Guinea.

I have mentioned only a few of the many African politicalorganizations formed during and after the Second World War.There are many others. Their structure, organization, and thequ ality of their leadership, have v aried, b ut all have had incommon the determination to struggle for the abolition of

colonial rule a nd the im prove m ent o f economic an d socialconditions.

O n the eve of the Second W orld W ar, only Liberia, E thiopiaand Egypt were independent. But by the end of 1959, that is,tw enty years later, there w ere nine inde pen den t African S tates :Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, Liberia, Ethiopia,Ghana and Guinea. In i960, Nigeria, the Congo, FrenchTog oland, F rench C ameroons an d Som alia achieved indepe nd

ence. They were followed, in 1961, by Sierra Leone,Tanganyika, Uganda and Nyasaland. The independence ofKenya, Northern Rhodesia and Zanzibar cannot long bedelayed.

This fundamental change in the African situation has been brought about by the struggles and sacrifices of the African peoples themselves, and nothin g can now stop the ru shing tide ofnationa lism. As long as a single foot of African soil remains un de r

foreign dom ination, the battle mu st continue.It m ay be tha t the time has come to have a common political

party w ith a comm on aim and program m e. For instance, inste adof the Conven tion People’s P arty in G han a, there m ight be theG ha na People’s Party. In K enya, the progressive pa rty could bethe K eny a Peop le’s P arty ; in G uinea, the G uinea People’s Party,and so on; each party having one common aim and objective,the freedom and un ity of Africa.

T he various Peo ple’s Parties, w ith their com mon aim, wouldco-operate with each other. A central organization would undoub tedly be necessary, a nd also a highly-trained hea dqu artersstaff. I f this kind of solidarity on the p arty political level could be



FREEDOM FIRST 53

achieved, it would surely strengthen African continentalfreedom an d u nity.

Pa rty leaders in countries which are still not free would be able

to derive strength and inspiration from close association withtheir opposite num bers in indep end ent countries. T hou gh beset

by difficulties, they would gain confidence from bein g p a rt of astrong continental organization with immense resources, whichthey could draw upon in time o f need. F rom its inception, theConvention People’s Party declared in its constitution that itwould ‘seek to establish fraternal relations with, and offerguidance a nd su pport to all nationalist, dem ocratic an d socialistmovements, in Africa and elsewhere, which are fighting fornational independence and self-determination!’

Among independent countries the common party would actas a unifying force. Also, if a comm on domestic policy cou ld beworked out it would help immeasurably in the planning anddevelopm ent of the African co ntinen t as a whole, in the economicand social spheres.

The unevenness of developm ent in Africa, bo th po litical an deconomic, is a m ajor problem. Some countries are poo r in na tur alresources; others rich. Some achieved independence com

parativ ely easily, and peacefully; others are still struggling. T heobvious solution is unity, so that development can be properlyand cohesively planned.

Countries under alien rule achieve independence in differentways. In dia was promised freedom by ‘steady evolution towards

self-government in orde red c onstitutiona l stages’. In fact it tooktwenty-seven years of civil com m otion an d passive disobediencefor India to achieve her aim. Libya was granted independence

by the U nited Nations O rganization as a direct result of I ta ly ’sdefeat in the Second W orld W ar. T he Portuguese colony of Goawas liberated by In dia . Several countries in the M iddle East owetheir existence as separate states to the Western powers, whenthey carved up the Ottoman Empire after the First WorldWar.

In Africa, the nature of the freedom struggle has variedaccording to the ba ckground conditions against which it has ha dto operate an d the position of the inte rna tiona l scene a t a giventime.



5 ^ AFRICA MUST UNITE

Azikiwe’s West African Pilot prepared the ground for the independence mov ement in N igeria.

These, and other newspapers, have undoubtedly helped in

the spread of African nationalism . T hey have em phasized theneed for ‘freedom first5 an d then development. I f we are to banish colonialism utterly fro m our continent, every Africanm ust be m ade aware of his pa rt in the struggle. Freedominvolves the un tiring efforts of every one eng aged in the strugglefor it. Th e vast African m ajority m ust be accep ted as the basis ofgovernment in Africa.



C H A P T E R S E V E N

A C H I E V I N G O U R S O V E R E I G N T Y

I t i s becoming axiomatic that colonial powers do not willinglyretire from political control over any given land. Before they gothey make superhuman efforts to create schisms and rivalrieswhich th ey hope to exploit after they have gone. Ind ia, w ith itsdivision into two se para te p arts, leaving its sad legacy o f com-m unalism an d religious feuding, is the most glaring exam ple. Butthe rifts in Burma, Ceylon, The Cameroons, Viet-Nam, the

breaking down of the two federations of French W est Africa andFrenc h E qu atorial Africa into separate states of the French Com

m unity, all stand as eloqu ent witnesses to this extended policy of‘divide an d ru le’. So also does the federal division of Nige ria intothree regions, where the British administration had previouslymost carefully built up a u nita ry form o f governm ent ou t of a vastcong lomeration of different peoples.

Looked at superficially, it is difficult to un de rstand the ways ofthe co lonial powers. They will no t leave Africa alone, even w henthey realize full well tha t the y are clutching a t a straw in trying

to preve nt the total an d final liquid ation of the colonial system.T he y act as if the right to meddle in the in tern al affairs of newly-em ergen t states is still theirs, and even presume to d ictate w hichthings are righ t and w hich are wrong am ong the acts performed

by us. Exam in ed closely, these manoeuvres are seen to be p a rt ofthe strategy o f ‘divide and ru le’, wielded from afar.

D uring o ur struggle for indepen dence, a nd even after, all thearmoury of the British press was brought into play against meand against the Convention People’s Party. Special correspondents were sent to discover that we ‘were not only Communist, but deep in bribery and corruption’. They came tointerpret the tussle between the C.P.P. and the NationalL iberation M ovem ent over the issue of our Constitution as one of



AFRICA MUST UNITE

dictatorial am bition on o ur p a rt against the disinterested effortof ou r oppon ents to secure a d em ocratic form o f governmen t.T he raising by the N .L.M . of the de m and for federation was

eagerly seized upo n as a hopeful means of fragm enting o ur smalland largely homogeneous country.

In A pril 1955 , 1 ha d p ut the issue of a federal form o f government before a Select Committee, after having allowed theOppo sition the privilege of five seats in o ur Co nstituentAssembly when they were legally entitled to two. The Committee’s report decided against a federated government. Inord er to ensure the widest democratic ac ceptance of a con

stitution for independence, I sought a Constitutional Adviserthrou gh the British Governm ent and in S eptember, Sir FrederickBourne came to advise on the devolution o f powers and functionsto the regions. We agreed th at there should be decentralization ofce rtain powers to the regions an d, on the basis of Sir Fred erick’swork, we felt confident of majority support for our proposalswhen we pu t them forw ard. T he Secretary of State ha d laid downtwo conditions as the prereq uisite for the g ran t of ind ep en de nc e:th at a sub stantial majority of the people should show theirdesire for independence in the very near future and that theyshould agree upon a constitution that would meet their needsand be workable. Sir Frederick Bourne came back again asConstitutional Adviser to the conference which opened atAchimota on 16 February 1956 to examine his recommendations. All political parties, traditional councils and otherappropriate bodies were invited to attend. The conferencerep ort agreed up on almost all of Sir Frederick’s recom m endations and made the proposal that there should be a House ofChiefs in each region o f the cou ntry to discuss social an d culturallegislation.

How ever, the N .L.M ., in spite of the un tiring efforts I m ade tosecure their co-operation, had refused to take part in thedeliberations and absented themselves from the proceedings.

T he terms of the S ecretary of State, therefore, ha d not been fullymet, which had been the opposition’s purpose. Hence we werem ade to subm it to the g enera l election of 1956, which confirmedthe C.P.P. ascendancy an d the desire of the overwhelmingm ajority of the people for independence an d a u nitary form of



ACHIEVING OUR SOVEREIGNTY 59

government, which was the platform on which we went to thecountry.

People who are independent, free and sovereign make their

own constitution. A lthough G ha na achieved w hat is called Tullind epe ndence’ on 6 M arc h 1957, there were certain provisionsin the c onstitution imposed on us which limited the full employm ent o f our freedom, w hich were an affront to our sovereignty, afetter upon our free development. These were the entrenchedclauses which the British G ove rnm ent insisted upon w riting intothe constitution as a condition of ou r accession to indep endence.W e raised our argum ents against their inclusion, b ut the concernin British official qu arte rs for the pro tection of m inority rights andthe welfare of British civil servants in G ha na ian employ ou tweighed consideration for the prerogatives of ou r independencean d the expressed will of ou r people. O u r resentm ent a t beingforced to accept what was partially a dictated constitution inorder to keep the time-table of independenc e th at we ha dgiven to our people, was made quite plain by me and my

Governm ent, as was our determ ination to divest ourselves of theobjectionable clauses as soon as we were in a position to do soconstitutionally.

W hen it was found in 1956 tha t it would be impossible to delayfull independence much longer, negotiations were started toframe the constitution by which an independent Ghana would

be governed. M y G overnm ent was then a G overnm ent largelyin nam e, ultima te power residing in the Governor of the G old

Coast, who really represented the Colonial Office on the spot.U ntil the m om ent when the instrum ent of independence wasactually placed in our hands, freedom could be denied us. Ourstand that independence involved the right of the local

population alone to dete rmine the na tu re of the laws, regulationsan d procedures of their State throug h their parliam entaryinstitutions, was discountenanced. The British argument wasth at they held in sacred trust the rights o f all the people in theGold Coast, and it was incumbent upon them to safeguard the

position of a section of the population, a lb eit a m inority, whichmight be opposed to the existing Government. This we considered a som ewhat grotesque premise a nd sought in vain for a

precedent in special protection of m in ority opposition to th e



6o AFRICA MUST UNITE

reigning G overnm ent of Britain. We protested ou r ability tosafeguard the rights of ou r own people an d were resentful ofthe doubts cast on our intentions. I posed the suggestion that if

my G overnm ent could be suspected of ulterior intentions towardsour political opponents, we were equally open to the suspicionth at we m ight abrog ate the imposed constitution on the morrowof British de partu re. W here, then , was the pu rpose of negotiatinga co nstitution ? W hy n ot let us frame o ur own Constitution ?

The British Government was adamant. They made it unequivocally clear that unless we entered into constitutionalnegotiations they would take no furthe r steps towards the g ran t

of independ ence. This was the atm osphere in which we met andthe m ood in which the constitution emerged th at was to tie thefuture of G han a. It saw the light of day, indeed, not as a legalinstrument from our own Ghanaian Assembly, but as a BritishO rd er in C ouncil. Its official title was ‘T he G ha na (Con stitution)O rd er in Coun cil, 1957’ of the British Go vernm ent. I t was

published by th e British Governm ent on 22 February 1957.Some m ight charge th at there was a good deal of emotionalism

involved in o ur a ttitude to the m ann er o f the fram ing of ourconstitution for independence. Reviewing it with the dis

passio nate objectiveness of th ree years of g overnm ent under its provisions, we are rein forced in our conviction th a t only im peria list arrogance could have decid ed th a t entrenched clausesare irremovable, even under such constitutional stringencies asthose by which the British sought to tie us down. Perhaps wewere regarded as too stupid to be able to extricate ourselves by

con stitutiona l m eans from the strait-jacket o f the ‘Special procedure fo r passing Bills relating to th e Constitution and oth erimportant matters’, in which the British strapped us with thefreedom th at they ‘gave’. T he British Gov ernm ent ha d decidedth at con stitutiona l chan ge should be m ade as difficult as possiblefor us, indeed almost impossible.

Clause 32 of our indep enden ce constitution allowed th at

No Bill for the amendment, modification, repeal or re-enactment of the constitutional provisions of Ghana . . . shall be

presented for Royal Assent unless it has endorsed on it a certificate under the hand of the Speaker tha t the num ber of votes



ACHIEVING OUR SOVEREIGNTY 6l

cast in favour thereof at the third meeting of the Assemblyamounted to not less than two-thirds of the whole number ofMembers of Parliament.

In short, a simple parliamentary majority could not changeany p ar t of the con stitution, nor even a two-thirds majority ofmem bers present and voting. Th ere h ad to be a supporting votefrom two-thirds of the to tal m em bership o f the Assembly. O u ropposition was no t even obliged to be present a t the d eba te on aBill for constitutional change. M erely by the fact of being anopposition it could, if its nu m bers were large enou gh, destroy any

likelihood o f con stitutional change. Th is is surely giving an od dtwist to the dem ocratic principle.

As a m atter of fact, the p op ularity of the G overnm ent in thecou ntry, and the strength o f the C .P.P. in the N ation al Assembly,were such that we could have changed its terms absolutely inacco rd with the co nstitution, sho rtly after becom ing free in 1957.Th e C .P.P. enjoyed a parliam en tary m ajority which would havegiven us the requ ired over-all two -thirds vo te; an d th at m ajorityincreased as time went on. W e would hav e been well w ithin ou rrights to present a Bill to the Assembly scrapping ‘The Ghana(Constitution) Order in Council, 1957’. This, however, I wasreluctant to do. Public opinion, bo th a t home an d abroa d, is notnormally so well-informed and so equipped with detailed information on constitutional matters that it would have understood the absolute legality of ou r action. T he issue wo uld a t once

have become controversial and the idea spread that we wereguilty o f a breach of faith. It was no pa rt o f my purpose to startou r existence as an indep en dent co un try clouded b y the suspicionth a t we h ad broken a co ntract, irrespective of the m oral duressun de r which we had signed it. K now ledge of this duress, in an yevent, was not public. Having consideration for all the factorsinvolved, we decided that we would let the constitution standand respect all its clauses. We would proceed to procure its

alteration when the appropriate occasion presented itself, inconform ity with its terms.

M eantim e, ou r first duty was to ensure the u nity of the na tionand its tranquillity, in order to go forward with our tasks ofdevelopment.




Th e unrest which prevailed in ce rtain parts o f the country a tthe laun chin g o f our indep enden ce was not m ade any less by the

provisions relating to the sett ing up of Regio nal Assemblies and

the powers to be invested in them . T he British negotiators of ourconstitution were m ore am enable to the federal aspirations o f theOpposition than to the C.P.P. which represented the wishes ofthe m ajority of the people. T he O pposition view was pro m pted

by motives of polit ic al separatism, and these were reflected in theconstitutional clauses relating to the establishment of RegionalAssemblies.

In the same way, every oppo rtunity was provided by the con

stitution for cramping our development endeavours. In communications, for instance, the Government might decide on atrun k roa d th a t would pass throu gh several Regions. Oppo sition

by the Regional Assembly of one affected Regio n could hold upthe p roject indefinitely. As p a rt of its na tional hea lth scheme, theGovernment might determine the sites on which hospitals andclinics should be built. T he Regional Assemblies could object toand obstruct these plans, in keeping with their constitutional

au tho rity over the regional h ealth and m edical services.It was laid dow n tha t ‘in each Reg ion there shall be a H ea d of

the Re gion, who, except in the case of the Ashanti R egion, shall be chosen by the House of Chiefs in the R egion’. No dem ocratic prin ciple was to be employed bu t use m ade instead of the ou tm oded p rocedure curren t un der the colonial system of IndirectR ule w hich gave au thority to com pliant chiefs. I f the chiefs of acertain Region happened to be opposed to modern health

m ethods and m edical practices, they could effectively block anyGovernment programmes involving up-to-date treatment ofdisease in the ir are a, for the restrictions o f the constitution wouldsafeguard them . Extend this to educ ation, pub lic works, housing,agricultural a nd industrial development, a nd it can be acceptedtha t the central G overnme nt would have been in the position of

possessing m erely token sovere ignty. O ur hands and feet would be virtually bound th e m om ent we a ttem pted to govern .

T he groun d, it can be seen, was well laid for the p rom otion ofdisunity an d fragm entation. T he clue to the British purpose wasreally co ntained in the ph rase, ‘except in the case of the AshantiRegion*. Throughout the provisions relating to Regional



Assemblies, Ashanti was omitted and special regulations wereintro duced giving it powers superior to those of the oth er R egions.Everyw here else the h ead o f the Reg ion was to be chosen by the

House of Chiefs. In Ashanti, the constitution specifically statedth at ‘the Asantehene shall be the H ead of the Ashan ti Re gion ’.W ha t kind of dem ocracy were the British laying down on the eveof their de pa rture, in designating the person who was to be theeffective governor of a pa rticu lar Re gion? W here was therespect for our sovereignty ? O ur independence was supposed togive us sovereignty over our own affairs. But there we were, ademocratic Government, limited by constitutional provisions,designed by the retiring power, to a designated individual tocond uct the highest executive post in the most delicate na tiona lterritory . It was so open ly a device to concede to the opposition

pa rty the opportunities they had been deprived of by theirdefeat at the polls that it was difficult to believe the Britishcould have been so deceitful to their much-vaunted respect fordemocracy.

The choice of the Asantehene for this special elevation wasdeliberate. H e was known to share the views of the N ationa lL iberation M ovem ent, whose politics of violence ha d m ade o urfinal steps to independence so imm ensely difficult. Considerablesuspicion as to his original connections with the M ovem ent h ad

been current since its inceptio n, because his chief linguis t, theman closest to him in the affairs of the Ashanti state, was afounder member and its Chairman. The Asantehene had

worked well with the British, even though his uncle Prem peh Iha d fought them in the Ashanti wars earlier in the cen tury andhad been exiled to the Seychelles islands for his African

patriotism . For his services to the British in carrying out theircolonial rule, the Asan tehene h ad been kn ighted. His position asthe spiritual an d temp oral head of Ashanti gave him the influence of a feuda l lord over all the chiefs of the Region and overthe local people, and made him extremely powerful. By seekingto safeguard his continued au thority in the new G han a throu ghspecific clauses in the constitution, the British were not onlyrepaying him for services rend ered and m aking good in pa rt the

promise of the N .L .M . to cro wn him K ing of G hana, bu t wereentrenc hing the greatest focal po int of disintegration w ithin ou r





new state. This was a most dangerous situation and a limitationupon our power as a fully independent Government that wecould not accept. It would have amounted to the exclusion of

Ashanti from the sphere of Ghana’s sovereignty. It was unthinkable we should lay ourselves open to this possibility and soend ang er the future o f the country.

Observing the provisions of the constitution, wh ich set out th atRegional Assemblies ‘shall be established by act of Pa rliam en t inan d for each R egion’, I n am ed a commission of inqu iry toexamine the means by which they should be set up a nd the mostefficient methods for their conduct. The commission took some

time making its considerations and reporting back, and meantime we proceeded in Parliament with other, more urgentm atters. A mong these, regional needs were well to the forefront,and I am certain that the development schemes we haveintrod uce d so far in each of the Regions go far beyond anythingth a t would h ave been accom plished if left solely to localinitiative.

Old-established democracies are equipped for wide decen tralization. The y possess skilled an d experienced local bodiesto carry out urgent development tasks that would otherwise bethe conc ern of the cen tral Gove rnme nt. A new country, wherethere is strong national but limited local leadership and vigour,cannot afford to gamble on the ability or incompetence of aregional body to develop its Region. A new country needs toinitiate central nation-wide planning fitting the requiredactivities of each R egion into the over-all program m e. It cann otallow the program m e to be held up by a dilatory or back ward orobstructive Regional Assembly. Provision must naturally bem ade for local authorities with powers to carry ou t local developm ent projects in co-operation with or un de r the guidance of thecentral G overnm ent. W e suggested this to the British during o urconstitutional negotiations, but they insisted on the creation ofRegional Assemblies with powers wide enough to impinge on

those of the c entral Governm ent, a nd w ith tight safeguardsmaking modification virtually impossible. The only thing theyfailed to do was to include a date by which the Assemblies wereto be established, a nd this was the loophole th at we used to allaythe tensions in the country and prepare the ground for the



remova l of w hat we regarded as an o bstructive mechanism in theway of our development.

By the time the commission of inqu iry into the setting up of

Re gional Assemblies h ad m ade its rep ort an d the Assemblieswere established, the strides which the coun try was m aking in alldirections an d the m ood of the people h ad brou ght most of thechiefs to a recognition o f the sincerity of the Go vernm ent andits development aims. Even the Asantehene began to showa startling change in attitude, and I know that he is nowcompletely identified with our independence and shares thehopes and aspirations of the new G hana . In this atm osphere ofna tiona l unity, the newly-created Reg ional Assemblies met a ndvoted themselves out of existence. T hro ug h the constitutional

procedure, which we fa ithfu lly followed, the instrum ents wereelimina ted which the B ritish had devised to keep us divided a nd

backward. T he establishment and dissolu tion of the RegionalAssemblies opened the way to constitutional changes in otherdirections.




C H A P T E R E I G H T

P R O B L E M S O F G O V E R N M E N T

I n o u r struggle for freedom, parliamentary democracy was asvital an aim as independ ence. T he two were inseparable. I t wasno t ou r purpose to rid the cou ntry of the colonial regime in orderto substitute an A frican tyrann y. W e w anted to free our peoplefrom arb itrary rule, an d to give them the freedom to choose thekind of gov ernm ent they felt would best serve their interests an denhance their welfare. Our struggle was fought to make our

people free to practise th e religion they chose, to give them theliberty to associate in whateve r groups they wished, to create anatmosphere in which they could say, write and think freely,without harm ing the ir neighbour or jeopardizing the state.

We introduced principles basic to the settled and establisheddemocracies of the w orld, such as the sep aration of powers

betw een th e executive, th e legis la tu re and th e judiciary. As therepository of the people’s will, the legislature is supreme. It issovereign and un limited in its en actm en t of laws, which a re

bindin g upon th e people and th e governm ent. Election to the

legislature is by universal adult suffrage, and men and womenenjoy equ ality of rights and duties. T h a t all persons in the stateare equal before the law is another principle well enshrined inour constitution.

The government on the other hand has the responsibility ofdirecting the affairs of the state and of initiating an d executing

policy. I t is, however, a t all times answerable to th e legisla tureand could not rule unless it commanded a majority in parlia

m ent. Fo r all legislation it initiates becomes the law o f the landonly if approved by parliame nt, an d p arliam ent can at any timeit wishes throw out the government.

All of this is the recognized m achinery o f parliam en tary rulein the old-established democracies. In our conditions, as an ex



PROBLEMS OF GOVERNMENT 67

colonial coun try, w ith our existing p atte rn of tribal loyalties andtraditional customs strained by the superimposition of otherloyalties an d practices, it could n ot be reg arde d as extrao rdinary

if the p atte rn proved too tigh t here a nd there, or too loose inother places. M em bers of the m atu rer democracies will tendnaturally to equate our conditions with those current in theirown country, forgetting the time it took their nation to evolveto its present standard, and forgetting, too, the economic andsocial conditions o f ou r people. I t is na tu ra l for people to look atanother country through their own telescope and quite humanto jud ge an oth er ’s achievements or failings by their ow n

experience.There is a tendency to forget that Britain’s evolution into

dem ocracy was not a ltogethe r peaceful. I t was a little over threehu nd red years ago th at they chopped off the hea d of a king,made their middle-class revolution and installed Cromwell astheir dictator. T he feudal ties were not completely broken a nd itrequ ired an othe r revolution more tha n two centuries later, withits acco m pan ying social jolts, to secure the base o f th a t pa rliamentary democracy which the British people today mistakenlyassume as a merit inherent in their national character. Thestates of Am erica foug ht a b itter civil war, whose mem ories stillcondition attitudes an d thinking, to impose their union. Its constitution, based u pon the affirmation of the equ ality o f all men,took several years to find full acceptance, and even today itstenets are disregarded in m any p arts o f the co untry. T he re isstill strife in America over the application of the essence ofdem ocracy to all of its members.

Conditions in Ghana today are comparable with those prevailing in Britain or France or America at the time when theywere struggling to establish a free form of governm ent, r ath ertha n those which curren tly obtain in those countries. I t wo uld befairer, therefore, to ask w ha t was the n atu re of the regime in thosecountries then and make the appropriate adjustments for the

developm ent of liberal ideas in th e world since those days. T heeconomic position of ou r people is no be tter th an th at of theworkers in B ritain a t the same stage of the ir social and politicaldev elopm ent, pe rha ps a little w7orse in some aspects. T hei r socialservices were ju st as prim itive, the ir country-wide edu cation al




standard s ju st as low. I think no one would deny th at the m aintenance o f a dem ocracy by the people of Europe and Am ericaat the p ara llel stage wou ld have been a massive task. Ye t it is the

task we faced in G han a on our assum ption of independenc e.This task might have been eased a little had we been blessedwith a reasonable and not violently destructive opposition. Aserious, well-intentioned opposition keeps a government aliveto its responsibilities, guarantees extreme care in the pre

paration and form ula tio n of program m es, and underlines theneed for sponsors of legislation to be able to justify th eir proposals.

The essence of such discussion, if it is to be of benefit, is tha t it

m ust be constructive. This is the s treng th of the opposition in theestablished dem ocracies of the world. Th ey recognize tha t they,together with the g overnm ent of the day, proceed from them ajor premise tha t they have a jo in t aim, to advance the welfareof the people. Both have a vital pa rt to play in the building oftheir c oun try an d the speeding of its development. Th e go vernm ent in itiates; the opposition is constructively critical.

Unfortunately this has not been the case in Ghana. The

narrowe st inter pre tation of the term ‘opposition5 has been theguiding principle for the opposition party both inside and outside Pa rliam ent. T he ir repeated rejection by the electorate convinced the m th a t the possibility of gaining office by cons titutional means was remote. T hey therefore emba rked on a policy ofobstructing the government, without devising a programme onwhich they would base an alternative one. Their politics have

been narrow ly regional in concept, and often vio lent, abusive and

terroristic in action. W ithin P arliam ent, the castigation of thecabinet has been, to them, an end in itself rath er than an instrum ent for securing better conditions for the people. Th e measureof the ir in ten t is that they seek to ad d to the difficulties of gove rnment and heighten the obstacles which need to be overcome sothat, with a breakdow n in adm inistration, they m ay get a chanceof grasping the reins o f office.

It m ay be argued th at some of these characteristics are presentin any opposition party. This is true, b u t not to the same extentas in G han a. Elsewhere they are set in the c ontext of an alternative over-all programm e of government. T he Lab our P artyin Britain, for example, follows a political doctrine opposed to



PROBLEMS OF GOVERNMENT 69th at o f the Conservative Pa rty. Ideologically they are widelyremoved. There are clashes over such concepts as nationalization. T here rem ain, however, broad areas of intern al and foreign

affairs where there is a com m unity o f view. T he opposition willmake helpful suggestions but will not irresponsibly oppose.T he rein lies the strength o f tha t dem ocracy.

The opposition in Ghana cannot boast this same sense ofresponsibility and maturity. So far it has been mostly destructive. W e have seen the historic reasons for this in the revulsion ofthe U nited Gold Coast Convention leaders from the mass movement I had achieved as their secretary, and the subsequent

form ation of the C onvention People’s Pa rty to em brace th atmass movement as the instrument for the achievement offreedom. The U.G.C.C. leaders never forgave me and my associates for proving the rightness of our policy of ‘Self-Governm en t Now ’ in the results of the 1951 election. T he rea fter theiropposition am ounted to a virtual denial of independence a nd areluctance for the British to leave. They were prepared tosacrifice our nation al liberation if th at w ould keep me an d m ycolleagues out of government.

In colonial countries endea vouring to throw off the yoke ofimp erialism, the upsurge of nation alism finds expression in am ajor movem ent embrac ing the po pu lar aspirations for freedoman d a be tter way o f life. Even whe re there is some disagreem entamong different local groups over the means to be employed inthe attainm en t of freedom, the force which is broug ht intoope ration by the presiding power frequen tly secures their un ionon a broad national front. Thus the nationalist movementrepresents the m ajority of the po pu lation. Those dissident groups

pursuing indiv idual o r particularist aims opposed to th e na tionalist objectives are doomed to frustration. It is inevitable, therefore, th a t on a free franchise o f universal a du lt suffrage, thenationalist party gets elected with a majority that makes itappear to those accustomed to the more evenly balanced bi

partisan politics of, for in stance, Brita in and Am erica, thatintimida tion has been used.I am rem inded of the words of Julius Nyerere w hen he spoke

of the overwhelming sup port of the nationalist movem ent by the people of Tanganyika: ‘T he Nationalist movement which fights




for and achieves independence inevitably forms the governm en t of the new state. It wou ld surely be ridiculous to expectth at a cou ntry sh ould volu ntarily divide itself for the sake of con

forming to a p artic ula r expression of democracy, a nd to do sodu ring a struggle wh ich calls for the complete un ity of its people. No one should ju m p to th e conclusion th at such a country is n otdemocratic or does not intend to be democratic.’1

T he po pu larity of the p arty tha t brings freedom continuesinto the period of full indepen dence an d is even enhanced whereimprovements in economic and social conditions are obtainedunder its government, and its majority grows. Since this over

whelming majority in parliament carries through the governm en t’s policy almost w ithout exception, it gives the ap pe aran ceof a o ne-pa rty regime. T his is the p atte rn w hich has resulted inthe states emerging from colonialism, a pattern which I havetermed a People’s Parliamentary Democracy and which the

people of G hana have accepted.However, to level against us, as a result of this situation, the

criticism o f au tho ritarianism , as has been do ne, wou ld seem to

suggest a co ntrad iction in the W estern idea of w hat constitutesdem ocracy. Dem ocracy, if we are to accep t the A ristoteliandescription, is the law of the state th at directs ‘th at o ur poo rshall be in no greater subjection than the rich; nor that thesupreme power shall be lodged with either o f these, bu t th at b othshall share it. For if liberty a nd equ ality, as some persons sup

pose, are chiefly to be found in a democracy, it m ust be so byevery d epa rtm en t of governm ent being alike open to all; b ut

as the peop le are a majority, an d w ha t they vote is law, it followsth at such a state must be a dem ocracy.’ Th is description has no t been in valid ate d because our m odern world has outg ro wn th ecity state an d ‘all the p eop le’ can no longer conven iently p artici

pate in governm ent b u t delegate their rig ht to their parliamentary representatives. The description has, indeed, been revalidated and enlarged to its widest extremity in Lincoln’s concept of ‘gov ernm ent o f the people b y the people for the p eop le’.

T he impression tha t my Party a nd I drew from much o f thecriticism levelled against us was th at we shou ld have divided upthe mandate given to us by the people and handed over part of1 Jam es Ca me ron: The African Revolution , Thames & Hudson 1961, p. 186.



PROBLEMS OF GOVERNMENT 71

it to a n opposition. I f the will of the people is dem ocraticallyexpressed in a n overwhelming m ajority for the governing p arty,an d there by creates a weakening of the a ccepted two -party

pa ttern , as, for in stance, in G hana, we, th e governm ent, areobliged to respect the will of the people so expressed. We haveno right to divide o ur m and ate in defiance of the po pu lar will.

T he opposition, dep rived of po pu lar suppo rt, looked aro un dfor a means to undermine our authority. They found it inseparatism. Th ey dem ande d the v irtual secession of Ashanti,the N orth ern R egion, and w hat was formerly British Togoland ,from the sphere of central G han aian authority. I t was not theirfirst attem pt to cut off the nose a nd ears of the M othe rland inord er to spite the face of the C.P .P. In 1956, when there was a

plebiscite in British Togola nd to dete rm ine whether it was tocontinue as a British Tru st territory or to jo in w ith the G oldCoast and soon become a pa rt of indepen den t G hana , theopposition p arty proclaimed its sup port for To go land ’s con tinuance as a British T ru st territory. Th e people of To goland provedto be more freedom-minded than our opposition and the

plebiscite re sult was union w ith us. W hen we gain ed full independence, British Togo land became a p art of free G hana.

There followed after the plebiscite the general election of1956, to which I ha d reluctantly ag reed in order n ot to prejudicethe early gran t of independe nce. This election bro ug ht theC.P.P. back for the third time with an overwhelming majority.The opposition had not done as well as they maintained they

would do in Ashanti and the N orthern Territories, even thoughthese were their m ajor strongholds, where they h ad the back ingof the Asantehene and o ther leading chiefs. T he C.P.P. gainedmore th an a third of the seats in Asha nti an d almost h alf in the

N orthern Territorie s. In the rest of the country we had a lan dslide. We had proved indisputably that we were the only partyqualified to speak in a national sense. The British Governmentcould not den y this proof, an d indep end ence followed.



C H A P T E R N I N E

B R I N G I N G U N I T Y I N G H A N A

T h e r e s o u n d i n g victory o f the C .P.P . a t the 1956 polls soweakened the opposition that they decided to assert themselves

outside the democratic framework. Their agitation in Ashanti,in the Northern Region and in Togoland, had already led toserious clashes, often developing into armed violence, in whichsome C.P.P. workers were actually murdered. As our inde

pendence daw ned, we were placed in the anomalous position ofhaving to send the forces of law into now free T ogo land to quellarmed disturbances. These outbreaks were fomented with the

purpose of discre dit ing me and my governm ent. T hey gave theimpression tha t we were n ot in control of the cou ntry, th at wewere not a pop ular governm ent, th at there was widespread discontent.

In a cou ntry ju st em erging from colonial rule, there are m anyills to right, m any problem s to solve. T im e an d m oney an d expe rtknowledge are requ ired to deal with them. T he end of thecolonial administration in Ghana left us, moreover, with a lowlevel of education am ong the bulk o f ou r people, an d no systemof universal edu cation. Such a pub lic is easy prey for unscrupulous politicians. I t is am enable to demagogic appeals an dread ily exploitable by eloquence th at arouses the emotions rath erth an reason. I t was no t difficult for the opposition in these conditions to discover grounds of dissatisfaction in w hich to p lan tand w ater the seeds of resentmen t an d grievance. In Accra,they worked upo n the tribal feelings of the Ga people andrelated them to the shortage of housing. Th ey encouraged theform ation of the G a Shifimo K pee, a strictly tribal organization,in our capital that was fast becoming cosmopolitan; theyfomented separatism in Ashanti and dissension in the North.T he y tried to demo nstrate to the world th at they, the opposition,



BRINGING UNITY IN GHANA 73

had been right in insisting that we were not ripe for independence.

Ghana was the cynosure of all eyes, friendly and unfriendly.

T he world’s press was represented in ou r cap ital, an d w ha t theymissed the opposition filled in for them w ith the ir own exp lanations. No occasion, no event, was too small to exploit in orderto discredit both Ghana and the government before the worldan d reduce the high prestige which ou r struggle and attain m en tof freedom ha d w on for G han a. N ot often, surely, has an opposition been so active in sacrificing the interests of its countryto serve its own ends in disrupting the essential national

unity.I saw the state being unde rm ined, its indepen denc e in dan ger

of destruction, all in the nam e of democracy and freedom ofexpression. Our opposition used the press as a forum in a wayth at it ha d n ot been used in Eu rope, to vilify and attack us as ameans o f destroying our youn g state. To have served writs upo nthem for libel would have kept us busy in the courts to the exclusion of our pr op er duties. Th ou gh un de r extreme pressurefrom my pa rty, I was still hesitant to take action. H aving placedou r faith in the w orking of a liberal dem ocracy, I arden tlydesired to give it every chance , even a t the risk of some abuse towhich I knew it was open, especially in the absence of a legalcode such as operated in the U nited K ingdom bu t had not beenapplied to the archaic laws of the Gold Coast. W e were findingtha t an adm inistrative and legal pa ttern u nd er which a colonialregime could contrive to m aintain itself requ ired constant piecemeal ad ap tation to deal with the very different problems of ourneed to bring order and unity within a democratic frameworkan d to establish a firm base for ou r na tional d evelopment.

O u r toleration of the disruptive excesses of the opposition wasaccepted no t as an expression of good faith in the dem ocratic

process b u t as a m ark of weakness, and stim ula te d th em to ever bolder action. T he dis in clination to take salu tary measures was

also being misunderstood abroad, where it was being regardedas a trial of streng th betw een us, the lawfully con stituted government, and the subversive non-governmental elements. Wewatched the antics of the foreign press with misgiving. I t seemedas though our overseas critics were intent upon destroying us




before we ever got sta rte d. N othin g was too sm all to be tw istedas evidence in misrepresenting the s trength an d q ua lity of mygovernm ent or to supp ort the fiction of the growing strength of

the opposition.In times of nation al emergency, the W estern democracieshave b een compelled to lim it their citizens’ freedom. W e werefacing a time of na tional em ergency. W e were engaged in a kindof w ar, a w ar against poverty a nd disease, against ignorance ,against tribalism a nd disunity. W e were fighting to construct , notto destroy. We needed to secure the conditions which wouldallow us to pu rsue o ur policy of reconstruction and develop

ment.M y governm ent b rought in the Avoidance of Discrimination

Bill to dea l with the control o f political parties based on triba l orreligious affiliations. Its full title was ‘A n Act to prohib it org an izations using or engaging in racial or religious propaganda tothe d etrim ent of any other racial or religious comm unity, orsecuring the election o f persons on acco unt of their ra cial o rreligious affiliations, an d for other purposes in connection there

w ith’. T he effect was to br ing the form ation o f the variousopposition parties into a U nited Pa rty. O ddly enough, ou r showof firmness wras reflected in a tem po rary change in the tone ofthe foreign press.

The Economist , for instance, summed up the negative positionof the opposition in a leading a rticle :

The criticism that has always been levelled against the

N.L.M ., and which is much more applicable to the presentassorted bunch of critics (the United Party), is tha t while accusing the government of corruption, totalitarianism, destructiveness and inefficiency, it has offered no alternative policies of itsown. The opposition has two rather contradictory answers tothis: first, that the United Party is soon to announce a constructive policy (which has never come) and, second, that its

programme has to be vague or the government will appropriate,and spoil, its ideas. In Ghana this fear is not altogether baseless. The only fundamental difference of opinion between thegovernment and the opposition is over the relative power of thecentre and the regions. Since there is no basic difference in theirapproach to, say, employment, education and housing, the




opposition can only criticize in a rather woolly way, saying, ineffect, tha t they would do the same things, only better and morehonestly.1

Unfortunately, the fundamental difference over the relative power of the centre and th e regions went deeper than The Economist's passing reference to it would suggest. It was the coreof dissension between the Governm ent a nd the opposition. Itinvolved the whole question of our co ntinuanc e as a u nitarystate exercising the dem ocratic principle of m ajority rule. T heopposition was employing the lever given to it by the constitutionally entrenched clauses enthroning the special position ofAshanti, to force by disruptive measures the secession of theregion. •

Here was the root cause of the bitter feuding tha t ha d gripp edou r beloved coun try on the eve of indepen dence an d co ntinuedto m ar an d harass our days of freedom. T he N .L.M . h ad basedits support on the Asantehene and other autocratic chiefsanxious to retain the special privileges and powers which theBritish colonial practice of Ind irect R ule h ad conferred upo nthem. Their confidence in the success of their coercive methodswas sustained by the willing allies they found am ong im perialistgroups. It has been the unfortunate experience in all colonialcountries where the national awakening has crystallized into a

popular m ovem ent seeking th e fundam enta l dem ocratic rig htto the rule of the m ajority, th a t vested interests have come to the

aid of m inority separatist groups.These governm ents have often shown a touching c oncern forthe rights of these minorities. In fact, their concern has in somecases been so great that it has overlooked entirely the rights ofthe m ajority. Examples of this attitude m ay be seen in theexercise of apartheid in South Africa and the enforcement, form any years, of the Central African Fed eration against thewishes of the Africans of N orth ern an d So uthern Rh odesia an d

Nyasaland. I t was th e operative prin cip le in Kenya, which sup ported th e supre macy of th e European m in ority over the Africanm ajority and was imp licit in the view th at the rights of th at alien

1 The Economist , 16 November 1957.




minority needed armed protection against the indigenousmajority. In fledgeling states , imperialist interests flourish where there is an atmosphere of dissension. They are endangered in an atmosphere of

national unity and stability.For two an d a h alf years of difficult state-building m y gove rnm ent took no action to lim it the freedom o f the press. Th eopposition was quick to exploit this freedom and soon debasedit into licence. Each day, its newspapers came out w ith screamingheadlines about the perfidy of the government. They heapedabuse and libel upon my colleagues and me. They wrote and

preached, th ey called press conferences with local and foreign

correspondents, they addressed public meetings all over thecountry, stigm atizing the governm ent and singling out me andmy immediate associates for special attack, abuse and ridicule.

D uring the struggle for independence we had emphasized theneed for national unity for the attainm en t of freedom, and forthe enormous responsibilities of statehood that wrould follow.These call for a supreme effort on the pa rt o f every citizen. H owcould o ur people pu ll their weight with zeal and ded ication when

it was ceaselessly being drummed into them that their government was unscrupulous, inept and corrupt; that their leaderswere venal an d power-thirsty, an d tha t the nation al effort wasinvoked, no t for the g reater glory of G han a b ut for the personalglory of Kw am e N kru m ah? This was not freedom of expression.Th is was irresponsible licence, and if allowed to continue un brid led, it could have underm ined our sta te , our independenceand the p eople’s faith in themselves an d their capacities.

This was the interna l picture. T he im pac t on the m ovementsfor liberation in the rest o f Africa could be ju st as unfo rtuna te.It was likely to cause despondency in their ranks and friction

betw een us and their leaders , who m ig ht have no means ofrecogn izing the falsity of opposition attacks upon us. The colonial

powers would also not be unm indful of these happenin gs and possibly use them as a pretext for delaying their departure fromtrust and colonial territories by citing the magnified political

‘ba ttle’ in G han a as a frightening example of prem atureindependence.

We came to the point where it was obvious that the governm ent m ust take action if we were to a vert the dangers inhere nt




in a false situation. The imposition o f any fo rm of press censorship was an idea most repugnant to me, since it ran counter toeverything I ha d always believed in, everything for which I ha d

struggled in m y life. F reedo m of expression had been one o f theessential rights for which I had fought. I had gone to prison fordaring to say things the colonial adm inistration h ad not liked.

O ur fight ha d been the fight for the freedom of our people, an dthe native inh abitan ts of the land, against an alien regime tha tdenied freedom. Now that we had won our emancipation andlaunc hed ou r national existence, were we to allow ou r indep en dence to be endangered by the very people whose speech and

action h ad abe tted the colonial regime ? We h ad em barke d upona course th at aimed to push forward the clock of progress. W ereothers to be given the freedom to push it back ? W e had to faceup squarely to the question whether a seedling less developedstate, eag er to m odernize itself in the interests of the com m unity,threaten ed by the un patriotic deeds of a m inority opposition,could permit itself all the forms which established democracieshave taken generations to evolve. A young state has to work

doubly h ard , has to deny itself m any o f the trimm ings th at h ave become th e accepted norm in the older nations.

Our experience is proving that democracy as a functioningsystem in newly em ergent states m ust inevitably und ergo m anystresses. Its m achinery an d p atte rn of governm ent are beingsuperimposed upon social structures different from those inwhich they originally developed. Democracy has undergonedevelopment to its present accepted forms in the advancedcountries in circumstances o f compulsion th at have y et to bereached in the young nations now attempting to throw themselves apace out of a stagnating economic backwardness intom odern ind ustrialized settings able to provide wide m aterial a ndsocial benefits for all the people. It is not at all accidental thatthe g rea t exponents of dem ocracy are precisely those countrieswhere industrial growth has achieved its highest levels withinfree development. That growth, accompanied at periods bysocial distress and discontent, was based upon vast privateaccum ulations of cap ital an d proceeded at a pace which wasslower in the countries th at em barke d ea rlier up on the industrialroad and faster in those that started later.




Re cently em ergent states like G ha na are having to tackle thetask of indu strialization at the p eriod of its highest developmentin the old-established democracies, in conditions which have

precluded th e amassing of la rge capital reserves in the hands of private citizens. U pon the governm ent, therefo re, devolves th etask of plan ning an d establishing the m ain base of economicdevelopm ent and of pushing it throu gh at a speedy rate againstthe formidable odds of an unedu cated popu lation devoid oftechnica l an d scientific knowledge, and the lack of even the most

prim itiv e industria l foundations. T im e is th e essence of our problem , and we are in du ty bound to use the overw helm ing

mandate given to us by our people to advance their standardsof life, to employ time for the purpo se o f securing the quickest possible economic and social developm ent for our country. Thisdu ty resolves itself into the obligation to use the po wer bestowedup on us by the m ajority decision of the people to the lim it of thetask it imposes. To abdicate any p ar t o f tha t power to anopposition that has been repeatedly rejected by the people andengages itself in activities preju dicial to the indep endence, safety

an d forw ard grow th of the S tate, would, I submit, be a betraya lof the p opu lar will and trust. It would be completely incomp rehensible to our people, an d in the present state of their ed ucational developm ent would place our w hole future in jeopa rdy .W e inten d to preserve the rights an d freedom o f our people, solong as these are exercised w ithin the limits of the law, an d w ithout thre at to the security of the n ation. W e welcome criticism, bu t we will not tolerate subversive and te rroris tic activities

aga inst the State, an d illegal acts designed to prom ote the selfishgreed of a dissident minority, supported by alien interests.



C H A P T E R T E N

O U R G H A N A I A N C O N S T I T U T I O N

E v e r y s o v e r e i g n people undoubtedly possesses th e sovereignrigh t to introduce changes in the regulations by wh ich they are

governed, to keep pace with the dynamic changes wrought bysocial, political, economic and technological progress. Suchchanges should not be arbitrary, nor should they be effectedexcept throu gh the chosen instrum ent of the people, Pa rliam ent, or, in m atters of vital mom ent, throug h the direct ex

pression of th e people ’s will by plebiscite, or referendum . No onewould dream of ju stify in g G hanaian subservience for ete rnity toregulations passed by a British Parliament before we achieved

independence.In the three years that we worked under the constitution

arran ge d for us by the retiring imp erialist power, we foun d th atchange was necessary. W e were n ot conc erned w ith change forthe sake of change, simply because distasteful clauses ha d beenimposed u po n us against our will, or because the constitution asa whole ha d n ot been of ou r making. O ur basic considerationwas tha t ce rtain parts o f the c onstitution were found to behampering our free development. We even found that some ofits provisions with which we had fully agreed at the time ofnegotiation, an d w hich we m ight well have introdu ced ourselveswithout imposition from others, were now outdated arid nolonger suited to the realities of Ghana.

T he year 1960, after three years of independ ence, seemed a napp rop riate time to introduc e the necessary changes in our constitution, suited to the mood of the times, the tem per of the

people , the political and cultural patterns of the country, theurgent need to develop our land and advance the liberation ofthe African con tinent. These factors were reflected in the fu nd am ental articles of the new constitution. T he most im po rtan t



8o AFRICA MUST UNITE

change was the conversion of G ha na from a m onarch y to arepublic. Since people have an essentially personal attitudetowards the m onarchy, I decided tha t in addition to introducinga Bill to parliament for its abolition and securing the necessarytwo-thirds majority, I would also submit the issue to the nationin a referendu m . T he N ational Assembly passed the Bill w ith anoverwhelming majority. The referendum was held in threestages over the co untry d uring an eight-day period and resultedin an equally heavy m ajority for the repu blican c onstitution andthe co ntinuance of the C.P.P. gov ernment u nde r my presidency.

I well knew w hat a ho rn et’s nest I would be stirring up w henI decided that it was incompatible with full independence forGhana to continue to pay allegiance to the British Cnnvn asH ead of State. I knew th at m y action would be understood byall the republics of the w orld, an d they form the bu lk of theU nited N ations’ mem bers. I also knew th at this action wo uldfind little sym pathy in B ritain a nd in the other countries of theCommonwealth.

It cannot be claimed that the people in those countries have

always shown sym pathetic und erstan ding o f every ma jor act of policy which G hana has followed since it becam e independent.Th ere are of course am ong them m any m en of goodwill, b utquite a lot seem still to resent the fact that we are no longergoverned from Whitehall. We have the impression that subconsciously they would like us to fail. At all events, they arequick to ascribe unc ha ritable motives to any o f our actionsw hich they feel touch them on a tende r spot. And the mo narch y

in B ritain is a very tend er spot. T he re is a ce rtain m ystique abo utthe British monarchy, whose influence is intangible but veryreal. I would venture the thought that there is hardly a seriousanti-royalist in Britain. There appears to be no consciousness of anything paradoxical in a highly advanced democracym aintaining an hereditary m onarchy. If I were a Briton livingin the U nited K ingdom , I m ight feel the same.

However, I am an African, a m emb er of a country which has

b u t recently broken th e shackles linking it to Britain . W e had,however, retained the link with the m onarchy, bu t our orientation towards the co ntinent of Africa ma de it an ana chronism. Itwas out o f keeping w ith the full m eaning of our ind epen den ce:



OUR GHANAIAN CONSTITUTION 8 l

it symbolized an hierarchical pinnacle that no longer hadreality in the Ghana-Britain relationship. It injected a falsityinto our relationship with the states on our continent. We are

comm itted to the pursuance of an A frican U nion. W e areobliged in our affiliations to consider their effects upon our progress to wards th is cardinal goal. Num bers of our people ,moreover, believe it to be the h eight o f incong ruity for the inhab itants of the G han aian town of Tam ale, for instance, to findthe H ead of their State living in Buckingham Palace, Lon don.T he H ead of the West African State of G ha na should be aG ha naian having his residence in G hana.

It seemed tendentious, therefore, to find m yself du bb ed adictator by some and an enfant terrible by others when rumoursof my inten tion b egan to a pp ear in the British press. A disinterested consideration of the facts would have prod uce d a m oresober reaction. H owever, as I m entioned earlier, people in othe rcountries tend to inte rp ret th e actions of foreigners in terms o ftheir own experience. Hence the irresistible temptation ofBritishers to say that w ha t is good for Britain is good for G ha na .

But how could a Qu een resident abroad , or her representativewho was a na tional o f a foreign State, seek to symbolize the peopleof G ha na ? T hey were such obvious strangers to o ur coun try, toou r way o f life, to the sp irit of ou r people. T he very presence o fa Governor-General in the official position which he occupiedwas an affront to the sovereignty which we had fought for andachieved. It would have been equally an affront had theGovernor-General been an African.

It is no discourtesy to Q uee n E lizabe th I I if I a nd my peopleharbour the same conscientious objection to taking an oath tohe r as we would to swearing allegiance to the President o f theU nited States, or the P resident of the Soviet Un ion.

Nor should anyth ing I have said be taken as re flecting th eslightest disrespect to our two Governors-General. I t was largelydue to their tact and understanding allied to their broad liberal

views that our relationship was so free from friction.The President, according to our Republican Constitution, isnot only the H ead of State b ut also the chief executive a nd hea dof governm ent. This formula was not reach ed by us w ithoutkeen exam ination and com parative study of the m any different




repu blican systems of the world. W e pon dere d for m any m onthsw he ther we should establish the system followed in such countriesas India and the Soviet Union, whereby the titular Head of

State is the holder o f an h ono rary position w ithout pow er; orwhether to combine the Premiership with the Presidency andgive the highest position in the lan d to the effective leader o f thenation, as in the United States. We decided upon the latterform ula, mak ing our necessary ada ptations.

O ur decision took account of w hat seemed to us the mostlogical, the most democratic and the most straightforwardform ula. I n a dem ocracy, the real leader of the cou ntry is the

m an w ho has been dem ocratically elected as leader of the pa rtywhich commands a majority in Parliament, which has beendemocratically elected by the people. He is in fact the people’schoice. Why, then, should he not combine the governmental

powers w ith th e ceremonia ls attaching to th e headship of theState ? In ou r present environm ent an d circumstances our peopleassociate prim acy w ith power. T he position of a titu lar P resident, merely signing acts o f Pa rliam ent upon which he makes

no impact, would not have been easy for them to grasp. It isno t easy indeed for the stude nt o f dem ocracy to grasp, for it is ameaningless fiction, without content.

It is our hope that the system we have adopted, which com bines the Premie rship w ith the Presidency, will give stabil ityan d resolute leadership in the bu ilding of our co untry. I n ouropinion, it responds to the m ood of our people an d meets theexigencies of our actua l situation. T he reservation of certain

powers to th e Presid ent was fe lt to be necessary in order to allowop po rtunity for decisive action in pushing forw ard o ur development.

Ghana has established a democratic structure employing thenormal paraphernalia associated with such a governmentalform, w hich is really ah ead of our p re-industrial status. T o haveeffective control over the rate of ou r developm ent, we had to holdsomething in reserve. We had to trim our political coat to suit

ou r social an d economic cloth.The increased authority given to the President is to enable

him to exercise the positive leadership th at is so vital to a c oun tryseeking to pull itself up by its bootstraps. I f I m ay change the



OUR GHANAIAN CONSTITUTION 83

m etap ho r, it is in some ways the w ork of Sisyphus, except th atinstead of a stone our task is to roll a whole people uphill. T he reare some jobs in the world th at can be best done by a com

mittee, others need a managing director.I will not hide the fact that I am impatient when it comes to

building G hana. W e have to get on with th e jo b reso lutely. Eachm inister must regard himself as a m anag ing director an d get his

particu lar jo b done in th e allotte d time, and properly done. Hemust know that inexplicable failure can result in his giving

place to anoth er to prove his capacities. Real difficulties leading to legitim ate delay always receive un derstan ding considera

tion. But the driving urge to succeed m ust perm eate every br an chof governm ent, stemm ing from the m inisterial fountain-head ,who must com bine a high sense of responsibility with a h ighsense o f urgency. Each m inister m ust show himself an exampleto the people by his devotion to his work, by simple living, byleading in service. Ghana faces immense difficulties in her tasksof recon struction. I t is by no means a simple business to raiseeduc ational levels, to tra in skilled workers an d to im par t a senseof responsibility speedily, especially in circumstances of restrictedava ilability of local qualified personnel an d m ateria l resources.

Nevertheless, there is m uch th a t can be done quickly if everyone puts every ounce of abil ity and strength into th e buildin g of thenation. I t is a prime task of leadership in G han a to make the

people aware of th e compelling need to pu t forth their mostintense effort on b eh alf of the progress of the coun try a nd ofthemselves.

W ithin a society poising itself for the leap from p re-indu strialretardation to modern development, there are traditional forcesth at can im pede progress. Some of these m ust be firmly cut attheir roots, others can be retained and adapted to the changingneed. T he place o f chiefs is so interwo ven w ith G ha na ian societythat their forcible eradication would tear gaps in the socialfabric which m ight prove as painful as the retention of othe r

more unadaptable traditions. The constitution takes carefulaccount o f these factors, an d the Declaration of Fu nda m entalPrinciples states th a t £the office of Chiefs in G ha na , as existing

by custom ary law and usage, should be guaran teed’. I am fullyaware o f the bod y of opinion th at rega rds chieftaincy as an



OUR GHANAIAN CONSTITUTION 85time-servingj will now be the rew ard of m erit. T he new constitution contains a high challenge to our civil servants. Theirresponse will be recorde d in the accelerated rate of our n ational

development.T he changes in ou r con stitution which I have so far described

and explained, have been designed to create an environment inwhich Ghana can proceed more positively with national reconstruction. But even as I have always been concerned with theindependence a nd development of G han a as pa rt of the totalliberation a nd reconstruction of Africa, an d have m ade this aguid ing principle in the foreign policy of my governm ent, so Ifelt th at ou r con stitution should make a positive dem onstrationof G han a’s willingness to surren de r he r indiv idual sovereigntyto the total sovereignty of Africa, if this shou ld ever be req uired .O u r relations with the rest of Africa did indeed have more th ana little bea ring on our decision to sever the link w ith the BritishCrown and transform our state into a republic. But we considered th at some more revolutionary illustration o f our atta chm ent to the cause of African Un ion should be em bed ded in theinstrum ent tha t governs the c ou ntry’s policy. H ence, in the p reamble to our new constitution, the re is to be found the statem entthat :

We the people of Ghana . . . in the hope tha t we may by ouractions this day help to further the development of a Union ofAfrican States . . . do hereby enact and give to ourselves thisconstitution. . . .

W hile the D eclaration of Fu nd am en tal Principles includes thesespecific co nd itions:

That the Union of Africa should be striven for by every lawfulmeans, and, when attained, should be faithfully preserved ; and

That the independence of Ghana should not be surrendered

or diminished on any grounds other than the furtherance of African Unity.

This, I believe, is the first time th at an in dependen t, sovereignstate has volun tarily offered to surren der its sovereignty for the



8 6 AFRICA MUST UNITE

sake of unity.1It is our contribution, made freely, openly andsincerely by the gov ernm ent an d people of G han a, tow ards thelinking toge ther o f neighbo uring bro ther states as the best m eans

of prom oting the welfare of the people throu gho ut the w holecontinent. It is our fervent hope that other states in Africa willfollow suit, an d th at we need n ot wa it un til the en tire con tinenthas seen the light of brothe rhoo d. A start can be m ade w ith aslittle as two, th ree or four states willing to subm it themselves to asovereign union .

Ghana, Guinea, Mali and some other newly emergentAfrican states have m ade a sta rt by inscribing this ideal in their

constitutions. I t is for others to w ater this seed o f destiny un til itflourishes into a glorious tree of union an d brothe rhoo d am ongthe peoples of Africa.

1 T he constitutions of G uinea, T unisia, M ali and U .A.R . also contain asimilar provision.



C H A P T E R E L E V E N

T H E A D M I N I S T R A T I V E I N S T R U M E N T

A n e w s o c i a l structure does not automatically follow theattainm en t of political freedom. T ha t, like the ba ttle for in

dependenc e, has to be fought for and won by an arm y of stalwarts as determ ined in purpose as those who waged the strugglefor freedom.

This second stage of the re vo lutiona ry process, when reviewedsoberly, appea rs if anything, h ard er tha n the first. M ore th anonce, dur ing the pre-indepen den ce days, I was assailed by doub tsw hether we would have the forces to ca rry it through . T he re wasmy party, the C onvention People’s Pa rty, an d the overwhelmingmass support behind us. These, however, did not sit in the seatof administration from where policies for achieving our secondimportant objective of raising ourselves out of our socioeconomic backwardness are put into action. They were, inreality, an extra-administrative army, on whose co-operationwe could rely for the carrying ou t of ou r program m es a t the m oreintim ate level of village, ham let an d township. But there wouldhave to be a fully m ann ed force at the cen tral point of adm inistration capable of carrying thro ugh from top to bottom thenecessary directives for fulfilling the gove rnm en t’s policies.

Fo r all the protestations of the British th at the aim o f theircolonial policy was to prep are the people o f the sub ject territoriesfor self-government, it was only when the nation alist movementstook the reins that any real move was made to implement itsW hen we took over, ou r civil service was definitely and abso

lutely British in substance and nature; it was certainly notAfrican. I t was the rea lization o f this fact that caused me, sometimes with dismay, to recognize that when we did take firmlyinto ou r hands the reins of governm ent, there would be thedanger of finding ourselves in possession of an administrative



them quite u nfit and unre liable co-workers. We felt equally wellrid of those who w ere likely to resent taking orders from a nAfrican. My keenest anxiety was to avoid any dislocation of

gove rnm ent. W e h ad a t all costs to hold off any possibility of asituation of instability which w ould ena ble Britain a nd othercolonial powers to po int a t us the finger of scorn an d g loat overthe disastrous effects o f ha nd ing over self-government ‘pr em aturely 5to Africans.

It was of prime im portan ce to us, therefore, a nd the freedommovem ents in o ther p arts o f Africa, th at we should be able toeffect a smooth a nd gra du al take-over of power, free from

serious administrative shocks. Therefore, we decided in favourof maintaining the services of those British officials who werecivil servants in the best sense of the word, non-partisan in thefulfilment of their duties a nd pre pa red to carry ou t orders given

by an African. I t called for what I term ed at th e tim e ‘tactic alaction 5, b ut w ha t a n A m erican friend jokingly suggested m ight

be more appropriately nam ed ‘tactfu l5 action.In countries like Britain, where the civil service does not

change with a change in the governing party, as it does, forinstance, in the United States, the administration is expected toremain as loyal to the new government as it had been to theousted one. H ere you get the insistence up on the fiction th at civilservants are non-po litical. Th is fiction, if ca rried to its logicalconclusion, would in fact dep rive the civil servan t of his basicdemocratic right to vote. For in casting his vote, he exercises achoice in favour of one political pa rty an d thereby dem onstratesa bias.

T h a t his vote is secret does not a lter the fact of selection. Inorder to make a selection he must have his personal views,whether private or openly expressed, upon the alternative program mes or objectives of the parties co ntend ing for power. As agood civil servant, however, he is required, should the partyre turne d to power no t be the one o f his choice, nonetheless to

give it his absolute loyalty and unswerving integrity. This inmost instances he does, for he has been trained to understandthat it is only his patriotic duty to serve faithfully the existinggov ernm ent of his coun try. I t is in the rare , extreme cases, wherethe servants of governm ent find the p ull between g overnm ent

THE ADMINIS TRATIVE INSTRUMENT 89



senior grades of the service. Th is would en sure an am ple nucleusof African civil servants rea dy to take over the highest positionsof trust w hen we gained full independ ence.

Th is program m e would, I knew, have the effect of reducingthe incentive o f British officials to stay. I m ade no secret ab ou t myultimate intentions and aims, and they knew that their dayswere numbered. In the subsequent bargaining I would haveha d, if I ha d no t alread y b een sceptical of the claim, to revisethe self-asserted claim that British civil servants entered thecolonial service from a sense of altruistic concern for the be tterm ent of the ‘backw ard, primitive peoples’. Jo h n S tua rt M ill’s

description of the colonial civil service as ‘a form of ou tdo or re lieffor the sons of the British middle class’ is more apposite.

Fo r their point of view I h ad full und erstand ing. I knew theyha d careers to consider an d h ad joine d the colonial service und ercertain conditions of security. T he y would be un able in the newregime o f indepen dence to retain the status they had enjoyedun de r the old colonial regime. T he y h ad the choice of leavingor of surrendering their existing terms o f app ointm ent and joining the Gold Coast service under full local control. I thereforeoffered inducem ent in the form of a co mpensation program m efor loss of career. T he re was a good dea l of haggling and I wasrath er saddened at the op en explosion of the m yth o f the Britishcolonial civil servan t’s disinterestedness in financial rew ards, hismissionary purpose of carrying ‘the white m an ’s bu rd en ’. On ehundred and forty decided to leave immediately and anothereighty-three left shortly after. The Africanization programmetherefore had to be stepped up. O n the surface, some of theBritish officials appeared to adjust themselves to the new conditions and seemed to adapt their minds to working under, orside by side with, their African colleagues.

After 1957, when G ha na achieved independ ence, the positionof ou r civil service becam e b etter than it ha d b een in 1951. But itwas still far from satisfactory. F or thou gh the British ha d ceased

to rule, they h ad hedg ed us in with the detailed safeguards, set ou tin the constitution, o f the position, salary, pension rights an dtenu re of office of the civil servant. Reading these, one m ight

be forgiven for im agin in g th a t this charter had been speciallyfram ed to gu aran tee the security of the civil servant rath er tha n to

THE ADMINI STRATIVE INSTRUMENT 91




afford the o pp ortu nity for the free, dem ocratic evo lution of awhole society. Insistence on the inse rtion of these clauses by theBritish delegation to the negotiations on the constitutionstemmed from two purposes: to safeguard the interes t of theBritish exp atriate who w ould be continu ing his service with theG ha na g ove rnm ent; to give the G ha na ian civil servant the samestatus and security enjoyed by the British colonial civilservant.

T he first purpose we considered unnecessary. All along it ha d been m ade cle ar by us tha t there was room in the new G hanafor experienced service from m en a nd wom en who worked herein the Go ld C oast civil service an d desired to help the new state.I expressed our willingness to welcome the continued stay ofthose who were prep ared to be loyal to the new governm ent an dfaithfully ca rry o ut the policies initia ted by their political chiefs.I g ua rantee d their salaries an d pension rights an d com pensationfor loss of Colonial Office career. I considered it an imposition,however, for the Ghana Government to be forced to retain theservices of those w ho ha d elected to stay an d w ere later found to

be in com petent, obstructiv e or disloyal. Let me say a t th is pointth a t m any exp atriates have given excellent service to G han a a ndhave discharged their duties faithfully. Others have proved lessthan competent and have failed to pull their weight. Some, weknow, continued in the service with the set purpose either ofhinde ring our efforts or o f holding a w atch ing b rief for Britishinterests. It is certainly no t ju st th at the rights o f such civilservice mem bers should be safeguarded by clauses entren che d inthe constitution. As an independent government, the power toappoint and dismiss civil servants must surely rest with thegove rnm ent of the state, an d this should hold w hether the civilservant is a British expatriate or a Ghanaian. For they play adelicate, sometimes a key, part in carrying out government

policy.The second British purpose is understandable: the desire to

bequeath to G hana the pa tte rn of civil service obtaining in G reatBritain. The purpose, however, is dictatorial and unrealistic,and ignores the totally different needs of a less developedstate. I agree that the British civil service enjoys a high reputation for integrity, for probity, for loyalty to whatever govern



THE ADMINISTRATIVE INSTRUMENT 93

m en t comes to power, for abstention from political interference.I t also has the re pu tatio n o f being cautious, conservative, staid,static, often corollaries o f personal security. These are decidedlynot the qualities required by a new state about to launch its

people on a vast new program m e of dynam ic development.Government and civil service are inter-related. Government

determ ines policy, the body of civil servants carries it out. T hefinest program m es will get bogged dow n if the civil servants whodirect their practical execution are incompetent and withoutdedication. O ur desired rate of development must not be im

peded because we are obliged to carry white -collar governm ent

employees who will p u t in a sta nd ard stint of office hours a ndthe n forget all ab out the jo b ; who will never pu t a foot wrong b u t who will never have an orig in al idea ; who will th in k th etask performe d with the writing of a co m petent le tte r; who will be more concerned with sta tu s and prestige th an w ith help in gthe p ub lic ; whose fear of responsibility will always p rom pt the

passing on of decisions and action; who will model them selveson the H om burg -hatted u m brella-carrying civil servant of an

established state rather than on the pioneer worker of a newand developing country.

Security of em ployme nt is a fine principle an d one w hich Iendorse, but I do not think a civil servant in Ghana today hasgreater right to security than the fisherman, the cocoa-grower,the driver, the port worker, the teacher, the road labourer orm arket wom an. I a m averse to our civil servants being lodged inthe State apparatus like a nail without a head: once you drive

it in, you cannot pull it out. Government must retain the rightof dismissal, and the civil servant must be made to realize thathe can be dismissed if he does not perform the jo b requ ired ofhim. He mu st be grapp ling with his work all the time, thinkingtwenty-four hours a da y how best he can serve his coun try by his

performance for th e m inis try in which he works. T he G hanaiancivil servant must be utterly devoted and dedicated to the idealof reconstructing o ur co untry. He mu st show leadership, hemust, like his Minister, set an example to the people he serves.H e m ust be a pioneer.

These are the dem and s which we m ake o f ou r civil service.The y are high, for the task of the civil servan t in the building up




of Gh an a is crucial. O u r best laid plans will go awry if they arenot h and led with h eart as well as head.

At the m om ent o f indepen den ce, we h ad several first-classAfrican officials who cou ld assume the highest positions o f trus tin several ministries, but there still remained many ministrieswhose permanent secretary was an expatriate. Expatriates alsocontinued to fill many of the high-grade key positions in theexecution o f policy. N or can I say th at every African civil servantwas suited to his job . Some were good an d experienced. Somewere good, but lacked training. Some were second-rate. Whenever I and my cabinet colleagues sat down to formulate policy,we always had to keep in m ind th e capability limits of ou r civilservice in the im plem entation of ou r programm es in the timewe had set.

I h ave come to ap preciate, however, tha t even some of theAfrican staff who, to p u t it conservatively, were lukewarm inthe ir support o f my gov ernm ent and its programm e, givenresponsibility, have risen to the deman ds m ade up on them. M yministerial colleagues and I work a very full day and the pacewe set is quite gruelling. It has warmed me to see how manym embers of my staff, accustomed as they were to the m ean dering m ethods of the colonial adm inistration, h ave stiffened theirrate of work to m eet the new and urgent dem ands m ade uponthem.

Innumerable exasperations and difficulties remain, and them ore I think ab ou t this prob lem of the civil service in lessdeveloped countries planning for development, the more I feelth at the leaders o f freedom movements an d of em ergent statesmust pay added attention to the need to start early in the selection an d trainin g of their futu re executive officers. Some co untries, like India, Pakistan and Ceylon, were able to send theirsons to overseas universities to train for future leadership, andwere given the op portun ity of introducing them into certain

branches of th eir colonial adm inis tra tio n. They too experienceddifficulties, in spite o f having a core o f civil servants o f the ir ownnationals. O the r countries, like Israel, spent the imm ediate years

before th ey achieved independence in trainin g up a corps ofhigh-level officials who never actually worked in the Britishadm inistration bu t who studied the problems o f organization



THE ADMINISTRATIVE INSTRUMENT 95

arid administration, and were ready to take over the duties ofgovernment the moment the British departed.

For most countries emerging into independence, this has not

been done. N or have th ey been able, as G hana was not able, tospeed the Africanization o f the ir civil service a t the necessaryrate. We know colonialism and we know that we cannot lookto the colonial pow er for help in this m atter. I t is som ething weAfricans have to do ourselves. O u r ch ief difficulty du ring therevolutionary struggle is that our main activity is political andno t ad ministrative. Because of this, ou r best men an d wom encann ot be spared for civil service training , as they are need ed to

advan ce the political ba ttle. W ith indepen dence they becomeministers, mem bers of parliam en t, regional p arty leaders,reg ional officers, ambassadors. Y et top civil servants, gifted withadm inistrative skill and im bued w ith the fervour of independ encean d th e hope o f development, are vital to the recon struction o fa state. To rely on expatriates is to en dan ger the revolution. Fo rthe m en and wom en who ca rry ou t our policy mu st be as devotedan d d edicated to the idea of freedom an d n ationa l growth as theleaders of the cou ntry. T hey m ust be free of pa triotic an d intellectual a ttachm ents to outside forces. W ith o ur ow n nationalsof integrity we get a civil service con cerned only w ith the pu blicwelfare. T heirs is a twenty-four hours a d ay job , ju st like th at ofthe ir political leaders. U po n them , to a large extent, depends thequ ality of the co un try’s developm ent an d the speed w ith wh ichit can be fulfilled.

In 1952 there was only one Gh an aian h ead of de pa rtm en t. By1957 the figure ha d risen to twenty-two. Now all the pe rm an en tan d p ensionable posts are held by G hanaians.

An Institute of Public Administration has been established,where post-graduate students take a year ’s diploma course inthe theory a nd p ractice of pub lic adm inistration. T he re are alsospecial short courses and seminars for senior civil servants: andresearch is being carried out to find new techniques in publicadministration specially appropriate for Africa. Degree coursesin administration are being offered.

The country needs expert civil servants, aware of, and integrated into, the society around them, and with interestsdirected pa rticularly towards the problems of Africa. H itherto,




m an y civil servants entered the service with little or no trainin g.A knowledge o f m inu te w riting, the Civil Service Act, and officeroutine, was about all the practical training they had experienced.

W e have now achieved our aim of building up a G han aiancivil service able to administer the country efficiently, and Iwo uld like my brothers in the emerging states of this continentto know that Ghana stands ready to help them in their initialstages o f self-government. O u r civil service is at their d isposal.We can lend them top officials to start their ministries, we cansend them instructors to train their ow n indigenous civil service.

It is a problem whose complexity they will discover only withthe d epa rture of the colonial power. I t w ould indeed be a boonto all the new A frican states if those o f us who h ave enjoyed asom ewhat longer period o f independen ce were to m ake availablesome o f our officials to form a kin d of African civil service pool,stand ing at the service of emerging African states an d rea dy toserve the new U nio n of African States.



C H A P T E R T W E LV E

R E C O N S T R U C T I O N A N D D E V E L O P M E N T

S t a t e s e m e r g i n g from colonialism face the gigantic prob lemof transforming their almost purely trading an d raw -m aterial

producing economies into productive units capable o f bearinga sup erstructure o f m odern a griculture an d industry. W e have,all of us, a similar d earth of capital, trained labou r a nd technically-skilled personnel to assist forward our development atthe pace which our objectives demand. Our late start, and thespeed at which we mu st work if we are to mo dernize ou r cou ntries, are b ou nd in some degree to sharp en th e stresses an d strainswhich have accompanied industrialization everywhere in theworld.

Every advance in m ethods o f prod uction m ade by the foremost industrialized countries increases the gap between themand us. There is a theory that the countries which appear lastupon the industrial scene can automatically start at the latest

po int o f develo pm ent reached by the most advanced. Thistheory can only be app licable where the accum ulation of capital

is grea t eno ugh to m ake an effective take-off possible. Even inthose circumstances, there m ust also be available a literate p o pulation able to provide a sufficient body of train ed labo ur, an dmanagers to head and man the evolving industrial machine.

These circumstances do no t exist in G han a. T hey do no t existin any of the colonialized territories, wh ere subsistence farm ing,mo no-crop prod uction and extractive industries have dom inatedthe economy u nd er the influence of financial an d co mmercialmonopolies.

In Ghana, we have had to obtain technical knowledge andstaff from bette r eq uip ped sources, an d this process will con tinueun til we are able to produ ce a sufficient nu m ber of ou r ownexperts. We are getting help from international bodies like




U .S.O .M ., U.N.T.A.B., F.A.O ., W .H .O ., bu t since we arehaving to com pete with so man y other bidders, we have ha d toapp ly also to private qua rters. Even there, the de man ds are too

heavy to leave a n am ple supply of best quality people. I n orderto secure even the m inim um of well-qualified technicians we arehav ing to offer terms o f service which make de velopm ent for usdisproportionately costly. Money which we could otherwisespend on more basic requirements has to go, for example, intohousing an d o ther amen ities for foreign personnel. These wou ld

be m atte rs for priv ate provis ion if we were able to recruit thesame people locally. They are, moreover, requirements which

create precedents tha t our own people dem and w hen they cometo take over posts formerly held by ex patriates. W e are trying toestablish m ore realistic standards of service for ou r local peoplein government employ, though we have met a certain am ount ofresistance.

I do ap preciate th at in a m arket where many are competing,we hav e to make our term s of service to exp atriates as inviting aswe can, even though they place an additional strain upon our

far from un limited resources. Yet I fe el a strong sense of injusticein th a t we lately-colonial countries are forced to bear such additional burden s throu gh the fact of th at very backwardness inwhich we were kept by the countries which have made theirind ustr ial progress to a large exten t ou t of us. I t is these sameimperialist powers who are reaping another harvest today by

provid ing th e m achinery, equipm ent, m anagem ent, consultantsan d personnel which are the requisites of our reconstruction.

Capital investment, too, we have to seek abroad. There hasno t been developed in Africa even tha t bourgeois ac cum ulationof \vealth based upo n landholding, trad e, com merce an d industry which has arisen to some extent in some unadvancedcountries in Asia, let alone the accum ulation ou t of which Europefinanced its industrial revolution. This I think can be a ttribu tedin a measure to the fact that the British banking firms whichop era ted here w ere essentially banks of exchange an d looked

unfavo urably u pon the dispensing of credit to African entre preneurs. This a ttitude was upheld by the fact tha t our system oflan d ten ure does no t encompass individ ual ownership offreehold.W hen it came to the question of the provision of collateral against




and encouraging farmers to join the U nited G hana Farm ers’Council, the farmers’ representative council in G hana , whichassists the sale of their produce and makes monetary advances

to them at the beg inning o f the c rop seasons.T hrift has not been a characteristic o f our people, largely because they have not enjoyed enough income to make thequestion anything but academic. How to instil a need to spendan d save wisely am ong them has become a m ajor preoccupa tionnow that they are beginning to enjoy higher incomes and thetaste for amenities. Our family system actually discouragesfamily heads from saving, for the system, in effect, penalizes the

m an w ith initiative in favour of the lazy and the weak. Th eindigent members of the family live upon the more fortunateones. A praisew orthy an d useful prac tice in ou r past, more or lessstagnant society based on subsistence farming , it acts tod ay as a

break upon am bition and drive. A t the present tim e, th e m anwho makes a reasonable living finds his money eaten up by hisrelatives (and this includes the most extended m embers reachingto the n th degree o f relationship), so th at he simply can not m eet

his personal obligations, let alone save anything.But save we must, if we are to build up the h ar d reserves of

capital necessary for our development. Side by side with thefamily hind ranc e to saving, there has been a real and developingincrease in exp enditure u pon a vast miscellany of imp ortedgoods. The danger inherent in trying to ‘keep up with theJoneses’ which results in the rising cost in personal expenditureis something upon w hich we are trying to put a brake, n ot merely

because this kin d o f spending encourages inflation, but because it produces false sta ndards and illusory ideas of wealth in aneconomy w hich has not yet got off to a real start on the road ofreconstruction and development. It is for these several reasonsthat we have introduced compulsory savings and curtailed theim po rtation of w ha t we rega rd as inessential goods. W e have alsoestablished a national lottery, extended post office savings facilities, and set up a savings branch in our national bank. We

are looking into the means of encouraging investment in new businesses and in dustria l undertakings, which will encourageenterprise and initiative and help in building up managerialskill.



RE CONS T RUCT ION AND DE VE L OP ME NT 101

Investm ent cap ital is ou r great need. O u r colonial status prevented us from accumulating as individuals the reserves ofcapital necessary to establish on a private basis those major

enterprises which will lay the foundations of a sound industrialized economy and expand and diversify our agriculture.

Only the government, in fact, has resources large enough tomake a realistic app roach to the pro blem of reconstruction anddevelopment. A nd even governmen t, because of low n ational

production, is obliged to seek investm ent fro m abroad . But whilewanting to attract capital, we are continually on the alert toensure th at this does not enda nger o ur independence by m akingus subordin ate to a new form o f imperialism . T he kind o f investm ent assistance we prefer is th at w hich will enter into a pa rtn ership arrang em ent w ith the governm ent, or any of our statutoryinstitutions, un de r which ou r own citizens will be train ed to takeover manag em ent, d irection and technical posts at all levels. Weare a lread y receiving assistance of this kind, an d m ore is on theway.

I mu st say tha t we are rath er ch ary of the fortune hu nters whocome to our shores in shoals, seeking to m ake use of w ha t theyregard as our innocence an d n aivete in these m atters ; or of tha tarmy of business people, who have followed in one delegationafter another, more intent upon taking money from us in theform o f comm odity sales which w ould enhan ce their ownnation al revenues, than upo n con tribu ting to our economic ex

pansio n. There are circumstances in which the im port o f fo reign

capital is of benefit to the im po rting coun try, especially in thecase of the emerging developing co un try where large-scalesources of cap ital accu m ulation are small an d no t so easy tomob ilize. Foreign ca pital is thus useful and helpful if it takesthe form of a loan o r credit to enable the borrow ing coun try to

buy w hat i t needs fro m whatever sources it likes, and at the sametime to re tain control o f the assets to be developed.

O ne o f the worst things th at can h ap pen to less developedand emerging countries is to receive foreign aid with politicaland economic strings attached. These aids are very oftenw rapp ed up in financial terms th at are no t easily discernible.

Foreign investment made in an emerging and developingcou ntry by a foreign com pany in o rder tha t such com pany can




make a profit, has nothing to do w ith aid . This does no t mean th ata developing country may not find it advantageous to make acontract with a foreign company for the setting up of, say, a

factory or an industry.R ea l a id is something q uite different. It consists of direc t giftsor loans that are given on favourable terms and without stringsattached.

In other words, the problem is how to obtain capital-invest-ment and still keep it under sufficient control to prevent undueexploitation; and how to preserve integrity and sovereigntywithout crippling economic or political ties to any country,

bloc or system.We have h ad enough of Eu ropean m onopoly dom ination ofour economy. We have emancipated ourselves politically, andwe have now to shake off the econom ic monopoly th at was theobjective of foreign political control. T his is the crux of ou reconomic policy, and the essential he art o f ou r endeavours. F orunless we attain economic freedom, our struggle for independence will have b een in vain, an d our plans for social and cu lturaladvancement frustrated. Hence we are extremely vigilant inscenting out the subtle a nd insidious infiltrations of neocolonialism a nd the sabotage of foreigners enjoying our hospitality a nd the privilege o f buildin g economic enterprises in ourmidst. In furthe rance of ou r goal of unshackling ourselvesfrom foreign economic domination, we are creating agencieswhich will assist in breaking through this alien monopoly andstimulate capital accumulation for re-employment in widerdevelopment.

A cou ntry’s capital is, of course, also to be found in its body oftechnical, scientific and managerial knowledge, as well as in its

productive capacity. In these fields we have to acknowledgedeficiencies which we know it will take time to wipe out. Moreover, the low rate o f productivity m akes ou r labou r, in spite ofthe relatively small wages it receives, quite expensive. At the

present time, low n utrition, a deficient sense o f responsibility, thefear of being ou t of work, govern the rate at w hich work is pe rformed. These factors are the env ironm ental effects of historicalcircumstances. T ribal controls an d taboos followed by the autocratic p atern alism of colonialism have held in leash the sense of



initiative and responsibility which develops in a freer society.As living conditions grow be tter un de r the improvem ents whichthe government is pledged to effect, and indeed has already

made to some extent, as unemployment lessens and the mom entum of development gathers speed, a quickening o f productive ou tpu t throu ghout the economy must follow. Productiveincrease will also respond to encouraging incentives, which needno t always be of a financial na ture. For a p rodu ctivity increasewhich is completely eaten up through expanded consumptionwill defeat the development programme, whose investmentcapital must come from surpluses. Some austerity is imperativeand our new controls are aimed at this. At the same time, weare trying to eliminate, by party discipline and other means,wide gaps between the lower and higher income groups. W e aresetting ou r hands as firmly as we can a gainst the grow th of a

privileged section.T he re m ust also be gu ards against the dang er of spiralling

inflation, which too often attends a constructing economy, such

as ours is rapidly becoming. Careful planning can and mustkeep inflation within limits so th at the advan tages o f economicdevelopment shall not be dissipated in an ever-soaring cost ofliving and building.

But the building of a new state requires more th an the pre para tion of program mes, the design o f plans and th e issue ofinstructions for their implementation. It requires the wholehe arted supp ort a nd self-identification of the people, an d the

widest possible response to the call for volu nta ry service. A w aron illiteracy has to be waged; and a country-wide self-help

program m e of com m unity developm ent arranged, to prom otethe bu ilding of schools, roads, dra ins , clinics, post offices, housesand community centres.

T he effects of self-help schemes, valuab le in themselves andthe incentive they give to initiative, are, however, local in com

pass and lim ited in purpose. R apid developm ent on a nationalscale an d the attainm ent o f economic independence dem and amore intensive a nd wider application of ability a nd inventiveness, the speedy acqu isition o f technica l knowledge an d skills, avast acceleration of productivity as a prerequisite to ac cum ulation of savings for re-investment in industrial expansion. In

RECONST RUCTION AND DEV ELOP MENT IO3




a less developed society there are several impediments to industrialization, q uite a p art from the lack of requisite capitalaccumulations, technical skills, scientific knowledge and industrial enterprise, which, unless they are eliminated, willstultify our efforts at advancement. For they have their cumulative effect precisely in th e lack of these requisite reserves.

Customs w hich extol the virtues o f extended family allegiancesustain nepotic practices, and regard the giving and taking of‘presents’ as implicit an d noble, because they prom ote th e familywelfare. They encourage indolence and bribery, they act as a brake upon abil ity, they discourage th a t deeper sense of individua l responsibility which must be rea dy in a period of activereconstruction to accept obligation and fulfil trust. Above all,they retard productivity and oppose savings, the crucial factorsin the ra te o f developm ent. Polygamy donates its quo ta to thesereta rdin g influences, while o ur laws o f succession a nd inheritance stifle the creative an d inventive urge.

It is certainly not accidental that the industrial revolutioncam e first to E ngland, w here the law o f prim ogen iture entailedthe inh eritance of estates to the eldest son and m ade it necessaryfor the younger ones to follow pursuits which increased capitalwealth. The historian, G. M. Trevelyan writes:

A distinguishing feature of the English gentry, which astonished foreign visitors as early as the reign of Henry V II, was theirhabit of turning their younger sons out of the manor-house toseek their fortunes elsewhere, usually as apprentices to thrivingmerchants and craftsmen in the towns. Foreigners ascribed thecustom to English want of family affection. But it was also,

perhaps, a wise instinct of ‘what was best for the boy,’ as wellas a shrewd calculation of what was best for the family fortunes.The habit of leaving all the land and most of the money to theeldest son built up the great estates, which by steady accumulation down the years, became by Hanoverian times so markeda feature of English rural economy.

The younger son of the Tudor gentleman was not permittedto hang idle about the manor-house, a drain on the familyincome like the impoverished nobles of the Continent who weretoo proud to work. He was away making money in trade or in



law. He often ended life a richer and more powerful man than hiselder brother left in the old home.1

Ano ther incentive was Puritanism wh ich encouraged frugalityand frowned upon wastefulness and ostentatious expenditure.As far as the natio na l econom y in an un der-develop ed c ou ntry isconcerned, savings converted into ornaments and squanderedin celebrating religious festivals, in extravagant wedding andfuneral expenses, are as much lost as though they were throwninto th e sea. T rib al society, counting little b u t sunrise, sunset an dthe moon’s apogee, welcomed these festive breaks in the

m ono tony of passing days, an d has carried over the customs intothe present, where another, more stirring philosophy needs toinduce industriousness and thrift.

Th e legend o f the m edieval chu rch th at ‘to labo ur is to p ray ’enco uraged tillage of the soil. I t was im proved up on by theexhortations of Protestantism to work hard and be thrifty,wh ich raised to a c ardin al virtue the saving of money a nd itsinvestment in profitable en terprise. O u r less energetic societym ust be goad ed into the acceptance of the stimuli necessary torapid economic development by alterations in our socialrelationships a nd habits, if necessary by law. Ja p an , for instance,since the end of the Second W orld W ar, has legislated for a cu rtailed family unit which comprises husband and wife and theirchildren. Legally, the husband has no responsibility for anyoth er members of the family outside this close un it. M oreov er,children are being taught not to look to their parents to willthem an inheritance but to fend for themselves. The initiative,energy an d drive thus released are being tu rne d to the expansionof J a p a n ’s national economy.

A sense of devo tion a nd sacrifice helps to instil acceptance o fnarro w er stand ards for the p resent in the interest of wider onesin the future. A certain am ou nt o f belt-tightenin g is essential.

T he W elfare State is the climax of a highly developed in

dustrialism. To assure its benefits in a less developed countryis to promise m erely a division of poverty. U nd ou bted lythere m ust be an investm ent of a prop ortion o f the cap italreserves in the establishm ent o f m inim um wage levels to assure

1 G. M . Trev elyan : English Social History (Longmans 1946), p. 125.

RE CONS T RUCT ION AND DE VE L OP ME NT 105



C H A P T E R T H I RT E E N

TO WA R D S E C O N O M I C I N D E P E N D E N C E

W h e r e i n d e p e n d e n c e has been preceded by a struggle,

there remains a residue o f enthusiasm to start off the newna tiona l existence, which, if prop erly harnessed a nd directed,

provides a spur in dealing with the tasks of sta te build ing.However, th ere is an accom pan ying lessening o f tension, a senseof pressure eased, a pause for bre ath after battle. Th ere is afeeling that, having made the supreme and sustained effortcalled for in ridding the country of colonial rule, a well-earnedrest can now be taken.

The government has to make it clear that a new and greatereffort is demanded to consolidate the nationalist victory. The

people have to be fu lly re-anim ated so th a t they will driveforward with zest and courage to a more formidable battle inwhich they will be faced with different obstacles and hardshipsas the new state develops.

In Ghana, the Convention People’s Party had the task of

rousing the spirit of devotion and sacrifice necessary for the program m e of developm ent which it was given a m andate todischarge. The pre-independence slogan of ‘Self-Government

Now’ was replaced with tha t of s e r v e g h a n a n o w . We heldou t no glowing hopes of we alth withou t labour. O n the contrary,we stressed the need for everyone to work doub ly ha rd now tha twe were labo uring for ourselves and our c hildren, a nd not for theenrich m ent o f the form er colonial power. T he rew ards would benational and individual dignity, the satisfaction which comesfrom creation a nd a raised stan da rd of life. Foremost o f allwould be economic independence, without which our politicalindependence would be valueless.

Under colonial rule, a country has very restricted economic



i o 8 A FRI CA MUST UNITE

links with other countries. Its natural resources are developedonly in so far as they serve the interests of the colonial power.However, once political independence has been achieved, the

country’s full potentialities can, and must, be explored. Thedomestic economy must be planned to promote the interests ofits own nationals; and new and wider economic links must becreated w ith othe r countries. O therwise, the new ly-independen tcountry may fall victim to the highly dangerous forces ofeconomic imperialism, and find that it has merely substitutedone kind o f colonialism for another.

In the past, all Ghana’s economic links were with the West,

mainly the United Kingdom. Since independence, we haveforged new links with countries such as Russia, China, Poland,Czechoslovakia and Y ugoslavia. The Report o f the United Kingdom Trade and Industrial Mission to Ghana , published in 1959, showedth at 85 per cent of all G ha na ’s im port tra de was in the hands ofEuropean firms (mainly British), 10 per cent in the hands ofAsians (Indians, Syrians and Lebanese), and only 5 per cent inG han aian hands. Now, m any G hanaians are participating fully

in the im port and export business of the cou ntry. This was at onetime the privilege o f the few, because the m arke t was limited tothe sterling area only, and m any of the po pular brand s ofm erchandise w ere mon opolized by the few princ ipal firms withforeign capital. In i960, Ghana bought goods to the value of£ G i2 9 ,617,497 from the outside world a nd sold goods w orth£6115 ,982 ,854 .

In planning national development, the constant, funda

mental guide is the need for economic independence. Thisinvolves a stock-taking of the nation al resources, both actua l and

potentia l, hum an as well as m aterial, and the need to developthem by means of careful priorities a nd skilful integra tion so as to

produce a strong, healthy and balanced economy. An im portan t essential is to reduce our colonia l-produced economicvulnerability by lessening the dependence on mono-cropfarming.

Although cocoa still remains our main export, we havesucceeded to some extent in diversifying our agriculture. We

plan to relate our agricultural production prim arily to the needsof the dom estic mark et a nd to provide raw m aterials for



secondary industries. We have begun to export bananas,coconuts, copra, p alm kernels, and palm oil, kola and o ther nuts,

plantains, rubber, coffee, spices, and tobacco. Several of these

products, such as palm oil, tobacco, coffee and rubber, we shalluse in increasing a m ounts in o ur ow n industries.The government has provided grants for the regional

deve lopm ent o f w ater resources, for soil conservation an dimprovement projects, for financing experimental plantationsof new crops, a nd for the app lication o f new techniques to oldcrops. Our farmers are getting practical advice on how to usetheir land to the best advantage an d to produce g reater yields.

They are being assisted by hire purchase and co-operativeschemes to acq uire m odern agricultural m achinery a nd processing equipment. More rational marketing procedures are beingsteadily introduced. Ghana has begun to export agricultural

products which have never been grown here before , and im proved m eth ods of growing established crops have led tosubstan tial increases in yield.

Diversity of agricu lture has been accep ted as a shibboleth, b utif the developm ent is simply towards the end of exportation, thiscan defeat the aim, since the fact th at so m any countries are nowconcentrating upon similar objectives can produce an overextension of the sellers’ m ark et with sub sequ ent depression ofw orld prices. T he fall in w orld prices of raw m aterials since theend of the Second W orld W ar has deprive d the less developedcountries of the staggering sum o f £57 4,000 million, an am ount

greater than all the so-called aid which these countries havereceived from the advanc ed nations. T his in itself represents adenial of trem endous capital for m uch-w an ted d evelopment tha twould not have happened had we newly emergent states beenunited an d strong enough to make our ba rgaining on the international commodity markets effective.

The major advantage which our independence has bestowedupon us is the liberty to arrange our national life according tothe interests of ou r people, an d along w ith it, the freedom, inconjunction with other countries, to interfere with the play offorces in the world commodity markets. ‘Under-developedcountries, utilising their newly won independent status, can by

purposive policy interferences m anage to a lter considerably th e

TOWARDS ECONOMIC INDEP ENDE NCE l o g



n o AFRICA MUST UNITE

direction of the m arket processes und er the im pact o f which theyhave hitherto remained back w ard,5m aintains G unn ar M yrd al.1Th is is a reality wh ich we recognize, and we are using the in terna tional organizations an d other m edia to exert pressures in ourfavour. Nevertheless, the richer cou ntries are still in a position tolimit the returns we obtain for our primary products, and wewould seem to be more strategically placed as the major produ cer o f a single raw m aterial, either ag ricultural or extractive,for w hich there is a heavy world dem and. O ur cocoa prod uctionhas hitherto given us such a commanding position but, withother comers tending to equalize the field, we are discoveringth at a satisfactory price level can be h eld only by agreem ent withthe other large producers, such as Brazil, Nigeria, and others.W ith judicious use o f our join t b argaining pow er, we m aycon tinue to use ou r exports of pr im ary prod ucts to assist ou rindustrialization.

Fluctuations in primary product prices are one of theinsecurities in planning for less developed countries. Yet thiscannot invalidate planning, which is the prime medium bywhich development can be undertaken in the given conditions.

T he governm ent has to take the place of the adven turousentrepren eurs w ho created the cap ital basis of industrializationin the ad vance d countries.

The fishing industry has also benefited from government p lanning. A local build ing yard is tu rn ing out high-standard, pow ered fishing vessels to increase th e scope of ou r fishing fleets.Complementing it, is a partnership association with overseasinterests in a storage and refrigeration plant to take vegetables

and other perishable goods as well as fish. A fishing harbour has been built a t Elm ina near Cape Coast, a t one tim e a thrivin gPortuguese slaving and trad ing fort. A far large r fishing ha rbo urhas been constructed a t our new coastal town o f Tem a. W e hopethat these two harbours, with adequate refrigeration facilities,will not only provide an ade qu ate sup ply of high pro tein food forou r people b u t enoug h fish to give work to a can ning factory, theoutput from which will swell our exports.

In the industrial sphere, our aim has been to encourage the1 Gunner Myrdal: Economic Theory and Under-Developed Regions , GeraldDuckworth & Co. Ltd, p. 66.



TOWARDS ECONOMIC IN DE P E N DE N C E I 11

establishment of plants where we have a n atu ral adv antag e inlocal resources and labour or where we can produce essentialcommodities required for development or for domestic con

sumption. During 1961, over sixty new factories were opened.Among them was a distillery, a cocon ut oil factory, a brew ery, amilk processing plant, an d a lorry and bicycle assembly plan t. Inadd ition, agreements were signed for the establishmen t of a large,modern oil refinery, an iron and steel works, a flour mill, andsugar, textile an d cem ent factories.

In forestry, we have introdu ced a prog ram m e for conservationan d disease control, which will bo th safeg uard o ur forest reservesand permit an advance in timber production. For Ghanaianlumber continues to be greatly prized in overseas markets andhas a high place on our ex port list. P rodu ction in ou r local tim berand cork factories has been expanded, and a marked improvem ent has taken place in the o utp ut of our m ining o f gold,diamonds, manganese and bauxite.

O u r First D evelopm ent Plan, laun che d in 1951, con centrated

on communications, public works, education and generalservices. I t p rep ared the w ay for our ind ustrialization drive.This was the keynote of ou r Second Dev elopment Plan wh ich

will provide for the establishm ent of m any factories, o f vary ingsize, to p rodu ce a rang e o f hu ndred s of different products.Financial provision is being made to ensure that adequatefacilities will be available to prospective investors in industrialdevelopment.

Capital projects, such as the Volta River scheme and Temaharbour and its extension, will provide opportunities for our

people to develop skills at all levels. A n essential element in ourindu strial developm ent mu st be the bu ilding up of ou r store oftechnical and managerial knowledge. We are encouragingforeign investment, but to accept it merely for the purpose ofwidening our industrial base without strengthening our ownskills and techniques will leave us as economically impoverishedas we were under colonialism. Unless our own nationals aregiven the op po rtunity of learning the job on the spot, side by sidewith foreign ‘experts’, we shall be as ignorantly backward asever.

There is an argument that contends that young nations




em erging from colonialism are indulging in wasteful expen diture by duplicating industries and ventures which have already been perfected by the older industria lized nations of the world, whose products are available a t lower cost than that for w hich they can be m anufactured by us. I t m ay be true in some instances tha t ourlocal products cost more, thoug h by no m eans all of them , andthen only in the initial period. But even if it were substantially thefact, it is not an argument that we can accept. It is precisely because we were , under colonialism , m ade th e dum pin g groundof other countries’ m anufac tures an d the providers merely of

prim ary m ate rials , tha t we rem ain ed backw ard ; a nd if we wereto refrain from building, for example, a soap factory simply

because we m ig ht have to raise the price of soap to the community, we should be doing a disservice to the country.

Every time we im port goods tha t we could manufactu re if allthe conditions were available, we are continuing our economicdependence and delaying ou r industrial growth. It is jus t theseconditions that we are planning to provide, so as to make ourselves independent of the importation of goods and foodstuffsthat we can produce ourselves. These are the conditions whichwill assist to build up ou r body o f knowledge, techniques andskills, to make us more self-confident and self-sufficient, to pushtowards ou r economic independence. An other no less im po rtan taspect is that the exchange thus saved can be used to financecapital machinery for our own industries, which alone can givevalue to our industrialization.

Under colonial administration, postal, telegraphic and railcommunications, broadcasting, such electricity and water

services as existed, were all publicly owned and administered.Since independence we have added an airline, a shipping line,and a national bank. We have met with active resistance fromvested interests in our efforts to establish our own mercantilefleet.

In connection w ith the founding o f G han a Airways, it wasmaintained that there were enough international airlines toserve our needs, and that the forma tion of a new one was an un

necessary multiplication, which would only serve to satisfy ourna tiona l pride. Even if this were true, w hich it is not, it was anargum ent which did not app eal to us. N aturally, it increases our



TOWARDS ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE

self-confidence to observe ou r ow n people helping to con trol theintricate m echanisms involved in the functioning o f ou r ownairways services, an d we certainly experience a glow of pride in

seeing our flag flying on planes and ships travelling to othercountries. But aga in, we m ust encourage every kind of projectth at will add to our techn ical skills and na tiona l experience, andthe op eration o f ou r own airlines an d shipp ing makes a valuablecon tribution to this end.

W e are at present plann ing to ch art routes wh ich will connectup the m ore im po rtan t cities and towns of Africa. O ne of thefactors m aking contac t betw een Africans difficult is the absenceof prop er and plentiful m eans o f com m unication. A t the presenttime, Africa’s communications look outward and not inward.They connect us rather with countries overseas than with ourselves. Shipp ing is no t plan ne d to go all the way round the coast,connecting roads criss-crossing the continent are non-existent,and the established routings operated by the existing international airlines are planned to serve travellers from Europe

rath er th an A fricans wishing to go from one p a rt o f this con tinentto another.

Th e routings of the Eu rop ean airlines frequen tly m ake itnecessary for us to go, for instance, from North or East to WestAfrica by w ay o f Europ e. T he ab surd ity of this is too obvious toneed stressing. Almost every country in Europe has its own airline and the routes over the European continent are many andwell-served, and no one thinks it at all strange that B.E.A., forexam ple, d uplicates some o f Sab en a’s services. T here fore, thecontention that we young nations on other continents shouldrefrain from entering this vital field of communications smacksto us of the old imperialist attitud e. Africa is a considerably larg ercontinent than Europe, and there is more th an enough reason forus African nations to develop com m unications be tween ourselvesas a means o f bringing us closer together an d m aking o ur

common intercourse easier an d more fruitful.The difficulties in getting o u r Black Star shipping line sta rted

have been successfully overcome and we are now enlarging itw ith a num ber o f vessels whose keels have b een laid in Germ any ,En gland , H olland an d other countries. An efficient an d adequ ateshipping fleet o f ou r own will establish a pow erful ins trum en t to



i i 4 AFRICA MUST UNITE

break the hold which th e monopoly interests, inclu din g foreignshippers, have upon our trade. The revenue that goes abroadevery yea r m erely in the sh ipment o f ou r cocoa runs into several

millions sterling. W ithou t shipping o f our own, we are p laced atthe mercy of the foreign shipping lines, who could hold us toransom , as they have in the past, at an y time they wished. W ithour own shipping we shall become indep end ent of externalmaritime agencies. We shall bring revenue to our own coffers,an d once m ore make a fine add ition to our skills and experience.

In connection wdth our communication projects, we haveorganized a nautica l tra ining school and a flying school which are

designed to supply us with sufficient trained personnel to manan d officer ou r ships and aircraft. T ra ining is plan ne d to proceedin stages so as to afford an an nu al o utp ut o f m en for imm ediateabsorp tion into the shipping an d flying services.

All industries o f any m ajor economic significance requ ire, as a basic facility, a la rge and reliable source of power. In fact, theindustrialization of Britain, Am erica, Ca nad a, Russia, a nd othercountries too, emerged as a result of the discovery of new sourcesof energy. New er nations, like our own, which are determ ined tocatch up, must have a plentiful supply of electricity if they are toachieve any large-scale industrial advance. This, basically, wasthe justification for the V olta Rive r P roject.

This project, an d the extension of the port a nd ha rbo ur atTema, will have a massive effect on our national economy andenlarge its development. The Volta River scheme involves the

production of hydro-electr ical power by dam m in g the riv er andapp lying the great volume o f resu ltant cheap power to convertour bauxite resources into aluminium and to provide electrification for the nation’s other industries. The Volta is ourlargest river, and we have enough bau xite to feed an alum iniumsmelter with a capacity o f 200,000 tons. As originally conceived,the p roject called for raising the level of the w ater th rough theerection of a single high dam with a power station below to

harness the energy released by the drop and convert it intoelectricity. Almost its whole output was to be devoted to theworking of a sm elter for rolling b aux ite into alum inium sheets.Th is and the estimated cost of £3 00 million sterling dimm ed theattractiveness of the project.



TOWARDS ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE

Nevertheless, I pu t it up to the colonial adm inis tration, whocould see no prospect of raising the capital. I t was obvious th atthe project would have to wait for independence and that Iwould have to take upon myself the task of enlisting financialhelp from overseas. With independence, we would be in a

position to give governm ent guarantees to outside investors. Assoon as we becam e free, I started p ushing the project, bu t quicklycame up against a blank wall - the leading manu facturers ofaluminium . T hey were organized into a consortium controllingthe bulk of the w orld’s ou tput, and were not interested in a newcom petitor, still less in a new source o f cheap alum inium . T hey

expressed polite interest; one even sent a study mission to makean on-the-spot investigation and then turned the project down.In the middle of 1958, I accepted an official invitation from

President Eisenhower to visit the United States. During the talkI h ad w ith him I told him of the V olta River scheme. This led to ameeting with m embers of the H enry J . Kaiser Com pany, one ofthe large indepe nden t alum inium producers. They promised tosend a team of experts to reassess engineering aspects of the

original scheme. The team made their investigations and werefavourably impressed. T he ir reassessment report recom m endedthe construction of the d am at a different point from th atoriginally proposed, an d the ex tension of the scheme by the

provision of two other hydro-electr ic al stations which wouldsupply the more northerly pa rt of the cou ntry with m uch-neededwa ter and power.

T he original Volta R iver project was designed to chann el the bulk of th e electr ic ity produced by th e dam to an alu m in iumsmelter, an d a com paratively small prop ortion only would have

been m ade available for domestic consumption. T he reassessment report recommended the installation of a nationalelectricity grid covering the m ajor pa rt of Sou thern G han a, fromthe ha rbou r and industrial town of Tem a, throug h Accra,Takoradi, Tarkwa, Dunkwa, Kumasi, Koforidua and back tothe d am site at Akosombo. By the add ition o f the two sm allerstations at Bui and Kpong, at higher points on the Volta, thena tiona l grid will extend into the territory on the o ther side of theriver. At selected points on the grid there will be outlets fromwhich electricity will be distributed for domestic and industrial



i i 6 AFRICA MUST UNITE

users over an ex tended area . T he rou ting o f the grid will also provide outlets for power supplies to m any of th e la rger mines. I ftransmission lines could be installed economically, there would

be sufficient electr ic ity to provide power for th e whole country,an d even to have some to sell to our neighbours.

Th is scheme was accepted in principle by the gove rnment, notonly because it provided for reasonably economic operation inthe early years by selling power to a smelter, but because it also

provid ed for the production of a large and reliable source ofelectrical power, for many years to come, for Ghana’s development. The main hydro-electrical project at Akosombo is being

financed by Ghana, Britain, the United States and the International Bank, while an agreement has been reached with theSoviet Un ion for the design an d construction of the power damstation at Bui.

One of the incidental results of the project will be theform ation o f an in lan d lake, which will cover 3,275 square milesand will be the largest man-made lake in the world. The lakewill, it is estim ated , eventua lly prod uce u p to 10,000 tons of fresh

fish a year, m uch of it read ily accessible to areas of G ha na too farfrom the sea for our sea-water catches to be readily transportedthere. The lake fishing industry may well become very im

portan t, and it is proposed to develop this as soon as the lake hasfilled, and the fish have had time to multiply. A further advantage is th at ab out six hu nd red square miles of land arou nd theshores of the new lake will be flooded each season at high w ater,an d should be suitable for the intensive cultivation o f crops suchas rice.

A private com pany has been formed by some of the w orld’sgreatest producers of aluminium, to establish the smelter at anestimated cost of £1 00 million. This com pany , known as Valeo(Volta Aluminium Company Limited), will employ about1,500 people. Once its pioneer com pany relief period is over, itwill pay taxes to the G ha na Governm ent, an d also pay the V oltaRiver A uthority nearly £ 2 \ million yearly for electricity.

Th e construction of the port and harb ou r at Tem a was anintegral pa rt o f the Volta R iver scheme. Some two thousandworkers were employed to bu ild thousan ds o f housing units, p lanned with m odern shopping areas in each suburb, a good n et



TOWARDS ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE 117

work of roads, and sites for the alum inium pla nt an d subsidiaryfactories. These will serve, an d be served by, the large po rt a reawith its main, lee and south breakwaters. The quays have

provision for extension, spacious sheds and warehouses, andrailway links to each po int o f need.The port started to operate in 1961, and already the town

boasts alm ost 30,000 inhabita nts. T he ultim ate populatio n will be about 250,000. A whole fishing village has been moved fromthe condemned slums in which it was housed to a new one

provid in g m odern amenities.Tem a is Gh an a’s first plann ed city. T o see its construction, and

to remember the quiet palm-fringed cove which it replaces is tofeel a sense of crea tion and developm ent. M ore im po rtan t, to seeour men at work and to recall their pre-independence loungingunder the palms, is to refresh our faith in our capacity to buildour country.

The ha rbo ur, one of the largest in Africa, took over seven yearsto build. At peak periods during its construction, more than3,500 m en worked on it, some of them in the hills twenty miles

away, w here they qu arried over ten m illion tons of rock for them ain breakwaters. T he ha rbo ur is nearly h alf as large again asthe one at Tak orad i, 160 miles to the west, an d it encloses abou t400 acres of water. It has a fishing harb ou r, an d will even tuallyhave five quays a nd fifteen berths.

Some two weeks before I opened the harbour at Tema, Iofficially laun ched the V olta R iver scheme by pressing a bu ttonto dynam ite a slice out of the hillside at Akosombo. H un dre ds of

people danced, cheered, sang and fired guns in to th e a ir as thelocal chief po ured libation an d offered a sheep in sacrifice. O neof my g reatest dreams was com ing true. In a few years there will

be sufficient power to serve th e needs of our industria l growth fora long time ahead.



C H A P T E R F O U RT E E N

B U I L D I N G S O C I A L I S M I N G H A N A

W h e n I s a t d o w n w i t h m y p a r ty c o l le a g u e s a fte r i n d e p e n d e n c e

t o e x a m i n e o u r u r g e n t p r i o r it ie s , w e fr a m e d a s h o r t l is t. W e m u s t

a b o li sh p o v e r t y , ig n o r a n c e , i l li t e r a c y a n d im p r o v e o u r h e a l t h s er v ic e s. T h e s e w e r e d i r e c t a n d s im p l e o b j e c t iv e s n o t e x a c t l y

a m e n a b l e to le g i s la t i o n . I n o u r s i t u a t io n t h e y w e r e f o r m i d a b l e

l o n g - t e r m o b j e c t iv e s in v o l v i n g t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f s o c ia l i l ls w h i c h

h a v e t r o u b l e d t h e w o r l d s in c e t h e b e g i n n i n g o f h i s to r y a n d s til l ,

i n v a r y i n g d e g r e e s, p l a g u e a l l th e c o u n t r ie s o f t h e g l o b e .

Delegations, official and semi-official, travel a broa d from timeto time, examining what other countries have to offer us in theway of experience a nd knowledge th at c an be a pplied to ourcircumstances. I m aintain tha t there is no universal patter n forindustrialization that can serve as an absolute model for newnations emerging ou t of colonialism. Looking aro un d, we find noexamples tha t are identical. Eu rope an countries stretched theirindustrialization over a much longer period and in a differenteconomic, scientific and social epoch. Th e U nited States clearedvirgin land and used slave labour to amass its primary wealth.It has a geographic span that gave it special opportunities for arapid industrial expansion and large-scale manufacture. TheSoviet Un ion, starting from practica lly nothing, covering a vastland mass with manifold resources, swept away the former bureaucracy, and employed an au thorita rian dic ta to rship toachieve its purpose.

Fre quently, the nearest models are those countries, like Ja p an ,or Ch ina, or Ind ia, th at have m ade or are making their industrialrevolution against conditions more nearly approximating toour own and in a time cycle closer to ours. India and Chinacover huge stretches of land an d have excessive populations.Japan, though much smaller, has also created a population that



gives he r one o f the highest densities in the world. These arefactors which bear directly upon the planning for industrialdevelopment and economic independence. They provide bothcauses and solutions in the d rawing up of program m es, an d thedegree of adju stm ent th at is mad e to the problems wh ich theyalso raise will depen d u po n the econom ic course that is taken.

In G han a, we have em bark ed on the socialist p ath to progress.We want to see full employment, good housing and equalopp ortunity for education and cultural ad vancem ent for all the

people up to the highest level possible. This means th a t :- prices of goods must not exceed wages;

- house rentals must be w ithin the m eans of all grou ps;- social welfare services must be open to al l;- educational and cultural amenities m ust be available to

everyone.It means, in short, th at the real income an d stan da rd of life of allfarmers a nd workers m ust rise appreciably.

I have already m ade it clear tha t colonial rule precluded tha taccum ulation of capital am ong our citizens which w ould haveassisted thorough-going private investment in industrial construction. It has, therefore, been left to govern m ent, as the ho lderof the m eans, to play the role o f m ain e ntreprene ur in laying the

basis o f th e national economic and social advancem ent. I f weturned over to private interests the going concerns capitalizedou t of na tiona l funds an d n ation al effort, as some of ou r criticswo uld like to see us do, we should be b etray ing the trus t of thegreat masses of our people for the greedy interests of a smallcoterie of individuals, pro bab ly in alliance w ith foreigncapitalists. Pro du ction for priv ate p rofit deprives a large sectionof the p eople o f the goods an d services prod uced . If, therefore, weare to fulfil ou r pledge to the peop le an d achieve the p rogram m eset out above, socialism is our only alternative. For socialismassumes the pu blic own ership of the means o f prod uction, thelan d an d its resources, and the use of those m eans in fulfilment

of the peop le’s needs.Socialism, above all, is predicated upon the ability to satisfy

those needs. It is obvious, therefore, that Ghana at this time isnot possessed of the socialist means. Indeed, we have still to laythe actual foundations on which they can be built, the modern-

BUIL DING S OCIAL ISM IN GHAN A I i g




ization of our agriculture and the industrialization of ourcountry. W e have to transfer to the hands of the people the majormeans of produc tion a nd distribution.

O ur r ate of developm ent will be governed by the surpluses tha twill be mad e available out of heightened pro ductivity, whichincludes, besides the greater output from labour and increasedagric ultura l yields, the more efficient employment of investmentand the resulting increased productivity. Government interference in all matters affecting economic grow th in less developedcountries is today a universally accepted princ iple, and interests,domestic or foreign, enjoying the opportunities o f profitablegain, c ann ot object to some control of the reinvestm ent of par t ofth at g ain in the national development of the coun try in which itis reaped. Today, not even in the advanced countries dedicatedto private enterprise is the principle of laissez faire allowedabsolutely free play. Restrictions of all kinds interfere with theuninhibited movement of capital. The government of Ghana,while making investment in our development as attractive as

possible, cannot, however, place th a t develo pment and ourultima te economic independence in jeop ard y by surrenderingtheir intrinsic prior requirements.

These requirements are at the cen tral hea rt of our planning,and in the context of our national independen ce an d a dvancem ent and the grea ter objective of Pan-African unity they mustgovern ou r policies.

Th e ro ad of reconstruction on which G han a has em barked is anew road , parts of whose topograp hy are only hazily sensed,other pa rts still unknown. A certain a m oun t of trial an d error infollowing the roa d is inevitable. Mistakes we are bo und to make,and some undoub tedly we have already made. T hey are our ownan d we learn from them . T ha t is the value of being free andindepe nd ent, of acquiring ou r experience ou t of the consequenceof our ow n decisions, out o f the achievem ents of our ow n efforts.

O ur p lann ing will be gea red to ou r policy of increasinggovernment participation in the nation’s economic activities,and all enterprises are expected to accept this policy and tooperate w ithin the framew ork of our national laws. O ur aim isthe bu ilding of a society in w hich the principles o f social justicewill be pa ram ou nt. B ut there are m any roads to socialism, and in



BUILDING SOCIALISM IN GHANA 121

the circumstances of our present retardedness, we m ust employall the forces at our disposal while we fashion others which willaccelerate our progress towards ou r goal.

G han a’s economy m ay be divided in to five sectors. These a re :(i) State enterprises; (2) enterprises owned by foreign privateinterests; (3) enterprises join tly ow ned by S tate a nd foreign private in te rests; (4) co-operatives; and (5) small-scale G hanaian private enterprise. T he governm ent has given recognition tothe activities of these different sectors, an d has dec ided th at in nosector of the economy will exclusive rights of operation in respectof any com m odity be conferred on any single person. P rivate

small-scale personal enterprise, however, is reserved toG hana ians, in orde r to encourage an d utilize personal initiativeand skill am ong o ur own people.

N aturally the operations of these differe nt sectors have to betaken into account in our calculations for planning our basiceconomic reconstruction. We have to create in the quickest

possible time, w ithout a hasty improvisatio n tha t will ultim atelydefeat our objective, a diversified, many-sided economy able tosupply a growing population with the basic commodities thatwill lessen the burd en now imposed on the c oun try by the needto im po rt so many of its requiremen ts. I n orde r to increase ourmaterial resources, we have, as a major priority, to raisesignificantly agricultural productivity. This is a pre-conditionfor our industrial growth, as all our plans can founder on acountryside th at does not c ontribu te a rising quo ta o f produ ction.

T he re must be a transform ation of our subsistence farms intocommodity producing farms, so that they may provide enoughfood for our steadily rising population , give raw m aterials to feedsecondary industries an d cash crops to help pa y for ou r necessaryimports. Priority will be given to those investments which willquickly promo te ca pital form ation ; will save imports or increaseexports; and reduce the differences between the differentregions of the country created by colonialism.

O ur over-all plan will take accoun t of our p opu lation andtheir requ irements, taking into consideration the yearly increase,which is estimated at a bout three per cent. It will count our m an power and our actual and potential reservoir of skills, and willset annu al targets of achievement. These targets will em brace




not only outpu t an d the absorption o f planned numbers ofworkers in the different categories an d a t different levels, bu t willarrang e for the training of skilled workers, and of m anagers a ndexecutives qualified and able to see tha t the plann ed projects arecarried out efficiently, economically and to schedule.

Within the general planning are included our educational,social welfare and health programmes. They are devised inrelation to the needs of our he althy developm ent and theimprovement of the lives of the people. Apart from thehu m an itarian principles by which the governm ent is guided, aneducated, healthy population represents the human investment

in our development, an d anything th at can be spared from oursurpluses will be a dd ed to the a lready plan ne d allocations for the purpose.

Our planning will stretch out into the regions beyond them ain centres. At the p resent time the re are big differences in thedegree of economic a nd social deve lopm ent between the variousregions of the co untry, an d o ur po pu lation density is extremelyuneven. Regional planning will contribute to reducing the

differences by prov iding a m ore even d istribution of economicactivity between the various regions, by utilizing the natural

potentialities of each region. I t will also aim at controlling andreducing unnecessary migration, with its attendant problems.Our over-all planning, in short, will be designed to unify anddiscipline economic activity. I t will exp and the creative spirit ofthe people by the tasks of responsibility th at will be given them inm anag em ent, supervision and invention.

Control from the top must ensure that individual executivesand administrators do not misinterpret policy and instructionsand break o ut of the co-ordinated p attern with the introductionof improvised schemes. As we proceed, it m ay be found thatcertain priorities may have to give way to others which may

present themselves as more urgent in relation to the needs ofcapital formation or strategic development. Thus, while theremust be the strictest control to safeguard against un rela ted overspreading on any project, there must be a certain elasticity toallow for emendation or adjustment without upsetting thegeneral plan and our budgeting.

O ur present bu dg etary and fiscal systems have been taken over



BUIL DING S OCIAL IS M IN GHANA 123

from the colonial regime an d call for ad justm en t to the socializedobjective o f our p lanning. These are b eing overhauled andadapted to our development needs and the planned growth of

ou r diversified agric ultu ral an d ind us trial base. O u r fiscal policymust be so framed as to release the maximum initiative andhusband our national financial resources for efficient andeffective investmen t in ou r dev elopmen t. It wou ld simply defeatou r whole objective of economic indep end ence, for instance, toencourage foreign investment in our development and see theflight of capital from G ha na exceed or even approx im ate thetotality of such investment.

U nd er the new policy, surpluses mu st be pressed out o f rising production to finance developm ent. As th e sta te sector widens,dev elopm ent finance will come less an d less from taxes a nd dues,though private enterprise, both foreign and domestic, willcontinue to provide its quota through these avenues. Our realwealth will come from increased productivity. This does notmean that every advance in productivity will lead to an im

m ediate rise in the stan dard of living. Th is is especially the case inthe early stages of indu strialization, wh en the need to plough back cap ital for fu rther develo pm ent is of param o un t im portance. Wages, however, m ust be set at a level which will provid e p roper diet and m ain tain work in g energy, while th eincreased productivity is used to give effective balance betweenthe d esirability of cap ital developm ent an d secondary industriesat any given time.

The socialist objective implies the universal good of thenation, and in the interests of that socialist objective it will benecessary for all of us to forgo some immediate personal desirefor a greater benefit a bit later on. S peedier developm ent ou t ofsurpluses or social services in the interest of the communityconfer more advantages up on a greater num ber o f people th anwould increased wages for ce rtain g roups of workers.

But as productivity rises appreciably and the socialist base ofthe econom y extends throu gh increasing p ub lic ownership of themeans of prod uction , the gov ernm ent will not only be able tomobilize a g reate r surplus for use in the interests of the cou ntry,

bu t will be in a posit io n to rew ard labour for its greater exertions by increased wages.




I f our n ew economic a nd ind ustrial policy is to succeed, therem ust be a change of outlook amo ng some of those who areresponsible for runnin g o ur affairs. They must acqu ire a socialist

perspective and a socialist drive keyed to the national needs anddem ands. Th e executives of our pub lic a nd statutory organizations must achieve a new attitu de to their jobs, which they oweto the struggles o f the p eople a nd the labours o f our farmers a ndworkers. No economy, least of all a you ng one like ours strugglingto find a stable base, can afford to drain its resources in subsidizing unproductive ventures from which only well-paidexecutives profit. Moreover, it cannot afford to waste resourcesin m en a nd m aterials, bu t m ust use them wisely in pu rsuit of thesocialist objective.

Th e spirit of service to the na tion m ust perm eate throu gho utou r society. In a daw n broadca st on 8 Ap ril 1961 , 1 spoke o f thedangers arising from G han aian public m en attem pting to com

bin e business with political life, and warned tha t those whocou ld no t give en tirely disinterested service should leave politicsor be thrown out. Legislation has since limited the amount of

p roperty our public m en m ay own.Our profound need at the present time is for tolerably pro

ficient technicians, capable of manning, supervising andmanaging our agricultural and industrial developments.

Necessarily, th ere m ust be a nucleus of more advanced graduatesto take over teach ing jobs in these spheres a nd to provide us witha corps o f scientific knowledge w hich can sustain invention and

apply its learning to our extended development. For themoment, however, while we require advanced engineers, physicists, scientists, bio-chemists, and others , the emphasiscann ot lie in this direction.

We are having to devise an educational system that will provide in th e shortest possible time a body of skilled personnelable to serve the country’s needs at all levels. The University ofG ha na has bee n reformed so th at too much emphasis will not be

placed, as under the colonia l adm inis tration, on purely literaryand academic subjects. While we appreciate that these arenecessary and desirable, they are at this jun ctu re in ou r nationallife rather in the nature of luxuries which we cannot afford toindu lge in as much as we should like.



BUILDING SOCIALISM IN GHANA !25

In accord with o ur needs, the governm ent has introduce d freeand compulsory prim ary and m iddle school education, w ith theview to the to tal literacy of the co un try by the tim e we celebrate

the tenth anniversary of our Repu blic. W e have, unfortunately,a shortage of teachers. T o m eet this shortage, emergency train ingcentres have been established where volunteers can obtain theapp ropriate certificates; while the p roblem of inad equ ateaccom m odation is being coped with b y the ado ption of a shiftsystem in m an y schools.

T he stud y o f science has been m ade com pulsory for all schoolcurricula, and primary technical schools are to be established.These schools will be manned by graduates and will operatealongside the gen eral prim ary schools. Th ey will give con cu rrenttraining to boys and girls, so that by the time the pupil leaves

p rim ary school, the technical train ing gain ed will give sufficient pro ficiency fo r semi-skilled work . T he brigh t scholar cancontinue his technical training together w ith his general studiesat secondary school to prepa re h im to complete a short techn icalcourse at one of ou r technolog ical institutes.

Th e University of G hana at Legon and the Kw ame N krum ahUniversity of Technology a t Ku m asi an d m any other collegesand institutes in various parts of the country cater for highered uca tion and research. T he G ha na A cadem y of Sciences carriesout research in the sciences, history, languages, sociology,medicine, a nd so on. T he work of these institutions is plan nedand co-ordinated by the N ational C ouncil for H igher E ducation.

Th e an nual m eeting and report of the G hana A cademy ofSciences are m atters of natio nal im po rtance, for they reco rd progress and outline plans for the futu re. W e attach consid erableimpo rtance an d p ride to the title o f ‘A cadem ician5, wh ich is to berecognized as one o f the highest natio na l aw ards.

Th ere are m any problems for the solution of wh ich we mustlook to our scientific institutions. For instance, with more andmore cocoa coming to glut the market, the Cocoa ResearchInstitute will turn its atten tion to setting up , w ithout any loss oftime, a department for dealing with cocoa derivatives and theiruses. W e have, too, m any species of timber th at are n ot beingutilized. This is a complete waste and the Timber UtilizationResearch Unit is being turned into an institute, adequately




staffed so that it can cope with the problem and give effectiveresults. W e are faced w ith the task of producing crops forconversion into commodities, and must depend upon ourresearch institutes to assist us with the problems involved. Thedem ands th at will be m ade upon our scientific institutions as we

proceed will grow more varied and extensive, and we shall haveto strengthen them.

O ne o f our problems at the present time is tha t of unem ployment, particularly among school-leavers whose education hasnot gone very far. To meet this problem, we have formed aWorkers Brigade, which has absorbed about 12,000 young menand women, who are being trained in discipline, responsibilityan d citizenship. T hey are being given the elements of skill whichwill enable the m to find employm ent in a griculture a nd indu stryas our development gathers m om entum . Th eir training is m eanwhile being supplemented by valuable experience in work oncom m unity projects and in co-operative agriculture. The Vo ltaRive r projec t will require 15,000 workers over a period o f fiveyears and our official employment exchanges are now placingalmost 2,000 workers in a ll kinds of jobs every m onth .

With the changes brought by the new social and economic policy, th ere has been a re-exam ination of the role of our tradeunions. Th e p ublic an d sem i-public sectors of the economy have

been w idenin g out, so th at the governm ent is now the largestem ployer of labou r in the country, w hile its regulations are

placin g an increasing obligation upon private ente rp rise not onlyto respect the rights of labou r bu t to make its contribu tion to theinvestment in our national development. The workers understand that they are working for a state which is directed by agov ernm ent of their own choosing, whose program m e they havehelped to formulate through pa rty m embership, and which theyactively endorse and support. H ence the aspirations of the peoplean d the economic an d social objectives of the gove rnment aresynonymous.

T he role of the trade unions, therefore, in ou r circumstances, isentirely different from that in a capitalist society where them otivating force is the accu m ulation of private profit. T he aimsof ou r trad e unions, being identified w ith those of the governm ent, weds them to active particip ation in the carrying out of the




go vernm ent’s prog ram m e. W ithin the cap italist states, the trad eunions play the role of watchdogs for labo ur against the em

ployers. Even so, th ey are by no means ‘free’. T heir leaders are

bought off by th e sweets o f office and often have their secretarrangem ents with employers. M ore tha n th at, they have for themost part accepted the ideology of their capitalist class and,throu gh its exposition thro ug ho ut th eir extensive forums a nd thewitch-hun ting of those who do no t conform, have openlyidentified themselves with that ideology.

In such circumstances there can no t be any talk of freedom. InGhana, the trade unions are openly associated with the Con

vention People’s Party as one o f its wings. Th ey have no need tohide this association beh ind hypo critical sophistries. The y are, infact, drawing the workers into the im plem en tation of government plans by setting up works councils inside the public enter

prises to give effective expression to their national consciousness.Fo r it is only throu gh the consent o f the people in ac tion th at

our target for national reconstruction can be achieved. In cooperation with the Trades Union Congress, we are devising a program m e o f p roductiv ity and waste-avoid ance incentiveswhich will include promotions, decorations, cash bonuses and publicity for indiv iduals who have done exem plary work.

By the industry and example of the G han a lab ou r movem ent,we hope to inspire o the r Africans still fighting colonialism. O urcruel colonial past an d the present-day intrigues o f neocolonialism have hammered home the conviction that Africa

can no longer trust in anybody but herself and her resources.Imp erialism, having been forced ou t throug h the doo r by Africannationalism, is attem pting to re tu rn by o ther, back -door means.African workers, as the likeliest victims of these infiltrations, m ust

be on their guard. There is a constant endeavour to use theAfrican trade union movement as a protagonist in the cold warconflict, an d some of the leaders, throu gh flattery an d theaccep tance of financial assistance for the ir unions, h ave allowed

themselves to be suborned . This is a dang erous s ituation as it candrag Africa into active participation in cold war politics anddeprive us of our safeguarding weapo n of indepe nde nt n onalignmen t. U nfo rtunately, there are also some leaders of theAfrican independent states who cannot see this danger. More-




over, because of the ir alliances with E uro pean powers, they areobliged at times to act against the interests of their workers andtheir trad e unions in supp ort of the alien interests in their

countries. The African trade union movement must promotethe indepen dence and welfare of the African work er; it canno tru n the risk of subo rdinating the safety of African independ enceand the needs of African developmen t to other, n on-Africaninfluences.

I see in the All-African Trade Union Federation, because ofits independent African orientation, a dynamic and positiveinstrum ent for draw ing together the peoples of the African

countries. It can act as a rallying pivot for all the African tradeunion m ovements on the c on tine nt; it can become an im m ediate

practic al unio n, brin gin g together th e labour movementsexisting in the independent African states and leaving room forothers to jo in as they become free. We in Africa must lea rn to

band to geth er to prom ote African in terests or fall victims toimperialist manoeuvres to re-colonize us.

Th e development of a united A frican trade union m ovementwill give our work ing classes a new A frican consciousness an d therigh t to express themselves in the councils of world labo ur unfettered by any foreign view and uncoerced by external force.Th e Interna tional Confederation of Free T rade Unions and theW orld F ederation of T rade Unions are organizations comm ittedto the ideological policies of West an d East. T he A ll-AfricanTrade Union Federation will give the world a new force indep end ent of both of them, and loyal not only to the needs of thenew Africa and the new African, but also to the internationalworking class.

T he growth of this new African tra de unionism is linked upwith the fu ture of Africa. S uch a dyn am ic force, allied to

poli tical action, is the surest means o f routing out of our continentthe last rem nants of colonialism a nd exploitation, since it willstimulate the effectiveness of the nationalist movements.

Just as political independence could not have been attainedw ithou t the leadership o f a strong, disciplined pa rty, so Gha na’seconomic independ ence an d the objective of socialism can not

be achieved w ithout decisive party leadership . I am convincedth at the C onvention People’s Pa rty, based as it is on the support




of the overwhelming m ajority of the people, is best able to carrythrough our economic plans and build a socialist state. Thestructure o f the C .P.P. has been bu ilt up ou t of our ow n ex

periences, conditions and environm ent. I t is entirely G hanaianin content an d African in outlook, though im bue d with M arxistsocialist philosophy.

At all stages, we seek the fullest co -operation of the people an dtheir organizations, an d in this way, and throug h pu blic controlof the means o f produ ction, we h ope to evolve the truest kind ofdemocracy within the Aristotelian meaning. By mass consultation we shall associate the people w ith the run nin g o f thena tion ’s affairs, wh ich m ust then ope rate in the interests o f the

people . M oreover, since control of the m odern sta te is l inked upw ith the control of the m eans of prod uction an d distribution,true dem ocracy can only be said to exist when these have passedinto the h and s of the people. F or then the people exercise con trolof the State through their will as expressed in the direct consultation between government and them. This must surely

provide th e most concre te and clearest operation of truedemocracy.

To attain this democratic, socialist control, we have fromtime to time to make a review of the adm inistrative a pp aratu s a tou r disposal, remem bering th at it was originally beq ue athe d tous by a colonial regime committed to a very different purpose.Even though this apparatus has already been subjected toconsiderable c hange, it still carries vestiges of inh erite d attitud es

an d ways of thoug ht w hich have been transm itted even to someof our new er institutions. I n ou r ada ptations, because we areembarking upon an uncharted path, we may have to proceed

pragm atically. Changes whic h are m ade today m ay themselvescall for furthe r change tomorrow. But when we a re ende avouringto establish a new kind of life within a new kind of society, basedupo n u p-to-date m odes of prod uction, we m ust acknowledge thefact tha t we are in a period o f flux and can not afford to be hide

bound in our decisions and att itudes. We m ust accom modate ourminds and attitudes to the need for constant adaptation, neverlosing sight of princ iple an d ou r expressed social objective.

With this new approach to our economic and industrialdevelopment, every avenue of edu cation an d informa tion m ust




be used to stir and nourish the political consciousness of the people and make and keep them aware of the welfare objectivesof the go ve rnm en t’s plan ning . W e m ust at all times ensure their

fullest support, w ithout which our plans for their en hance d well being can fail. They m ust be refreshed by th e elan which sweptthem into the b attle for political em ancipation in orde r to carrythrough the more exacting battle for economic freedom andadvan ced social progress.

Socialism needs socialists to build it. Accordingly, we aretaking positive steps to ensure that the party and the country

produce th e m en and women who can handle our socialist

program m e.Those m embers w ho are to be in the forefront of the

educational drive take refresher courses in party politicalteaching. T he youth of the coun try are organized in the Y oungPioneers Movement, which is designed to give them training incitizenship w ithin a society which will be rooted in co-ope rationan d not acqu isitive competition. Fo r this end Africa needs a newtype of citizen, a dedicated, modest, honest and informed m an.

A m an w ho submerges self in service to the n ation and m ankind.A m an who abhors greed an d detests vanity. A new type of m anwhose humility is his strength and whose integrity is his greatness.

M em bers of the Young Pioneers take pa rt in educationa l andcu ltural activities. The y learn a bou t the history of G ha na andAfrica, and about the present political scene in Africa. Theyhave their choral and dramatic groups, and attend classes in

many practical subjects. Through manual work and self-helpschemes they a re instilled with the idea of service. Physicaltraining, too, plays an im po rtan t pa rt in the movem ent, to teachthe virtues of team work an d the need to build h ealthy bodies andminds. Teachers and instructors are recruited directly fromschools and teacher training colleges for part-time work; othersare prepare d a t the P arty ’s training centre, the K wam e Nk rum ahIns titute at W inne ba , which is responsible for the P ar ty’s general

polit ical educatio n.All, from mem bers of the C entral Com mittee, Ministers and

high party officials to the lowest propagandist in the field, passthrou gh a course at the In stitute. Farm ers, factory workers, and



BUILDING SOCIALISM IN GHANA

others from all walks of life m eet at W inneb a, where they havethe opportunity to broaden their political knowledge andideological understanding. They strengthen their qualities ofloyalty and discipline, thereby increasing the total discipline ofthe p arty and the loyalty of the general m emb ership.

The Institute does not cater for Ghana alone. Its doors areopen to all from Africa an d the w orld who seek knowledge to fitthemselves for the g rea t freedom fight against imperialism , old o rnew.

Party study groups exist all over the country, in factories,workshops, government departments and offices, in fact, in

every nook an d crann y o f G hana, for the study of African life andculture, party ideology, decisions and programmes, and forexplaining government policies and actions. For we have atremendo us, he rculean task before us. It calls for all ou r attentio n,all our brains. Our party, through all its members, must showits merits in this our greatest mission yet, the building of asocialist G han a, an d the laying o f the foun dations for the

political and economic unification of Africa.



CHAPTER FIFTEEN

T O W A R D S A F R I C A N U N I T Y

T h e r e a r e those who maintain that Africa cannot unite

because we lack th e th ree necessary in gredients for unity, acommon race, culture and language. It is true that we have forcenturies been divided. The territorial boundaries dividing uswere fixed long ago, often quite arbitrarily, by the colonial

powers. Some of us are Moslems, some Chris tians; m any believein trad itiona l, triba l gods. Some of us speak French , someEnglish, some Portuguese, not to mention the millions whospeak only one of the hundreds of different African languages.

We have acquired cultural differences which affect our outlookan d condition o ur political developm ent.

All this is inevitable, d ue to our h istorical back grou nd. Yet inspite of this I am convinced th at the forces making for unity faroutw eigh those which d ivide us. In m eeting fellow Africans fromall parts of the c ontinent I am constantly impressed by how m uchwe have in com mon. I t is no t jus t ou r colonial past, or the factthat we have aims in common, it is something which goes far

deeper. I can best describe it as a sense of one-ness in th a t we are Africans.

In practica l terms, this deep-roo ted un ity has shown itself inthe development of Pan-Africanism, and , more recently, in the

projection of w hat has been called th e Afr ican Personality inworld affairs.

The expression Tan -A frican ism ’ did no t come into use untilthe beg inning of the tw entieth century when H enry Sylvester-W illiams of T rinida d, an d W illiam Ed w ard B urgh ardt DuBoisof the United States of Am erica, bo th of African descent,used it at several Pan-African Congresses which were mainlyatten de d by scholars of African descent of the New W orld.



TOWARDS AFRICAN UNITY 133A notable contribution to African nationalism and PanAfricanism was the ‘Back to Africa’ m ovem ent o f M arcusGarvey.

The First Pan-African Congress was held in Paris in 1919while the peace conference was in session. The French PrimeM inister, C lemenceau, wh en asked w hat he thou gh t of theholding o f a P an-African C ongress, rem ar k ed : ‘D on ’t advertiseit, bu t go ah ead .’ His reaction was fairly typical among Eu ropeansat the time. Th e very idea of Pan-Africanism was so strange th atit seemed unreal and yet at the same time perhaps potentiallydangerous. Fifty-seven representatives from various African

colonies and from the U nited States of Am erica and the W estIndies atten ded . The y drafted various proposals, thou gh no thingmu ch came of them. For example, they proposed th at the alliedan d associated powers should establish a code o f law ‘for in terna tiona l p rotection of the natives o f Africa’.

The Second Pan-African Congress was held in London in1921. T he British G ove rnm ent, if no t sym pathetic, was to lerant,and 113 delegates attended. This Congress, though far from

bein g tru ly representative of African opin io n, nevertheless wentsome way towards putting the African case to the world. In a

Declaration to the World , drafted at the closing session, it wasstated th at ‘the ab solute eq ua lity of races, physical, politicalan d social, is the founding stone of world and hu m an adv ancem en t’. Th ey were m ore concerned in those days with social tha nwith political im provem ent, no t yet recognizing the pre-em ption

of the latter in o rder to engage the former.Two years later, in 1923, a Third Pan-African Congress washeld in London. Among the resolutions passed was one whichasked for a voice for Africans in their own governments; andanother which asked for the right of access to land and itsresources. Th e po litical aspect of social justice was beg inning to be understo od. But in sp ite o f th e work o f DuBois and others , progress was slow. T he m ovem ent lacked funds and m em bership

was limited. The delegates were idealists rather than men ofaction. H owever, a c ertain am ou nt of pub licity was achieved,an d Africans and m en of African descent for the first timegained v aluable experience in wo rking together.

A Fourth Pan-African Congress was held in New York in




1927, which 208 delegates attended, but after that the movem ent seemed to fade ou t for a time.

A non-party organization, the International African ServiceBureau, was set up in 1937, and this was the forerun ner o f thePan-A frican Fe deration, the B ritish section of the Pan-A fricanCongress movem ent. Its a im was ‘to prom ote the well-being andun ity o f African peoples a nd peoples of A frican descent thro ug hou t the w orld ’, and also ‘to strive to co-ope rate betw een African

peoples and others who share our aspirations’.Pan-Africanism and African nationalism really took concrete

expression when the Fifth Pan-A frican Congress m et in M anchester in 1945. For the first time the necessity for well-organized ,firmly-knit movements as a prim ary cond ition for the success ofthe national liberation struggle in Africa was stressed.

Th e Congress was attende d by more than two hundred delegates from all over the world. G eorge Pa dm ore a nd I ha d been

jo in t secretaries of the organizational committee which plannedthe Congress and we were delighted w ith the results of ou r work.Among the declarations addressed to the imperialist powersasserting the de term ina tion o f the colonial people to be freewas the following:

The Fifth Pan-African Congress calls on intellectuals and professional classes of the Colonies to awaken to their responsi bilities. The long, long night is over. By fighting for trade unionrights, the right to form co-operatives, freedom of the press,assembly, demonstration and strike, freedom to print and readthe literature which is necessary for the education of the masses,you will be using the only means by which your liberties will bewon and maintained. Today there is only one road to effectiveaction - the organization of the masses.1

A definite pro gram m e o f action was agreed upon . Basically,the programme centred round the demand for constitutionalchange, providing for universal suffrage. The methods to beemployed were based on the G andh ist technique of non-violent

non-co-op eration, in other words, the withholding of labour,1 Declaration to the Colonial Peoples o f the World (by the present author),approved and adopted by the Pan-African Congress held in Manchester,England, 15-21 October 1945.



TOWARDS AFRICAN UNITY *35

civil disobedience and economic boycott. There were to bevariations of emphasis from territory to territory according to thediffering circumstances. Th e fun dam enta l purpose was iden tica l:

national independence leading to African unity. The limitedobjective was com bined with the wider perspective.Instead of a rath er n ebulous m ovement, concerned vaguely

with black nationalism, the Pan-African m ovement h ad becomean expression of African nationalism . Un like the first fourCongresses, which had been supported mainly by middle-classintellectuals and bourgeois reformists, the Fifth Pan-AfricanCongress was attended by workers, trade unionists, farmers and

students, most of whom came from Africa.W hen the Congress ended, having agreed on the program m e

for Pan-African nationalism, a working committee was set upw ith DuBois as cha irm an and myself as general secretary. T heCongress headquarters were moved to London, where shortlyafterwards the West African National Secretariat was alsoestablished. Its purpose was to put into action, in West Africa,the policies agreed upon in Manchester. I was offered, andaccepted, the secretaryship.

We published a monthly paper called The New African , andcalled two West African Conferences in London. By this timethe political conscience of African students was thoroughlyaroused, a nd they talked o f little else bu t the colonial liberationmovement. The more enthusiastic among us formed a kind ofinner group which we called The Circle . Only those working

genuinely for West African freedom and unity were admitted,and we began to prepare ourselves actively for revolutionarywork in any p art of the African continent.

It was at this point that I was asked to return to the GoldCoast to become ge neral secretary of the U nited Gold CoastConvention. I accepted with some hesitation. There was mywork for the W est African National Se cretariat to consider, an dalso the preparation s w hich were being m ade for the calling of aWest African National Conference in Lagos in October 1948.

I called at Freetown and Monrovia on the way home, andspoke with African nationalists there, telling them of the conference plans and urging them to attend. The political contactsI made in both Sierra Leone and Liberia were to prove signi




ficant later, though the conference in Lagos never, in fact, took place.

W hen I retur ned to West Africa in 1947, it was with theintentio n o f using the G old Coast as a starting-off poin t forAfrican independence and unity. With the mass movement Iwas able to build up in the C onvention People’s Pa rty, the G oldCoast secured its freedom and emerged as the sovereign state ofGhana in 1957. I at once made it clear that there would be nomeaning to the national independence of Ghana unless it waslinked with the total liberation o f the African continent. W hileour independence celebrations were actually taking place, Icalled for a conference of all the sovereign states of Africa, todiscuss plans for the fu ture of ou r continent.

The first Conference of Independent African States met inA ccra in A pril 1958. T he re wrere then only eight, namely, E gypt,Ghana, Sudan, Libya, Tunisia, Liberia, Morocco and Ethiopia.O u r purpose was to exchange views on m atters of comm oninte rest; to explore ways and m eans of consolidating and safeguarding our independence; to strengthen the economic and

cultural ties between our countries; to decide on workablearrangements for helping fellow Africans still subject to colonialrule; and to examine the c entral world problem of how to secure

peace.W hen, on 15 A pril 1958 , 1 welcom ed the representatives to the

conference, I felt that at last Pan-Africanism had moved to theAfrican continent where it really belonged. It was an historicoccasion. Free Africans were actually meeting together, in

Africa , to exam ine and consider African affairs. H ere was a signalde pa rture from established custom, a ja r to the a rroga ntassumption of non-A frican nations th at African affairs weresolely the concern of states outside ou r co ntinen t. T he African

personality was making itself known.Because m any of the speeches m ade at the conference were

similar in con tent, it was alleged in some qua rters tha t there had been previous collaboration. I am able to sta te categorically tha t

all of us who spoke ha d p rep are d o ur speeches independently.I f they showed identity of thou ght and belief, it was because ourattitude s in A frica were assuming an iden tity of vision and

purpose.



TOWARDS AFRICAN UNITY 137Th e Accra C onference resulted, as indeed I h oped it wo uld, in

a great up surge o f interest in the cause of African freedom an dunity. But matters did not rest there. Some weeks after the con

ference en ded some of my colleagues a nd I set out on a tou r of thecountries which took pa rt in the conference. O u r purpose was toconvey to the heads of states and governm ents, m any of wh omwere un ab le to atten d the conference personally, the good wishesof the government an d people of Gh ana.

Everywhere we went we were enthusiastically received, andwere able to discuss ways an d means of strengthening furthe r theties of friendsh ip b etween o ur respective countries. Plans to

improve cultural and economic relations were the subject of aseries of comm uniques. O ur comm on back groun d and basiccom m on interests drew us together.

T he ye ar 1958 was mem orab le no t only for the first conferenceof indep en den t African states, b u t also for the o pening of theAll-African People’s Conference in Accra in December 1958.Delegates from 62 African nationalist organizations attendedthe conference.

The will to unity which the conference expressed was at leastequ al to the d eterm ination to carry forward the process of independence throughout Africa. The enthusiasm generatedam ong the delegates return ing to the ir own countries profoun dlyinfluenced subsequent developments. The Belgian Congo,U gan da, Tan gany ika, Ny asaland, Ken ya, the Rhodesias, SouthAfrica, all were affected by the coming together in Accra of

representatives of the various freedom movements of thecontinent. The total liberation a nd the un ity of the continent atwhich we aimed were evolving and gaining reality in theexperience of our in terna tiona l gatherings.

In Nov em ber 1959, representatives of trade unions all overAfrica met in Accra to organize an All-African Trade UnionFederation. The African labour movement has always beenclosely associated with the struggle for political freedom, as well

as w ith economic an d social developm ent.A fu rther step forward in the direction o f all-African co

op eration took place a few months la ter wh en the conference todiscuss Positive Ac tion and Secu rity in Africa opened in A ccra inA pril i960. It was called by the governm ent of G han a, in



TOWARDS AFRICAN UNITY 1 3 9

some kind of African solidarity, a conference of independe ntAfrican states met in Leopoldville from 25-30 August, at theinvitation of Patrice Lum um ba. At the conference, which was at

Foreign M inisters’ level, delegates aired the ir views on the Congocrisis. Although the conference did not achieve its purpose, itwas significant in that it enabled the delegates to see for themselves what was really going on in the Congo and to report onthis personally to their governments. A valuable object lesson,however, on the im pera tive need for un ity in defence of theindepende nce o f Africa had been dem onstrated.

Against a back groun d of continuing struggle in the Congo,

and of trouble in South Africa, Algeria, and other parts of thecontinent, an All-African People’s Conference met in Cairoearly in 1961. About two hundred delegates attended. Theconference warn ed ind epe ndent A frican states to beware of neocolonialism, which was associated with the U nite d K ingdom , theU nited States of Am erica, France, W estern Ge rma ny, Israel,Belgium, the Netherlands, and South Africa. It also warnedstates to be on their gua rd against imperialist agents in the guiseof religious or philanth rop ic organizations. Resolutions include da call to the ‘an ti-imperia list’ bloc to help in the developm ent ofAfrican economies by granting long-term loans at low interestrates to be paid in local currencies. They demanded the ex puls ion of South Africa from the U nited Nations O rganization;the dismissal of M r H am m arskjold; the imm ediate release ofJom o K en ya tta; the imm ediate independence of the Rhodesias

and the dissolution of the C entral African Fe deration. T heconference also called for a trad e boycott o f the Rhodesias;criticized policies in Angola, Cameroon and the Congo, andaffirmed that M. Gizenga’s regime in Stanleyville was thelegitimate Congo government.

As the years go by, further All-African People’s Conferenceswill take place, and their resolutions and declarations will become increasingly significant as they gain more power. O therall-African gatherings will continue to make their impression,whether they are held to discuss political, social or economic

problems. H ardly a week goes by w ithout news o f some gatherin gtogethe r of Africans from different parts of the con tinent. As thewhole of Africa becomes free, these gatherings will gain in




membership, strength and effectiveness. But it is only when full political unity has been achieved tha t we will be able to decla rethe trium ph an t end o f the Pan-A frican struggle an d the African

liberation movements.



S O M E A T T E M P T S A T U N I F I C A T I O N

CHAPTER SIXTEEN

T h e f i r s t step towards African political union was taken on23 Novem ber 1958, when G ha na and the R epub lic of Gu ineaun ited to form a nucleus for a U nio n o f African States. Weestablished a system o f exchange of residen t ministers, w ho wererecognized as members of both the governm ent of G han a an d thegovernmen t of Gu inea.

The following year, in Ju ly 1959, the Presidents o f Libe ria an dGu inea, a nd I, m et at Sanniquellie to discuss the whole questionof African em ancipation and unity. At the end of our talks we

issued a D eclaration of Principles, in which we stated th at thenam e of our organization would be the Com m unity of Indepe nden t African States. M embers of the C om m unity wouldmaintain their own national identity and constitutionalstructure ; and each m em ber of the C om m unity would agree notto interfere in the in terna l affairs of any o ther m em ber. T hegeneral policy of the Co m m unity would be to build up a free an d

prosperous African C om m unity for the benefit of its peoples,

and the peoples of the world. T he policy would be founded on them aintena nce o f diplom atic, economic and cu ltural relations, ona basis o f equality a nd reciproc ity, with all the states of the w orldwhich a do pted positions com patible with African interests. O neof its m ain objectives would be to help A frican territories no t yetfree to gain their independ ence.

M em bership o f the Com m unity was declared open to allindependent African states and federations, and any noninde pe nden t country o f Africa was given the rig ht to jo in theCom m unity on attainm ent of independence. T he motto adoptedfor the Community was i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d u n i t y .

O n 24 December i9 6 0 1 m et P resident Sekou T oure of Guineaand President M odibo K eita of M ali at Conakry, with the result



SOME ATTEMPTS AT UNIFICATION 143

T he C ha rter also provides for reg ula r conferences betw een theHead s of State of the U nion. In fact the supreme executive org anof the U nio n is the Conference, w hich meets once a q u arte r in

Accra, Bamako and Conakry, respectively, and is presided over by th e H ead of Sta te of th e host country. A t these conferences weexchange views on African an d w orld problems, an d see how wecan best strengthen an d w iden ou r U nion.

After the second summ it conference of U.A .S. he ld a t Bamakoon 26 Ju n e 1961, we issued a jo int com m uniqu e in which wereaffirmed ou r determ ination to continue to sup port the African

peoples in their struggle for national liberation, particularly inAlgeria, the Congo, and A ngola. O n the problem o f the E uro

pean Comm on M arket we agreed on a common policy, anddecided to take jo in t action in o rder to establish an A fricanCommon M arket.

Our conferences have been characterized by an identity ofview on most of the problems examined a nd an atmosphere of perfect understandin g. They have been followed by meetings of

official representatives from our different countries to examineways and means for giving effective realization to our decisions,out of which recom mend ations are being made an d actionendorsed. This shows clearly the w orkability of un ion b etweenAfrican states. I t is my great hope th at the U.A .S. m ay prove to be th e successful pilot scheme which will lead eventu ally to fullcontinental unity.

T he ultimate goal of a U nited States of Africa m ust be keptconstantly in sight amidst all the perplexities, pressures andcajoleries with which we shall find ourselves confronted, so thatwe do not pe rm it ourselves to be distracted or discouraged by thedifficulties and pitfalls which undoubtedly lie ahead.

D urin g 1961 sha rp differences app eared b etween the so-calledCasablanca an d M onrovia groups of states. T he Casablancastates, comprising G han a, G uinea, M ali, Libya, E gypt, M oroccoan d the Algerian F.L.N . m et from 3 to 7 Ja n u a ry 1961 in theM oroccan capital. The delegations of G han a, Gu inea, M alian d Egyp t were led by the ir Head s o f State, the AlgerianProvisional Government by Ferhat Abbas, and Libya by herForeign M inister. Ceylon sent their ambassador in Cairo, M rA. C. Pereira, as an observer. The conference was convened by




the late King Mohammed V of Morocco, who was chairman,an d the the n Crow n Prince led the M oroccan delegation.

T he cen tral theme of the conference was the situation in theCongo, a nd the failure of the U nited Nations to deal with it byeffectively enforcing its own resolutions. It was agreed that thestates should withdraw their troops from the Congo unless theU .N. co m m and acted imm ediately to support the central governm en t; M ob utu ’s arm y should be disarmed; all Belgians andothers not under U.N. command should be expelled; and theCongo Parliament reconvened.

Among other important decisions reached were those concerned w ith Algeria, the F rench testing of atomic bom bs in theSahara, and the whole question of apartheid . In general, theconference reaffirmed, and undertook to implement, thedecisions taken at the Bandung, Accra, Monrovia and AddisA ba ba conferences, wh en it was agreed to impose transp ort bansand boycotts on South Africa.

But perh aps the m ost far-reaching result of the CasablancaConference was the pub lication of the ‘African C harter ofCasablanca’. This established a permanent African Consultative Assembly, and three permanent functional comm ittees: the first, political, com prising Head s of Sta te; thesecond, economic, comprising Ministers of Economic Affairs;and the third, cultural, consisting of Ministers of Education. A

jo in t African High C om m and, composed of th e Chiefs of Staff ofthe independent African nations, was also provided for in theC ha rter. T he y were to m eet periodically ‘with a view to ensuringthe com mon defence o f Africa in case of aggression against any

p a rt of the continent, and with a view to safeguarding th e independence of African states’.

The Charter ended:

W e , t h e H e a d s o f A f ri c an S t ate s , c o n v e n e d in C a s a b l a n c af ro m t h e 3 r d J a n u a r y t o th e 7 th J a n u a r y , 1961, re a ff ir m o u rfa i th in th e Co n fe ren ce o f In d ep en d e n t Af r i can S tates , h e ld inAccra in 1 9 5 8 , an d in Ad d i s Ab ab a in i9 6 0 , an d ap p ea l to a l l

In d ep en d en t Af r i can S ta tes to a sso c ia t e th emse lv es w i th o u rco m m o n ac t io n for th e c o n so l id a t io n o f l ib e r ty in Af r ica an d th e

b u ild in g u p o f i ts u n ity a n d secu rity . W e so le m n ly rea ff irm o u ru n s h a k e a b l e a d h e r e n c e to th e U n i t e d N a ti o n s C h a r t e r a n d to th e




Declaration of the Afro-Asian Conference held in Bandung,with the aim of promoting co-operation among all the people ofthe world, and o f consolidating international peace.

In my speech at the closing session of the co nference, I w arn edagainst the d angers o f delay in achieving u n ity :

I can see no security for African states unless African leaders,like ourselves, have realized beyond all doubt that salvation forAfrica lies in unity . . . for in unity lies strength, and as I see it,African states must unite or sell themselves ou t to imperialist and

colonialist exploiters for a mess of pottage, or disintegrateindividually.

C ertain sections of the foreign press gave great p ub licity to theCasab lanca conference. Some saw in it a step forw ard on the wayto un ity; others seemed to take great delight in po inting ou t tha tonly a han dful o f African states atten ded, an d it cou ld thereforeno t be rega rded as truly representative o f African opinion.

Nig eria , Tunisia , Ethio pia, L ib eria, Sudan, Togoland,Somalia, India and Indonesia were all, in fact, invited to theconference. French Community states, which coalesced roundthe m eetings in Ab idjan an d Brazzaville at the end of i960, wereno t asked. The re seemed, therefore, some justification for theview th at three different ‘blocs’ were em erging in A frica.

This view received added support when the MonroviaConference took place in M ay 1961. The sponsors of the conference were Cameroon, Liberia, Nigeria, and Togoland. Outof the twenty-seven indep en dent A frican states twenty sentdelegations, and fifteen of them were led by Presidents an d PrimeMinisters. The President of Liberia was elected chairman.

The seven absentees were Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Morocco,Egypt, Sud an an d the Congo. Th e Congo ha d no t been invited,

because of the lack of settled governm ent th ere.

Four main topics were discussed, namely, ways and means toachieve better understanding and co-operation and ways of

prom otin g unity in Africa; th reats to peace and stability inA frica; the establishm ent of special m achinery to w hich Africanstates m ight refer in case of disputes am ong st themselves; an d the

possible contribution of African states to world peace. I t was




agreed that a technical commission should meet at Dakar todraw up plans for co-operation in research, communications,and so on; and principles for a permanent association were

agreed. T hese included the principle o f non-interference in thedomestic affairs of oth er indepe nd en t states; the p oliticalequ ality o f all indep end ent A frican states; freedom to a ccept orreject political unions, and respect for the territorial integrity ofall states.

In more detailed resolutions the conference condemnedSouth Africa, supported independence for Algeria, pledgedloyalty to the United Nations, offered assistance to the Angolan

nationalists, and condemned all nuclear tests.Both the Casablanca and Monrovia conferences resulted inmeetings o f experts to consider detailed plans for economic coop eration am ong the respective mem bers. Experts of theCasablanca countries, meeting in Conakry, recommended theending o f customs barrier s over five years from 1J a n u a ry 1962,an d the ending of qu ota systems and preferential treatm en t fromthe same date. Th ey also proposed the creation of a ‘Council of

A frican Economic U nity ’ (C.U .E.A.) and a n African developm ent ba nk ; and suggested the formation of jo in t air and shippin glines.

Experts of the M onrovia grou p, m eeting at D akar, also discussed the setting up of an African development bank. Theyrecom m ended the prom otion of trade between African countries

by regional customs unions, and the progressive establishment o fcommon external tariffs. Among other suggestions were the

harmonization of development policies, including investmentcodes and conventions, an investment and guarantee fund, theexchange o f economic information, a nd the co-ordination ofresearch programm es. I t was agreed th at a network of roads an drailways should be b uilt to link the countries together, and jo intshipping and air-lines formed. They agreed, also, to co-operatein edu cational schemes an d to adop t comm on standards.

T he fu nda m ental sim ilarity of aims between those who m et atCasablanca and Conakry and those who met at Monrovia andDakar are apparent from a study of the resolutions passed andrecom m endations ado pted. Both aim ultimately at some kind ofunity. T he Ca sablanca powers are convinced th at political unity



should come first, as the necessary prelu de to the crea tion of theextende d field for which in tegra ted plans for developm ent in theeconomic a nd social spheres can be worked out. T he ir be lief in

the im portance of pu tting political aims first is strengthened byexperience in the ir own countries, where p olitical independen cehad to be achieved before economic reconstruction could betaken in hand.

There may be some significance in the fact that Monrovia,which has given its name to the group that attaches priority toeconomic associations, is the capita l of the one co un try on th eAfrican continent which has not had to fight a battle for its

polit ical sovereignty. Nevertheless, L iberia has had ruggedly tohold its national integrity and viability against the territorialand economic enc roachm ents of outside powers throug ho ut itssomew hat cheq uered history, and m ust man y times have wishedfor the help th a t its colonialized neighbours were then unable togive.

In spite of the very real difference of approach between the

two groups to the vital issue of unity, it c ann ot be said th at thereis a rigid division between us. On the contrary, every opportun ity a nd means a re used for cordial intercourse a nd useful discussion. For exam ple, the Prime M inister of Nige ria enjoyed avery friendly visit to Guinea in December 1961. At about thesame time, we welcomed to G han a the President of M au ritania,a- cou ntry which o ur Casa blanca colleague, M orocco, d id n otthen recognize.

In December i960 His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I,Em peror of Ethiopia, visited G han a. In the com m unique issuedat the end o f the visit it was declared th at the Heads o f State o fG han a an d E thiopia a gre ed : ‘T h at a U nion o f the African Statesis a necessity which should be pursued energetically in theinterests of African solida rity and secu rity.’

President A bdu lla Osm an of Som alia expressed similar viewson un ity dur ing his official visit to G han a in O ctobe r 1961. In a

jo in t com m uniq ue we reaffirmed our faith and belief in Africanun ity as the m ost reliable safeguard aga inst neo-colonialism andthe ba lkanization of the African continen t.

In a world divided into hostile camps and warring factions,Africa cannot stand divided without going to the wall. Patrice





Lum um ba, who h ad seen an d suffered from the evils of disunityin the Congo, held this view very strongly when he came toAccra in August i960. It may not be generally known that he

agreed the n to work in the closest possible association with otherinde pend en t African states for the establishment of a Union ofAfrican States.

There are bound to be differences between the independentstates of Africa. W e have fron tier troubles, an d a host of othe rinter-territorial problems which can only be resolved withinthe context o f African unity.

At the Lagos conference of indep end ent states, held in Ja n u ar y1962, No rth Africa was not repre sented at all. This was becausethe Algerian provisional governm ent was not invited. T he Casa

blanca powers, and the Sudan, also declined to go to Lagos forthis reason. Nevertheless, with the Congo and Tanganyikataking the place of Tu nisia an d Libya, the Lagos attend anc e wasas large as th at at M onro via, 20 of Africa’s 28 inde pe nd en t states

bein g represented.T he conference agreed upo n a whole new complex m achinery

for inter-African co-operation. It included a semi-permanentcouncil of ministers, a bien nial representative assembly, and a

perm anent secreta ria t of the African and M alagasy states.Am ong resolutions passed were those calling for a deve lopment bank, a priv ate investm ent guarantee fund, an organiz ation forhealth, labour and social affairs, an educational and culturalcouncil, and certain other commissions to deal with various

practic al m atters.In the e arly flush of indep endence, some of the new Africanstates are jealous o f their sovereignty an d tend to exaggeratetheir separatism in a historical period that demands Africa’sunity in order that their independence may be safeguarded. Icannot envisage an African union in which all the members,large or small, heavily or thinly populated, do not enjoy legalequ ality un de r a constitution to which all have laid their hand .

But the insistence on not wanting to cede certain functions to acentral unifying political authority in which all the memberswill have an equal voice is unrealistic and unfounded. On theother han d, an association of a confederate or even looser na ture ,which does not give effective powers to a central authority and




determine those to be left to the sovereign states, can leave theway open for the dom ination of the smaller an d weaker mem bers

by larger and stronger ones.

G han a has declared her stand in no un certain terms. We have provided in our republican consti tu tion for th e surrender of oursovereignty, in whole or in pa rt, in the w ider interests of Africanunity. Guinea has made the same provision. So have Mali,Tunisia and the United Arab Republic. Every African must

judge for himself which view is the m ore progressive andrealistic; which is dedicated fully to the practical needs andinterests of Africa, unre strain ed by fear o f extern al pressures;an d which reflects the true voice o f Africa.



E C O N O M I C A N D P O L I T I C A L

I N T E G R A T I O N : A F R I C A ’ S N E E D

A f r i c a , it is frequently maintained, is poor. Yet it is widelyacknowledged that its potentials provide tremendous possi

bilities for th e wealthy growth of the continent, already knownto contain vast mineral and power resources. The economicweakness of the new African states has been inherited from thecolonial backgrou nd, w hich subordina ted their development tothe needs of the colonial powers. T o reverse the position an d

brin g Afr ica in to th e realm of highly productive m odemnations, calls for a gigantic self-help programme. Such a pro

gramm e c an only be produced an d implem ented by integrated planning w ithin an over-all policy decided by a continenta lauthority.

T he supe rstructure of colonial pa rticularism upo n A frica’ssubsistence economies, has resulted in a highly uneven regionaldevelopment of the con tinent. O n the whole, the coastal areas,the m ining regions, and the high land areas where soil and climateare good, have been exploited within the limitations of colonial

requirements for raw materials. Areas requiring more preexploitation study and comparatively higher capital investments were left more or less untouched. Hence there are inAfrica huge areas o f prac tically virgin land which, for thesereasons and from geographical considerations, it has up tillnow been thoug ht useless to try to develop. W ithin the confinem ent of these limitations Africa has, however, manag ed to

produce from its agric ulture the following percentages of the

world supplies, according to the 1954 figures:1

66% cocoa; 58% sisal; 65% palm oil; 26% groundnuts;14% coffee; 11 % olive oil.

1 Economic Development in Africa 1954-5. U.N. & F.A.O. Report.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN



Considerable am oun ts of barley, wool, cotton, maize, tea,rubber, tobacco, wheat, pyrethrum, cloves and rice are also

produced.

In m ineral production, ou r continent provided, according toU ni ted N ations O rga niz atio n findings for 19561, the following

proportions of the w orld’s o u tp u t:

96% of gem diamonds (excluding U.S .S.R .); 69% coba lt;63% gold; 48% antimony; 37% manganese; 34% chromite;32% phosphate rock; 24% copper; 19% asbestos; 15% tin;4% iron ore; 4% bauxite.

N igeria produces 85% of the w orld’s supply of colum bite. G hanais the second largest manganese pro du ce r in the w orld.

In additio n, A frica possesses some of the w orld’s greates tknow n reserves of ura nium ore, and this m ay m ake possible therelatively early in trodu ction of nuclear-electrical plants. As wellas the known deposits at Shinkolobwe in the Congo, reserves of

fissionable raw materials have been found in Ghana, Nigeria,Rhodesia, Nyasaland, Mo zam bique, M adaga scar, various partsof the form er French tropical territories, and in E thiopia.

Power resources are no less impressive. Africa has the greatestw ater pow er poten tial in the w orld. M ost of it lies w ithin thetropical area, the Congo having 21.6% of the world total. Ac tualinstalled capac ity, however, is only abo ut 1% of the w orld total.Ghana has made a start on the Volta River project. There arenew projects on the Konkoure in Guinea, on the Kouilou informer French Equatorial Africa, and a dam is envisaged at theIng a falls in the lower Congo. H ydro-electrical deve lopm ent hastaken place on the Sanaga at Edea in Cameroon, at Boalinear Nabui, and on the Djou£ near Brazzaville. In the Congo,there are hydro-electrical developments on the Lufira andL ua laba rivers, and on the Inkisi. M en tion m ust also be m ade o fthe projects on the Dande, Catumbela and Cunene rivers inAngola; and on the Revue river in Mozambique. In East andCentral Africa there are the Owen falls dam and the Karibadam.

Coal and iron ore are necessary for industrialization. Africa1 Economic Survey of Africa since 1950. Published 1959.

ECONOMICAL AND POLITICAL INTEGRATION 15 1




has coal reserves estim ated at 4,500 m illion tons. Coal of cokingqua lity is mined a t W ankie in Southern R hodesia an d low gradecoal is mined in Nigeria, the Congo and Mozambique. In

addition, coal is known to exist in Tanganyika, NorthernRhodesia, Madagascar and Nyasaland. Iron ore is mined inSouthern Rhodesia, Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone. Whena full geological survey is carried out, further deposits may befound. New oil deposits are also suspected. Meanwhile, oil has been discovered in th e Sahara, N igeria , th e G abon basin andnear Luanda in Angola. The French Government certainlyseemed to be impressed with the Sah ara p otentialities, to jud ge

from the imp ortance attached to them in negotiating the Algerian peace sett lem ent. O il prospecting has been going on in G hana,Somalia, Ethiopia, Zanzibar, Tanganyika, Mozambique, andM adag ascar. In recent years a m ethane gas deposit with a heat-

producing potential equal to 50 m illion m etric tons of coal wasreported beneath Lake Kivu.

All these are known resources, and they are by no means inconsiderable. W ha t economic possibilities will be ope ned up as

our whole continent is surveyed and its economic exploitationtackled on a total basis, there is no telling. F rom our experiencein Ghana, where we have already discovered many new resources, wre can anticipate that the economic potentialities ofAfrica mu st be imm ense.

On the agricultural plane, too, Africa is estimated to have avast unused potential. Crop, animal-breeding and pest-controlexperiments are being c arried ou t which will und oub tedly result

in higher and more varied outpu t. In the tim ber industry, trialsare being made which should lead to a big expansion. Africacontains abo ut 27% of the total wo rld forest area, a nd not enough

profitable use has so far been m ade of it . Some thirty species oftrees are now being regularly accepted in the w orld m arkets an dsuccessful tests have been carried out in the pu lping of mixedtropic al woods. A pilot pulp an d pap er mill has been establishedne ar A bidjan, an d there are expectations of the increased use of

tropical woods for plywood an d press wood.So much was neglected under colonialism that would even

have benefited the im perialist interests, if their concern ha d no t been lim ited to developing th e best land, th e most lucrative



mines, the harbours and towns connected with their economicengagements. T hey w anted quick and easy returns, an d wouldno t occupy themselves with w ha t ap pe ared to be less promisingareas of exploitation.

Our African view is different. There is no single part of theAfrican continent which is not precious to us and our development. And with the technological resources available today,w hat would formerly have been reg arded as miraculous can now

be done w ith the help of scientific aids, provid ed the means arethere. Nowadays even climate is not regarded as an impossibleimpediment to economic progress, and certainly not drought.Abo ut two-fifths of trop ical Africa is steppe o r de sert; at leastone-third is savannah country with a seasonal rainfall. At firstsight, this may seem unpromising, but the problems presentedcan be overcome to some extent by large-scale irrigation andsuitable afforestation.

Soil, of course, presents special problem s. M uc h of the soil inrain forest and sava nna h areas is poor. But a lot can be done to

improve it. Artificial manures, composting, litter-farming, greenm anuring, ca n be employed. Th e g rowth of mixed farm ing has

been held up by the tsetse fly. Full control of th e tsetse can only be achieved, like tha t of the anopholes mosquito (the bearer ofmalaria), on a continental scale, since insect pests are norespecters of territorial bo undaries. W ith the e limination of thetsetse, mixed farming could go ahead, and animals could thensupply the restorative manures to our soil.

Th ere is indeed a vast horizon o f imp rovem ent w aiting up ondevelopment in Africa. T he Niger river inland delta scheme an dthe Gezira scheme in the Sudan, for example, might be greatlyextended. Irrigation work could be carried out along theGambia, Senegal, Rufiji, Tana, and Zambesi rivers, and in theLake C had basin. Imm ense advances could be m ade in the wayof con trolling the flow of sma ller streams, the digging of shallow

surface reservoirs, an d the bu nd ing of flat areas to reduce ru noff an d increase soak-in during the rain y seasons. Sw amp a reassuch as the Ba hr el Ghaz al region in the U pp er Nile, the Bang-weulu swamp in No rthern R hodesia and the O kovanggo swampin Bechuanaland, could be thoroughly explored to see if, withsuitable trea tm en t, they can no t be turne d into useful agric ultura l

ECONOMIC AND POLIT ICA L INT EGRA TIO N I53




areas. In Northern Rhodesia alone, the six largest swamps total13,754 square miles, or six pe r cent of the total area. In rainforest regions, mechanical trench diggers might be made more

use of, to improve drainage. Mango trees could be cut out, andfields bunded and sown with rice. Efforts in this direction are bein g m ade in Sie rra Leone. Experience gain ed th ere could be profitably p u t a t th e disposal of other African countries withsimilar problems.

A n essential pa rt o f what is today termed the infrastructure ofdevelopm ent is com munications. L ord L uga rd, a pioneer carrierof the ‘white m an ’s burd en ’, said th at ‘the m ateria l developm ent

of Africa m ay be sum med up in one word - tran spo rt.’1 Althoughthis is obviously an over-simplication, the developm ent of tra nsport on a continental basis is vital to African intercourse andeconomic advancem ent. W ha t Africa really requires is a fullyintegra ted trans po rt system for the co ntinent, properly planne d

by a centr al organiz ation, which will examine the relative potentials and economics of ro ad, rail , riv er, air and sea systemsin correlation with an over-all plan for inter-African trade and progressive economic and social development. At th e presenttime, commerce an d the exchange of goods between A fricancountries is small. Colonialism interrupted the interchange thatexisted before its incursion an d subsequen tly all forms o f comm unication - roads, railways, harbou rs - were pointed outwards,the necessary auxiliary arms for transporting raw materialsfrom the ir African sources to their E uro pe an convertors overseas.These communications are now proving inadequate to meetthe increasing demands being m ade up on them by the expandingtraffic th at indep end ence has brou gh t. All over Africa, harbours,railways, roads a nd airports have become greatly overburdenedin recent years.

W hen we talk a bo ut these com munications looking outwa rd,m ore is m ean t tha n tha t they point towards the coasts and overseas. Railways were deliberately constructed for taking goods

to ports plann ed an d equ ipped for on-bo ard ship-loading rathe rtha n for both loading an d unloading. T hus most of our existingrailways still consist of single trac k routes w ith a few bran ch andconnecting lines. T he y were designed by the colonial powers to1 Lord Lu gard : The Dual Mandate in Tropical Africa, Blackwood 1922, p. 5.



link m ining areas or to carry cash crops an d raw m aterials fromcollection points to the po rts for export. F arm ers h ad to find theirown m eans of getting crops to the collecting centres. G ha na an d

Nig eria are better served w ith railways th an most p arts of Africa,each having main eastern and western lines which are linkedtogether. Ghanaian railways handle some two million tons ayear, m ore tha n the co m bined lines of former F rench W estAfrica, bu t less th an i p er cent of the tonn age c arried in theUnited Kingdom. Roads, too, are quite inadequate to meet thegrowing needs of emergent Africa. The cost of making them ishigh, a nd the bu ilding of a co ntinent-wide system would have to

be centrally p lanned and financed.T he climate and geograph y o f Africa present special problemsfor the construction a nd m aintenan ce o f both roads an d railways.But these difficulties could be surmounted within the framework o f a p lan for over-all African developm ent, w hich w ould setaside reserves of funds and m aterials for the p urpose. Such a vastscheme would, naturally, take time to complete and prioritieswould certainly be necessary to secure speedier fulfilment at

poin ts of develo pm ent vita l to th e corporate progress of th econtinent. But with the will to attack and overcome the many problem s and their involvements , th e real ‘opening u p ’ o f Africawill begin. And this time it will be by the Africans for theAfricans.

This co ntention is supp orted by the exam ple of the U nitedStates. America’s real expansion began with her union, whichassisted the b uildin g up of a vast netwo rk o f railways an d roads,

so that D. W. Brogan, an accepted authority on American political histo ry , afte r rem arking th a t in Am erica, ‘regions asunlike as Norway and Andalusia are united under one government, speak a common language, regard themselves as part ofone nation’, is able to assert: ‘This unity is reinforced by themost elaborate transportation system in the world, a system theelaboration of which has been m ade possible by the politicalunity.’1

Ports and waterways are no less important than good roadsand railways. Africa has the shortest coastline in relation to its

1 D. W. Brog an: U.S.A .: An Outline o f the Country , its People and Institutions ,Ox ford U niversity Press, p. 9.

ECONOMIC AND POLITI CAL INT EGRAT ION I55



for internal air services has been limited, but this is somethingwhich is changing with the growing need for inter-continentalcom m unication an d trade.

T he necessary cap ital for all these developments can only beaccum ulated by the emp loym ent of ou r resources on a contine ntal extension. This calls for a cen tral organ ization to form ulate a comprehensive economic policy for Africa which willembrace the scientific, methodical and economic planning ofou r ascent from present po verty into ind ustrial greatness.

Internal customs barriers can be eliminated; differences indomestic structures accommodated. Currency difficulties mustdisap pea r before a com m on currency . Non e o f ou r problems isinsu perable unless we are set against the ir solution. In Ju ly1961 customs, barriers between G ha na an d U pp er V olta wereremoved. An African Development Institute is to be set up atDakar to train economists, to provide experts who can be senton request to African States, to carry out research, and to coordinate policies. This Institute, when it is operating, will, it is

ho ped, go some way tow ards cou nteracting the excessive dup lication o f expe rimen tal work th at now goes on in Africa becausewe have no central economic plann ing org anization for directingresearch and pooling knowledge and experience.

T he re are some who refute the req uirem ent o f continen talun ity as the essential prerequ isite to full indu strialization. O thersrefer to econom ic confederations like the Zollverein of nin eteenth-century G erm any as likely patterns up on w hich we m ight

model our African co-operation for industrial fulfilment. Thisignores the historical fact tha t the Zollverein proved un equ al tothe task of creating the capital formations G erm any needed tocarry forward h er industrialism, w hich only got fully un de r waywhen the states surrendered their sovereignty to the GermanEm pire. It was the unification of G erm any w hich provided thestimulus to expanding capitalism and gave a suitable population basis for the abso rption of m anu factured goods, pa rticularlyas pop ulation growth in G erm any was high an d quickly reachedforty-one millions. At th at pe riod of scientific inven tion, this wasa large enough consumption group to enable Germany to progress from a m ainly agricultura l coun try in 187 1 to the indu strialachievements that led her into the scramble for colonies before

ECONOMIC AND POLITI CAL INT EGR ATI ON I5 7




the middle ’eighties. In the first decade o f the tw entieth ce ntury,G erm an ca pitalism a ttaine d the stage of comm ercial andfinancial m onopoly whose expansionist needs impelled her into

the 1914 war.Th e G erm an exam ple illustrates the advantages of uniting parts into a more effective whole . This G erm an developmenttook place within the typical national exclusivism of the nineteenth century, which reached its apotheosis under the Wilsonian doctrine of self-determination after the end of the FirstW orld W ar, when the countries of the A ustro-HungarianEmpire assumed sovereignty behind boundaries whose inter

necine possibilities were subsequently exploited by the great powers. M otiv ated by the ambitio ns of rising bourgeoisies for poli tical control as th e means to capitalis t development, theleaders of the Eu rope an nationalist movements, once theyassumed power, discovered th a t they were too weak to stand bythemselves. But instead of coalescing into a wider fraternity ofnations which would have strengthened their economies and

provid ed a defence against big-power encro achments , they

hugged their exclusivism and made pacts with the strongerstates, which in the end undermined their self-confidence andfailed to save them from im perialist expansion.

To day, th e m ajor Eu rop ean powrers, confronted with thedeepening competitiveness o f acquisitive prod uction , intensified

by the new scientific inventions, shrinking empires and theenlarg em ent of the socialist conclave o f nations, are form ing theirassociations of strength, bo th economic, political an d military.

It seems, then, curiously paradoxical that in this period whennational exclusivism in Europe is making concessions to supernational organizations, many of the new African states shouldcling to their new-found sovereignty as some thing more preciousth an the total w ell-being of Africa an d seek alliances with thestates that are combining to balkanize our continent in neocolonialist interests.

Some o f these states are aligning themselves with the Europe an

associations in the mistaken belief th at they will profit sufficientlyto prosper their economies. I t is true that the overseas membersof the E uropean Comm on M arket are enjoying at the presenttime certain benefits from the European Development Fund.



But in the face of the enormous requirem ents o f indu strialdevelopment, these are infinitesimal in size and restricted incha racter. O u t of the applications su bm itted, the projects so farapp roved ignore the requests for the establishm ent o f industriesand c once ntrate on social projects and the building o f roads,railways and ports. These, it is true, are necessary to fullerdevelopment a nd the raising of welfare, and und oub tedly arewelcome additions to the economic and social base. But it iswishful thinking not to recognize them as the bribes theyare, and to suppose that the Eu ropean Com mon M arket, whichis devised to increase the welfare of the Euro pe an m em bercountries, should conscientiously promote industrialization inthe raw m aterial pro ducing countries of Africa. I t is equa llyrom antic to think th at the D evelopment Fu nd could ever be bigenough to provide anything like the investment capital theAfrican states require for substantial development. As is only to

be expected, emphasis is placed upon m odernization and im provem ent schemes th a t will increase E uropean economic

stren gth ,1 and widen still more the pro ductivity gap betw eenEurope and Africa.

Th e enticement of aid which the European Com mon M arketholds out demands close examination and it is particularlycurious tha t M r Leopold Senghor, President of the R epub lic ofSenegal, should lend him self to a subtle ap pe al to the Englishspeaking countries to enter. In an interview appended to anarticle in International Affairs for April 1962, President Senghorexpresses his pleasure about it,

above all for Africa, because we ourselves, a French-speakingstate, are associated with the Common Market, and I think that,if Britain joins in, the English-speaking countries of Africa willwish to do so too. From a purely selfish point o f view that mightnot be entirely to our advantage, for the grea ter num ber of pa rticipants, the smaller the individual share in the European fund.But I think there is a more importan t side to it: what we lose onthe level of material aid, we gain on the level of cohesion andco-operation. We shall then be able to harmonize our technical

1 S tuart de la Mah oti£re: The Common Market , Hodder & Stoughton 1961, pp. 30-4 8. This book offers a comprehensive survey of the subject from aEuropean supporter.

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INTE GRATI ON 159



i6o AFRICA MUST UNITE

and economic co-operation between Africans, both Frenchspeaking and English-speaking.1

This argum ent, despite the gratuitous m agnan imity expressed,is a special plea for collective colonialism of a new order.For if technical and economic co-operation between Africans(whom he is careful to divide linguistically) is a feasibility, asPresident Senghor’s inference allows, then where is the need totie it in with the E uropea n Com mon M arket, which is a Europeanorganization promoted to further European interests? Theoverseas associated m embers have gone in as providers of raw

m aterials, not as equals dealing with equals. W ha t reasons havethey to assume th at cohesion and co-ope ration will be fashioned

by those controll in g th e in strum enta li ties of the M arket for th egood of Africa’s com mo n deve lopm ent? All the evidence, bo th

past and present, surely poin ts in th e other direction; th a t thedesign is to m ain tain the historical relationship o f Eu rop eanindu strial co nvertor an d A frican supplier of prim ary products.

Notwith sta ndin g th e outw ard signs of change th a t have taken place a t m any poin ts of th e continent, the nature of Africaneconomy has remained practically unaltered since the firstE uro pe an adven turers cam e to its coasts in the fifteenth cen tury.It is purely a nd simply a trad ing economy. O ur trade, however,is not between ourselves. It is turned towards Europe and em

braces us as providers of low-priced prim ary m ate ria ls in exchange for the more expensive finished goods we im port. Exceptwhere we have associated a nd formed a comm on selling policy,we come into a competition that acts to force down the priceswe receive to the profit o f the overseas buyers. I t is because ofthe effects of this co lonial relationship in lim iting their economies,that some of the African states have joined the EuropeanCom mon M arket. The y have the hope tha t by this means theywill inject new life into their economies. But this is an illusion,

because th e benefits received by way of aid will do noth in g to

change the fund am ental n ature of these economies, a nd theycan, therefore, never thrive in the way that most advancedcountries do. They may well regress, because, while inter-

1 Leopold Sengho r: Some Thoughts on Africa in International Affairs , April1962.



national trade between highly industrialized countries may bem utually beneficial, ‘a quite no rm al result of unh am pe red trade

betw een two countries, of which one is industr ia lised and th e

other less developed, is the initiation of a cumulative processtowards the imp overishment an d stagn ation of the latte r.’1

Th e tariff arrangements of the E uropean Comm on M arketmu st deepen the divisions between the overseas m embers an d thenon-members on the African con tinent on account o f the increased competitiveness that must result between them. Quotarestrictions an d depressed prices can be the only outcome. In his‘comprehensive guid e’ to The Common Market , Stuart de laM ah otiere forecasts the extension of industria l monopolies todeal with the keen competition which will develop between theEu rope an m embers of the M arke t, an d declares tha t ‘the keynote to success will undoubtedly be in the first instance theability to keep costs down a nd prices com petitive.’2 Rawm aterials an d labou r costs are the two m ajor items in produ ctioncosting, so it is qu ite obvious where the ‘keynote to success’ mustlead. The development aid which the associated Africanmembers may receive from the European Fund will be out

bala nced by a gradual decline in th e national revenues from prim ary products . Even unite d African arrangem ents for them aintenanc e of a com mon selling policy for ce rtain raw m aterialssuch as cocoa, ca nno t be u ph eld if one or m ore o f the pa rties tothe arrangements adheres to the European organization. The

prices which will be fixed by th e E uropean members will apply

to all the overseas mem bers supplying the Com mo n M arket, an dthe C om m on M arke t states within the African alliance will haveto conform to the fixed prices if they are to enjoy the aid forwhich they join ed it. African loyalty will be split betw een theEuropean attachment and the African association, and theobligation to the former will nullify fidelity to the Africaninterest.

This is the neo-colonialism of the E uro pe an Com mo n M arke t,

which holds out to the und eveloped African states the th rea t ofdiscriminatory tariffs for those who do not come in, and the

promise of aid for those who do. I t is a ‘heads I win, tails you1 Gunn ar M yrd al: Economic Theory and Under-Developed Regions , p. 99.2 S tuar t de la Mah otidre: The Common Market , p . no.

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INTEG RATION l 6 l




lose* policy, which aims to create a bitter schism among theindependent African states or else to cajole them all into thefold of the E uro pea n m arket, in the same old im perialist relation

ship of the Eu rop ean ride r on the A frican horse. Any of the statesth at en ter deprive themselves of the possibility of ind ep en den taction. T hey will have lost their freedom to trad e w herever it ismost adv antag eou s or to secure ca pital from the m ost conv enientsources. They will, moreover, have surrendered their policy ofnon-alignment by attaching themselves to the European economic organization which is linked with the North AtlanticT reaty O rgan ization (N .A.T .O.). Ev en worse, they will be com

pelled to betr ay th e cause of African freedom, by th e supportthey will be o bliged to give to the imp erialist suppression o f theemancipation struggle in Africa. In short, they will have soldthe ir African b irth rig ht for a mess of neo-colonialist pottage.

N or could th ere be any idea of solid in dustr ia lized advancement for these African states in the interests of their people.For, h aving r etu rn ed themselves to the im perialist fold, this timeof their o wn ‘free5will and no t by territo rial con quest, the same

forces which ke pt them tagging behind the industrialized co untries of the West will continue to op erate. The African countrieswill once mo re be wide op en to im perialist exploitation. Politicalindependence will be a sham and will have gained nothingexcept the agg randizem ent of certain o ppo rtunist groupsw ithin the n ational societies and the en richm ent of the neocolonialist interest. E conom ic indep end ence will be farthe r awaythan ever and the conflicts within these African societies will be

more severe, because the class divisions will crystallize sharplyun de r the m ore ruthless dem ands of neo-colonialist monopolyto feed its greedier and greedier economic and militarymachines.

An African Common Market, devoted uniquely to Africaninterests, would more efficaciously promote the true requirem ents of the African states. Such an A frican M ark et presupposesa common policy for overseas trade as well as for inter-African

trade, and must preserve our right to trade freely anywhere. Ifit is a good thin g for the E uro pean buy ers to regulate the ir affairswith their overseas suppliers by combination, then it must beequally good for Africans to do likewise in offering their wares.



Besides, an African Common Market that does not concert its policy in regard to its exports seriously reduces its effectiveness,since the m utua lity of interest might well be violated by in

dividu al actions in rega rd to the sale of crops comm on to severalof the mem bers. O ne of the principa l objectives of ou r AfricanCommon Market must be to eliminate the competition that

presently exists betw een us, and m ust continue to do so whileany one of us mistakenly shelters un de r the um brella o f theEuropean Common Market . The cash crops that we producemust be pooled, so that our combined totals will give us a commanding position and, through a united selling policy, enable

us to extract better prices. For instance, Ghana and Nigeria betw een them produce about 50 per cent of th e w orld’s cocoa.So far we have been selling against each other, bu t in un iting o ur

policy, we can beat th e undercutting tactics of th e buyers whoset us one against the other.

The surpluses thus derived from increased revenues resultingfrom a common selling policy could be placed to realisticdevelopment (rejected by the European Development Fund),and give a spurt to fundamental industrialism. The trade now

begin nin g to be developed betw een us would be stim ula te d,while a common currency would eliminate the difficulties ofexchange as well as the illegitimate dealings which at presentrob us of p ar t o f ou r wealth. A comm on currency, free of linkswith outside currency zones, would enable us to reserve theforeign exchange made from our export trade for essentialimports.

In the same way, the pooled sum of ou r present individu alinvestments in our similar nationa l projects, if used within anintegrated plan, would give greater benefit in mutual developm ent. Indee d, the total integration of the African economy on aco ntinen tal scale is the only way in wh ich the African states canachieve anything like the levels of the industrialized countries.Th e idea of African union is not ju st a sentimental one, em an at

ing from a com mon experience of colonialism and a desire foryoung, untried states to come together in the effervescence oftheir new freedom, though sentiment undoubtedly has its part.The unity of the countries of Africa is an indispensable precondition for the speediest and fullest development, not only of

ECONOMIC AND POLIT ICAL INT EGR ATI ON 163




the totality o f the co ntinent b ut of the individu al countries linkedtogether in the union.

Advancing science, the new technologies, the constant im

provements in modes of production and techniques of m anagem ent, the economic realities of this second h alf of the tw entiethcentu ry dem and large expanses of land, with th eir variegatedna tu ral resources, and massive popu lations, to obtain the greatest

benefits from them and th ereby sustain their profitability. T oday, those powers embracing large aggregates of populationand ea rth surface are more cap able o f full industrialization.

U nfo rtun ately , in the present-day conflict of political ideo

logies, these are the powers th at m ake claims to ‘greatness’. T heothers are v irtual satellites oscillating between th eir orbits. T hecu rren t imp act o f the cold war on world affairs governs theexternal policy, and influences in many ways the internal

policies of most of th e rest o f th e world. O nly Chin a, w ith its huge population and massive land extent, combined with its noncompetitive, centrally plann ed system of produ ction and distribution, has a rate of produ ctivity tha t is making her a po tential

challenger of the only two powers whose weight counts in our present world. T h a t is th e root reason why th e U nited Statesrefuses to admit China into the United Nations and why theSoviet U nion is respectful o f he r attitudes. C hin a’s rate of productivity pu ts her ahead of the declining imp erial powers whoseind ustrial extension, limited b y the ir shrinking empires, has ledthem into the Eu ropean Comm on M arket, in the hope that theincreased productivity and expanded market offered by 170

million people will provide a more effective challenge toA m erica’s indu strial - and hence political - mastery of thecapitalist world. Industrial output in China increased 276 percen t in the years between 1950 an d 1957, and it is estimated th atif the relative rates of development persist, she will ou tstrip Ja p anand Britain in the no t too distant future.

Only the Soviet Union, China, and perhaps Indonesia amongthe under-developed countries possess the material and population base sufficient for successful (socialist) economies. Theindividual territories of Africa and South America, to saynothing of the territorial boundaries of such countries as South



ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INTEGRATION 165

Korea, Formosa, Pakistan, South Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia,Jordan, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Greece, Turkey, and theWest Indies, are too limited. . . . As a consequence, there is animplicit movement in the world today towards regionalism - notthe regionalism of the various pacts inspired by the capitalistworld, although some of these may unwillingly foster the movement. But a regionalism based upon economic and culturalidentification and co-operation.1

Th e greatest single lesson tha t ca n be draw n from the historyof indu strial developm ent in the w orld today is the un cou ntedadvantages which plan ning has in the first place over the laissez

fa ire go-as-you-please policies of the early pioneers of industrialism; and secondly, how immensely superior planning on acontinental scale, allied to a socialized objective, has proved forthe gian t latecomers into the realm of m odern statehood over thefragm ented discordant a ttemp ts of disunited entities, as on theSouth A m erican continent. T he rates of grow th of the SovietUn ion and China are m uch higher even than that of the otherco ntinental giant, the U nited States of Am erica, whose economicevolution stretched over a longer p eriod o f time an d whosecap ital accum ulations, as a result of large-scale p lanta tion farming by slave labour, a nd the conversion of its produ cts intom anu facture d goods, were already considerable before her large-scale industrialization got un de r way in earnest, after the w ar tom aintain the un ion. A me rica is the most vocal propo nen t of freeenterprise, unfettered by cen tral plannin g. H er society shows themost glaring social inequalities, from the Negro sharecropperliving close to or below the subsistence line and financial tycoonsamassing astronomical fortunes, with all possible gradations ofwealth and poverty in between. Sixteen million people stillremain unintegrated with the body politic.

Soviet embarkm ent u pon plann ed industrialization occurredon the edge of the nine teen-thirties, after a really criticalapproach ha d been m ade to the intricate problems involved in

making the ‘take o ff5w ith a pa uc ity of reserves an d resourcesrathe r greater than our own at the present time. The re were the1 Prof. Oliver C. Cox of Lincoln University, U .S.A., in a p ap er e ntitledFactors in Development of Under-Developed Countries , delivered in Accra, June1959 -



Europe have been erected ou t of the experience there. T heywere no t evolved as guides in advan ce of economic developm ent, bu t were the result of analysis of th a t develo pm ent after the

event. Even L en in’s theo ry o f imperialism issued from his studyof the growth of capitalism an d its monopolistic expansion, A ndwhen he came to lead the emergent Soviet state into rehabilitation on socialist foundations, he h ad no blu e-print which he coulduse as a guide.

We are more fortunate, a nd we are not isolated. We m ay haveenemies, b u t we have friends, too. We have the examples of theU nited States, of the Soviet Union , o f China, of Ind ia. T hey areall operating their economies on a continental scale and offer usa choice of means an d m ethods which we can a da pt to the Africanscene. But one thing is certain, unless we plan to lift Africa upou t of he r poverty, she will rem ain poor. For there is a viciouscircle which keeps the p oor in their r u t of imp overishment,unless an energetic effort is made to interrupt the circularcausations of poverty. O nce this has been done, and the essential

industrial machine has been set in motion, there is a ‘snow balling5effect which increases the m om entum of change. But theessential indu strial mac hine, w hich alone can b reak the viciouscircle o f Africa's poverty, can only be bu ilt on a wide enough

basis to make the take-off realistic if it is p lanned on a continentalscale.

At the moment, we call our conferences and meetings,which, while obviously useful, must remain ineffective unlesssupported by jo in t action. T he African economy has shown littleimprovem ent since the establishmen t of the Economic Commission for Africa (E.C.A.) in 1958. During the spring 1962session of the Commission, it was poin ted out th at the p opulationof Africa had prob ab ly increased by some 8 per cent since 1958,w ith the result that there were nea rly 20 million m ore people tofeed. Yet advances in agriculture an d industry ha d not kept pacewith the rising population. In fact, figures showed that theAfrican balance o f trade ha d actually d eteriorated.

It is clear th at rad ical changes in economic planning in A fricaare urgen tly needed, a nd this can only be achieved quickly andeffectively if we are un ited politically. A t the 1962 m eeting of theE.C.A. to which reference has ju st been m ade, speakers found it

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INTEGRATION 167



AFRICA MUST UNITE

difficult to separate econo mic a nd p olitical issues. Th is is becausethey are, for us, inseparable at this time in our history. For theradical changes that are urgently needed in economic planning

can only be bro ug ht ab ou t quickly a nd effectually if we areunited politically. Conversely, our national independence canonly be given full m eaning if a vast pool of economic an d industrial resources can be created to provide the various Africanstates with a strong enough base to support the welfare of their

peoples.In the isolation of purely national p lanning, o ur rate of pro

gress can only be halting, our individual developments doomed

to slowness, no matter how intensive our efforts or how carefulou r projects. Expan sion o f extractive industries, extension a nddiversification of agriculture, establishment of secondary industries, some infra-struc ture, the bu ilding of a few key industries- this is wh at we m ay expect w ithin the confines of ou r national pla nnin g, and even th is is not assured. Certa inly not without th emost careful trimm ing an d au sterity, an d an un even struggle atall times against coercive pressures, both external and domestic.

Each of us alone can no t hope to secure the highest benefitsof m odern technology, which d em ands vast capital investmentan d can only justify its economics in serving an extensive po pulation. A co ntinental merging o f ou r land areas, our pop ulationsan d o ur resources, will alone give full substance to ou r aspirationsto adv ance from o ur p re-industrial state to th at stage o f development that can provide for all the people the high standard ofliving an d welfare amenities of the m ost advanced indu strial

states.It m ay, of course, be argue d tha t an y economic integration atthis time wo uld be like a pooling o f poverty . Bu t this ignores theessential core of integ ration : th at it will co-ordinate all the existing resources, economic, agricultural, mineral, financial, andemp loy them m ethodically so as to improve the over-all surplus,to assist a wider capital development. Further, a co-ordinatedsurvey of the co ntinental resources, actual and potential, hu m an

an d m aterial, will perm it plann ing to eliminate the present im bala nce in identical forms of p rim ary trad ing economies and provid e fo r the erection of a com plem enta ry p a ttern of development which will give the fullest opportunity for progressive



capital formations. We would still need to exchange primary products for capital goods, and I have expla ined how an AfricanCommon Market and common currency would facilitate the

accum ulation of reserves from ou r pooled pro du ction andcomm on selling policy. M oreover, w ithin the un ity of integratedeconomic planning, we should be better placed to extract themost advantageou s aid agreements free o f clauses th at wou ld

jeopard ize our independence of action. T he larger potentials ofgreater land area an d num bers would offer greater attraction tooutside investmen t cap ital because of their an ticipated higher

profitability ratio . A nother advantage fo r outsid e investment

capital would be the soundness o f the g uarantees th at unifiedcon tinen tal developm ent could offer. No single ind ividu al couldund ertake such investment, so th at it wou ld have to be done bycorporate or public investment. In fact, the trend today istowards public investment, because public guarantees aredem anded. Foreign countries will not loan to a priva te individualin an othe r coun try bu t will only lend to a private institution ora public institution with a guarantee from the government. As

a rule, it will no t come w ithout this gu arantee, and often enoughthe investment will not be allowed to come to the borrowingcountry w ithout the ap proval of the government of the lender.T h at kind o f investment is the m ore solid kind o f investmenttha t Africa needs from abroad , and both international and publiccap ital would find it mu ch less complex to deal with a nd secureguarantees from an all-African administration than from theseveral governments they now have to deal with. I t w ould makefor easier co-operation all round.

Separatism , indeed, cuts us off from a m ultitude of advantageswhich we would enjoy from union. Though Ghana is bearingthe cost of erecting the V olta dam , we would be m ore tha nwilling to share its benefits with our immediate neighboursw ithin a common economic framework. The Inga dam , a blue p rin t dream fo r the Congo, m ay not get beyond th at stage w ithou t the co-operation o f oth er African states, for no single statecould afford to build it. Yet if it were built, the dam wou ld

pro vid e 25 million kilowatts of electricity , which is estim ated to be four-and-a-half times the o u tpu t expected fro m the la rg esthydro-electrical plant in the Soviet Union: the Bratsk Dam.

ECONOMIC AND POLITICA L INTEG RATI ON 169



AFRICA MUST UNITE

The Inga project could go a long way towards electrifying thewhole of the African continent.

If the ind epen den t states h ad a united, integrated economic

policy, th e building of th e In ga dam could be carefully p la nnedto support an extended industrial growth, catering for a farlarger population. Its cost would, therefore, be economicallyspread . T his is only a single illustration o f w ha t African integrated economic planning might do. Extend it to all sectors ofou r econom ies, and its possibilities are infinite.

I have often been accused o f pursu ing ‘a policy of the im possible’. But I cannot believe in the im possib ility of achieving

African un ion any m ore tha n I could ever have tho ug ht of theimpossibility of attaining African freedom. When I came backto Ghana in 1947 to take a leading part in the anti-colonialstruggle, I was dub be d an ‘irresponsible ag itato r ’. Ind epend enc eat that time looked a long way off. None of us really imaginedth at by 1962 most of the African coun tries would have throw noff polit ical dom ination and em barked upo n their own nationalexistence as sovereign states. Bu t th at did n ot stop us from going

forward with our efforts, buoyed by the certainty of ultim atevictory. A nd it has come, as I said, m uch sooner th an anticipated .That is how I feel about African union. Just as I was con

vinced th at political freedom was the essential foreru nn er of oureconomic growth and that it must come, so I am equally convinced that African union will come and provide that united,integrated base upon which our fullest development can besecured. Th ere is no d ou bt th at the task before us is a challenging

one. No easy road to the achievement of m od em industrialization has so far been discovered. T he most we can hope is to learnfrom th e more glaring mistakes of those who hav e preced ed uson the ro ad w ha t we should obviously avoid, an d w ha t will mostassist us in pushing forward to the goal as speedily as possiblew ithou t sustaining too m any b itter shocks to the bod y politic.

But there is absolutely no doubt that the key to significantind ustrialization of this con tinent of ours lies in a u nion of Africanstates, planning its development centrally and scientificallythrou gh a pa ttern of economic integration. Such central planning can create units of industrialism related to the u nit resources, co rrelating food and r aw m aterials prod uction w ith the



establishment of secondary man ufactures a nd the erection ofthose vital basic industries w hich will sustain large-scale c ap italdevelopment. Th e n ationa l components will each perform theiressential role in the prac tical imp lem entation of the total planan d feel secure in the co-operative task of elim inating the econom ic unevenness that now exists betw een the d ifferent regions.T he individual ch aracter of pop ulation groups m ight properly be expressed in special kinds o f develo pm ent w ithin the universal plan, particularly in the fields o f specia lized p roduction, w hetherin agriculture o r industry, of hand icrafts a nd culture. Th is wouldinfuse energy into the realization o f the p lann ed developmen t,

as the people would be given every opp ortun ity to expa nd theirindividual genius.Because of the enormously greater energy, b oth hu m an and

material, that would be released through continentally integrated planning, prod uctivity increase would be incom parablyhigher th an the sum of the individual growths which we mayanticipate within the individual countries under separatism.The cumulative surpluses that must result would achieve con

tinuing cap ital formations for increasing the African investme ntin expanding development. It is quite obvious that integratedcontinental planning cannot find a substitute in the kind oftinkering that limits us to inter-territorial associations withincustoms unions, trade agreements, inter-communications services, and the like. While these will naturally increase ourcommon intercourse and provide for certain inter-action, theycan only be partially beneficial in their effects. For such tinker

ing does no t create the decisive conditions for resolute deve lopm ent, since it ignores the crucial requirem en t of con tinentalintegration as the essential prerequisite for the most bountifuleconomic progress, which must be based in the widest possibleextension of land and popu lation. T he p lann ed industrialization,moreover, must be geared to the social objective of the highestupliftm ent o f the masses of the people, a nd presupposes theelim ination o f those acquisitive tendencies wh ich lead to sec

tional conflicts within society. By these means alone can Africamaintain the popular support without which the planned programme cannot succeed, and arrive at that economic freedomwhich is the intertw ined goal of political indepe ndenc e.

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INTEGRATION 17 1




In the face of the forces tha t are co mbining to reinforce neocolonialism in Africa, it is imperative that the leaders should

begin now to seek th e best and quickest means by which we can

collectivize our economic resources and produce an integrated p lan for their careful deplo yment for our m utual benefit. I f wecan do this, we shall raise in Africa a grea t industrial, economican d financial pow er com parable to any th at the world has seenin our time.

Such effective economic links, however, are impossibleto establish without sound political direction to give themforce and purpose. Therefore, we must come to grips first with

the m ajor a nd basic issue of African unity, wh ich alone can clearthe way for the united effort in erecting the powerful industrialand economic structure which will give substance and realityto ou r d rea m of a strong African con tinent, absolutely freed from

political and economic colonialism .



CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

N E O - C O L O N I A L I S M I N A F R I C A

T h e g r e a t e s t da nger at present facing Africa is ne oc olo nia lism and its major instrument, balkanization. The latter term is

particu larly appropriate to describe th e breaking up of Africainto small, weak states, since it arose from the action of the g rea t

powers when they div ided up th e European p a rt of th e oldTurkish E mpire, an d created a num ber of dependent an d com

peting states in the Balkan peninsula . T he effect was to producea political tinderbox which any spark could set alight. In fact,the explosion came in 1914 when an Austrian archduke wasmurdered at Sarajevo. Because the Balkan countries were soclosely tied up with the great powers and their rivalries, them urd er resulted in the First W orld W ar, the greatest w ar whichha d been fought up to tha t t ime.

In the same way as alliances by the Balkan states with rival powers outside the Balkans resulted in world war, so a worldwar could easily originate on ou r continen t if African states make

political, economic and m il itary alliances with rival powers outside Africa. Already political commentators have referred toAfrica as a vast new battleground for the cold war.

As the nationalist struggle deepens in the colonial territoriesand independence appears on the horizon, the imperialist

powers, fishing in th e m uddy waters of communalism, trib alisman d sectional interests, end eav our to create fissions in the na tiona lfront, in order to achieve fragmentation. Ireland is the classicexample, India another. The French dismembered the Federa

tion of W est Africa a nd tha t o f Eq ua torial Africa. N igeria was broken in to regions and is anticip atin g further partit ions.Ruanda-Urundi has been fragmented with independence.Because we in Ghana survived pre-independence attempts tosplit us, the British foisted on us a constitution that aimed at



NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA x75

colonies as tightly closed preserves. When it became obviousthat national sovereignty could no longer be withheld, theground was prepared for m aintaining the em erging indep end ent

nations w ithin the F rench o rbit. The y were to rem ain suppliers ofcheap raw materials and tropical foodstuffs while continuing toserve as closed markets for Fren ch p roducts.

Soon after the Second W orld W ar, Fran ce set up two financialorganiza tions for the purpose of ‘aiding economic d eve lopm ent’in her overseas territories. These were F.I.D.E.S. ( Fonds d ’Investissement et Developpement Economique et Social) and theG.G.O.M. {Caisse Centrale de la France d ’Outre-mer.)

Subventions from C .C.O .M . w ent to the budgets of the formerFren ch colonial territories to help m eet the cost of pub licadm inistration an d the m aintenance o f French forces in theterritories. Investment in the social and economic developmentof F ran ce ’s overseas territories was largely an euphem ism for thesiphoning of funds throu gh F.I.D .E.S. into these forme r Fren chcolonies and back again to France. It has been estimated thatas m uch as 80 per cent o f such so-called investment re turn ed to

France in the form o f paym ents for materials, services, commissions, b an k charges an d salaries of Fren ch staffs an d agents.Projects underta ken w ere m ainly in the sphere o f pu blic servicesand agriculture. The y were woefully inad equ ate and imp roperly

planned, w ith li tt le or no regard for local conditions or needs. No attem pt was m ade to lay th e foundations for industria lgrow th or a diversification o f ag ricultu re w hich w ould assist truedevelopment. F.I.D.E.S. and C.C.O.M. have given place to the

F.A.C. ( Fonds d'Aide et de Cooperation) and C.C.C.E. ( Caisse Centrale de Cooperation Economique ). The newly named agencies,however, perform the same functions as the old ones on exactlythe same terms. Investm ent continues to supp ort the produ ctionof exportable com m unity crops and the trad ing enterprises ofFrench commercial houses and contracting firms who securetheir supplies from French factories and industrial centres.Frenc h bank ers an d financial concerns linked w ith some o f the

biggest raw m aterial converte rs are being encouraged to extendthe ex ploitation o f minerals in the form er colonial territories forexportation in the ir prim ary form.

Thus, even though independent in name, these countries




continue the classical relationship of a colonial economy to itsm etropolitan pa tron, i.e. providers of prim ary products an dexclusive markets for the latter’s goods. Only now the relation

ship is covered up un de r the guise of aid a nd pro tective solicitude,one of the more subtle forms of neo-colonialism.

Since France sees her continued growth and development inthe m ainten ance o f the presen t neo-colonialist relationship withthe less developed nations within her orbit, this can only meanthe widening of the gap between herself and them. If the gapis ever to be narrowed, not to say closed, it can only be done by a comple te break with the present patron-clie nt relation

ship.When neo-colonialism can make such effective penetrations

by other means, th ere seems a certain illogicality , viewed fromthe ir standpoint, in clinging bitterly to political control of therem ain ing territories in A frica. Unless, o f course, it is to use timeto increase the differences and deepen the schisms, and to allowSouth Africa to build up her military forces, to use, in alliancewith the Rhodesias and Portugal, against the fighters forfreedom and the new African independence. It is in this context th at the former insistence on the inviolability of the CentralAfrican Fede ration in the tee th o f African opposition must be understo od and met. There is discernible a curious varia nceof purpose w hen one com pares the British concurrence to thedemand for regionalism in Nigeria and their refusal for so longto concede to African clam our for the dissolution of the Ce ntralAfrican Federation. It was claimed for the continuance ofCe ntral African F ederation tha t it m ade for economic cohesionan d progress. I f a larg er aggrega te is good for one p a rt of Africa,the settler-controlled part, then surely it must contain the same

beneficent seed for the in dependent parts.T he conversion of Africa in to a series of small states is leaving

some of them with n either the resources no r the m anpow er to provide for their own in te grity and viability. W ithout the means

to establish their own economic growth, they are compelled tocontinue w ithin the old colonial trading framework. H ence theyare seeking alliances in E urope , wh ich deprive them of anindependent foreign policy and perpetuate their economic de

pendency. But this is a solution tha t can only lead backwards,




A bid jan can be qu ite as distorted for African politicians as theycan for Fren ch deputies in Paris.

Viewed thus, it is small wonder that General de Gaulle’s

referen du m of 28 Sep tem ber 1958, on the cons titution of theFre nch Com m unity, should have trium ph ed with the single dissentient vote of Gu inea. T he weight of the G eneral’s promise oflargess for those who re m em bered the in tertw ined destiny a ndcomm on cultural heritage o f the C om munity and the threa t ofexcommunication for those who rejected this destiny, and forswore their noble inheritance, was irresistible. While the longstand ing politicians of the rest of French Africa were dismayedat the prospect of a future severed from the em bracing arms ofFrance, Sekou Toure rallied his countrymen round him for a‘N o’ vote, and G uine a was rud ely ejected from the C om munity.

The French Community was evolved by General de Gaulleto replace the F rench U nion, devised by the statesmen of theFourth Republic within la loi cadre , the outline law. The FrenchU nion was an a ttem pt to co ntain the rising tide of African consciousness by the cover of a spurious autonomy in certain de

partm ents of adm in is tratio n. Events in G hana and our steady progress to full in dependence revealed the counterfeit characterof the Fre nch Union, an d w ith the ne ar civil w ar precipitated

by th e a ttem pted m il itary seizure of power in Algeria, Generalde Gaulle, ensconced in power in Paris, formulated the FrenchCo m m unity to replace the sham pretensions of the Un ion. W hen

prom ulgate d, th e provisions of th e constitu tion of th e Com

m un ity in respect of the powers they allotted to the African terr itories were seen to fall short of those rega rde d as too constrictedunder the Union. The breaking down into separate entities

before the referendum of the Federatio n of West Africa and thatof Equatorial Africa was the key to the new political policy ofFrance. It was balkanization in practice. It reinforced the am

bitions of political personalities and deepened schisms whichwere on the w ay to being closed. A new rift was opened in African

politics betw een Republicans and Federalists, that is, betw eenthose who felt they wou ld adv ance the ir careers within the strictlimits of autonom y a nd those who, responding to popu larclamour, sought association with other units. This popular

pressu re in the African lands has achieved several modifications



NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA 179

in the working of the C om m unity constitution an d has evensucceeded in m aking some of the clauses inopera tive.

Th e coming together of Senegal and Su dan in the M ali

Fede ration secured them a joint independence within the C omm unity, subject to the F rench retention o f a m ilitary base. TheM ali Fed eration, because o f the difference in the political a ttitudes of the leaders, M r Leopold S enghor and M r M odiboKeita, has since divided once more into its national parts,Senegal and Mali. Houphouet-Boigny followed by demandingindependenc e for the countries of the Conseil de IsE n ten te,1Ivory Coast, Upper Volta, Niger and Dahomey, without pre

ceding agreements. Sovereignty has since been conferred onTogo, the Congo Republic (Brazzaville), Chad, Gabon,Cameroon, the Central African Republic (formerly UbanguiShari), and Madagascar. And at last, Algeria has wrestedindepend ence after seven years of bitte r fighting.

Now th a t African freedom is accepte d by all except th e diehar d racialists as an inescapab le fact, there are efforts in ce rtainquarters to make arrangements whereby the local populationsare given a token freedom while cords attaching them to the‘m other c ou ntry5rem ain as firm as ever. This arran ge m en t givesthe ap pea ranc e of nationho od to the A frican territory b u t leavesthe substance of sovereignty w ith the m etropo litan power. Acertain token aid is pum ped in by the colonialist pow er in orderto mislead the people and give the impression that something is

being done for them . I t is m eant to divert the nascent d em and fora chan ge of governm ent involving more positive independen ceand a programme envisaging popular welfare. The intention isto use the new African states, so circumscribed, as puppetsthrough whom influence can be extended over states whichmaintain an independence in keeping with their sovereignty.T he creation o f several weak an d unstable states o f this kind inAfrica, it is hop ed, will ensure the continu ed d epen dence on theformer colonial powers for economic aid, and impede Africanunity. This policy of ba lkan ization is the new im perialism, thenew d ang er to Africa.

Its mechanics are simple. In the dynam ics of na tionalrevolution there are usually two local elements: the moderates1 Council of Understanding.



i8o AFRICA MUST UNITE

of the professional an d ‘aristocratic5 class an d the so-calledextremists of the mass movem ent. T he mo derates would likesome share in their gove rnme nt bu t are afraid o f imm ediate

responsibility because they lack experience and skill. They are prepared to leave th e m ain areas of sovereignty to th e colonial power, in re tu rn for a promise of economic aid . T he so-calledextremists are men who do no t necessarily believe in violence butwho demand immediate self-government and complete inde

pendence. They are m en who are concerned with th e interestsof the ir people an d who know th at those interests can be servedonly by their own local leaders and not by the colonial power.Th ey know th at the tasks of independenc e are onerous an d th atwithou t colonialist help they may m ake mistakes. But they preferto make the ir own mistakes in freedom rath er tha n to be deniedthe o pp ortu nity o f responsibility, in the be lief th at even goodgove rnm ent is no substitute for self-government.

Having learned from experience that the greater and more b itter th eir resistance to ‘extrem is t5 demands for in dependencethe more extreme and more powerful they become, certaincolonial powers began to respond more positively to signs ofnation alist stirrings in some of their territories. T he un de rstan ding dawned th at in the absence of a bitte r struggle, there is achance o f treating w ith the m odera te leaders, who m ay betempted to show their followers that the masters are ‘beingreasonab le5an d are open to persuasion, th at q uiet and peacefulnegotiation can produce an advance towards freedom. The

colonial power, experienced in the ways of diplom acy, seeks tocu rb the efforts of the extremists by ostentatiously polishing thesilver platter o n which they promise to ha nd over independence.Underneath the shining surface is the dross. Only the outwardform will have cha nged , the intrinsic relationship is m aintained.Foreign imports are still protected, local development clampeddown, fiscal policy controlled from the metropolitan capital.

T he imp act o f such sem i-independen t states on the liberation

of Africa has been u nfo rtuna te, even dange rous. Bound up asthese countries are with the policies of the ir sponsors, they tryto shun the issues involving colonialists and the still enslaved

peoples on th e African continent, where they do not directlyalign themselves on the colonialist side. Some o f the ir leaders, it



must be confessed, do not see the struggle of the ir broth erAfricans as p a rt o f their struggle. Even if they d id, they wou ldnot be free to express their solidarity. The imperialists can thus

sit back an d reg ard w ith sly satisfaction the rift betw een Africans.Th e results can only be to re tard the indepen dence of countriesno t yet free and to cause friction a nd disunion among the peoplesof Africa. H ere is a phen om eno n against which all Africanfreedom fighters must be on their gu ard a nd resist to the utmost.

In Africa today there are several apparently independentstates who, consciously or not, accept this pattern and serve theinterests of the new imperialism, w hich seeks to salvage some

thing from the wreck of the old imperialism. Th e Eu ropeanCommon Market is an outstanding example. The new threatthis organization offers to African unity is no less ominous for

bein g unobtrusive.As far as G ha na is concerned, we do no t oppose any a rran ge

m ent which the nations of Europe m ay wish to m ake amongthemselves to seek grea ter freedom o f trade w ithin E u ro pe ; b utwe are most decidedly and strongly opposed to any arran ge m ent

which uses the un ification o f W estern E urop e as a cloak for pe r petuating colonia l privileges in Africa. We therefore na turally prote st again st any economic or poli tical groupin g of E uropean powers whic h seeks to exert polit ical and economic pressuresupo n the newly em ergent co untries of Africa, or w hich discriminates against the trad e of those coun tries which are not w illingto participate in these exclusive and unfair arrangements. Theoperation of the E uropean Economic C om m unity, as at presentconceived, will not only discriminate against Ghana and otherindep end ent states of Africa economically, b u t w hat is moreimportant, it will perpetuate by economic means the manyartificial barriers which were imposed on A frica by the Eu rope ancolonial powers.

Any form o f economic u nion n egotiated singly between thefully industrialized states of Europe and the newly emergentcountries of Africa is bou nd to retar d the industrialization, an dtherefore, the prosperity and the general economic an d cu lturaldevelopment, of these countries. For it will mean that thoseAfrican states which m ay be inveigled into join ing this unio nwill continue to serve as pro tected overseas markets for the m anu -

NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA l 8 l




factured goods of their industrialized partners, and sources ofcheap raw materials. The subsidy which they will receive inreturn for assuming these obligations will be small compared

with the losses which they will suffer from perpetuating theircolonial status, losses which are to be measured not only interms of their own reta rded economic, technical an d culturaldevelopment, bu t in the ha rm which they do the peoples of Africaas a whole. The question must be raised as to where this subsidycomes from. It is difficult to believe that it is a purely altruisticcontribution m ade by the E uropea n m embers of the M arketto the cause of African well-being. Such subsidy must, in fact,

come ou t of the tradin g profits m ade from forcing down the prices of prim ary products bought from th e African countriesan d raising the cost of the finished goods they are obliged to takein exchange. I t is also includ ed in the cost of the projects whichconstitute the subsidy, a good p a rt o f wh ich returns to theEu rop ean contributors in the form o f paym ents for materials,services, salaries, and banking commissions and interest.

It is true th at by joining they ob tain a preferential m arket fortheir cash crops an d m inerals in the territories of Eu ropeaneconomic un ion. But the advan tages o f this are largely illusorysince most of the comm odities which they export are goods whichthe E urop ean p artners w ould in any case have to buy from them.O n the oth er h an d, they deprive themselves of the advantagesof meeting their own requ iremen ts in the w orld m arket a nd will

be bound to have to pay considerably more for everyth ing they buy, quite ap art from the hindrances which th e CommonMarket is bound to impose on their own internal industrialdevelopment. Ad m ittedly, the Rom e T rea ty introduces explicitsafeguards concerning ta riff protec tion by the overseas territories of the E urop ean Economic U nion. But in the circumstances, I am by no means confident that these safeguards will

prove effective. The ex-French colonies of Africa have plenty ofdirect experience o f the difficulties they hav e enc oun tered in

setting up manufacturing industries in those cases where thesesafeguards operate to the d isadvan tage o f industries in France.I t is true, of course, th at the producers o f prim ary materials

are always at a d isadvantage in bargaining w ith powerful m an ufacturers in ind ustrial countries. T his n atu rally follows from their



NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

economic weakness, a weakness which can be correc ted th roughunity of action betw een the different raw m aterial producingcountries, and not through exclusive trading arrangements

betw een th e strong and the weak. The case of D aniel and th elions may occasionally come out right, but it is not a safe basisfor economic planning.

Th e pa ttern of imperialist aid to Africa is set not only to drawthe unw ary bac k into the neo-colonialist relationship bu t to tiethem into cold-war politics. This has been amply explained byM r W alt W hitm an Rostow, Counsellor and Ch airman of thePolicy Planning Council of the U .S. S tate D epa rtme nt, in an

interview given to the weekly jou rn al, U.S. News and World Report.1 Asked wh at Am erica is doing ab ou t the underde velopedareas, M r Rostow refers to the ‘grad ua l creation of a pa ttern tosucceed the colonial period. We helped pioneer this pattern inour relationship with the Philippines’. After commenting uponthe new relationships established with their former colonies byBritain, Fra nce a nd Belgium, who ‘is m aking an im po rtan t continuin g contribution to the Congo,’ he states t h a t: ‘As the residual

problems are solved we look, as I say, to a new partnership based on the common in te rests of the northern and south ern parts of the free w orld.’ This M r Rostow admits is a long-term process. ‘In pla yin g the game in th e underdevelo ped areas youm ust be prep are d to play for a long tim e,’ an d hence, in some ofthe underdev eloped countries, ‘as in m ost of Africa, we have tostart from a very low level - with specific projects , not national plans o f a sophisticated k in d ' 2 For, says M r Rostow, using the examples

of Italy and Greece in the M arsha ll Plan period, ‘we are buyingtime to protect crucial pieces of real estate - an d the possibilityof hu m an freedom for those who lived there. An d in the end wesweated it ou t an d won. . . . Buying tim e is one of the mostexpensive a nd thankless things we do w ith our money - as inSouth Korea.’

This is perhaps one o f the m ost cynical bu t clear-cu t summingsup tha t has ever appeared in prin t of the app roach of a rich

power to th e needs and hopes of the new nations of the world .

1 D ated 7 M ay 1962. Th is jou rna l is published in Washing ton by the Un itedStates News Publishing Co rporation.2 Italics added.




There is no need to underscore the intention it so blatantlyexposes in ‘playing the g am e5 o f ‘buy ing tim e5. It should be anobject lesson for all those African statesmen who think that

associations with non-African powers will foster their trueinterests and give them the opportunity to prosper their nationswithin c ontinuing indepen dence of action. This objective canonly be achieved by close economic association between theAfrican states themselves, which in turn presupposes close

poli tical co-operation betw een them . I t is on account of itsretro gra de consequences for the cause of African un ity andeconomic independence that the government of Ghana is so

completely opposed to the European Community in its presentform.

T h a t m any of the leaders of the new A frican states find the mselves in a perplexing position, there is no doubt. They arestrongly dependent on foreign contributions simply to maintainthe m achinery o f their governments. M any of them havedeliberately been made so weak economically, by being carvedup into m any separate countries, th at they are not able to sustainout of their own resources the m achinery o f indep end ent g overnm ent, the cost of which ca nno t be reduced beyond a certainminimum. I recognize the impossible position in which theywere placed w hen the transfer of power took place. T he irfrontiers were n ot o f their own choosing, a nd they were leftwith a n economic, adm inistrative an d educ ational system which,each in its own way, was designed to perpetuate the colonialrelationship.

Ghana’s case was no different, but we are making decisiveefforts to change the pattern and are determined to retain ourindepend ence of policy an d action. I reg ard as culpable theinsidious reluctanc e o f these states to formulate a n ind epe ndent

policy even th ough it m ay involve the loss of the contr ib utionswhich were offered in exchange for continue d conformity to the

policies of the colonial powers. Equally reprehensib le is the

refusal to give recognition to the n atu re of the new im perialismth a t is using them as pawns in keeping Africa divided, as a meansof abo rting total independence an d m aintaining neo-colonialhegemony. Worse still are the deceits in the pretended willingness of some leaders to co-operate on cer tain levels of African



AFRICA MUST UNITE

Some of the nom enclature is outm ode d b ut the principle ofsovereign identity of the m embers of the Com monw ealth is moremeaningful than ever. Members, however, have the right tocriticize each other, a nd do. For example, events in the Union ofSouth Africa and the whole subject of apartheid came underheavy fire at the Conference of the Com m onwealth P rimeMinisters in May i960, and in 1961 South Africa left theCommonwe al th.

Th ere is no compulsion to rem ain within the C om m onwealth,or even to become a m em ber. B urm a exercised the right to severhe r relations with the Com m onw ealth on becoming free in 1947.

Other states, like Canada and Australia, acknowledge theBritish Crow n as He ad of State. In dia , Pakistan, Ceylon andnow Ghana, choose to maintain Republics.

There are mistaken claims that the French Community, byvirtue o f the changes tha t have been w roug ht in its originalintentions thro ug h the g reater p anop ly of powers vested in thenew African states (which are the result o f po pu lar pressures),is taking on the ch arac ter of the Com m onwealth. Th e resolution

from the recent m eeting of the Brazzaville G roup at Bangui,calling for the transformation o f the Com m unity into a F renc hspeaking association patterned on the Commonwealth, does notcom prehe nd the essential uniqueness of the Com monw ealth.The fact is that, in the circumstances o f hav ing to dissolve anexisting association to replace it with a new one, constitution-making will have to be invoked. This will at once instil a

prin cip le which is entirely out of keeping with th e whole id ea

of the Com m onw ealth, w hich is not governed by any con stitution. I t grew out of the association of the w hite dominions withinthe British Empire and has adapted itself, with customaryBritish flexibility, to the continuing evolvem ent of political independence among the non-European members.

Nevertheless , if th e U nited K in gdom opts in to a closeEuropean federation by attaching to the European CommonM arket, the position of G han a, as a m em ber of the sterling area,would be prejudiced, an d we m ight be forced to withdraw fromthe Commonwealth to safeguard our trading position. It seemsanomalous, therefore, that the new African states at this time,wh en the Fre nch Co m m unity is in decline and the unity of the



Com m onw ealth in question, shou ld seek to bind themselves oncemore into a European political association which can onlyintensify their economic depend ence o n F rance.

It is significant th at the w ord ‘Eura frica ’ has come into use inconnection with the European Common Market negotiations.It sums up the dan gerous co nception of a close, continuing link

betw een Europe and Afr ica o n neo-colo nialist terms, which m ust be cem ented in any poli tical form ation such as th a t envisagedin the Bangui resolution .1 T h e newly em ergen t states do no t makeit a p rinciple to b reak off all relations w ith th eir form er colonialmasters. In the co ntext of a un ited Africa these relations wou ldtake on new and more dignified forms. Even at this time, theremay be certain advantages in maintaining a link which historyhas forged. No q uestion of dictation , how ever, m ust arise. T henew states m ust ensure th at such relations a re the result of afree choice freely negotiated, in which they can treat with theEu rop ean pow er ju st as with a ny oth er state in the w orld withwh om they m ay wish to prom ote friendship. Nonetheless, however loose such a relationsh ip m ay be, if it should tend in theslightest degree to impinge upon the African state’s relationswith other African states, its retention becomes indefensible.Pan-Africa an d no t Eu rafrica should be our watchwo rd, an d theguide to our policies.

W ha t is at stake is not th e destiny of a single co un try b u t thefreedom and destiny of the African con tinen t, the u nalterab le

prelu de to African U nion and th e fu llest develo pm ent of th em any countries comprising the con tinent. Ju st as we are alive tothe dan gers of a world w hich is half-slave, half-free, so we a realert to the perils of an A frican con tinen t split between states th atare wholly sovereign and states that are only half-independent.Such a p atte rn c an only imped e the real indep end ence of Africaand its transformation into an industrialized continent exercising its righ tful influence u po n w orld affairs.

None of us should be under any illusion abou t th e difficulties th at lie ah ead in the forging of con tinental governm ent.Enemies of African u nity will multiply th eir endeavou rs todeflect us from ou r course. T he ir device is the creation of discord 1 Resolution at th e Conference of Brazzaville States held a t Bangui from25-26 March 1962.

NEO-COLONI ALISM IN AFRICA 187



AFRICA MUST UNITE

and distrust in order to keep a wedge between us. Besides theopen methods of division, the im pact of rising nationalismand independence has encouraged the more subtle velvet-gloveweapon of flattery of our national egos. Play is made upon ourvanities, the importanc e of each of us is magnified at the expenseof others. W e are subjec ted to the insidious suggestion tha t acertain African state is anxious to exalt itself to the place of theretired colonial power; that some African states have a largemouth, open and ready to swallow their neighbours. Appeal isdirected to our personal ambitions and we are rem inded th at ina u nion of African states there will be room for only one P rimeM inister, a single cab inet an d a sole represen tation a t the United

Nations. H ints are spre ad around th a t some states, on accountof their size a nd m agn itude of pop ulation, are m ore qualifiedthan others to play the role of leadership in A frica and to be itsmouthpiece. There is a tendency to divide Africa into fictitiouszones north an d south of the Sa ha ra w hich emphasizes racial,religious and cultural differences.

T he basic fallacy of these persuasions, dange rous to the in

depend ence of Africa in their shrewd exploitation of our pridean d vanities, is the deliberate distortion of ou r vision o f AfricanUnion. W e do not intend a relationship of une qua l partners. Weenvisage the African U nion as a free m erging together of peopleswith a common history and a common destiny. As with otherexisting unions, the size and resources of countries joining theAfrican U nion will be irrelevan t to the choice of union lea dership. In America, the President is not chosen from the largest

of the states. Both President Eisenhower an d President T rum ancame from among the smaller states.

In the early nineteenth century Simon Bolivar, the greatliberator of the S outh A m erican colonies from Spain, ha d avision of a U nion of South Am erican States as the precursor tothe economic developmen t of the S outh Am erican continent.Unfortunately for the subsequent history of these lands, he wasno t able to bring his farsighted idea to trium ph over the personalambitions and jealousies of contending individuals and forces.We have seen the un ha pp y results of this failure in the dissidencean d sloth in w hich the South A m erican countries were sunk forso many decades. I t is only today, against the pressures of po pu lar



discontent and welfare aspirations, that they are making someheadw ay on the road to development. Unless, however, they cancome together in a union such as Bolivar envisaged, their rateof development can never reach anywhere near those of theintegrated , plann ed economies of the U.S .S.R. and Ch ina.

T he U nited States of Am erica, b ut for the firm resolve ofA bra ha m Lincoln to m aintain the union o f the states, m ight wellhave fallen into a disintegration which would have barred theway to the tremen dous acceleration of developm ent tha t anenormous a gglom eration of land, resources an d people m ade

possible. Lin coln plunged in to a civil w ar to m ain tain th e unio nas the only logical base of viab ility. Slavery a nd its abo lition wasa secondary, subservient consideration, tho ugh the ad van tage offree labou r in a growing ind ustrial economy, m aking for lowerworking costs, and greater productivity, were impressing theirreasoning upo n the entrepreneurs of the N orth.

Here, then, is the lesson for Africa, and our choice. Are weto take the roa d of na tiona l exclusivism or the roa d ofunion?

In the British West Indies at this time we are witnessing asorry spectacle o f political jug glery w hich refuses to sub ord inateselfish ‘big island’ interests to total West Indian welfare withinfederation. Inter -islan d rivalries an d jealousies, adro itly stirred

by designing politicians, local r acial dissensions w hich have beendeliberately fostered to break down a one-time at least superficial cosmopolitanism in such multi-racial islands as Trinidadand Jamaica, the skilfully exploited fears of the predominantEast Ind ian po pulation of the South Am erican m ainland te rritory of British G uian a o f being swam ped w ithin federation bythe total African-descended population, the complacency ofisland leaders, have all playe d their several pa rts in inter ring thestill-born federation.

Fe deration of the British W est Ind ian territories, leadingeventually to a wider u nity w ith those un de r o ther suzerainties,is the only answer to the present poverty and stagnant agricultur al societies of the C arib be an w orld. T he islands are lessnumerous and scattered than those of Indonesia, where thecentral government is reaching out to bring them all within acen trally directed state. Unless they succeed in com ing tog ether

NEO-COLONIALIS M IN AFRICA 189



AFRICA MUST UNITE

within a federation more strongly knit under a firmer centralau tho rity th an the first attem pt, the islands of the West Indiescan have a future no different from th at o f the ‘ba na na republics5of Ce ntral America, notw ithstanding T rin ida d ’s oil and asphalt

industries a nd Ja m aic a’s baux ite extraction and secondarymanufactures. For these are, anyway, all foreign-owned andcon trolled , an d the illusion they give of ‘indu strializatio n’ mustdisintegrate before the pe renn ial problems of ove r-popu lationin islands like Ja m aic a and Barbados, un em ploym ent in all ofthem, and the steadily rising inflation which has become anoticeable feature o f W est I nd ian economies.

Meantime, separate and inwardly split into minuteness by

poli tical fr ic tion and group anim osities, th ey are unable to givesupport to the African struggle for freedom and unity, in spiteof the bonds of race and sym pathy th at exist.

V anity and narrowness of outlook were wh at ke pt the leadersof the original states of N orth Am erica from uniting for a longtime. The y were finally overw helm ed by the exertions of the

people and the emerg ence of leaders of sta ture, m atu rity andfarsightedness. No one today doubts that the welfare and pros

perity of the U nited Sta tes would never have been achieved ifeach state still cherished its petty sovereignty in splendid isolation. Y et in those days th ere was pe rha ps less obvious reason forSouth Carolina to join New H am pshire as members of a continen tal union than there is today for Gha na and Nigeria, G uineaand Dahomey, Togo and Ivory Coast, Cameroon and Mali,and others, to form themselves into a Union as a first step to thecreation of a un ion of all the states of the A frican c ontinent.

That is why any effort at association between the states ofAfrica, however limited its immediate horizons, is to be welcomed as a step in the right direction: the eventual politicalunification of Africa.

The Central African Federation was never to be confusedw ith these free associations of Africans expressing th eir own desireto come together. The Federation of N orthern a nd SouthernRhodesia and Nyasaland was forced upon the Africans of thoseterritories by the white se ttler m inorities, with the consent of theUnited Kingdom Government, in the hope that they would beable to extend th eir com bined hegemony over a dominion freed



NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

from the supervision of W hitehall, a nd to sprea d the intensiveracial practises of So uthern Rho desia to the other pa rts.

Th ere is a strong financial an d ideological connection betw een

South Africa and the Rhodesias which extends through Portuguese Angola an d M ozam bique. T here is talk of a secret military pact betw een Portugal and th e U nion of South Afr ica. Them ilitary m achine th at is being bu ilt up by So uth A frica presentsa most threatenin g da nger, n ot only to the struggle for inde pe ndence in C entral, East an d Sou th Africa, bu t to the safety of thealready independent African states. It is unfortunate that theUnited Kingdom, even though South Africa has withdrawn

from the Co m m onw ealth following the heav y censure of herapartheid policy from the m ajority of the mem bers, continues togive suppo rt to the U nio n’s policy of m ilitary preparedn ess.

W e canno t afford either to ignore the sinister chain o f interestswhich unites events in the Congo an d Angola to East and SouthAfrica. These interests are also connected with the East-West

battle for world suprem acy and th e frenzied efforts bein g m adeto drag the newly em erging countries of Africa into the orb it of

the cold war. The contest for ideological influence over the newstates of Africa is throw ing into confusion an d com plicating evenmore what is already a complex enough struggle for freedomfrom imperialist political and economic dominance and theunification o f the con tinen t. An y difference, any kind of fissuream ong Africans is seized and tu rne d to the im perialist an d cold-war interests. The Congo offers perhaps the most strikingexam ple o f how tribal dissensions an d po litical careerism a re

exploited in order to fragm ent un ited territories an d e xacerbatedivisions. Th e aim of the m arione tte co ntrol of local careeristslike Moise Tsho m be, besides the m aintenan ce of economic

power, is to cut across th e Afric an determ ination to securecontinental unity in full independence. It was unfortunate tha tthe U nited Nations was manoeuvred into a position where a t onetime it appeared to be weighting its influence against thelegitima te Congolese G overnm ent on the side of those who were

responsible for throwing the country into upheaval and for them urder of Patr ice Lum um ba.

W e m ust be forgiven, I think, if we also see some con nection betw een events in the Congo and Angola and N .A .T .O . T he



NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA 193

African territories draws a fagade o f disha rm ony across thefervent will to unity that pervades the rank and file of the largenationalist movem ents throu gh out the co ntinent. I t is the idea ofthe universality of freedom th at has impelled the struggle for independence. And ju st as the vast masses of the peoples o f Africainstinctively ab sorbed the no tion o f freedom ’s indivisibility, so, incontradistinction to those unpatriotic leaders who ally themselves with foreign interests rather than support Africa’s continental cohesion, they spontaneously understand and upholdthe need for African union. Their Africanism is a more solidreality, for they have not been seduced by the sophistries of

assimilation into an alien culture and foreign ideologicalidentity. T he re is a bon d o f un ity here th at c ann ot be disrega rded . I t m ust be used to m ould the cause of African Un ionan d carry us forward to its attain m en t an d the exorcism of everyvestige of imperialism from ou r co ntinen t. O ur course is clear.We m ust beware o f the gift of fictitious indepen den ce an d refusethe falsities of enc um bered foreign alliances. We m ust exam inecarefully praise from questionab le sources and give to the people

guarantees of our sincerity in every way. W e m ust stand firmlytogether aga inst the im perialist forces which are en gineering ou rdivision an d seeking to m ake Africa a w ar-grou nd of contend inginterests. Fo r it is only in the A frican association of un ity a nd notin a rider-horse relationship with the very powers that are planning our balk anizatio n tha t we can counteract and surmount this machiavellian danger.

A U nion of African States m ust strengthe n o ur influence on theinternational scene, as all Africa will speak with one concertedvoice. W ith union , o ur exam ple of a m ultiple of peoples livingand working for mutual development in amity and peace will

point th e way for th e smashing of th e inter-territoria l barrie rsexisting elsewhere, and give a new meaning to the concept ofhu m an b rotherho od. A U nion of African States will raise thedignity of Africa a nd strengthen its im pa ct on world affairs. Itwill make possible the full expression of the A frican persona lity.



CHAPTER NINETEEN

A F R I C A I N W O R L D A F F A I R S

I t is impossible to separa te the affairs of Africa from the affairs

of the w orld as a whole. Not only has the history o f Africa beentoo closely involved with Europe and the Western hemisphere, bu t th a t very involvement has been the driv ing force in bringin gabou t m ajor wars an d inte rna tion al conflicts for which Africanshave no t been responsible. Africa has too long been the victim ofdisruptive aggression, which still attempts to make a huntinggroun d of our continent.

O ur interest, therefore, in the m aintenanc e o f peace and the

elimination of the forces which daily threaten it, is very realindeed. H ence, our co-operation in any living organism th at can

be counte d on effectively to prom ote in ternatio nal peace, provid ed it does not in vade our in dependence of action, isassured. At the moment there exists only the United NationsOrganization which offers, with all its defects, the possibility ofworking towards a peaceful world.

W hen the U nited Nations O rgan ization was founded in 1945,Asian a nd African nationalism was of little consequence. Sincethen, however, so many former colonies have achieved independence that Afro-Asian countries now form the mostinfluential single group within the United Nations.

At the end of 1961, African states occupied more than aqu arte r of the seats. T he prop ortion might rise to almost a thirdas the en tire African co ntinen t becomes free. This possibility wascertainly in the m inds of those a t the Lagos conference when they

passed a resolu tion calling for a specifically African group at theUnited Nations.

But the dramatic increase in the international importance ofindependent Africa, though it may at first sight appear to



AFRICA IN WORLD AFFAIRS *95

de m onstrate strength, in fact reflects weakness, since it is based inthe fragm entation o f the co ntinent into m any states, few ofwh ich are really viable.

The two most powerful countries in the world are theU .S.S.R . a nd the U .S.A., with populations of 215 millions and185 millions respectively. Both have one representative each atthe U nite d N ations, as entities; thoug h the Byelo Soviet SocialistRepublic and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, units ofthe U.S.S.R., are each represented since Laos and Cambodiawere a dm itted. Ind ia, w ith her p op ulation o f 460 millions, alsohas only one representative. When the People’s Republic of

China is adm itted, its m ighty po pu lation o f over 640 million people will doubtless have a single representa tive. T here is noreason, therefore, why Africa, with its app rox im ately 300 million

people, once united, should not send a single representa tive tothe United Nations. A single representation, resting on thestreng th o f a whole co ntinen t, would be m ore positive in itsinfluence tha n all the separa te representations of the A fricanstates pu t toge ther.

Although confidence in the United Nations has sufferedseveral shocks since its founda tion, an d p articu larly of late inconnection with the Congo crisis, it remains the only worldorgan ization in which the m any problems o f the world have achance o f finding reasonable solution. It must, therefore, besupp orted by all interested in the p reservation of peace a nd the

progress of hum an civilization.W e in G han a showed our faith in the organization w hen we

responded at once with troops to support United Nztions intervention in the Congo in i960. Th e reason why we did not withdraw our troops when several other countries did, was becausewe felt that by doing so we would weaken the authorityof the U nited Nations an d leave the way o pen for the intensification of interv en tion from ju st those forces we are anxious tooust.

Recently, in Ja n u a ry 1962, G ha na was elected to serve for twoyears as a non -perm ane nt me m ber of the eleven-nation SecurityCouncil. We welcomed the opportunity to take our share ofresponsibility in the U nited Nations, tho ugh this does not d eterus from pressing for certain changes in the administrative



AFRICA MUST UNITE

struc ture which we consider necessary if it is to function as a moreobjectively serviceable organ of world peace.

The United Nations, in its present form, does not reflect true

conditions in the world at this time. Today, more and morecountries are assuming the dignity o f sovereign states out o f acolonial status which previously made them nothing butapp endages o r vassals of imperialism. I t has no t, however,eliminated the view that the powerful nations (and some whoregard themselves as still powerful even though events have

proved their brittl e vulnerabil ity) have a rig ht to set the pa tte rnfor the budding nations and even to interfere nakedly in the

in terna l affairs of these struggling states.In the past might m ean t right. Th e idea th at right presides in

m ight still persists. In de ed , it has achieved its fateful acme in thecontest between the two colossi, who seek to d raw the rest of thewo rld into their opposing camps. However, the very fact of a progressively enla rgin g world , which is altering not only in thenu m ber of inde pen den t nations b ut in kind, is having its im pactin creating a fringe bloc of states which, thou gh individually

unimportant, collectively are able to exert an influence on theinternational scene which is unprecedented.

Their common concern with the anti-colonial struggle andthe con tinuing liberation of subjected territories is forcing theUnited Nations to abandon its temporizing methods for more

positive measures in connection with a rb itrary rule in Africa, aswell as the extension of aid to the less developed parts of theworld. The constant whittling at South Africa’s resistanceresulted in the visit in May 1962 of a United Nations specialmission to the trust territory of South-W est Africa to investigateallegations of slavery a nd m altreatm ent. Another delegationfrom the United Nations special committee on colonizationvisited East Africa to enquire into conditions in Mozambiquefrom freedom fighters who had been forced into exile inTanganyika and elsewhere. A seventeen-nation sub-committeewhich sent a mission to C en tral Africa to examine the tenabilityof Central African Federation, recom m ended its breaking up, asit imposed ‘no freedom ’ measures on the m ajority popu lation. I tfound th at the proposed new constitution for No rthern Rhodesiawas ‘basically undemocratic and discriminatory’. The principle



AFRICA IN WORLD AFFAIRS 197

o f ‘pa rity’ m ade a sham of dem ocracy by providing 70,000 non-Africans with fifteen seats in parliament and giving the samenumber to 3,000,000 Africans.

Nothing like this busy concern with th e African surge forfreedom could ever have happened without the concerted

pressure of th e newly in dependent states w ith in th e worldorgan ization of nations.

And they are able to operate their decisive influence becausem any o f them adhere to a policy of non-com m itme nt to either ofthe East-West blocs, a policy of ne utral non-alignm ent, b ut notof passivity. T hey exercise their rig ht of free choice in supporting

those acts which they consider will help to m ain tain the peace onwhich their c ontinuance as indep en de nt nations rests.

W hen the U nited N ations came into being, the old ord er stillexisted and its rules made concessions to the prevailingassum ption of the p riority o f the g rea t powers. I t is now necessaryth a t recognition be given an d concession mad e to the novel factorof a growing n um ber of new states unw illing to be swallowed up by th e older, powerful ones. Thus, a t th e Conference of N onAligned Countries, held in Belgrade in September 1961, Isuggested that three deputy secretary-generals should beappointed, one from the East, one from the West, and the thirdfrom among the uncommitted nations. This would reflect them ain streams of cu rren t political tho ugh t, restore confidence inthe secretary-generalship, an d enlarge the ob jectivity of thesecretariat.

I also proposed the setting up o f an executive body , elected bythe G ene ral Assembly, whose duty it would be to ensure tha t thedecisions of bo th the General Assembly and the Security Councilwere faithfully and promptly put into effect. For it cannot bedenied that decisions are not always readily executed. Aneffective secretariat is essential to the proper functioning ofthe United Nations and the energetic implementation ofdecisions.

Ever-darkening clouds over Angola, South-West Africa, theRhodesias, Congo, Laos, Korea, and over Berlin, gravely overcast the international sky. It is significant that so many uneasycentres are in Africa an d Asia. Fo r where they a re not the directoutcome of W estern im perialist manceuvrings, they are engaged




with an issue arising from the conflict between the two great power blocs of East and West, with which the peace of th e worldis dangerously tied up. These two blocs are each com m itted to itsown po litical an d economic ideology. Both are m ilitarily pow erful, and each is suspicious of the thoughts and actions of theother. Th e failure to reach any agreem ent over such fund am entalissues as disar m am en t a nd the testing of nuc lear w eapons seemsto hold out little hope for the future.

A new an d vigorous approa ch to the problem of peace and w aris needed. T he time has come wrhen the destiny of m ank indshould cease to hang so dangerously on the aims and ambitionsof the gre at powers. I n recen t years I have travelled extensivelyin America, in the Soviet Union, in Europe, India and China,where I have spoken to m en an d w omen in all walks o f life.Everywhere, I have noticed a deep longing for peace. Thisuniversal, but often inarticulate, desire for peace must findexpression and exert its proper influence on the conduct ofworld affairs. For peace is indivisible. Disagreement betweenEast and West, for exam ple over Laos or Berlin, can thre ate n thesecurity of the whole o f the rest of the world.

These w ere the kind o f considerations be hind the BelgradeConference of the N on-Aligned C ountries, h eld in S eptember1961, which 25 coun tries1 atte nd ed . At Belgrade, we did no tintend to form a third power bloc, but we did hope by oursolidarity to constitute ourselves into a distinct moral forcewhich m ight hold the balance of power between East and Westin the cause o f peace.

At that time the United States was spending an estimated

$47,966 million a year on defence and armaments alone, morethan ha lf the entire nationa l budget. I n i960 the Soviet Unionspen t some 96,100 million roubles on defence, out of a national

budget of 745,800 million roubles. In a declaration issued at theend of the Belgrade Conference, the U nited Na tions was askedto convene either a special session of the General Assembly

1 Afghanistan, Algeria, Burm a, Cam bodia, Ceylon, Congo, Cuba , Cyprus,Ethiopia, Gh ana, G uinea, India, Indonesia, Iraq, L ebanon, Mali, Morocco,

Nepal, Sau di Ara bia , Som alia, Sudan , Tunis ia , U nited Ara b Repu blic,Yemen and Yugoslavia. There were observers from Brazil, Bolivia, andEcuador.




non-co m m itted area o f the world, the be tter the chances ofhu m an survival. By m oral force, if not by m aterial streng th, thenon -aligned nations m ust exert their influence to save the world

from ultim ate disaster. T he unity o f Africa a nd the strength itwould g athe r from co ntinental integ ration o f its economic andindustrial de velopment, sup ported by a u nited policy of nonalignm ent, could have a most powerful effect for world peace.

I do not believe it is possible for a state, in the world today, tosecure its safety by withdrawing from international affairs andrefusing to take a stand on issues which affect peace and war. Thiswould be to follow a policy of negative neutra lism which istan tam ou nt to a fatal belief tha t war between the great powerswould bring misery and destruction only to those who partici

pated in it . Since war, if it comes, is likely to destroy most of us,whether we are participants or not, whether or not we are thecause o f it, negative n eu tralism is no shield at all. I t is completelyimpotent and even dangerous.

The participants in the Belgrade Conference held this view.They agreed it was ‘essential that the non-aligned countriesshould participate in solving outstanding international issuesconcerning peace and security in the world as none of them canrem ain unaffected by, or indiffe rent to, these issues’.1 Theyconsidered th at the furthe r extension of the non-com m itted areaof the world constituted the only possible alternative to the

policy of th e to ta l division of th e world in to blocs, and theintensification of cold w ar policies.

A free and united Africa would contribute greatly to thestrength of the non -com m itted area. W hile the enormousobstacles th at still stand in the way o f African freedom and unitym ust not be under-estimated, accoun t must be taken of the evergrowing streng th o f ou r cause. For the opposition to colonialism, both m oral and m aterial, is greater in the world to day than it hasever been, an d it is becom ing more powerful all the time.

It is significant that, at the fifteenth session of the General

Assembly of the U nited N ations, a ‘Declara tion on the grantingof Ind epe ndence to Colonial Countries and Peoples’ wasadopted. Not only was colonialism condemned, but colonial

powers were asked to begin p reparations at once for the l ib eration1 D e c l a r a t i o n i s s u e d a t t h e e n d o f t h e C o n f e r e n c



AFRICA IN WORLD AFFAIRS 201

of all territories still und er the ir rule. This d ec laratio n wasstrongly supported at the Belgrade Conference, thoug h it has yetto be implemented.

United States spokesmen have often declared their condem nation of colonialism a nd latterly have affirmed th eir suppo rtof A frican indepe nden ce. W e m ust hope this means th at d eterm ined efforts will be m ade to ha lt the im perialist interventions ofthe W estern bloc in Africa. Th e Soviet U nion, by the very na tureof its state an d constitution, is a sup porter of independ ence. W ecan c oun t, also, on large num bers o f well-wishers in Britain a ndin o the r colonial countries. T he days of colonialism in Africa are

num bere d, despite the m ilitary reinforcements Po rtugal hashurriedly packed into Angola, an d the imperialist and cold-warm achinations in the C on go ; despite the latest suppressions of thenationalist movements in the Rhodesias, the gruelling enforcement of apartheid in South Africa, and the frenzied manoeuvresof neo-colonialism in Africa. Sooner or later, an d I think itwill be much sooner than the world thinks, all these franticefforts to save imperialism in A frica will be swept into the debris

of history.Along with them will go the fascist dictatorships in Europe

th at are so finely balan ced on the pro longation of colonialism,which, in the case of Spain, pro vided the m ilitary m eans for theseizure of po w er; w ith the con currence o f a dem ocratic worldmore concerned at the tim e with suppo rting reactionary rulingcliques as a bastion against Communism than with the issue of

popular liberty . In the present, th ere is a positive revolutio naryconnection between Captain Galvao’s exposure of Portugueseatrocities in Angola after his plucky bre ak for freedom an d theintensification of nation alist activities in the Portuguese colonies.These, in turn, are und oubtedly having their reaction up on theintellectual and working class revolt in progress against thedictatorship in Portugal. The weakening of Portuguese fascismsimultaneously at the metropolitan centre and in the colonial

periphery can start off a chain of events which m ig ht successfullyengage Portuguese forces split between the metropolis and thecolonies, provided there is no interference from the neocolonialist and cold-war elements. There is the danger thatSouth Africa’s military forces may be brought into play to




prevent th e extension of th e colonial revolt to its own and itsneigh bou rs’ borders.

T he freedom fighters of Africa must pre pa re themselves for

this dan ger, which also threa tens the ind epe ndent states, who canmeet it effectively by unifying their military command andforeign policy, and uniting with the liberation movementsthrough a concerted strategy. The dangerous potentials hereinenvisaged are a g raphic illustration o f the d irect bearing of im

peria lism on international affairs through its in struments ,colonialism and neo-colonialism. It can be readily seen thatimperialism is a fun dam en tal cause of wa r. An iniquitous systemwhich has generated intense rivalries and conflicts betweennations that erupted into open warfare on a major scale in thescram ble to secure £a place in the sun ’ of colonial suprem acy, ithas tod ay spawned the neo-colonialism which is as busy as ever increa ting clashes amon g the nations. In their eagerness to exploitthe resources of the overseas territories, they engage in wicked

policies th a t bring a serious th rea t to th e peace of th e world.T he ir grab bing involves them in a constant scramble, like crabsin a pot, climbing over each other’s backs in order to get the biggest help ing. M ore often th an not this sc ramble ends in physical fighting, w ith th e loss o f countless in nocent lives.

W hen we in Africa denounc e imperialism and the recent offshoot, neo-colonialism, we do it no t only because we believe th atAfrica belongs to the Africans and should be governed by them , bu t also in th e in te rest of world peace which is so essential to our

development and freedom. By abolishing imperialism in all itsforms, the wo rld will be rid o f m any o f the present areas ofconflict.

I t is in the same interest of world peace th at we also advocateunity. A united Africa would be able to make a greater contribution towards the peace and progress of m ankind. For onething, it would resolve the p roblems of those a rb itrary frontierserected by the colonial powers, and so eliminate irredentist

dissensions. There w ould be no foreign military bases on Africansoil. With a united foreign policy and a common defence plan,there would be no need for them. In the concourse of Africanunion , no African coun try would be left in a position of solitaryweakness in which it could be bullied into allowing them. Any



A F R I C A I N W O R L D A F FA I R S 2 03

kind o f m ilitary pacts or alliances with ou tside powers would beunnecessary. Our united strength would be sufficient to deterany w ould-be aggressor, since an attack on a ny A frican co untry

would be regarded as an attack on the U nion.T he m aintenanc e of m ilitary forces imposes a heavy financial

burden on even th e most wealthy African states. W e all needevery penny we can get for development, and it is suicidal foreach of us, individually, to assume such a heavy b urd en wh en theweight could be lightened by sharing it among ourselves. I donot imagine that France would have dared to attack Bizerta ifwe had been un ited. N or would she explode atom ic bombs in theS aha ra in spite of urg ent a nd repea ted African objections.

World peace today needs Africa’s total independence, needsAfrica’s unity, as positive co ntributions to an elimin ation of theelements engaged in creating the conditions for war. Some ofthese elements are connected with the supply of ma terials for a nd

prom otio n of th e m anufacture of th e most lethal weapons ofdestruc tion yet devised. T o ensure the c ontinu anc e o f this supply,Africa is being draw n into the dan ger zone of war. I n A ngola, theRhodesias, in South Africa, a menacing military machine is

being built up, aim ed at destroying African in dependence andm ainta ining the servitude of millions of Africans to w hitesuprem acy, in conditions of slavery.

World peace is not possible without the complete liquidationof colonialism an d the total libe ration of peoples everywhere.T he indivisibility of peace is staked upon the indivisibility of

freedom. And this indivisibility extends to minorities withinindependent states who are segregated from the body politic.Wherever there is the possibility of conflict arising out of discriminations and the refusal of hu m an rights, the peace of theworld is threatened.

Hence it follows that, if the true interest of all peoples is pursued, th ere must come an end to all forms of explo itation andoppression of m an by m an, of nation by n a tio n ; there m ust come

an end to war. There must result peaceful co-existence and the prosperity and happiness of all m ankin d.

T he balance of forces in the world today has reach ed such astage that the only avenue open to mankind is peaceful coexistence. The alternative to this is chaos, destruction and




annihilation. However, in terms of the African Revolution, weca nn ot speak of a ba lance of forces or even o f co-existence as longas the problem of colonialism remains unsolved. Until

colonialism and imperialism in all their various forms andmanifestations have been completely eradicated from Africa,it would be inconsistent for the African Revolution to co-existwith imperialism.



E X A M P L E S O F M A J O R U N I O N S

O F S T AT E S

T h e r e are in the w orld several unions o f states which can offer

examples or case studies for the political un ification of A fric a :the U nited States of Am erica, the U nion o f Soviet SocialistRepublics, Australia, Canada, Switzerland and Venezuela.Ea ch o f them came into being a t different historical periods, b utall aimed at giving greater protection to the uniting statesagainst internal and external disintegrating pressures; and at

provid in g w ithin th e union th e conditions of viability andsecurity which would lead to faster economic evolution.

T he first of them was the U nited States of Am erica, whoseconstitution has, with modifications and adaptations, provideda p a tter n for most of those which followed. Jam es Bryce, afamous English ju ris t who d ied in 1922, in his Studies in History and Jurisprudence , defined the most perfect form o f a federa tionof states as tha t which delegates to a supreme fede ral gove rnment certain powers or functions inherent in themselves or intheir sovereign or separate capacity. In its turn, the federal orun ion g overnm ent, in the exercise of those specific powers, actsdirectly on the individual citizen no less than upon the communities making up the federation. The separate states retainunim paired their individu al sovereignty in respect of the residual

powers unallotted to th e centr al or federal auth ority . Thecitizens of the fed erated states owe a d oub le allegiance, one tothe individual state, the other to the federal government.

By the constitution adopted in 1787 and put into effect in1789, the original thirteen mem bers of the U nited States ofAm erica, each wholly indep end ent o f the other, formed afederal republic by a voluntary combination. This formationstrengthened and centralized the confederation and perpetual

CHAPTER TWENTY




union th at ha d been established und er the confederation articlesaccepted in 1777 and operated between 1781 and 1789. Theconstitution recognized a common citizenship for the whole

union, and gave powers to the federal government to exercisesuch authority as was expressly delegated to it. These powerswhich a re extremely wide, a re set out un de r Article O ne Section8 of the con stitution as follows:

T h e C o n g r e s s s h a l l h a v e p o w e r t o l a y a n d i m p o r t s a n d e x c i s e , t o p a y t h e d e b t s a n d p r o vd e f e n c e a n d g e n e r a l w e l f a r e o f t h e U n i t e d Si m p o r t s a n d e x c i s e s h a l l b e u n i f o r m t h r o uS t a t e s ;

T o b o r r o w m o n e y o n t h e c r e d i t o f t h e U n i tl a t e c o m m e r c e w i t h f o r e i g n n a t i o n s , a n d as t a t e s , a n d w i t h t h e I n d i a n t r i b e s ; t o e s t a b l i sn a t u r a l i z a t i o n , a n d u n i f o r m l a w s o n t h e s u bt h r o u g h o u t t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ;

T o c o i n m o n e y , r e g u l a t e t h e v a l u e t h e r e o f , a n d f i x t h e s t a n d a r d s o f w e i g h t s a n d m e a s u r

T o p r o v i d e f o r t h e p u n i s h m e n t o f c o u n t e r fa n d c u r r e n t c o i n o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ;T o e s t a b l i s h p o s t o f f i c e s a n d p o s t r o a d s ;T o p r o m o t e t h e p r o g r e s s o f s c i e n c e a n d u s e

f o r l i m i t e d t i m e s t o a u t h o r s a n d i n v e n t o r s t ht h e i r r e s p e c t i v e w r i t i n g s a n d d i s c o v e r i e s ;

T o c o n s t i t u t e t r i b u n a l s i n f e r i o r t o t h e S u pT o d e f i n e a n d p u n i s h p i r a c i e s a n d f e l o n i e s

h i g h s e a s , a n d o f f e n c e s a g a i n s t t h e l a w o f n a

T o d e c l a r e w a r , g r a n t l e t t e r s o f m a r q u e am a k e r u l e s c o n c e r n i n g c a p t u r e s o n l a n d a n d

T o r a i s e a n d s u p p o r t a r m i e s , b u t n o a p p r ot o t h a t u s e s h a l l b e f o r a l o n g e r t e r m t h a n t

T o p r o v i d e a n d m a i n t a i n a n a v y ;T o m a k e r u l e s f o r t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d r e g

a n d n a v a l f o r c e s ;T o p r o v i d e f o r c a l l i n g f o r t h t h e m i l i t i a t o

t h e U n i o n , s u p p r e s s i n s u r r e c t i o n s a n d r e p e l T o p r o v i d e f o r o r g a n i z i n g , a r m i n g a n d

m i l i t i a , a n d f o r g o v e r n i n g s u c h p a r t o f t h e m i n t h e s e r v i c e o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , r e s e r v i n gt i v e l y , t h e a p p o i n t m e n t o f t h e o f f i c e r s , a n d



t r a i n i n g t h e m i l i t i a a c c o r d i n g t o t h e d i s c i p l i n e p r eC o n g r e s s ;

T o e x e r c i s e e x c l u s i v e l e g i s l a t i o n i n a l l c a s e s w h a ts u c h d i s t r i c t ( n o t e x c e e d i n g t e n m i l e s s q u a r e ) a s m ao f p a r t i c u l a r s t a t e s , a n d t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f C o n g r e s s ,s e a t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , 1 a n d t oa u t h o r i t y o v e r a l l p l a c e s p u r c h a s e d b y t h e c o n s e n t l a t u r e o f t h e s t a t e i n w h i c h t h e s a m e s h a l l b e , f o r t hf o r t s , m a g a z i n e s , a r s e n a l s , d o c k y a r d s a n d o t h e r n ei n g s ; a n d

T o m a k e a l l l a w s w h i c h s h a l l b e n e c e s s a r y a n d c a r r y i n g i n t o e x e c u t i o n t h e f o r e g o i n g p o w e r s v e s t e ds t i t u t i o n i n t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , d e p a r t m e n t o r o f f i c e t h e r e o f .

Apart from allocating certain special powers to the federalgovernment, the United States constitution lays down certainspecifics in rega rd to m igra tion of persons, the inviolab ility ofhab eas corpus except ‘when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the

public safety m ay require i t5, export taxes and duties, in ter-state

duties, the avoidance of preference in the re gulation of commerce or revenue as between the ports of the different states,the appropriation of moneys from the federal treasury, as wellas a nu m ber of other m atters.

T he constitution can be a m ended by ap prova l of two-thirdsof bo th houses of Congress, or ‘on the ap plica tion of the legislatures of two-thirds o f the several states, shall call a conve ntionfor proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid

to all intents a nd purposes, as p a rt of this Co nstitution, wh enratified b y the legislatures o f three-fourths of the several states,or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or theoth er m ode o f ratification m ay be prop osed b y Congress5. Noamendment, however, can, without its consent, deprive any ofthe states o f its eq ual suffrage in the Sena te.

Th ree distinct authorities have been e ntrusted w ith the powersof the cen tral go vernm ent: executive, legislative a nd jud icial.

The executive head is the President, who is elected for a term offour years by electors chosen for tha t purp ose from each of the

1 T h at is, the District of Colum bia, in which W ashington, th e capital, issituated.

EXAMPLES OF MAJOR UNIONS OF STATES 207




states. He chooses and dismisses his own cabinet, members ofwh ich are responsible to the P resident an d no t to the Legislature.In case of his resignation or d ea th, the V ice-President, ex officio President of the S enate, assumes the presidency. T he presidentialsuccession is regulated by an act of 1887. Beginning with theSecreta ry o f Sta te, th e succession goes acco rding to the seniorityof the departments.

Legislative power is vested in a Congress consisting of twohouses: a House of Representatives, com posed of representativesin num bers propo rtionate to the pop ulation of each state. Th eyhold their seats for two years. The senior house is the Senate,having two m embers from each o f the states, elected for six years,

b u t in rotating th irds. T he supreme jud ic ial authority is vestedin a suprem e cou rt, w hich consists of a chief justice a nd eightassociate justices, all app oin ted for life by the President, subjectto confirm ation by the Senate. Th e task of the S upreme Cou rt isto balanc e the rights of the citizens with the in terpretation of theconstitution.

Defining briefly the na ture o f the Soviet U nion , the constitution sets ou t its role as the d ete rm ina tor and director o f the unioneconomy, in which it safeguards ‘the small private economy ofindividual peasants and handicraftsmen based on their ownlabo ur and precluding the exploitation of the lab our of others’.It also protects the personal prop erty rig ht o f citizens in the irincomes, the savings from them and their personal effects,including houses, an d the right to inh erit such property.

T he Soviet Un ion consists of sixteen sovereign republics an dsome hundred autonomous republics, autonomous regions and

areas. The first Soviet constitution, adopted in 1924, revised in1936 and subsequently amended in certain respects, guaranteesequ al rights for all citizens regardless o f race or nationa lity.Eve ry citizen o f a U nion republic is also a citizen of the U.S .S.R .,giving dual citizenship.

T he Suprem e Soviet is the highest organ of power. It is electedevery four years and consists of two chambers: the Council ofthe U nion an d the Council of Nationalities, b oth of which have

equal rights, and must approve legislation before it becomeseffective. E lection to the Council o f the U nion is by direct voteon the basis of one depu ty for every 300,000 of the p opu lation.



T he Council of Na tionalities is elected on an eq ua litarian basisof twenty-five deputies for each U nion republic, eleven fromeach autonomous republic, five each from the autonomous

regions and one from each autonomous area. The SupremeSoviet meets at least twice a ye ar for ab ou t ten days, b ut a smallnu m be r of mem bers is elected to c arry on its wo rk betweensessions. This is called the Praesidium. It does the major part ofthe w ork of the suprem e au thority, b u t its actions m ust beratified by the S uprem e Soviet. Th e S uprem e Soviet, at a jo intsitting of the two cham bers, appo ints the Council of M inistersof the U .S.S.R ., which includes the heads o f the various state

comm ittees an d also the chairm en of the Councils of M inistersof the U nio n repu blics, by virtue of the ir office. T he division

betw een A ll-U nio n ministers and republican ministers is defined by th e consti tu tion.

T he powers of the A ll-U nion go vernm ent are specificallydefined and include foreign affairs; defence and security;finance, m oney an d cred it; the use of the la nd an d its resources,which are nationa lized; the planning, adm inistration a nd super

vision of the U nion economy; education a nd he alth; the judicialsystem and procedure; weights and measures; marriage andfamily; rights of citizens an d aliens; an d m any o ther m atters.O utside of the spheres of cen tral a utho rity set out in the constitution, the Union republics exercise independent authorityand are in great m easure responsible for carry ing out the ir partsof the unified state p rogram m e. Specifically, the U .S.S.R .

protects the sovere ign rights of th e U nion republics, whoseterritory m ay not be altered w ithout the consent of the republicconcerned. Since F eb rua ry 1944, each repub lic has the right:

( 1 ) t o h a v e i t s o w n n a t i o n a l a r m y f o r m a t i o n ;( 2 ) t o e n t e r i n t o d i r e c t n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h f o r e i g n g o

t o c o n c l u d e a g r e e m e n t s w i t h t h e m a n d t o h a v e da n d c o n s u l a r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a b r o a d ; a n d

( 3 ) t o s e v e r r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e U n i o n a n d s e c e d e f rr i g h t w a s a c a r d i n a l r i g h t g r a n t e d i n t h e f i r s t c ob u t i s n o w m o r e c l e a r l y d e f i n e d . )

Each Union republic has its own constitution, which takesacco unt of the specific features of the rep ublic an d is draw n up

EXAMPLE S OF MAJOR UNI ONS OF STATES 20 9



2 1 0 AFRICA MUST UNITE

in full conformity with the co nstitution of the U .S.S.R. In theevent of divergence between a law of the U nion republic a nd alaw o f the U nion, the U nion law prevails. Laws of the U nion are

published in th e languages of all the U nion republics.The right to nominate candidates for election belongs to thevarious social organ izations an d societies: the C om munist Party ,trade unions, co-operatives, youth organizations and culturalsocieties. However, only the Communist Party is tolerated, allother organizations being classified as non-party.

T he U .S.S.R ., beg inning wUh four republics, now comprisessixteen. Few would have thou gh t tha t so m any d ifferent peoples

at various levels of social, political an d economic developm ent,could have been w elded into the m ighty power which the SovietU nion has become in a co m paratively short space of time.Similarly, in the case of N orth Am erica, the original thirteenstates have grown to fifty and 1787 constitution, with variousam endm ents, still operates in the U nited States.

The re is, however, a significant difference between the un ionof the A m erican states and th at o f the Soviet Socialist Republics,

in the historical circumstances that secured their combination.T ho ug h originally conceived as a free un ion of sovereign states,the U nite d States of Am erica, in its presen t form, was notachieved as a free and voluntary union, but was imposed as theresult of the N orth ’s victory over the S outh in the civil war. T herigh t to secede was brou gh t into the open w hen some states brokeaway in 1861, and President Lincoln, in order to maintainthe un ity of the n ation, began the civil war against the

secessionists.Though the seceding states wanted to break up the Union

because of the N orth’s growing opposit ion to slavery, Lincoln,w riting to H orace Greeley, editor of the New York Herald Tribune ,in 1862, dec lared th at ‘my pa ram ou nt object is to save the U nion,an d no t either to save or destroy slavery. I f I could save theU nio n w ithou t freeing any slave, I wou ld do it; i f I could saveit by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; an d if I could do it byfreeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that’.1The war was won and Lincoln was able to assert most solemnly‘th at I did all in my jud gm en t th at could be done to restore the

1 A braham L incoln: Life, Public Service and State Papers.



U nion w ithout interfering w ith the institution of slavery. W efailed, and the blow at slavery was struck.5

T he survival of the U nion, however, requ ired the abolition of

slavery. One was incompatible with the other, supporting ourPan-African stand that complete freedom is imperative forAfrican unity. W ithin the U nited States, the con tinuanc e of theU nion paved the way for Am erica's vital industrial ad va nc e:

T h e r i c h s e c t i o n , w h i c h h a d b e e n k e p t b a c k i n td e v e l o p m e n t b y a s i n g l e i n s t i t u t i o n , a n d h a d b e e n a d v a n c e o f t h e w h o l e , h a d b e e n d r a g g e d u p t o t h er e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y . F r e e l a b o u r w a s s o o n t o s h os u p e r i o r t o s l a v e l a b o u r i n t h e S o u t h . . . . T h e p on a t i o n , n e v e r b e f o r e a s s e r t e d o p e n l y , h a d m a d e a pa n d y e t t h e c o n t i n u i n g p o w e r o f t h e s t a t e s s a v e d p o w e r f r o m a d e v e l o p m e n t i n t o c e n t r a l i z e d t y r a nn e w p o w e r o f t h e n a t i o n , b y g u a r a n t e e i n g t h e r eg o v e r n m e n t t o a s i n g l e n a t i o n i n c e n t r a l N o r t h A ms e c u r i t y a g a i n s t a n y i n t r o d u c t i o n o f i n t e r n a t i o n ai n t e r n a t i o n a l w a r s a n d c o n t i n u e d w a r t a x a t i o n i n t o

o c c u p i e d b y t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . 1

Thu s the A m erican nation emerged stronger out of the civilwar to continue its road to its present eminence as the foremostfree enterp rise state in the world.

In the Soviet Union, the story was different. There the rightof secession was the crucial testing po int of the T rea ty of U nion .Lenin m ade this clear in the assertion t h a t:

J u s t a s m a n k i n d c a n a c h i e v e t h e a b o l i t i o n o f c l ap a s s i n g t h r o u g h t h e t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d o f t h e d i c t a to p p r e s s e d c l a s s , s o m a n k i n d c a n o n l y a c h i c v e t hm e r g i n g o f n a t i o n s b y p a s s i n g t h r o u g h t h e t r a n s i tc o m p l e t e l i b e r a t i o n o f a l l t h e o p p r e s s e d n a t i o n sf r e e d o m t o s e c e d e . 2

O n this, the th ird A ll-Russian Congress of Soviets amplifiedLe nin 5s stand po int in its de claration o f 24 Ja n u a ry 1918 th at :

1 Encyclopaedia Britannica , 1947. Article on The History of the UnitedStates o f Ajn erica, Vol. 22, p . 810.

2 Lenin: Selected Works} Vo l. V, pp . 270-1.H*





t h e S o v i e t R e p u b l i c i s e s t a b l i s h e d o n t h e b ac o m p o s e d o f f r e e n a t i o n s . I n o r d e r t o a v o i d o n t h e q u e s t i o n , t h e d e c l a r a t i o n o f f e r s t o tp e a s a n t s o f e v e r y n a t i o n a l i t y t h e r i g h t t o mc i s i o n s i n t h e i r o w n a u t h o r i z e d S o v i e t c o n g ra n d o n w h a t g r o u n d s , t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e f ea n d o t h e r f e d e r a l S o v i e t i n s t i t u t i o n s .

T he strength of the Soviet Union has been proved in thefurnace of war. Even un de r the im pac t o f fascist savagery, itremained unbroken.

Th e union of C an ad a c am t into being as an effort to resolve

the Anglo-French racial differences between the provinces ofUpper and Lower Canada, which were being fanned by therivalries between England and France. Though united in onelegislature after the conferm ent of self-government un de r agovernor, a deadlock was reached in government, and a unionwas mooted. On i July 1867 four provinces united. They wereUpper Canada (now Ontario) , Lower Canada (now Quebec),

Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. W ith th e new era th a t was

opening in America, following the civil war, the union of theC an ad ian provinces ‘offered the sole hope of successful gro wth5.R u p er t’s L an d was added in 1869 by purchase from the Hudso nBay Com pany, a nd British Colum bia joine d in 1871. Th eBritish Go vernm ent transfe rred to C an ad a in 1878 all of British

N orth America except Newfoundland.Th eore tically, the executive consists of a governor-general

and privy council, but in practice it is a cabinet under a primeminister. The governor-general is appointed for five years torepre sent the sovereign in all m atters of federal governm ent.The re is a House of Com mons elected by the different provincesaccording to p opulation. Lieutenant-governors o f the provincesare nominated by the governor-general. All local legislation isca rried on by the p rovincial parliam ents of single houses, exceptin the case of Que bec, w hich has two. Th e federal parliam en thas jurisdic tion over all m atters n ot specifically assigned to thelocal legislatures.

In the Com monw ealth of Australia, the federal parliame ntexercises jurisdiction over those matters expressly assigned to it

by th e constitu tion. T he States reta in control, accordingly , over



those subjects that are not withdrawn by constitutional definition. Nevertheless, the central authority is quite extensive,rang ing over trade, industry, crim inal law, taxation, q ua ran tine,

m arriage a nd divorce, weights and measures, legal tende r, copyrights and patents, naturalization and aliens. The federal prin cip le of equal representation of the states is practised by th eelection o f six mem bers from each of the six states to th e Sena te,for a pe riod of six years, h a lf retiring every three years. E lectionto the H ouse of Representatives is on a po pu lation basis, withno t less than five mem bers from each of the States.

I f union did no t bring to C ana da and Au stralia, for example,

the tremendous surge forward that it gave to the United Statesan d the Soviet Un ion, it is because oth er factors were no t equal.Th oug h C ana da is considerably bigger than the U nited States,he r ter ritory includes large stretches of wasteland where civilizedhabitation has so far proved impossible. Australia, on her side,has a great belt of arid c oun try in the interior, and the pop ulationis more or less confined to the coastal areas. Both Canada andAustralia are thinly populated and are encouraging a policy ofimm igration from G reat Britain and Europe.

Th ough both dominions remain tied to the British Co mm onwealth, C an ad a’s contiguity with the U nited S tates has bro ug hther w ithin the orb it of Am erican mo nopoly capitalism, w hichtoday has m ajor investments in the growing C an ad ian economy,to the chagrin o f certa in critics. Wool and gold helped toaccumulate early capital in Australia; but industrialization didnot really get under way on a large scale until fairly recently.Here, again, American monopoly is sinking in its teeth. InC an ad a, there is still a ce rtain a m ou nt o f racial friction betweenthe French and English communities and this is aggravated bythe interference of the R om an Catholic C hurch.

A federal form of governm ent operates in Venezuela, a nd the provision of th e consti tu tio n adopte d in 1936 vests legislative power in a national congress of two houses: th e Senate and

C ham ber of Deputies. I t meets every year at Caracas. T heSen ate consists of two m embers from e ach of the nom inallyindependent, self-governing states. This gives forty members,elected by the state legislatures for a period of four years.Election to the Cha m ber is by direc t vote of a suffrage limited to





Ve nez uelan m ales, literate a nd over the age of twenty-one, in the proportion of one deputy for every 35,000 of popula tion. Eachstate is entitled to send at least one deputy. The presidential

term is for five years an d, constitutionally, the President ca nno timmediately succeed himself. The President is assisted by acab inet o f ministers and the gov ernor of the federal district. T henom inally au tonom ous state governments consist o f legislativeassemblies composed o f deputies elected by b allot for a period ofthree years, and for each a president and two vice-presidentschosen by the legislative assembly for a period o f three years.

I t has been said th a t Switzerland is a model of federal govern

m ent. It consists of twenty-two sovereign states or cantons. T wolegislative cham bers constitute the ap pa ratus of governm ent.Th ey are the Senate or Council of States, in which each c antonhas equal representation; and the National Council, chosen onthe basis of one m em ber to every 20,000 of the po pulation. T hetwo bodies form the Fe dera l Assembly. An Executive Council ofseven members is elected by the Federal Assembly for a periodof three years, a nd one o f its m embers is chosen annually, also

by th e Federal Assembly, to be Presid ent of th e Council. His powers are no greater th an those of his colleagues, although he isPreside nt of the state and represents the na tion on all ceremonialoccasions. The constitution provides that not more than onecouncillor can come from any one canton, which carries thefederal principle into the structure of the executive. T he FederalCouncil is responsible to the Federal Assembly, but it does notresign if its policy is rejected b y the legislature. O f a coalitioncha racter, it more ne arly represents a council of perm an entheads of dep artm ent than the c abinet of a p arliam entary system.

In ord er to improve effectively and quickly the serious damagedone to Africa as a result of imperialism an d colonialism, theemergent African States need strong, unitary States capable ofexercising a central au tho rity for the m obilization of the na tionaleffort and the co -ordina tion of recons truction an d progress. F orthis reason, I consider th at even the idea of regional federationsin Africa is fraught with many dangers. There is the danger ofthe developm ent o f regional loyalties, fighting ag ainst eachother. In effect, regional federations are a form of balkan izationon a g ran d scale. These m ay give rise to the dangerous interp lay



no t only of pow er politics amo ng A frican States and the regions, bu t can also create conditions which will enable th e im peria listsan d neo-colonialists to fish in such trou bled waters. In deed , such

federations may even find objection to the no tion o f Africanunity. We m ust look at the pro blem from the po int of view o f its practic al and im m ediate objectives. For example, whereas itmay be inexpedient geographically and otherwise for Ghana to

jo in an East African Federation, there would be no difficultyfor Tan ga ny ika, let us say, join ing a political union o f Africa.We must endeavour to eradicate quickly the forces that havekep t us ap art. T he best means o f doing so is to begin to create a

larger a nd all-em bracing loyalty which will hold Africa togetheras a united people with one government and one destiny.




C O N T I N E N T A L G O V E R N M E N T

F O R A F R I C A

C H A P T E R T W E N T Y- O N E

W e have seen, in the example of the U nited States, how the

dynamic elements within society understood the need for unityan d fought their b itter civil war to m aintain the political unionthat was threatened by the reactionary forces. We have alsoseen, in the exam ple o f the Soviet U nion , how the forging ofcon tinental u nity a long with the reten tion o f nationa l sovereignty

by th e federal states, has achieved a dynamism th a t has lifted amost backward society into a most powerful unit within a rem arkab ly short space of time. F rom the examples before us, inEurop e an d the U nited States of Am erica, it is therefore paten tthat we in Africa have the resources, present and potential, forcrea ting the kind of society tha t we are anxious to build. It iscalculated th at by the end of this century the p opu lation of Africawill probably exceed five hundred millions.

Our continent gives us the second largest land stretch in theworld. T he na tur al w ealth of Africa is estimated to be g reaterthan tha t of almost any other continent in the w orld. T o drawthe most from our existing and potential means for the achievem ent of ab un dan ce an d a fine social order, we need to unify ourefforts, our resources, our skills and intentions.

Eu rope, by w ay o f contrast, m ust be a lesson to us all. Too busy huggin g its exclusive nationalisms, it has descended, aftercenturies o f wars interspersed with intervals o f uneasy peace,into a state o f confusion, simply because it failed to bu ild a sound basis of political association a nd understanding. O nly now, u nderthe necessities of economic stringency a nd the th rea t of the newG erm an indu strial an d m ilitary rehab ilitation, is Europe trying- unsuccessfully - to find a modus operandi for containing thethreat. It is deceptively hoped that the European Community



will perform this miracle. It has taken two world wars and the break-up of empires to press home th e lesson, still only partlydigested, th at s trength lies in un ity.

W hile we in Africa, for whom the goal of unity is param ou nt,are striving to concert our efforts in this direction, the neocolonialists are straining every nerve to upse t them by enc ouraging the formation of comm unities based on the languages o f theirformer colonizers. We cannot allow ourselves to be so disorganized and divided. The fact that I speak English does notmake me a n Englishman. Similarly, the fact tha t some of usspeak French or Portuguese does not make us Frenchmen or

Portuguese. We are Africans first and last, and as Africans our best in terests can only be served by uniting within an AfricanCom m unity. N either the Com mo nwealth nor a Franco-AfricanCommunity can be a substitute.

T o us, Africa with its islands is ju st one Africa. We reject theidea of any kind o f partit ion. From T ang ier or Cairo in the

N orth to Capeto wn in the South , from Cape G uardafui in th eEast to Cape Verde Islands in the West, Africa is one and

indivisible.I know th at w hen we speak of political un ion, o ur critics are

quick to observe an attempt to impose leadership and to abrogate sovereignty. But we have seen from the many examples ofunion pu t forward, th at equ ality o f the states is jealously g uard edin every single constitution and that sovereignty is maintained.There are differences in the powers allotted to the centralgovernment and those retained by the states, as well as in thefunctions of the executive, legislature a nd judic iary . All of themhave a comm on trad e a nd economic policy. All of them aresecular, in order that religion might not be dragged across themany problems involved in maintaining unity and securing thegrea test possible developm ent.

We in Africa who are pressing now for unity are deeply conscious of the v alidity o f ou r purpose. W e need the strength of ourcombined numbers and resources to protect ourselves from thevery positive dangers of retu rn ing colonialism in disguisedforms. We need it to com bat the entrenc hed forces dividing ou rcon tinent a nd still holding back millions of ou r brothers. Weneed it to secure total African liberation. We need it to carry

CONTINENTAL GOVERNMENT FOR AFRICA 217



2 l8 AFRICA MUST UNITE

forward ou r co nstruction of a socio-economic system th at willsup po rt the great mass of ou r steadily rising po pu lation at levelsof life which will com pare with those in the most ad vancedcountries.

But we cannot mobilize our present and potential resourcesw ithou t concerted effort. I f we developed ou r potentialities inmen and natural resources in separate isolated groups, ourenergies would soon be dissipated in the struggle to outbid oneanother. Economic friction among us would certainly lead to

b itter political riv alry, such as for m any years ham pered the pace of growth and developm ent in Europe.

At p resent most of the indep end ent A frican States are movingin directions which expose us to the dange rs of imperialism a ndneo-colonialism. We therefore need a common political basisfor the integra tion of our policies in economic plann ing, defence,foreign and diplomatic relations. That basis for political actionneed no t infringe the essential sovereignty of the separa teAfrican States. These States would continue to exercise independent authority, except in the fields defined and reserved

for com mon action in the interests of the security and orderlydevelopm ent of the whole continent.

In my view, therefore, a united A frica - th a t is, the politicalan d economic unification o f the A frican Co ntinent - should seekthree objectives:

Firstly, we should have an over-all economic planning on acontinental basis. This would increase the industrial andeconomic pow er of Africa. So long as we rem ain balkanized ,

regionally or territoria lly, we shall be a t the m ercy of colonialisman d im perialism. T he lesson of the S outh Am erican R epublicsvis-a-vis the strength and solidarity of the U nited States ofAmerica is there for all to see.

T he resources of Africa can be used to the best adv an tage andthe m axim um benefit to all only if they are set within an overall framew ork of a con tinentally planne d development. An overall economic plan, covering an Africa united on a continental

basis, would increase our to ta l industria l and economic power.We should therefore be think ing seriously now of ways andmeans of building up a Com mon M arket of a U nited Africa andnot allow ourselves to be lured by the dubious advantages of



association with the so-called European Common Market. Wein Africa have looked outward too long for the development ofour economy and transportation. Let us begin to look inwardsinto the African C on tinen t for all aspects of its developm ent. O urcom munications were devised unde r colonial rule to stretch o utwards towards E urope and elsewhere, instead o f developinginternally between our cities and states. Political unity shouldgive us the po wer an d will to chang e all this. W e in Africa haveuntold agricultural, mineral and water-power resources. Thesealmost fabulous resources can -be fully exploited and utilized inthe interest of Africa an d the A frican people, only if we develop

them within a U nion G overnm ent of African States. Such aGovernment will need to maintain a common currency, am onetary zone and a cen tral bank of issue. T he advantages ofthese financial and monetary arrangements would be inestimable, since monetary transactions between our severalStates w ould be facilitated an d the pac e of financial activitygene rally quickened. A cen tral ba nk of issue is an inescapablenecessity, in view of the need to re-orien tate the economy o f

Africa a nd place it beyond the rea ch of foreign control.Secondly, we should a im at the establishme nt of a unified

military and defence strategy. I do not see much virtue orwisdom in our separate efforts to build up or maintain vastmilitary forces for self-defence which, in any case, would be ineffective in any m ajor attack up on o ur sep arate States. I f weexam ine this prob lem realistically, we should be a ble to ask ou rselves this pertin en t qu es tion : wh ich single Sta te in Africa todaycan p rote ct its sovereignty ag ainst an im perialist aggressor ? Inthis connection, it should be mentioned that anti -apartheid leaders have alleged that South Africa is building a greatm ilitary force with all the latest weapons o f destruc tion, in o rde rto crush nationalism in Africa. Nor is this all. There are graveindications that certain settler governments in Africa havealready been caught in the dangerous arms race and are nowarming themselves to the teeth. Their military activities constitute a serious thre at no t only to the security of Africa, b u t alsoto the peace of the w orld. I f these reports are true, only the un ityof Africa can preve nt South Africa a nd these othe r governmentsfrom achieving their diabolical aims.

CONTINENTAL GOVERNMENT FOR AFRICA 2 i g




I f we do not u nite a nd combine our m ilitary resources forcom mon defence, the ind ividual S tates, out o f a sense of insecurity, may be drawn into making defence pacts with foreign

powers which m ay endanger th e security of us all.Th ere is also the e xpe nditure aspect of this problem. Them aintenance of large m ilitary forces imposes a heavy financial

burden on even the most wealthy States. For young AfricanStates, who are in grea t need o f cap ital for inte rna l developm ent,it is ridiculous - indeed suicidal - for each S tate separately an dindividu ally to assume such a heavy b urde n of self-defence,when the weight of this burden could be easily lightened by

sharing it among themselves. Some attempt has already beenmade by the Casablanca Powers and the Afro-Malagasy Unionin the m atter of common defence, bu t how m uch b etter andstronger it would be if, instead of two such ventures, there wasone over-all (land , sea an d a ir) Defence Com m and for Africa.

The third objective which we should have in Africa stemsfrom the first two w hich I have ju st described. I f we in Africaset up a unified economic planning organization and a unified

m ilitary a nd defence strategy, it will be necessary for us to ad op ta unified foreign policy and diplomacy to give political directionto our jo in t efforts for the pro tection and economic developm entof ou r con tinent. M oreover, the re a re some sixty odd States inAfrica, a bo ut thirty-tw o o f which are a t present indepe nde nt.T he bu rde n of separate diplomatic representation by each Stateon the Co ntinent o f Africa alone would be crushing, no t tomention representation outside Africa. The desirability of acommon foreign policy which will enable us to speak with onevoice in the councils of the w orld, is so obvious, vital and im

perative tha t com m ent is hardly necessary.I am confident that it should be possible to devise a constitu

tional struc ture app licable to our special conditions in Africa andno t necessarily framed in terms o f the existing constitutions ofEurope, America or elsewhere, which will enable us to securethe objectives I have defined and yet preserve to some extentthe sovereignty of each State w ithin a Union of African States.

We m ight erect for the time being a c onstitutional form th atcou ld sta rt w ith those states willing to create a nucleus, and leavethe door open for the attach m en t of others as they desire to join or



CONTINENTAL GOVERNMENT FOR AFRICA 221

reach the freedom which would allow them to do so. Theform could be made amenable to adjustment and amendmentat any time the consensus of opinion is for it. I t m ay be th at

concrete expression can be given to our present ideas within acontinental parliame nt tha t would provide a lower and an upp erhouse, the one to pe rm it the discussion of the m any problemsfacing Africa by a representation based on po p ula tion ; the other,ensuring the equality o f the associated States, regardless o f sizeand po pulation, by a similar, limited representation from each ofthem , to form ulate a com mon policy in all ma tters affecting thesecurity, defence and developm ent of Africa. I t m ight, throug h

a committee selected for the purpose, examine likely solutionsto the problems o f union an d draft a more conclusive form ofconstitution that will be acceptable to all the independentStates.

T he survival of free Africa, the extending indep enden ce ofthis continent, and the development towards that bright futureon which our hopes and endeavours are pinned, depend upon

political unity.U nd er a m ajor political union o f Africa there could emerge a

United Africa, great and powerful, in which the territorial boundarie s which are th e relics of colonialism will becomeobsolete and superfluous, working for the complete and totalm obilization of the economic plan ning organization u nd er aunified political direction. T he forces th a t un ite us are far grea terthan the difficulties that divide us at present, and our goal must

be the establishment of Africa’s dignity, progress and prosperity.Pro of is therefore positive th a t the con tinen tal u nion of Africa

is an inescapable desideratum if we are determined to moveforward to a realization of ou r hopes an d plans for creating amodern society which will give our peoples the opportunity toenjoy a full and satisfying life. The forces that unite us areintrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences thatkeep us apart. These are the forces that we must enlist and

cem ent for the sake of the trustin g millions who look to us, th eirleaders, to take them ou t of the poverty, ignorance and disorderleft by colonialism into a n o rdered unity in which freedom an damity can flourish amidst plenty.

Here is a challenge which destiny has thrown out to the




leaders of Africa. I t is for us to grasp w ha t is a golden o pp ortun ity to prove th at the genius of the African people can surmount the separatist tendencies in sovereign nationhood by

com ing toge ther speedily, for the sake of Africa’s grea ter gloryan d infinite well-being, into a U nion o f African S tates.



I N D E X

Abbas, Ferhat, 143Abdulla Osman, President of Somalia,

147Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Alhaji Sir,

Prime Minister of Nigeria, 147 ‘Accra Assembly’ (1962), 199

Accra Evening News , 55 Achimota College, Ghana, 44, 46; and

see Legon University Africa, .

islands of, xin scramble for, xii-xiii, 6-7 dawn of civilization in, 2 early Chinese contacts with, 3 exploration of, 3-4 European exploitation of, 4-6, 23,

29> 3imineral resources, 23-4, 25, 150-1,!52. .

roll of independent countries, 52 dangers of disunity, 75-6 agricultural and forestry resources,

150-1, 152 provider of low-priced primary

materials, 160-1 and see United States of Africa

African Development Institute, Dakar, 157

Africans, status of, 1-2 African traditional customs,

family obligations, 100 polygamy, 104expenditure on festivals, 104-5

Afro-Malagasy Union, 148, 220 Agricultural resources,

of Ghana, 25-6, 29-30 mono-crop economies, 25-6, 108-9 research into, 29-30, 125 of Africa, 150-1, 152

Algeciras Conference (1906), 6 Algeria,

French policy in, 10 Ghana supports liberation of, 10 and Accra Conference of i960, 138 F.L.N. at Casablanca Conference,

143 .not invited to Lagos Conference, 148

All-African Peoples’ Conference, (Accra, 1958), 137 (Cairo, 1961), 139

All-African Trade Union Federation, 128, 137

Angola, 11-12 1961 revolt, 12 forced labour in, 38-40 Angola Diamond Co., 42 U.N. resolution on, 42 political parties in, 52 and see Portuguese colonies

Apartheid , 13-15Ashanti and the Asantehene, 62-5, 71,

84Ashanti Goldfields Ltd, 25

Assimilation policies,French, 9-10 Portuguese, 11-12

Atta, Nana Sir Ofori, 25 Australia, union of, 212-13 Azikiwe, Dr Nnamdi,Governor-General

of Nigeria, 55-6

Balkanization policies, 157-8, 173-4 , 179-S0

Bandung Conference, 144-5 Barnes, Leonard, 45 Basel Mission, 45 Basutoland, 36Belgrade Conference (1961), 197, 198

201Berlin Conference (1884-5), 7 Bevin, Ernest, 16Black Star Shipping Line, 113-14 Boigny, Houphouet, 179 Bolivar, Simon, 188-9 Bourguiba, Habib , President of Tu nisia,

55 .Bourne, Sir Frederick, 58

Brazzaville States, Conference of (Bangui, 1962), 186-7

British colonial policy, 15-19 indirect rule, 18, 62 Colonial Development and Welfare

Corporation, 24



INDEX 225

(Convention People’s Party, cont.) relations with other African parties,

53contrast with U.G.C.C., 54-5 struggle with N.L.M., 57-8 electoral strength in Ashanti and the

North, 71 and trade unions, 127-8 role of, 128-9

Council of African Economic Unity (C.U.E.A.), 146

Cox, Prof. Oliver C., 165 n

Davidson, Basil, 4-5 De la Mahotiere, Stuart, 15971, 161 Democracy, see Parliamentary demo

cracy; Press Disarmament, 198-9 DuBois, W. E. B., 132, 133, 135

Economic Commission for Africa (E.C.A.), 167-8

Education,in Northern Rhodesia, 43 in Kenya, 43-4universities and university colleges,

44 j 46 technical, 46-7, 124-5

grants to mission schools, 47, 48 teacher training, 48 text-books, 49

Egypt, see United Arab Republic Eisenhower, President D. W., 115 Ethiopia, 136, 147

i960 conference at Addis Ababa, 138 not at Casablanca Conference, 145

‘Eurafrica’, 187 European Community, 216-17 European Development Fund, 158-9,

161, 163 European settlers, 10-11, 40 Executive Councils, 16

Fashoda crisis (1898), 6 Federation,

unsuitable for Ghana, 57-8, 62-5 forms of, 205-14regional federations dangerous, 214

15Ferry, Jules, 20-1 Finance, international,

motives for, 20-1 profitability of, 22 vested interests of, 41-2 difficulty in finding, 97, 98 loans with political and economic

strings, 101-2 and see European Development Fund

Fissionable raw materials, 151

Fluctuating markets, see World market price fluctuation

Fonds d ’Aide et de Cooperation (F.A.C.), *75 .

Fonds d'Investissement et Development Econo - mique et Social (F.I.D.E.S.), 175

Food and Agriculture Organization (F.A.O.), 98

Forced labour in Portuguese colonies, 12, 37-41

Forest resources, in Ghana, 111 research on, 125-6 in Africa, 152

Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, 44 French colonies,

Rassemblement Democratique Afri- cain, 51

assimilation policy, 9-10 nuclear tests in Sahara, 144 neo-colonialism in, 174-6, 177-9, *82 French Community, 178-9, 186

Galvao, Capt. Henrique, 39-40, 201 Garvey, Marcus, 133 Ga Shifimo Kpee, Ghana tribal

organization, 72 Gaulle, Gen. de, 178

Ghana, ancient state of, 2 Ghana, Republic of, cocoa, 25-6women retail agents, 26 agriculture, 29-30 fishing industry, 30-1, 110 National Liberation Movement

(N.L.M.), 57-8, 63, 75 Constituent Assembly, 58 independence won, 59 minority rights, 59-60 Ghana (Constitution) Order-in-

Council (1957), 60-1 Regional Assemblies, 62-5 Asantehene’s position, 63-4 Opposition tactics after independence

72-5Avoidance of Discrimination Bill, 74United Party, 74becomes a republic, 80-1the Presidency, 81-3and African unity, 85-6United Ghana Farmers’ Council, 100external trade, 108diversification o f crops, 108-9industrialization, 111-12forestry development, 111Development Plans, 111Volta River Project, i n , 114-16Tema harbour, i n , 116-17Ghana Airways, 112-14



226 INDEX

(Ghana, cont.)Black Star Line, 113-14 Valeo, 116adoption o f socialism, 119-21 economic reconstruction plans, 121-4 technical education, 124-5 Academy of Sciences, 125 Cocoa Research Unit, 125 Timber Utilization Research Unit,

125-6 unemployment, 126 Workers Brigade, 126 trade unions, 126-7 democratic socialist control, 129-30 Young Pioneers Movement, 130 Kwame Nkrumah Institute, 130-1

union with Guinea Republic, 141 and the Union of African States, Mi-3

and the Casablanca Conference, 143 surrend of sovereignty, 149 attachment to the Commonwealth,

i85-6 . . .

membership of Security Council, 195 and Congo crisis, 195 and see Civil service; Convention

People’s Party; Gold Coast Colony Githunguri College, Kenya, 44 Gold Coast Colony,

foundation of, 6motion for independence (1953),

17-18 education in, 45-9United Gold Coast Convention, *1,

54-5, 135Goodspeed, Capt., 192 Gordon College, Khartoum, 44 Greeley, Horace, 210 Guinea, Republic of,

surrender of sovereignty, 86, 149 union with Ghana, 140 and Union of African States, 141-2 at Casablanca Conference, 143 voted against French Community,

178Gunther, John, 42

Haile Selassie 1, Emperor of Ethiopia, 147

Hailey, Lord, 25 Hanna, A .J., 20 Health services, 35-7 Henry, Paul-Marc, 177 Hodson, Sir Arnold, 25 Housing, 33-4Hydro-electric potential, 151

Inga dam, 169-70 and see Volta River Project

Ibadan University, Nigeria, 44 Ibn Battuta, 3 Imperialism,

Marxist-Leninist views on, 22 thrives on disunity, 75-6 and war, 202-4

Independence, problems of,finding investment capital, 97, 98,

101-2, and technicians, 97-8 land tenure reform, 98-9, 104-5 savings, 99-100, 104-5 neo-colonialism, 102 inflation, 103 Welfare State, 105-6 sustaining enthusiasm, 107 world price fluctuations, 109-10

Independent African States,Accra Conference (1958), 136-7 Addis Ababa Conference (i960), 138 Community of, 141

India, 145 Indirect rule, 18, 62 Indonesia, 145

potentialities of, 164 Industrialization,

under colonial rule, 23-4, 26-8 in U.S.S.R., 37, 165-7 in Ghana, n 1-12European Common Market unlikely

to promote, 159 in a united Africa, 163-4, 167-72

Inga dam (Congo), 169-70 International African Service Bureau,

!34 . .Investment, overseas capital, see Finance Irrigation, 153

Japan, family unit defined by law, 105

Kaiser (Henry J.) Company, 115 Kanem, ancient state of, 3 Kaunda, Kenneth, 5m Keita, Modibo, President of Mali, 141,

179Kenya,

local councils, 19 education in, 43-4 Kenya African Union, 51

Kenyatta, Jomo, 44 Kikuyu Independent Schools Associa

tion, 43-4 Koinange, Peter, 43-4 Kwame Nkrumah Institute, 130-1 Kwame Nkrumah University, 48

Lagos Conference of Independent States (1962), 148

Land tenure, and credit, 98-9



INDEX 227

(Land tenure, cont.)Stool lands in Ghana, 99 English law of primogeniture, 104-5

Leakey, L. S. B., 2 Legislative Councils, 16-17 Legon University, Ghana, 46 Lenin,

on imperialism, 22 on British position in Portugal, 174 on freedom to secede, 211

Leopold 11, King of the Belgians, 7, 12 Liberia, 135-6

and Community of Independent African States, 141

sponsors Monrovia Conference, 145, 147

Libya, 136, 143Lincoln, Abraham, 189, 210-n Lovanium University, Congo, 44 Lugard, Lord, 154Lumumba, Patrice, 138,139,147-8,191

Makerere College, Uganda, 44 Malagasy Republic, 148, 220 Mali, ancient state of, 2-3 Mali Federation, 179 Mali Republic, 86

and Union o f African States, 141-2 at Casablanca Conference, 143 surrender of sovereignty, 149

Mandated territories, 7 Marketing Boards, 26 Marxist-Leninist theory, see Lenin Mauritania, 147 Mill, J. S., 91Mineral resources, 23-4, 25, 150-1, 152 Missions,

bookshops, 45-6 grant-aided schools, 45, 47, 48

Mobutu, Col., 144Monrovia Conference (1961), 143,145-7

Morocco,French government in, 10 Istiqlal movement, 10 at Accra Conference, 136 at Casablanca Conference, 143 King Mohammed V and Crown

Prince, 144 Mozambique, n - 12

labour supply for South Africa, 40-1 education in, 42 Muhammed Hasan el-Ouezzani, 55

Munoz, Dr J. A., 36 Myrdal, Gunnar, 109-10, 161

N a t io n a l L i b e r a ti o n M o v e m e n t (Ghana), 57-8, 63, 75

Neo-colonialism, 102 All-African Peoples’ Conference on,

139balkanization the chief weapon,

173 - 4 , i 79 - 8 o French, 174-6, 177-9, *82 British, 176 .‘mother-country’ ideology, 177, 179 backing of moderates against ‘ex

tremists’, 180-1 European Common Market and,

161, 181-2 foreign aid and, 183-4 African leaders who connive at, 184-5 covert campaign against Pan-Afri

canism, 187-8 N.A.T.O. states and, 191-2 need to eliminate, 202-4

Nepotism 104 Neutralism, negative, 200

and see Non-Aligned Countries Nigeria,

National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, 51

sponsors Monrovia Conference, 145, 147

Lagos Conference, 148 regionalism in, 5, 173, 176

Nkrumah, Kwame, visits Eisenhower, 115 work for Pan-African Congresses, 134,

! 35 .secretary of West African National

Secretariat, 135 general secretary of the U.G .C .C ., 135 at Sanniquellie Conference, 141 at Conakry Conference, 141-2 speech at Casablanca, 145 at Belgrade Conference, 197

Non-Aligned Countries, Conference of (Belgrade, 1961), 197, 198-201

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (N.A.T.O.), 42, 162

Congo, Angola and, 191-2 General M ilita ry Review , 192

Nuclear tests, 144, 203 Nyasaland, political parties in, 51

and see Central African Federation Nyerere, Julius, 69-70

Padmore, George, 134 Pan-Africanism, 132-3

Pan-African Congresses, 133-5 Pan-African Federation, 134 Declaration to the Colonial Peoples

of the World, 134 Positive Action and Security in Africa,

Conference on (i960), 137-8 opposition to, 187-8



228 INDE X

(Pan-Africanism, cont.) and see All African Peoples’ Confer

ence; United States of Africa Parliamentary democracy, adaptation

to local conditions, 66-8, 76-8 role of opposition, 6 8-9 and nationalist parties, 69-71

Pedler, F. J. , 27-8 Planning and laissez-faire , 165 Political parties, 50-5

People’s Parties, 52-5 need to co-operate, 52-3 and see Parliamentary democracy

Portugal, 174dictatorship in, 201-2

Portuguese colonies,

assimilation policy, n -1 2 forced labour, 12, 37-41 and see Angola; Galvao; Mozambique

Press, role of, 55-6 freedom of, 76-7

Primary products, see Raw materials

Racialism,bom o f slavery, 1African governments eschew, 32-3

in industry, 36-7 Raw materials,colonialism and, 22-3, 112 fissionable, 151Africa as provider of low-priced,

160-1and see Agricultural resources;

Mineral resources; World market price fluctuation

Regionalism, see Federation; Nigeria Rhodesias, the, 138

education in, 43 parties in, 51and see Central African Federation

Rostow W. W., 183

Sanniquellie Conference (1959), 141 Sarraut, Albert, 21 Segal, Ronald, 63Self-government before economic via

bility, 50-1 Senegal and Mali Federation, 179 Senghor, Leopold, President of Senegal,

159-60, 179 Sierra Leone, 135-6 Slavery,

slave trade, 5-6 in U.S.A., 211

Socialist economies,Ghana adopts, n 9-21, 129-30 and regionalism, 164-5

Somalia, 145,147 Songhai Empire, 3 South Africa, Republic of,

menace of, xvii, 191 apartheid , 13-15 Progressive Party, 14 ripe for revolt, 15 boycott of, 15, 144dependence on Portuguese African

labour, 40-1 and Accra Conference (i960), 138

South American States, Union of, 188-9 South West Africa, 15 Spain, 201Sudan, Republic of the, 136

not at Casablanca, 145, or Lagos

Conferences, 148 and see Mali, Republic of Suffrage, universal,

as test of right to rule, 11 refusal to grant, 17

Switzerland, federal government in, 214 Sylvester-Williams, Henry, 132

Tanganyika,T.A.N.U., 18, 51Tanganyika Concessions Ltd., 41-2

at Lagos Conference, 148 Technicians,shortage of, 97-8 technical education, 46-7, 124-5

Tema harbour, i n , 116-17 Togo, Republic of, 145 Togoland, 71Tour£, S£kou, President of Guinea,

141, 178 Trade unions, 37

in Ghana, 126-8 All-African Federation, 128,137

Transport, see Communications Trevelyan, G. M., 104 Tsetse fly, 153 Tshombe, Moise, 191 Tunisia, 86n, 136

not at Casablanca, 145and surrender of sovereignty, 149

Uganda National Congress, 51 Union o f African States (U.A.S.), 141-3 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

(U.S.S.R.), industrialization of, 37, 165-7 constitution of, 208-12

United Arab Republic, 86n, 136 at Casablanca, 143 surrender of sovereignty, 149

United Gold Coast Convention (U.G . C.C.), 51, 54-5, 135



INDEX 229United Nations Organization,

resolutions on Angola, 42, and Congo, 138, 191-2

Technical Assistance Board (U .N.T.A.B.), 98

African representation in, 194-5 Ghana as member of Security Council, 195

influence o f small states on, 196 need to reorganize, 197 ‘Declaration on the granting of

Independence to Colonial Countries’, 200-1

United States of Africa, 85 -6, 142 African leaders’ views on, 147-8 surrender of sovereignty, 149, 220 pooled investment capital, 163 best basis for rapid industrialization,

163-4, 167-72 political strength of, 193 regional federations dangerous,

214-15 . .

problems of political unity, 217-18 unified economic planning, 218-19 unified defence strategy, 219-20 unified foreign policy, 220 programme for formation of, 220-1 and see Common Market, African;

Pan-Africanism

United States o f America, economic evolution of, 165 unification of, 189, 190 Constitution of, 205-8

Upper Volta, customs agreement with

Ghana, 157 Uranium deposits, 151

Venezuelan Constitution, 213-14Veterinary research, 29-30Volta River Project, 111, 114-16, 169

Water-supply, rural, 34-5 Welfare development, 31 West African National Conference,

135-6West African National Secretariat, 135

The New African, 135 ‘The Circle', 135

West Indies, British, 189-90 Williams, Dr Eric, 1Woddis, Jack, 36-7 Women, Conference of African (Accra,

i960), 138 Workers Brigade, 126 World Health Organization (W .H.O.),

98World market price fluctuation, 25-6,

109-10, 160, 161, 163

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