KLAIPĖDA UNIVERSITY LITHUANIAN INSTITUTE OF HISTORY

AELITA AMBRULEVIČIŪTĖ

RETAIL TRADE IN THE VILNIUS, KAUNAS AND GRODNO

PROVINCES IN 1861–1914 (A NETWORK, EXPANSION, MODERNISATION)

Summary of doctoral dissertation Humanities sciences, History (05 H)

Klaipėda, 2010

The dissertation was prepared in 2005–2009 in the Klaipėda University Scientific supervisor:

Dr. Darius Staliūnas (Lithuanian Institute of History, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H) Research advisor: Doc. Dr. Stanislovas Pamerneckis (Vilnius University, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H) The dissertation will be defended at the Research Board of History of the Klaipėda University and Lithuanian Institute of History: Chairman:

Dr. Rimantas Miknys (Lithuanian Institute of History, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H)

Members: Doc. Dr. Vygantas Vareikis (Klaipėda University, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H) Prof. Dr. Šarūnas Liekis (Mykolas Romeris University, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H) Habil. Dr. Tamara Bairašauskaitė (Lithuanian Institute of History, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H) Prof. Habil. Dr. Mindaugas Maksimaitis (Mykolas Romeris University, Social sciences, Law – 01 S)

Opponents: Dr. Vladas Sirutavičius (Lithuanian Institute of History, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H) Doc. Dr. Remigijus Civinskas (Vytautas Magnus University, Humanities sciences, History – 05 H)

The public defence of the dissertation will be held at the open meeting of the Research Board of History at 1 p. m. on the 14th of May, 2010 at Klaipėda University, Senate hall. Address: H. Manto-84, LT-92294, Klaipėda, Lithuania The summary of the dissertation was sent out on 12th of April 2010. The dissertation is available for reading at the libraries of Klaipėda University and the Lithuanian Institute of History.

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KLAIPĖDOS UNIVERSITETAS LIETUVOS ISTORIJOS INSTITUTAS

AELITA AMBRULEVIČIŪTĖ MAŽMENINĖ PREKYBA VILNIAUS, KAUNO IR GARDINO

GUBERNIJOSE 1861–1914 METAIS (TINKLAS, PLĖTRA, MODERNĖJIMAS)

Daktaro disertacijos santrauka Humanitariniai mokslai, istorija (05 H)

Klaipėda, 2010

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Disertacija rengta 2005–2009 metais Klaipėdos universitete Mokslinis vadovas:

dr. Darius Staliūnas (Lietuvos istorijos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H)

Mokslinis konsultantas: doc. dr. Stanislovas Pamerneckis (Vilniaus universitetas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H)

Disertacija ginama Klaipėdos universiteto ir Lietuvos istorijos instituto Istorijos mokslo krypties taryboje: Pirmininkas:

dr. Rimantas Miknys (Lietuvos istorijos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H)

Nariai: doc. dr. Vygantas Vareikis (Klaipėdos universitetas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H) prof. dr. Šarūnas Liekis (Mykolo Romerio universitetas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H) habil. dr. Tamara Bairašauskaitė (Lietuvos istorijos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H) prof. habil. dr. Mindaugas Maksimaitis (Mykolo Romerio universitetas, socialiniai mokslai, teisė – 01 S)

Oponentai: dr. Vladas Sirutavičius (Lietuvos istorijos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H) doc. dr. Remigijus Civinskas (Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05 H)

Disertacija bus ginama viešame Istorijos mokslo krypties tarybos posėdyje 2010 m. gegužės mėn. 14 d. 13 val. Klaipėdos universiteto Senato salėje. Adresas: H. Manto-84, LT-92294, Klaipėda, Lietuva Disertacijos santrauka išsiuntinėta 2010 m. balandžio 12 d. Disertaciją galima peržiūrėti Klaipėdos universiteto ir Lietuvos istorijos instituto bibliotekose.

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Industrialization of Western Europe is associated with economical changes that were brought on by the discovery and usage of nonorganic sources of energy. This formed the basis of the modern methods of industry. The less developed regions of Central and Eastern Europe, though influenced by these processes of modernization, could not go forward quickly enough because of the economical retardation of the Russian Empire, comparing to Western European countries. Lithuanian provinces being incorporated into the Russian imperial system were reliant on the restricted administrative institutions which influenced social, political, educational and religious aspects of life. Both agricultural development and marketing were also influenced by those institutions. The explanation of the development of Lithuanian domestic trade might illustrate the nature of social and economical modernization in Eastern Europe under the circumstances of restrictive foreign administration. The research has been based on analyzing both macro- and micro-economical levels of these processes. Object of research and actuality of the topic. The retail trade network (representing the reflections of the process of industrialization at a micro-level), the process of development, the expansion and modernization of trade in provinces of Vilnius, Kaunas and Grodno were chosen as the objects of research. The time period for the objects of research is the middle of XIX century–the beginning of XX century.

In this context it is crucial to distinguish the „lower“ level history researches. Because in researches of Lithuania’s economy development priorities are given to history of: industry, formation and spread of transport, manufacture, technology development and agricultural development. And only a small group of researchers emphasized the experience of the economically active (Jewish ethno-confessional) group. In papers on trade development (such as manufacture process prolongation) the topic of research is foreign and domestic trade. But topics such as: small and mediocre businessmen, small and mediocre business, domestic trade, consumption and trade

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exchange – didn’t attract the attention of historians. That is why the relevance of this topic is determined by the cultural–moral rehabilitation of trade and business in whole in modern Lithuania. While the historians’ views focus onto the aspects of the land’s economy (which are: business, consumption, trade exchange) which were ignored before in the dominating (not only in the Marxist) „productional“ paradigm (the points of utmost importance were manufacturing technology, manufacture, manufacture relations and means of manufacture). The novelty of the research. „Low“ level history researches continue to be the socio-cultural histories prerogative. While in socio-economical development researches in Lithuania traditionally focus on manufacturing processes. They mostly include macro economical level history. In this research the sphere of microeconomics will be encompassed with a focus on society’s socio-economical development and materialistic culture development processes. That is to say the „lower“ level economy modernization process will be researched. As discussed prior it would be the middle of the XIX century–the beginning of the XX century retail trade analysis of Lithuanian provinces. This research could become the foothold for further researches of material culture and various every day life aspects in Lithuania. The aim and the tasks of the research. Research objective – to ascertain the retail trade system development processes in Lithuania in a chronological order from the middle of the XIX century to the beginning of the XX century while researching: the industrialization processes’ influence on retail trade in Lithuania and beyond its borders, modernization of its forms. To reach the main goal additional objectives have been set : 1) to research the law’s effect on the domestic retail trade development by analyzing tsar’s administration’s the traits of economical politics and the change of trade act regulation; 2) to find out did the modernization of trade influence the common division of labor in ethno-confessional principals in the field of trade;

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3) to analyze: the retail trade development, the influence of economical change in the trade structure reorganization, the changes in consumers’ needs – brought by the expansion of manufacture; 4) distinguish the factors which had influence in some of the businessmen starting illegal businesses. Historiography. There are many socio-economical researches of Lithuania. Yet commonly these researches are limited to the analysis of: relations in manufacture, formation and development of industry and transport, development of agriculture and etc. Also the foreign and domestic wholesale development is highlighted (Juozas Juriginis, Kazimieras Meškauskas, Malvina Meškauskiene, Vytautas Puronas). These scientists researched the problems related to the dissertation in fragmental fashion while only partialy approaching the aspects of domestic trade development. In broader researches on the domestic trade development (done by Albinas Rimka, Petras Šalcius, Juozas Jurginis) the exogenous factors are emphasized wich formed the conditions for the development of the domestic market and the growth of trade in the post-reform time period. Also often the trade is researched as prolongation of the manufacturing system (Mečislovas Jučas, Juozas Jurginis, Vytautas Merkys, Leonas Mulevičius).

The retail trade development and the modernization of the trade structure was researched by Mečislovas Jučas, Virgilijus Pugaciauskas, V. Tamošaitienė, Boris Mironov, Večeslav Šved, Michail Šaučenija etc. They focused on organizational trade forms, the number of companies and their local distribution, scope of product turnover and etc. The results of these papers depict: interrelations of diffrent trade ofrms, the growrh of the retail trade network, the perish and expansion of diffrent trade forms – after the change of nature of manufacture. Researches of these scientists are closely related to the questions risen in the dissertation. Yet some aspects (development of trasportation and carrying trade forms, mart and market-place network expansion etc.) of the researches require a more extensive analysis. In this dissertation it is endeavoured to supplement and broaden the researches done by scientists while

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emphysizing the untouched trade related aspects: the retail trade development, the change of trade governing laws, residents consumption needs, the change of daily lifestyle after the apearance of the factory production supply and etc.

The researched problem is also associated with the ethnological researches (Antanas Daniliauskas, Pranė Dundulienė, Juozas Kudirka, Vacys Milius, Angelė Vyšniauskienė, Irma Šidliauskienė, Jūratė Morkūnienė) which let a close study to be made on: change of consumption, changes in usage of furniture and clothing, helps to highlight the domestic trade organization in villages. Also the researched problem is associated with the ethnical studies and social issues of the merchants. In the soviet historiography historians (Vyrautas Merkys, Liudas Truska, Antanas Tyla. Rimantas Vėbra) traditionally emphasized the formation, interrelationship, large capital and large national (industry and business) of the bourgeoisie, peasantry and worker class. While the small and mediocre merchant and also the small and mediocre trade business occupied only a small part of the research.

Other solution proposed by the others historians (Andreas Kappeler, John D. Klier, Alexej Miller, Daniel Stone, Anthony D. Smith and in works of others) who primarily focused on the Russian empire’s one or other ethnical group which participated in the modernization processes. Authors emphasize the historically brought on division of labor when explaining the causes of this phenomenon. In the Lithuanian provinces that would be represented by Jew domination in the production and trade sectors and the domination of local ethnical groups in agriculture. These points were better explained by the researches (of Lithuanian historians) which were adjusted to the local specifics. Different social-economical aspects of development emphasized the: problems of merchant caste, the national bourgeoisie and national business formation; the Hebrew and Christian economical relationship. Tamara Bairašauskaitė and Remigijus Civinskas researched the integration of the Jewish into the townspeople and merchant castes. They highlighted the legal and social job conditions of the Jewsih merchants. Also questions like:

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Hebrew integration into the Christian society, the governments caste pilicy strategy and its realization – were risen. Also researchers (T. Bairašauskaitė, Zita Medišauskienė, R. Civinskas, Vladas Sirutavičius) are drawn by the XIX century’s first half’s: social world-view, the change of community’s mentality and the newly developing culture’s – appearance forms in business. The interpretations by these authors of the social-economical modernization step over the boundaries of the common economical realia. Their work is an important foothold when searching answers for questions concerning the relations of Jews and Christians in trade during the second half of XIX century–the beginning of the XX century. Sources. The Materials directly connected with trade were found in Lithuania’s national history archive foundations: foundation 378 (general-governors common and political office departments of Vilnius, year 1794–1912); foundation 382 (construction department of the Vilnius province, year 1817–1916); foundation 388 (statistics committee of the Vilnius province, year 1835–1915); foundation 419 (gendarme department of the Vilnius province, year 1828–1917); foundation 515 (The treasury of the Vilnius province, year 1795–1918); foundation 517 (Tax committee of the Vilnius province, year 1876–1917); foundation 525 (department of agriculture and governmental property of Vilnius and Kaunas, year 1436–1918); foundation 387 (folk food committee of Vilnius province, year 1823–1900); foundation 551 (custom-house of Taurage, year 1897–1918); foundation 937 (documents of Dumas office of the Vilnius city, year 1808–1915); foundation 948 (the trade and industry companies’ employee association of Vilnius, year 1912–1915); Kaunas district archive I-49 foundation (department of the Kaunas province, year 1843–1918) and I-68 foundation (statistics committee of Kaunas province, year 1861–1912); the Science Academy Library’s foundation 78 (trade-house of Vilnius, year 1432–1927), foundation 12 (agricultural and political life of the first half of the XX century). They helped to clarify the changes in the structure of the trade

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relations between the trader and the consumer, the changes in administration and etc.

For a different type of resource group the Russian empires laws are chosen (full set of laws of the Russian empire). This resource is especially significant in explaining: the effect of the law order on the land’s economy development; the choices made by the characters involved in the economy – when starting from the middle of the XIX century the social-economical possibilities of all the layers of society were changed by the linearization of economies operating conditions and the reforms of the economy.

The unraveling of the chosen topic requires statistical data. That is why the statistical data reports made by tsarina Russia’s clerks are referenced. Vast in a factographical meaning the material presented in economical-geographical-statistical reviews (Материалы для географии и статистики России, собранные офицерами генерального штаба – Materials for the geography and statistics of Russia collected by the officers of the general department) encompasses the sixth decade. Furthermore it shows the economical status of provinces of Vilnius, Kaunas and Grodno. Also it highlights the regional specifics of each province and gives more detailed statistical information on the separate regions. From this group of resources also Memory books („Памятные книжки“) and Reviews („Обзоры“) of Vilnius, Kaunas and Grodno provinces need to be mentioned. Statistical publications and statistical data resources of trade, manufacture and treasury departments which enable to analyze development of the trade and show its status are vital to the research. In the memories of the contemporaries of the researched time period, in the articles of periodic publications and papers we find picturesque material on the every day life of the XIX century’s community, changes in consumption, community’s views on the trade and business in general. Also we find what consumer commodities were bought and used in every day life. A few of authors can be mentioned: Josef Frankas, Liudvikas Adomas Jucevičius, Mikalojus Katkus, Petras Leonas, Motiejus Valančiaus, Ignotas Chodzko and others.

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Research methods. The dissertation is a complex retail trade development analysis of the mid XIX century – XX century beginning of Lithuanian provinces. The theoretical-methodological research foundation consists of objectivity and historicism principles. In a view point of discipline a wider interdisciplinary context of socio-economy and history is taken. The dissertation is of the analytical format thus the historical method is applied which helps to highlight the social, political, domestic and foreign economical factors which have influenced the sphere of trade. The critical methodology is crucial for the research to be correct when working with primal documents such as: trade regulating acts, archive documents, statistical data, testimonies of the contemporary’s. The chronology of the work and geographical boundaries. The choice of the chronological boundaries was based on the economical reforms (of which the erasure of serfdom in year 1861 was probably the most important) carried out by the tsars administration in the mid XIX century which became the trampoline for the expansion of the new economical conditions. And as the closing boundary the year 1914 is chosen – when at the beginning of the First World War the processes of trade development were stopped and the turnover of trade diminished. In a geographical sense the research encompasses three provinces: Vilnius, Kaunas and Grodno – which were called „Lithuanian“ by Tsars administration. In year 1869–1870 the subordinate territories of the governor-general of Vilnius were reduced. After that Vilnius, Kaunas and Grodno formed a separate administrative unit controlled by the governor-general of Vilnius. Structure of work. The work consists of: a preface, three research sections, a conclusion, a resource list and a literature list and other additions. In the first part it is expedient to discuss these points: the Russian empire’s specifics of economy and its influence on the economical development of the Lithuanian provinces, small and mediocre trade businesses’ domination, domestic trade development and the changes in the number of traders. Also the Russia’s legislation

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passing is discussed, which influenced the retail trade development of the Lithuanian provinces. Also the issue of Jewish traders’ dominance in the business is discussed which came into being because of the traditional ethno-confessional principles in the division of labor in the sphere of trade. In the second part the development of trade organizing, peculiarities and changes in the retail trade network of cities and villages are researched. Also further discussion involves – manufacture, wholesale and retail trade relationship and their development; domestic trade structure reorganization while highlighting the spread of stock and change of consumption needs. In the third part the commercial institutions in the legal regulation are emphasized pointing out the flaws in the decree of trade and their impact on the outspread of illegal business relations such as: noncompliance with the trade regulations, tax evading, appearance of juridical and economical factors of organized smuggling and their expansion, book smuggling ratio and the commercial aspect of book carrying.

I. THE ORGANIZATION OF TRADE AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS CONDITIONS

1. GENERAL CHARACTERISTIC OF ECONOMIC

DEVELOPMENT OF THE LITHUANIAN PROVINCES

The economical development of Lithuanian provinces in 1861–1914 was coherent with the worldwide capitalistic system and with the Russian empire’s economical development. The prime indicator of Lithuania’s involvement into the world’s market was the strong relationship between the country’s economical condition and the tendencies of the world economy and its junctures’ oscillations. Another important factor that influenced the country’s economy is the tsar’s government’s economical policy implemented across the whole empire which was destined to reach certain goals. The differenced

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domestic toll rate and the protectionist toll policies were not the decisive factors by themselves. However they enclosed the Lithuanian provinces into certain economical conditions: because of the toll rate certain obstacles emerged for the export of goods and exportation into other provinces; using expensive imported raw materials for industrial production manufacture made the costs rose. Conclusively because of the higher cost the products could not compete in the market whereas using the locally available raw materials for production mostly only small light industry could develop. Despite the economical retardation and the obstacles created by the empire: the industry started developing, the agricultural production became more intense, the domestic market was expanding and the number of adapted residents to the economical situation also grew – since the middle of XIX century in Lithuania. When the grain export possibilities diminished it was chosen to switch stockbreeding and dairying development. And since the last decade of XIX century the industrial manufacturing was becoming more intense as the economical involvement with other regions was expanding and the importance of trade grew.

2. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MERCHANTS AND THEIR WORK POSSIBILITIES

After the Lithuania-Poland division the laws of the Russian

empire started taking effect. Merchants of the Lithuanian provinces were divided into three groups. With certain restrictions trade was allowed to other castes like: noblemen, townspeople and peasants. Yet the laws of the first half of the XIX century indirectly restrained the possibilities of trade for the peasant (the largest layer of the society) and noblemen castes.

The law of the 1824 had the most effect on the peasant involvement in the trade business because of the heightened tax rate and the decree of 1824 that restrained the rights of trade by the introduced order for purchasing the mandatory trading certificates

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(they had to obtain the permit from a nobleman or a governor which not always was possible). In the first half of the XIX century the development of trade business among the peasants was slow – there were few peasants that undertook the profession of a trader although it was common from the older times for artisans and peasants to sell their own production in their homes or near by marts. Besides that there was a strong competition of merchants and townspeople.

The noblemen also didn’t undertake the expanding of professional trade. Till the decrees of 1826–1827 (because of the decree of year 1807 and 1824 for the noblemen of the west provinces that undertook trade it was mandatory to register as merchants) and the heavy business tolls it was more beneficial for the noblemen to trade through middlemen (in this case Jews) and not to join a guild. Even after the elimination of the guild’s restrictions for noblemen and the given privileges for the third guild by the decree of year 1826–1827 didn’t elevate the urge for business development. The Noblemen (a caste having vast economical opportunities) took poor economical initiative. Only progressive and most educated noblemen promoted the innovations in manufacture. The law didn’t have much effect on the noblemen’s ability to do business. Likely the cause of the poor enterprise in the sphere of trade was more influenced by old traditions and the community’s views on business. The conservative view point of the community on the noblemen’s trade activities could have been one of the obstacles strangling their initiative. The well organized trade system by the Jewish merchants also could have been a great obstacle. In the middle of the XIX century townspeople and Jews were professionally undertaking trade. Most of the merchants were managing according to the townsman’s license or joined the third guild.

In the second half of the XIX century after the reforms of 1861 trade started intensifying. Although in the Lithuanian provinces the business wasn’t on a large scale because of: heavy local competition, narrow consumer market and heavy business tolls. Though the number of merchants in the eight–tenth decades increased the most in the first and the second guilds, still the merchant caste wasn’t vast. The small

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and mediocre business dominated. In the eight decade the joint average of bought small trade and guild licenses were: 85.73% in the province of Vilnius, 82.30% in the province of Kaunas and 85.60% in the province of Grodno. In the tenth decade the joint average of bought licenses was respectively – 82.20%, 80.26% and 82.09%. The percentile increase of the bought licenses for the small and mediocre businesses while comparing the eight (taking the ninth decade in the province of Grodno) and the tenth decades was: province of Vilnius – 53%, province of Kaunas – 75%, province of Grodno – 43%. The Vilnius and Grodno province’s examples illustrate that the domestic retail trade market was still expanding in XX century’s beginning: in the province of Vilnius through the years 1902–1912 the number of bought licenses for small trade increased an additional 32%, in the province of Grodno – through years 1900–1906 the increase was 13%.

3. TRADE AS A SPHERE OF ETHNO-CONFESSIONAL DIVISION OF LEBOR

In the XIX century trade was the Jewish ethno-confessional

minority’s sphere of specialization and dominance. With it (and other businesses) only a small number of residents managed of a non Jewish origin. This condition was influenced by the law of the Russian empire – the Jews were forced into a certain economical frame. Moreover the trade regulating laws by themselves strengthened their positions in the trade business. The goal of governmental institutions to integrate Jews into the townspeople caste by: evicting them into cities and making them constantly fear of being written off into the category of the „useless“ – could have stimulated them to choose crafts and trade. And the prohibition for the Jews to buy land could have strengthened the positions of the Christians in the sphere of agricultural production.

In this situation the niche of trade was overtaken by Hebrews almost by a 100% and the agricultural production – almost by 100% by the Christians. In year 1897 in the Vilnius province the sphere of

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agriculture was occupied by: 99.01% of Christians and 0.9% of Hebrews; the sphere of trade was occupied by: 9.6% of Christians and 89.5% of Hebrews. In the Kaunas province the sphere of agriculture was occupied by: 94.7% of Christians and 1.3% Hebrews; the sphere of trade was occupied by: 11.5% of Christians and 87.0% Hebrews. And similarly in the Grodno province: agriculture – 99.2% Christians and 0.7% Hebrews; trade – 4.4% Christians and 94.7% Hebrews.

It could be that the strong competition of Jews and the dominance in the sphere of trade and also the well organized retail trade network structure fully satisfied the needs of the country’s residents. Consequently it suppressed the peasants’ (noblemen’s as well) initiatives to get involved in the trade business. Because seeing the dominance of an other ethno-confessional group in one of the businesses the peasant could assume that the business was their tradition. It is considered that because of the composed tradition and with the presence of a strong competition in trade no merchants with large capitals emerged from the ranks of peasants. And only a few of the artisans and peasants professionally undertook trade.

Besides that in this context of moral values a righteous Christian (especially a god fearing peasant) raised by the traditions of the Christian village probably wanted to protect him self from the alien „disgraceful“ and „dishonest“ as well as „Jewish“ activities. So the Christians avoided any other form of business except for the „Christian“ – agriculture. Therefore the religious peasants looked upon trade as a business that is unsuitable for Catholics. The nationalism’s ideologists of the XIX century’s ending – of the XX century’s beginning endeavored to reinterpret the ability to make business as suitable type of economical activity for the „reviving“ nation. These endeavors were in synchrony with the ongoing commercialization process and the changing economical activity conditions.

Since the second half of the XIX century the traditionally agricultural Lithuanian/Belarusian ethno-cultural groups emerged into this orbit. Little by little mastering the trade skills the villagers indulged into trade business. However even after the economical

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reforms of 1861 when the number of traders grew the residents of a non Jewish origin majorly were immersed into the business slowly. The breaking point was in the end of the ninth decade when the mores and the manner’s standards of economy were changing. And the Christian part of the society changed its attitude towards the trade while gradually undertaking business. In the beginning of the XX century in the Kaunas province a little more than 10% of the peasants and 5% of the noblemen were professional traders. Those numbers are not huge but Kaunas province’s data shows that in the beginning of the XX century there were peasants and noblemen undertaking a stable niche in the professional trade business.

II. THE DEVELOPMENT OF DOMESTIC TRADE FORMS AND ITS STRUCTURAL SHIFTS

There were various forms of domestic trade in the Lithuanian

provinces. In towns and townships without the stationary shops (mostly small shops like kiosks) the trade business was located in market-places and marts whereas villagers could purchase needed goods from inns and carriers.

1. UNSTABLE TRADE FORMS AND THEIR COURSE OF DEVELOPMENT

1.1 TRANSPORTATION AND CARRYING TRADE

The transportation and carrying trade forms were especially

convenient till the middle of the XIX century when the domestic market was poorly developed and the distances were relatively large to the nearest market as the transport communication was undeveloped. On the other hand the peasants weren’t free. The noblemen restricted trading for the peasants by buying their

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production cheaply and forcing to buy at a high price. Moreover even if the peasant was to go to a market-place there was no guarantee he would sell his product at a higher price than the offered on the spot by the nobleman and buy cheaper than offered by the carrier. Thus till the reform of year 1861 villagers had to feel more confident when selling their production to resellers which often visited the villages and bought the every day products from carriers which presented the goods directly to their homes.

After the elimination of the corvee and the regulation of the new decrees new opportunities have opened for the villagers to act on their own in the trade business. The mart and the market-place as well as the agricultural production sale’s networks were expanding. In towns and townships alongside the market-places more stationary shops were opened which spread across villages and the outskirts of the cities making an even distribution of trade spots in the whole territory in the end of XIX century. In these conditions in the Lithuanian provinces (contrariwise to other places where there was no dense settlement network and the settlements were hardly reachable) as the network of marts-markets and stationary shops thickened there was no objective need for expanding such a trade form.

Though the exact turnover of this trade form is not known because of the flaws in accounting left some possibilities to bypass the law and so a part of the official statistics wasn’t registered. Overall in Lithuanian provinces by the year’s 1897 census data there were 3321 individuals who assigned them selves to the category of transporters and carriers – (6.0% self-willed residence who managed trading) although by the official statistical data only 150 of them (or 0.45%) bought the license for trade.

This shows that the number of transporters and carriers was much greater than denoted in the officers’ statistical reports. From time to time this form of trade was livelier. However in the second half of the XIX century when the conditions for business were changing there was a clear tendency that transportation and carrying trade form was declining. The expanding domestic market had much effect on these changes.

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1.2 THE ROLE OF MARTS IN THE STRUCTURE OF THE DOMESTIC MARKET

Till the appearance of the railroad and manufacture marts had an

important role in trade. Not only peasants and artisans but also rich merchants came to the marts to sell their goods. Here the imported industrial goods were sold as well as the local production intended for export. Also agricultural produce, artisans’ and homeworkers’ production, various household wares and imported goods from other regions here were sold by retail and wholesale. The importance of foreign and interregional trade grew as Lithuania immersed into inter-local market exchange. As the possibilities for export were expanding the scope of manufacture and agricultural production grew as well as the general indicators of the turnover of trade. The domestic market expanded and its structure changed as: the economical conditions were changing, the manufacture and mass production spread.

1.2.1. MART ORGANIZATION PERIODICITY AND THE NATURE OF TRADE

Big marts didn’t take place in the provinces of Vilnius and

Kaunas. Till the end of XIX century the St. George’s (23.04-15.05) mart was very important in the Vilnius’ province and since the last decade of the century – gegužine of Vilnius (taking place in may) and the horse marts (03-09. 03 and 03-09. 09). The province of Kaunas was known for its Zarasu (15.01 and 03.08), Šiluvos (08.09) and Vizdžiu (06.01, 16.07) marts. The marts that were closer to the boarder specialized in agricultural produce that was meant for export as it was comfortable to trade with foreign merchants. In the Grodno province in the first half of the XIX century the most famous was the Zelva mart (25.06 / 25.07-25.08). In the sixth decade its turnover often was more than 1 million rubles and it was larger than the joint annual turnover of marts of Vilnius or Kaunas.

Traditionally marts worked 1–2 days, sometimes a few weeks and rarely a month. Often marts were organized on church holidays when

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the peasants were free from their duty to the landlord. The most popular marts were associated with Easter holidays and the names of the saints. Although in the middle of the XIX century’s Vilnius’ provinces the mart network was not strongly developed so it had a more seasonal nature. The reason was behind the low living standards and the agricultural traditions that made the consumption of different goods low. Moreover the majority of the residence provided with the most necessary goods for them selves. Most of the marts were organized during April-June and September-October. These periods are associated with: relatively good weather conditions, with the beginning of a new season for agriculture when the needs of peasants where high and the September-October period – after the harvest peasants could sell a portion of their production and buy the most necessary goods for the winter season.

Since the sixth decade not to disturb the trade in the already existing marts (which were held on the „popular“ moths) new marts were organized on the „unpopular“ months. In the tenth decade when the number of the marts grew the distribution became fairly equal across the year. Yet 50–60% of the marts were still held during April-June and September-October.

Together the assortment of goods changed. After the economical reforms of year 1861 the appearing production of local factories wasn’t sold in massive amounts through the network of marts. Only a small portion of the industrial goods made its way through the retail market into the marts which was intended to satisfy the needs of local residents. Since the eighth decade of the XIX century the horse marts became essential to the country’s trade. Since the last decade of the XIX century the main assortment of goods in marts of Lithuanian provinces was: agricultural produce, cattle and poultry – intended for export into Prussia. A lot of marts in the provinces of Kaunas and Vilnius specialized in flax and linen product trade. Lithuanian flax was exported into France, Germany, Belgium, England and Austria. Meanwhile the mass production industry created its own sale’s network for production handling in the eighth–tenth decades of the XIX century.

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1.2.2. THE DYNAMIC OF THE MART NUMBER GROWTH AND CHANGES IN THE TURNOVER OF TRADE

In the second half of the XIX century the mart network expanded:

in the Vilnius’ province – in year 1862 marts were organized in 31 settlements, 1911 – 68; in the Kaunas’ province of year 1852 – in 22 settlements, year 1913 – 93; in the Grodnos’ province: year 1852 – 22, year 1897 – 72. In the Provinces of Vilnius and Kaunas the number of large marts (with a daily delivery of goods worth more than 10000 rubles) grew together with the indicators of foreign trade and wholesale (In the province of Vilnius since 1879 to 1911 – from 7.2% to 15%. In the province of Kaunas during 1858–1882 – from 5.25% to 15%. Yet in the Grodnos’ province during the period of 1852–1865 the number of marts declined from 10.87% to 3.85%). Around 60–70% of all of the marts in the Lithuanian provinces were of small nature and satisfied mostly the needs of the local residents. The cost to deliver the goods into those marts didn’t exceed 5000 rubles and the profit made up 40% of the price deliverance (in later decades 60%). The joint turnover of all marts was rising because of the increasing mart number where as the change in the turnover was influenced by local specifics and world conjuncture. And in the seventh decade the turnover of marts diminished because of the 1863–1864 political events and the general economical depression in the transition period. In the ninth–tenth decades the trade in marts stabilized and in the first decades of XX century it even started to grow. The upturn of the turnover in marts at the time of the re-establishment of agriculture was influenced by: the agriculture commercialization tendencies, the growth of the number of residents and close contacts with the foreign market. The growth of the turnover of marts in the first decades of the XX century is associated with the Russian empire’s (also the Lithuanian provinces’) economical upturn and growing opportunities for agricultural produce export.

The statistics of the second half of the XIX century point to the constant growth of the number of marts since the middle of the seventh decade and the growth of the turnover of trade in them till the

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beginning of the XX century. However a more detailed data analysis shows that the majority of the marts had a diminishing turnover in the end of the XIX century or a change of the dominator. Comparing the marts’ common trade turnover data with the turnover average we can clearly see the reduction of the data’s average. In the Vilnius’ province the average value of brought goods balances on the mark of 6000. The average of sold goods started to rise in the eighth decade and stabilized in the beginning of the XX century after crossing the 4000 rubles mark. Similar tendencies prevailed in the province of Kaunas when the joint turnover of marts was rising while the average was diminishing. In the Grodno province equal change is observed in the joint and the average turnovers. Here the mart data is dependant on the Zelva mart which had a turnover up to 77% (as an example in year 1860) of the total mart turnover of the province. Consequently when the mart started declining in the end of the seventh decade the general indicators of marts of the province had to decline too. In the last decade of the XIX century officers which gathered the statistical data of the Grodno province stated that apart from the Cechanovec mart (which spanned over 7 days) all other marts worked one day and they only satisfyed the needs of local residents by providing agricultural produce – so to say no large transactions were made. Besides that the large marts of the Grodno province were outrivaled by the marts organized at the same time in Vilnius and Warsaw.

The diminishing importance of marts in the trade structure and reorientation to agricultural produce trade were caused by a few factors. Firstly while the manufacture was expanding the structure of goods’ sales were changing in the end of the XIX century: while the manufacture was expanding the wholesale of large-scale industrial products didn’t expand because of the trade specifics inside the marts. The industrial production started to be sold directly from the factories or through the wholesale warehouse and retail store network where as the agricultural production – in marts and through a special wholesale warehouse network dedicated to the agricultural production (grain, flax, timber etc.). After the appearance of the railroad and the improvement of transport communications constant connections were

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made with the centers of manufacture which upturned the supply of the shops with goods from distant provinces. Also railroads vitalized the interregional transportation of goods inside the country and to / from foreign countries. At that time opportunities opened for manufacturing companies to constantly supply their clients and other. After the differentiation of the sale’s market the turnover of trade diminished when looking at marts separately. In marts cultivators or artisans could vend their own production without any middlemen. That is why the growing number of marts rather shows: the tendencies of agriculture commercialization, the reorientation of peasant agriculture to manufacture for the market and their involvement in trade and becoming businessmen – than the mart’s as a trade form’s modernization.

1.3 THE FEATURES OF THE MARKET-PLACE NETWORK DEVELOPMENT

In the Lithuanian provinces the market-place network developed

more rapidly since the middle of the XIX century when the tsar’s government started to implement economical reforms. In pursuance of the treasury’s revenue increase the economy’s regulation system was changed: mandatory inventories were introduced (firstly in governmental estates) and corvee was substituted with monetary rent. So that peasants could sell their own production tsar’s government started establishing new markets. Yet the market-place network expanded through out the whole researched period as tsar’s officers gave out the licenses for market establishing till the beginning of the XX century.

Market-places were not organized during Saturdays because the Jews dominated the trade while the most popular day for market-places was the Sunday. Yet on Sundays and holidays it was allowed to start the trade after the celebration and forms of worship. In the end of the XIX century in townships of Lithuanian provinces market-places were organized on: Sundays, Thursdays and Mondays – where as in

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towns on – Mondays or Sundays, Wednesdays and Fridays. In townships in which market-places were organized once per week – Thursdays are chosen, rarely Tuesdays. In places where the majority of the residents were Jews market-places were organized on Fridays as well.

In the second half of the XIX century – beginning of the XX century the commercialization of peasant agriculture and direct peasant involvement in to the trading business had a huge influence on the expansion of the market-place network when the caste got bigger commercial rights. Also more opportunities were given to peasants to access the sphere of trade: squires could not restrain peasants in trade cause of that the number of merchants increased and so did the competition and the monopoly of buyers weakened.

In the second half of the XX century the main assortment of goods in market-places was the manufacture and food products made by peasants and artisans. This phenomenon explains the specialization of the market when the turnover of manufacture expanded and market-places (so as marts) could not fully satisfy and assure the constant sale’s demands for industrial production. For those needs to be satisfied more stationary trade companies (such as shops) which worked during the whole week were opened. Market-places became the places of artisan’s and peasant’s production sale which managed with accidental trade because of the specifics of trade (here contrariwise to the shops you didn’t have to have a permanent spot for trading and all the willing participants could vend; furthermore they could come on the time that was comfortable for them).

From a consumer handling view point the market-place system was more comfortable than the mart system (market-places were organized 1–3 times per week whereas marts were organized 2–4 times and rarely 6–8 times per year) and more reliable than the transportation and carrying trade system (market-place’s work schedule was stable and well known for everybody whereas carriers could not assure the constancy). This became an important circumstance in attendance to the needs of a settlement with few consumers. Yet in larger townships and towns where there were more

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consumers than in villages the market-place system could only partially satisfy the consumers’ needs because the consumers wanted to buy the most necessary goods every day at a comfortable time. In the sphere of consumer attendance service this flaw was eliminated by the stationary shop system.

2. THE QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE STATIONARY RETAIL TRADE NETWORK EXPANSION PECULIARITIES

2.1. THE TOWN–VILLAGE AND THE SMALL–MEDIOCRE

BUSINESS ROLES

In the middle of the XIX century the majority of the stationary trade companies were still established in towns and large townships although there were only a few of them while the work schedule was instable. Because the residence used their own and artisan made production and only imported or unavailable goods were bought in stores. In the second half of the XIX century – the beginning of the XX century the work schedule of companies was changing and their number increased: In the Vilnius province through out 1858–1904 the number of stationary trade companies which paid the percentile tax and the distributive tax could increase over 214%, in the Kaunas province through out 1863–1913 – 317%, in the towns and townships of the Grodno province through out 1852–1905 – 231%. The truth is that because of the common oscillations in the company development dynamics the growth of the company number was not uniform. Such factors as industrial crisis or crop failure, the domestic market supervision control tightening or implementation of the excise duty had an influence on the trade company number oscillations.

Yet the store number growth dynamic was not uniform in: the administrative and outskirt centers of provinces, towns and townships, villages and settlements. A specially big separation can be observed in the empire’s province and general-government’s centers. In the second half of the XIX century 40% of the total number of stationary trade

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companies belonging to the Vilnius province concentrated in Vilnius and in the surroundings. In Kaunas till the last decade of the century concentrated 40% of the total of stationary trade companies of the Kaunas province while in 1895 even 47% of all of the province’s companies were working. In the Grodno province in the middle of the XIX century a few stationary trade network centers are visible: in Grodno, Slanim, Kobrin, Bialystok and Brest – while in the beginning of the XX century only three centers were left: in Grodno, in Slanim and in Brest. Inside them 60% of the province’s shops were concentrated. In towns the majority of the residence could only buy the most important goods for life and because of that here trade had a higher meaning. Besides that the town consumed more because here the residence was higher in number and the needs were higher than in villages or townships.

In the first post-reform decades no special trade structure changes were made: the processes of growth of the stationary trade market and the expansion of the assortment of goods underwent slowly. Firstly the domination of agricultural businesses in townships and small settlements even in the first post-reform decades let the residents to fully satisfy their needs with minimal expense. Expansion of the network and its stabilization started somewhere around the middle of the ninth decade. That was the time when the scope of industrial manufacture grew and the commercialization of agriculture accelerated. Also the specialization in manufacture got clearer as the industrial production scope increased and the commercialization of agriculture spread. Together the consumption grew and the need for industrial consumer commodities as well as food products escalated. The consumption needs of villagers grew and there was an increased need for stores in them (for example in the Vilnius province in the end of XIX century–beginning of the XX century the majority of villages had at least one store).

As the stationary trade network expanded the trade companies’ work schedule changed. With the expansion of manufacture and mass consumer commodity production the need for a massive sale’s network emerged. A network that could ensure constant sale’s for

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production companies. For satisfying those needs the network stationary trade was most suitable. Because trading forms such as: marts, market-places, carrying and transportation – could not ensure it completely due to the instable work schedule.

In the researched period in the Lithuanian provinces small mediocre shops dominated. The dominance of small and mediocre companies in the Lithuanian provinces can be explained by a few factors: 1) here as well as in other provinces of the Russian empire the privilege of a large capital were not accessible to small merchants; 2) the maintenance of a small or a mediocre company didn’t require big funding nor big expenses for accommodations and inventory renewal nor hired employees – all of this was done in time by the owner or his family.

2.2 THE CHANGE OF PREFERENCE AND CONSUMPTION

In poorly industrialized Lithuanian provinces the lower quality goods made by artisans and home workers were still widely used. Furthermore the primary commodities and the main part of food production people made by them selves. At that time in the Western Europe countries appealing manufactured goods were appearing. In poorly industrialized Lithuanian provinces food production and consumption traditions changed slowly.

In the seventh decade of the XIX century while the industry was still undeveloped the assortment of consumer commodities underwent little change. Besides that from view point of demand (even more the assortment expansion of consumer commodities) because of certain policy and economical factors this was not a time of novation installment. Even in the eighth decade of the XIX century the assortment of goods in shops little did change. The change in assortment of goods can be discussed from the ninth decade of the XIX century. Yet the essential turning point for consumption happened in the last decade of the XIX century when: the industry and agriculture developed rapidly, the consumer paying ability grew and

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the production sells market expanded. As an example in the Vilnius province through out three decades (1874–1904) the biggest jumps happened in the vending: food, haberdashery, outfits and clothes. The growth dynamic of this type of stores is the fastest. Among the food product shops the biggest increase in number had the: sweetshops, sausage and meat shops, fruit shops, milk and dairy product shops. The ready-made food product consumption growth shows the processes of specialization in certain production and commercialization of agriculture. As the economical conditions were becoming more modern the natural economy traditions were gradually rejected and the consumption habits changed. The change of consumption habits was also influenced by the improving technologies for manufacture (for example the use of kerosene lamps spread when their production became cheaper and so the need for candles diminished).

In the outskirt townships and settlements the assortment inside the shops differed from the ones inside the towns. In township shops mostly sold primary commodities which satisfied the every day needs of the residence. Luxurious goods were bought rarely as a result shop owners did not vend such goods. So if some one wished to buy such goods he had to travel to provincial towns or central outskirt towns where the assortment of goods was more various.

Still the mixed type shops remained the most common trade form. Here the consumer could buy all needed small goods at once – starting from food and ending with shoe polish or kerosene. Such Outskirt shops were common in townships, villages and settlements. In which the consumers were little in numbers so it was more profitable to sell primary commodities. Yet besides the mixed inventory shops (especially in the end of the XIX century) the network of specialized ready-made consumer commodity shops grew. Most of them were in towns and large townships. Whereas in the last decade of the XIX century companies that satisfied the needs of people with different incomes had spread (that is those companies that could offer a reasonable price for a product of same purpose – ex.: clocks of different price - to people with different incomes).

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Satisfying the need for innovations expanded the demand. Peasants’ consumption changed especially. Peasants imbibed the habits of city life and started appreciating not only the primary household commodities and work tools but also the „modern“ clothing, shoes and etc. In the end of the XIX century to satisfy the growing demand for industrial goods of the township residence (especially for manufactured clothing and metallic tools) more and more specialized shops were established.

The expansion of the stationary sales network underwent in synchrony with the industrialization process. After the change of nature of manufacture an intensive reorganization in the trade structure started – the work schedule of companies was changed, more daily trade shops were opened and the supply of goods increased. These changes in trade growth and organization of structure reflect the industrialization process’s (which was mostly taking place over the boarders of Lithuania) development at the every day life level. These processes influenced Lithuania when the country was involving it self into inter-local market exchange by increasing the industrially manufactured consumable partition of goods. That involvement underwent thanks to the trade because it fashioned new needs of the society while modernizing people’s lives. Also it elevated the motivation of the residents to do business.

III. FORMAL RESTRICTIONS AND THEIR INFRINGEMENTS

1. LAWS AND ILLEGAL TRADE

A part of the income was let to be hidden due to factors like: tax amplification and the change of the percentile fee that was dependant on the size of the capital while the tax supervision system was not in order (tax inspectors duties were introduced only in 1885); imperfect

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laws and almost uncontrolled capital turnover of small merchants. These factors made the conditions „favorable“ to dishonest businessmen. The Endeavors of the nation’s institutions to make the traders pay up for the hidden capital were not effective. Traders could do shady accounting without any restraint because: 1) 1865–1884 the supervision of trade companies was given to public offices (of cities, villages and parishes) or trade deputations which were represented by the traders; 2) the tax inspector duties were implemented since 1884 yet after presenting the turnover of the company „verbally“ the owner didn’t have to prove it with documents.

Illegal trade existence is also proved by the law implemented in 1884 that was meant to fight it. The law toughened the supervision order of the trade companies. Constant inspections done by officers and mandatory income reports made more traders (which decreased their official income or didn’t have the trade license at all) to legalize their businesses.

Yet the results show that still in 1897 approximately one fifth of the traders could manage trade without the certifying documents and it is possible that because of the accounting specifics even more traders were diminishing their annual turnover by hiding the income. This choice was influenced by heavy business taxes and that is why it was beneficial to register your company indicating a lower category and income thus „honestly“ evading a part of the taxes.

We could guess that the upturn of the companies in the business was influenced not only by their owners’ ability to gamble with trying to get ahead of the competition and present a new product into the market but also by the ability to bypass the law. While trying to maximize the profit small and mediocre traders (especially those who had a low living standard) resorted to illegal activities. Those who were close to the poverty line and got minimal income had to diminish their expenses even more. Traders were motivated not only by the will to get the nation’s support and social guarantees but also the objective of business preservation and profit maximization.

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2. SMUGGLING AS A CHOICE OF ALTERNATIVE TRADE FORM

After the third Poland-Lithuania separation in year 1795 and the

restraint of the trade relations with Prussia the people residing near the boarder had a difficult time getting common goods. And because of the heavy tolls the prices escalated. Local residence from Germany transported goods not only for selling but also for their household or family needs. Sometimes their transported goods exceeded the standard though the residence didn’t see a big violation here. These motives and the understanding of the laws’ corrections and also their negligence had an influence on the expansion of organized contraband.

The residence didn’t account contraband for a crime and certain factors motivated the spread of it: heavy taxes, weak boarder control, imperfectness of the law, different punishments, officer corruption, financial state improvement, a big chance to get the lightest punishment or not getting jailed at all.

When struggling with contraband the first glance was thrown at the ethno-confessional group of Jews. And in 1843–1861 their freedom of movement was restrained by decrees. Now Jews could not settle closer than 50 versts to the country’s boarder. Naturally the restraints on the freedom of movement did not extrude the Jews from this business completely. However it made favourable conditions for non Jewish residence to entrench them selves in contraband. Furthermore the boarder residence had the privileged conditions for crossing the boarder. So it’s possible that after restraining the freedom of the Jews the boarder residence (mostly peasants) aided the smugglers and got familiar with the specifics of this „business“. And when the conditions got favourable they could handle the niche of this „business“. For all that - courage and minimal investments were needed. The only obstacle for those willing to uptake the contraband was the possibility that you could be prosecuted. But if you were successful then the price of the goods was a lot less than the ones that were taxed and consequently the profit grew.

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If the residents were motivated not by the get-rich-quick scheme to uptake the contraband then it at least was for a hope of a decent life. In this way the regulated protectionist tax policy and ethno-policy (the prohibition for Jew to settle near the boarder) created a economically profitable work alternative which became the determinant factor in the long time perspective in formatting the business handling abilities of a part of the residents (mostly peasants). A big influence to the formation of peasant business handling abilities and outspread of contraband in the second half of the XIX century was made by an important factor – book carrying. Here the economical and ideological motives were closely intertwined.

2.1. THE COMMERCIAL ASPECT OF BOOK CARRYING

The times of book carrying and book carriers are ideologized in the patriotic historiography. They are depicted as the spreaders of nation’s rebirth – carriers of Lithuanian nationality. All of this is true however this often promotes to ignore the other – commercial – aspect of book carrying. In the dissertation it is not intended to deideologize the work of the book carriers and their merits in the Lithuania’s nation’s consolidation. But the purpose is to highlight the commercial side of book carrying that was poorly researched.

The commercial aspect of book carrying is showed by that some of the carriers while spreading the books made their initial capital and started their own business. Others – bought realty. Furthermore books were carried not only by Lithuanians. For some book carrying was truly a business while others could adjust the both aspects. That is why whatever the explanation of book carrying it is one sided or partial if the commercial aspect is ignored because a different approach is possible.

After the Lithuanian national movement has spread certain goods appeared (which were banned by the tsars administration) in the market which meant Lithuanian nationality and catholicity such as: books, catholic medals, crosses, chaplets and other nationality and religion relating attributes with Lithuanian and Polish inscriptions.

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These goods had a good demand. The scope of the book contraband and the demand define the spread of „patriotism“. The demand for patriotism reflecting goods had to rise up together with the growth of the residents’ patriotism and with the growth of national self-awareness. Books (together with other novelties for ex. – bikes, matches, kerosene lamps and etc.) could have become not only a patriotic but also a profitable commodity. Then in the period of commercialization a Lithuanian peasant while handling the common contraband goods also starts to distribute books which have a huge demand in the market. And the commercialism becomes closely related with the ideological aspect. Furthermore this business truly brought huge profit. Then why the peasant should have followed the ideological and not the commercial path while distributing or selling the books? Why the small merchants while pursuing a higher profit could not sell the forbidden literature? These questions can not be discarded because of the huge profits and the examples of neighbors getting rich fast had to promote book contraband.

Besides that the lawsuits of the caught smugglers in which different punishments were listed still leads to the belief that there is a huge possibility to get a small fine or even to evade the prosecution. The fast fortune making of colleagues tempted to uptake this business. That’s why it’s likely that till the second half of the XIX century for a peasant that lived near the boarder and engaged in contraband this was only an additional source livelihood. And in the second half of the XIX century a part of the boarder residents (especially peasants) could have turned contraband into a professional business when the agriculture was undergoing commercialization and the view on trade in whole changed.

CONCLUSIONS

1. Lithuania fell behind from the west Europe and from the economically progressive regions of the Russian empire in economical development rate and in results. Yet since the middle of the

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XIX century and especially after the reforms of 1861 the indicators of economy grew. Despite the retardation of the economy (insufficient agriculture and low industrial manufacturing development level) and the unfavourable peripherals the businessmen of Lithuanian provinces expanded the trade – changed the orientation of manufacture. In the last decade of the XIX century after the upturn of economical conjuncture the agricultural production intensified and the industry expanded. Also economical relations with other regions together with the domestic trade network have expanded and the number of residents undertaking trade grew.

2. With the decree of 1824 the implemented order for mandatory license purchase changed the possibilities for peasants. Their economical activity now was fully dependent on the noblemen which as often as not restrained the peasants’ freedom in trade. Because of the squire’s prohibitions and (conditionally) a sparse trade network the peasants didn’t have the opportunity to get involved in the trade business. Because of good organization in the trade system and the Jew’s control over it the peasants didn’t have a huge need to become professional traders. The laws of the first half of the XIX century didn’t have such effect on the ability to do business for noblemen. Yet their initiative to expand business was also weak. It was suppressed by a set of social and economical factors (nobility’s conservative view point on the trade, the manner of trade organization and the law order. In the middle of the XIX century the society’s merchant layer mainly was forming from town residents and Jews.

3. In the second half of the XIX century the laws which were oriented to the tax structure filing had less influence on the Lithuanian provinces’ social structure of merchants. Even in the beginning of the XX century the merchants’ social structure little did change. The laws of the second half of the XIX century had more effect on the businessman’s activity possibilities and the scope of trade. After the reforms of 1861 the trade intensified and although the number of traders grew in total the peasants and noblemen were little in number among the merchants. Also there was a few of the traders left that belonged to the first and the second guild. Petty trade dominance was

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determined by the conditionally better opportunities for petty trade company establishment. The weak participation of peasants and noblemen in trade could have been caused by slow change of the traditional view points on trade and the attachment to the traditional agriculture business.

4. In the Lithuanian provinces of the discussed period trade was the sphere of specialization and dominance for the ethno-confessional Jewish minority. In the end of XIX century–the beginning of the XX century in the Lithuanian provinces with the effect of new economical conditions and other aspects the society’s view on nonagricultural business was changing. And with time Lithuanians started to immerse in business.

5. Because of the failures of „novices“ in the competition with the Jewish businessmen in the legal business sphere – the Jewish were considered as the main economical adversaries. And the emphasized factors of the Jewish dominance in the sphere of economy prolonged the business division into „ours“ and „theirs“. With the ongoing process of commercialization in the society the view on trade changed. The Jewish economical supremacy and the example of business mastery were referred for highlighting the criticism of „ours“. Although after the economical reforms of the 1861 the number of traders increased there were still few professional non Jewish traders. To little experience in business, restrained domestic market possibilities and unexpectedly strong competition of the Jewish in trade – on one hand it slowed the enterprise of non Jewish ethnic groups and on the other hand it promted the search for new business connections. Yet the growth of the number of local non Jewish merchants was slow and Jews continued to hold their dominating positions in trade.

6. In the Pre-reform period the expansion of transportation and carrying trade forms in the village vicinities was determined by: 1) measures of peasant economical restraint by the noblemen; 2) feeble means of communication and a (conditionally) large distance between the settlements to do trade illegally and nearest market. Therefore peasants and village artisans rather sold their production through

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resellers or used the services of the transporters and carriers while evading the noblemen’s prohibitions. This situation started to change in the second half of the XIX century–the beginning of the XX century: the dependence of peasants on noblemen loosened whereas the establishment of new market-places made the village’s residents less dependable on the work schedule of the companies and the distances between trade points shrunk. These economical activity conditions determined the work character of the transporters and carriers.

7. Some of the trade forms were losing importance while the agriculture was commercialized and the domestic trade network expanded. This especially concerns the transportation and carrying trades. The approximate scope of this trade form can be shown by the number residence undertaking it – in the 1897 according to the census data there were – 3321 participants or approximately 6.0% citizens were trading independently. The small number was determined by the expanding domestic market. The comparison in satisfaction of village residents’ demands of transportation and carrying trades with the market-place diminished as the market-place network grew. Further more as the stationary trade market expanded the need for this type of trade in townships and towns diminished. The shop, mart and market-place network popularity grew while the service of carriers and transporters was slowly rejected.

8. In the Lithuanian provinces in the middle of the XIX century the mart network was still undeveloped. It had a seasonal nature (the most popular month were April-June and September-October). This is associated with the escalation needs of peasants because of the seasonal change. In the second half of the XIX century–the beginning of the XX century as the mart network expanded the organization of marts started on „unpopular“ months also. That made the mart occurrence distribution across the year more or less equal. Yet as the mart network thickened the meaning of the marts changed also.

9. The Large and mediocre mart number growth in the provinces of Vilnius and Kaunas is associated with commercialization of the agriculture and the growing agricultural production for the market.

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Also it associated with the upturn of the export possibilities and the growth of the wholesale of agricultural production. In the Grodno province the diminishing number of marts was determined by the organization large marts in the near by regions. Yet in the second half of the XIX century the number of large and mediocre marts was small. The change of the number of Marts having only a local meaning points to the change of turnover inside these marts. Yet the disappearance of marts was nor rapid. In fact in the first decades of the XX century (in provinces of Vilnius, Kaunas and Grodno) there was an upturn of the mart turnover thanks to the growth of the agricultural production export. These factors decided the diminishment of the marts’ role in wholesale whereas the commercialization of agriculture and peasant involvement in the business determined the growth of the shop number.

10. Agricultural and manufactured products made up the assortment of goods in marts while there was no large scale industry. Yet after the commercialization of agriculture and with the growth of industrial manufacture the agricultural production started dominating marts. Whereas the industrial production created a separate sale’s network. Yet the agrarian business domination didn’t have much influence on the marts’ reorientation to sale’s of agricultural production. This phenomenon should be explained in terms of modernization of manufacture, trade and transport. Meanwhile the joint trade turnover growth in marts rather shows the numerical network growth not the growth of the mart prosperity.

11. In the beginning of the seventh decade when the decrees for commercial activity changed – all castes had fair opportunities to undertake trade. Peasants while commercializing agriculture also endeavored to reach bigger profits by cutting off the resellers (in other words middlemen) and selling their production directly. In the second half of the XIX century–the beginning of the XX century the trade market thickened and the distance between trade spots shortened. Yet the development of the network was not finished even in the beginning of the XX century.

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12. The market-place network matched the needs of peasants that managed with accidental trade. Peasants could not (or they didn’t have the need) to manage a daily working stationary company. This in a way determined the market-places’ turnover and its network growth. Also it promoted the domestic trade network’s expansion in villages. Yet in towns the compared value of a market-place was lower. Here the stationary trade network expanded. These companies in the second half of the XIX century took over a part of the market-places’ functions. Especially functions like – industrial production trade and trade of imported goods.

13. In the mid XIX century the daily stationary trade network in the Lithuanian provinces was still thin. While the natural trade traditions still dominated the major part of stationary companies was still established in the cities and large townships. In the second half of the XIX–in the beginning of the XX this trade network expanded considerably. Yet the stationary trade network in towns, townships and villages was established uneven. In this view point especially the empire’s province and general-government centers distinguished themselves because they are a lot more dependant on trade than villages and townships. Besides the towns consumed more because here there were more residents and the needs were a lot bigger than in villages and townships. Villagers bought only goods that they didn’t produce or if they were imported. In the first post-reform decades the stationary trade network grew still slowly because of the natural business traditions. The development intensity increased in the ninth decade’s middle when the industrial production scope grew and the commercialization of agriculture accelerated. After the change nature of manufacture and the change of assortment of consumption items the life of villages, towns and townships started changing.

14. Probably in the second half of the XIX century the quantitative stationary trade network’s expansion can be associated with: 1) with the opened opportunities after the XIX century’s second half’s reform and in addition company’s establishment required less endeavor; 2) with the constant industrial companies’ need to sell products and the growing demand in before remote places; 3) with the

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agriculture commercialization, townspeople’s declination of agricultural businesses and towns population’s and population’s growth in general. These circumstances increased consumption and together promoted the agricultural production’s and manufacture’s growth. In its own way it determined the domestic market growth. The problems of increasing demands of the residents and the industrial production’s raised demands for constant sales were best solved by the stationary trade network.

15. In the last decade of the XIX century with the development of industry and agriculture the pay-ability grew of a consumer. Appealing goods of mass production appeared in the markets. Yet the assortment of goods in towns, townships and villages differed. In villages and townships the consumption didn’t surpass the traditional level. That is why mostly primary commodities were sold and the mixed type shops dominated as one of the most convenient trade forms. Alongside a specialized shop network of ready-made goods was developing. Yet in townships the number of specialized shops was little. Besides taking Vilnius in example we can state that a differentiation of trade companies was clearing up: in the last decade of the XIX century the trade companies have spread to satisfy the needs of customers with rather different incomes (one of them oriented onto the rich clients and others onto the poor).These companies sold goods of the same purpose for a price that was reasonable for all.

16. The flaws of the law and tsar’s administration’s created unfavourable conditions for business expansion have promoted the expansion of illegal trade. Representatives of business were united by the goal to remain in the business by maximizing profit. These goals depended not only on individual ability to do business. The profit maximization strives of the trade organizations of the researched provinces were conditioned by the economical policy that was favourable for influential interest groups and created obstacles for small and mediocre trade development. With the existing inner (home) situation two positions – impunity and forceful – determined the residents choice of motivation of economical activity and provoked a

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part of businessmen to get involved into illegal activity: weak governmental control made it possible to get away with a crime unpunished and the flaws of the laws and also a inflexible legislation system provoked a situation when the businessmen suppressed by the taxes turn to illegal activities.

17. The contraband can be evaluated as the expression of traditions and self-contradicting legislation admission. A part of the residents even during the pre-reform period chose contraband as an alternative to the legal trade. This niche in the second part of the XIX century became an organized, professional business for the majority of the boarder residents. The involvement of Lithuanians in contraband trade was important in the book carrying prosperity’s perspective. In the book carrying the ideological and commercial aspects were intertwined.

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REZIUME

Žvelgdami į XIX–XX a. pradžios Europą, pirmiausia matome ryškius raidos pokyčius, nulemtus modernizacijos proceso, kuris veikė visas visuomeninio gyvenimo sferas – švietimo, ekonominę, politinę, kultūrinę, socialinę etc. Gausu inovacijų, diegiamos modernios technologijos, efektyvesni gamybos būdai, reorganizuojama pati gamybos struktūra, mažėja transakcinės sąnaudos žaliavų ir prekių rinkose – visa tai formavo industrinio modelio europietišką visuomenę.

Tačiau ekonominis Rusijos imperijos atsilikimas nuo Vakarų Europos šalių lėmė lėtą lietuviškųjų gubernijų įsitraukimą į šio proceso orbitą. Inkorporuotos į Rusijos imperinę sistemą lietuviškosios gubernijos tapo priklausomos nuo caro administracijos institucijų, kurios darė įtaką visuomeninei, politinei, švietimo bei religinei etc. gyvenimo sritims, žemės ūkio raidai ir pramonės vystymuisi, o kartu, žinoma, ir prekybai. Toks aiškinimas apimtų ne vien „viršutinio“ – makroekonominio lygmens procesus, bet ir procesus, vykstančius „žemutiniame“ – kasdienio gyvenimo lygmenyje, iliustruojant lietuviškųjų gubernijų ekonominės modernizacijos pobūdį.

Šiame kontekste aktualu išskirti „žemutinio“ lygmens istorijos tyrinėjimus, nes ekonominės raidos tyrimuose Lietuvoje prioritetai teikiami pramonės, transporto formavimosi ir plėtros, gamybos ir technologijų raidos, žemės ūkio vystymosi etc. istorijai (Juozas Jurginis, Kazimieras Meškauskas, Malvina Meškauskienė, Vytautas Puronas,). Tad ir nedaugelis tų Lietuvos autorių (Mečislovas Jučas, Vytautas Merkys, Leonas Mulevičius, Antanas Tyla, Rimantas Vėbra), išsamiau nagrinėjusių ekonominius veiksnius mikrolygmenyje (buržuazijos klasės formavimąsi, darbininkų ir valstiečių buitį etc.), tradiciškai apsiriboja gamybine ekonominės raidos puse arba aptaria ekonomiškai aktyvių klasių veiklą. Tik nedidelė tyrinėtojų grupė (Tamara Bairašauskaitė, Remigijus Civinskas, Zita Medišauskienė, Vladas Sirutavičius) per socialinių ir ekonominių veiksnių prizmę išryškino vykstančius pokyčius mikrolygmenyje (daugiausia

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akcentuodami ekonomiškai aktyvios žydų etnokonfesinės grupės verslinę patirtį). Tačiau apskritai prekybos raidai skirtuose darbuose kaip gamybos proceso tąsa tiriama didmeninė (užsienio bei vidaus) prekyba (Albinas Rimka, Petras Šalčius, Juozas Jurginis, Vytautas Merkys). Vidaus prekybos raidą ir prekybos struktūros modernėjimą nagrinėję autoriai (Mečislovas Jučas, Virgilijus Pugačiauskas, V. Tamošaitienė, Večeslavas Švedas, Michailas Šaušenia) kreipė dėmesį į organizacines prekybos formas, prekybos įmonių skaičių ir lokalinį jų išsidėstymą, prekių apyvartos apimtis etc. Šiuose darbuose gauti rezultatai rodo prekybos formų tarpusavio ryšius, vidaus prekybos tinklo augimą, vienų prekybos formų sunykimą ir kitų plitimą, pasikeitus gamybos pobūdžiui.

Šių mokslininkų tyrimai yra labiausiai susiję su disertacijoje keliamais klausimais, tačiau tam tikri jų tyrinėjami aspektai (išvežiojamosios ir išnešiojamosios prekybos formų raida, turgų ir mugių tinklo plėtra etc.) reikalauja platesnės analizės. Šioje disertacijoje analizuojant daugiau statistinės ir dokumentinės medžiagos siekiama praplėsti ir papildyti mokslininkų atliktus tyrimus, išskiriant iki tol netyrinėtus arba mažai tyrinėtus, su prekyba susijusius aspektus: mažmeninės prekybos raidą, prekybos įstatymų kaitą, gyventojų vartosenos poreikių, kasdienio gyvenimo būdo pasikeitimą atsiradus fabrikinių gaminių pasiūlai ir kita. Tačiau pažymėtina, kad smulkusis ir vidutinis verslininkas, smulkusis ir vidutinis verslas, mažmeninė prekyba, vartojimas ir prekybos mainai vis dar nepatraukė didesnio istorikų dėmesio.

Šiame tyrime apimta mikroekonomikos sfera koncentruojantis į visuomenės socioekonominę raidą, materialios kultūros raidos procesus, t. y. tiriamas „žemutinio“ ekonomikos lygmens modernėjimo procesas. Aptariamuoju atveju tai būtų XIX a. vidurio–XX a. pradžios lietuviškųjų gubernijų vidaus mažmeninės prekybos raidos analizė. Šis tyrimas galėtų tapti atspirties tašku tolimesnėms materialiosios kultūros ir įvairiems kasdienio gyvenimo aspektams tirti Lietuvoje. Pačią temos problemą galėtume suformuluoti tokiu klausimu – kaip kito prekybos formų pusiausvyra ir buvo reorganizuojama prekybos struktūra?

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Tyrimo objektu pasirinktas mažmeninės prekybos (reprezentuojančios industrializacijos proceso refleksijas mikrolygmenyje) tinklas, jo raidos procesas, prekybos plėtra ir prekybos formų modernėjimas Vilniaus, Kauno ir Gardino gubernijose XIX a. viduryje–XX a. pradžioje.

Tyrimo problema ir objektas lėmė jo tikslą ir uždavinius. Tyrimo tikslas – išaiškinti mažmeninės prekybos raidos procesus Lietuvoje XIX a. viduryje–XX a. pradžioje, tiriant industrializacijos proceso Lietuvoje ir už jos ribų poveikį mažmeninės prekybos raidai ir jos formų modernėjimui. Kadangi prekybos sfera apima ne vien ekonominius aspektus, bet yra ir socialinio gyvenimo dalis, tad šiame tyrime pagrindiniam tikslui pasiekti keliami papildomi uždaviniai: 1) analizuojant caro administracijos ekonominės politikos bruožus ir prekybos aktų reglamentų kaitą, nustatyti įstatymų poveikį vidaus mažmeninės prekybos raidai, parodant prekybininkų luominę sudėtį ir jų veiklos pobūdį; 2) išsiaiškinti, ar prekybos modernėjimas paveikė tradiciškai nusistovėjusį darbo pasidalijimo pobūdį prekybos srityje etnokonfesiniais principais; 3) išanalizuoti mažmeninės prekybos tinklo plėtrą, ekonominių pokyčių įtaką prekybos struktūros reorganizacijai, vartotojų poreikių pokyčius plečiantis fabrikinei gamybai; 4) išskirti veiksnius, kurie turėjo įtakos dalies prekybininkų įsitraukimui į nelegalios prekybos veiklą.

Chronologiškai tyrimas pradedamas XIX a. septintuoju dešimtmečiu, kai po pralaimėto Krymo karo (1853–1856 m.) dar labiau išryškėjo senos ekonominės sistemos krizė. Kad paspartintų Rusijos ekonominę raidą, caro administracija imasi reformų. Aleksandrui II atėjus į valdžią (1855–1881 m.), reformos (iš kurių kone svarbiausia – baudžiavos panaikinimas 1861 m.) tapo naujų ekonominių sąlygų plėtros tramplinu. Galutinė chronologinė tyrimo riba – 1914 m., kai prasidėjus Pirmajam pasauliniam karui prekybos plėtros procesai buvo nutraukti ir kuriam laikui sumažėjo prekybos apyvarta. Tai ir nulėmė šio tyrimo pasirinktas chronologines ribas – nuo XIX a. vidurio caro administracijos ekonominių reformų iki 1914 m. – Pirmojo pasaulinio karo pradžios.

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Geografine prasme tyrimas apima tris, caro administracijos „lietuviškomis“ vadintas, – Vilniaus, Kauno ir Gardino – gubernijas, kurios, sumažinus Vilniaus generalgubernatoriui pavaldžias teritorijas (1869–1870 m. atskyrus etniniu bei konfesiniu požiūriu besiskiriančias Mogiliavo, Vitebsko ir Minsko gubernijas1), sudarė atskirą administracinį vienetą, pavaldų Vilniaus generalgubernatoriui.

Kadangi rūpimi klausimai istoriografijoje nėra detaliau analizuoti, pirmiausia bus remiamasi išlikusia XIX a. pabaigos–XX a. pradžios caro administracijos dokumentine medžiaga. Darbui pasitelktus šaltinius būtų galima suskirstyti į šias grupes: 1) Lietuvos valstybės istorijos archyvo (toliau – LVIA) ir Kauno apskrities archyvo (toliau – KAA) dokumentinė medžiaga; 2) Rusijos imperijos teisinių aktų rinkinys (Полное собрание законов Российской империи); 3) Rusijos imperijos XIX–XX a. pradžios statistikos leidiniai; 4) tiriamojo laikotarpio Rusijos administracijos leidžiami periodiniai leidiniai ir minimo laikotarpio ekonominio gyvenimo apžvalgos; 5) neoficialūs spaudos periodiniai leidiniai, 6) amžininkų raštai, prisiminimai, tiriamojo laikotarpio etnografinė medžiaga.

Darbe analizuojant mažmeninės prekybos raidą, aptarta prekybos įstatymų kaita, mažmeninės prekybos tinklo augimo dinamika, kreipiant dėmesį į tuos veiksnius, kurie darė įtaką vidaus prekybos tinklo plėtotei, smulkiojo ir vidutiniojo verslo augimui, akcentuojamos socialinių grupių dalyvavimo mažmeninės prekybos versle aplinkybės, aiškinamas ir plataus vartojimo prekių asortimento plitimas padidėjus fabrikinės gamybos apimtims, taip pat – prekybos institucijų teisinis reglamentavimas, prekybos įstatymų spragos ir jų poveikis nelegalių verslo santykių plitimui: prekybos įstatų nesilaikymas, mokesčių vengimas, organizuotos kontrabandos atsiradimo ir plitimo juridiniai bei ekonominiai veiksniai; knygų kontrabandos santykis ir knygnešystės komercinis aspektas.

1 Staliūnas D. Rusinimas: Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų. Vilnius, 2009, p. 69.

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IŠVADOS

1. Nors Lietuva ekonominės raidos tempais ir rezultatais atsiliko ir nuo Vakarų Europos, ir nuo ekonomiškai pažangesnių Rusijos imperijos regionų, vis dėlto nuo XIX a. vidurio, ypač po 1861 m. reformų, ekonomikos rodikliai augo. Nepaisant ekonominio atsilikimo (nepakankamas žemės ūkio ir žemas pramoninės gamybos išsivystymo lygis) ir periferijos verslui nepalankios valstybės ekonominės politikos (protekcionistinė Rusijos imperijos muitų politika, valstybės parama stambiajam centrinių imperijos gubernijų verslui etc.), lietuviškųjų gubernijų verslininkai plėtė veiklą – keitė gamybos orientacijas, plėtojo tas gamybos šakas, kurios nesudarė konkurencijos centrinių Rusijos imperijos gubernijų verslui ir buvo pajėgios konkuruoti Vakarų rinkoje. Paskutiniajame XIX a. dešimtmetyje, pagerėjus ekonomikos konjunktūrai, intensyvėjo žemės ūkio gamyba, plėtėsi pramonė ir plito ekonominiai ryšiai su kitais regionais, dar labiau išplito vidaus prekybos tinklas, kartu padidėjo besiverčiančių prekyba gyventojų skaičius.

2. Valstiečiams 1824 m. įsaku įvesta privalomųjų prekybos liudijimų įsigijimo tvarka pakeitė prekybinės veiklos galimybes – jų ekonominė veikla tapo priklausoma nuo bajorų, kurie neretai varžė laisvą valstiečių prekybą. Dėl dvarininkų draudimų ir (santykinai) reto prekybos tinklo valstiečiai neturėjo galimybių įsitraukti į prekybos verslą, o dėl žydų prekybininkų kontroliuojamos ir gerai sutvarkytos prekybos sistemos valstiečiai neturėjo ir didelio poreikio tapti profesionaliais prekybininkais. XIX a. pirmosios pusės įstatymai neturėjo tokios įtakos bajorų verslumui, tačiau jų iniciatyva plėsti prekybos verslą taip pat buvo silpna. Bajorų iniciatyvą imtis profesionalios prekybos slopino kompleksinis socialinių ir ekonominių veiksnių derinys (konservatyvus aukštuomenės požiūris į prekybą, prekybos organizavimo būdai ir įstatymų tvarka). XIX a. viduryje profesionalių prekybininkų sluoksnis daugiausia formavosi iš miestų gyventojų krikščionių ir žydų.

3. XIX a. antrosios pusės įstatymai labiau orientuoti į mokesčių struktūros sisteminimą, turėjo mažiau įtakos lietuviškųjų gubernijų

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prekybininkų socialinei sudėčiai. Netgi XX a. pradžioje socialinė prekybininkų sudėtis mažai tepasikeitė. XIX a. antrosios pusės įstatymai labiau paveikė verslininkų veiklos galimybes ir prekybos mastus. Po 1861 m. ekonominių reformų prekyba intensyvėjo, didėjo bendras besiverčiančių prekyba gyventojų skaičius, tačiau prekiaujančių valstiečių ir bajorų buvo nedaug. Taip pat išliko mažas pirmosios ir antrosios pirklių gildijų skaičius. Smulkiosios prekybos dominavimą lėmė krašto ekonominis atsilikimas bei santykinai lengvesnės smulkiųjų prekybos įmonių steigimo galimybės. Bajorų ir valstiečių menką dalyvavimą prekybos versle galėjo lemti lėtas tradicinių pažiūrų į prekybą pasikeitimas ir prisirišimas prie (tapusių tradiciniais) žemdirbinių verslų.

4. Aptariamuoju laikotarpiu lietuviškose gubernijose išliko tradiciškai susiklosčiusi etninio darbo pasidalijimo struktūra, kurioje prekyba buvo žydų etnokonfesinės mažumos specializacijos ir dominavimo sfera. XIX a. pabaigoje–XX a. pradžioje lietuviškose gubernijose, kur versluose ir prekyboje vyravo žydai, naujojo ekonominio veikimo sąlygomis, pasikeitus teisinėms ekonominio veikimo galimybėms, komercializuojantis žemės ūkiui, keitėsi visuomenės požiūris į nežemdirbinius verslus, ir į prekybą ėmė vis aktyviau skverbtis tradiciškai žemdirbiško lietuvių (ir baltarusių) etnoso atstovai.

5. Dėl „naujokų“ nesėkmių konkurencinėje kovoje su žydais verslininkais legalios prekybos sferoje žydai buvo vertinami kaip pagrindiniai ekonominiai konkurentai, o akcentuojami jų dominavimo ekonomikos sferoje veiksniai, tęsė verslo dalijimo į savųjų ir svetimųjų tradicijas. Visuomenėje vykstant komercializavimo procesui, požiūris į prekybą pamažu kito. Žydų ekonominis pranašumas, kaip verslo įgūdžių pavyzdys, buvo pasitelktas savųjų kritikai išryškinti. Vis dažniau kritikuojamas savųjų verslinis nepaslankumas, nemokėjimas verslauti. Nors po 1861 m. ekonominių reformų padidėjo prekiautojų skaičius ir greta profesionalių (daugiausia žydų) prekybininkų augo nežydų etninių grupių gyventojų skaičius prekybos versle, etninė prekybininkų sudėtis keitėsi pamažu. Nepakankama nežydų gyventojų verslinė patirtis, ribotos vidaus

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rinkos galimybės ir neįtikėtinai stipri žydų konkurencija šiame versle, iš vienos pusės, stabdė nežydų etninių grupių verslumą, iš kitos – skatino naujai besiformuojančių vietinių nežydų kilmės grupių verslininkus ieškoti verslo kanalų. Tačiau vietinių nežydų prekybininkų skaičiaus augimas buvo lėtas, o žydai ir toliau išlaikė dominuojančias pozicijas prekybos srityje.

6. Lietuviškųjų gubernijų prekybos organizacijos pokyčiai sutapo su industrializacijos procesu, vykusiu daugiausia už Lietuvos ribų. Lietuvos įsitraukimas į tarpregioninę rinką gerino eksporto galimybes, kartu augo fabrikinės ir žemės ūkio gamybos apimtys, plėtėsi vidaus prekybos tinklas ir augo bendri prekybos apyvartos rodikliai. Plečiantis pramonei Lietuvoje ir kituose Rusijos imperijos regionuose bei mažėjant transporto kaštams (dėl nutiestų geležinkelių) XIX a. antrojoje pusėje–XX a. pradžioje įvyko reikšmingų poslinkių prekybos organizacijoje. Tradicinių vartojimo prioritetų („skonių“) formuojama paklausa skatino gamybą, o gamybos inovacijos plėtė plataus vartojimo prekių pasiūlą. Po industrinės revoliucijos dėl naujų gamybos technologijų išsiplėtė gamybos apimtys ir plataus vartojimo prekių pasiūla. Tai savo ruožtu nulėmė prekybos ir gamybos įmonių diferencijavimąsi, vidaus rinkos plitimą. Didmeninėje pramoninių prekių prekybos srityje tuos pokyčius lėmė vis didėjančios fabrikinės gamybos apimtys, todėl atsirado fabrikinei pramonei būdingas nuolatinio produkcijos realizavimo rinkoje poreikis. Šio poreikio senoji prekybos struktūra negalėjo patenkinti. Mažmeninės prekybos srityje tuos pokyčius lėmė eilinio vartotojo poreikių tenkinimo būdai – pakeisti prekybos įmonių darbo grafiką ir išplėsti kasdienės prekybos tinklą.

7. Ikireforminiu laikotarpiu išvežiojamosios ir išnešiojamosios prekybos formos paplitimą kaimo vietovėse lėmė kelios priežastys: 1) bajorų taikomos valstiečiams ekonominės veiklos apribojimo priemonės; 2) prastas susisiekimas ir (santykinai) dideli atstumai tarp gyvenviečių be teisės prekiauti ir artimiausių prekyviečių. Todėl valstiečiai ir kaimo amatininkai, apeidami bajorų draudimus, verčiau realizuodavo savo produkciją per perpirkėjus arba naudojosi išvežiotojų ir išnešiotojų paslaugomis. Ši padėtis ėmė keistis XIX a.

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antrojoje pusėje–XX a. pradžioje: sumažėjo valstiečių priklausomybė nuo bajorų, o steigiant naujas turgavietes sumažėjo atstumai tarp prekybos punktų, kaimo vietovių gyventojai darėsi mažiau priklausomi nuo įmonių darbo grafiko (turgūs rinkosi vieną–tris kartus per savaitę, krautuvės dirbo kasdien). Šios ekonominės veiklos sąlygos lėmė išvežiotojų ir išnešiotojų veiklos pobūdį.

8. Komercializuojantis žemės ūkiui, plintant vidaus prekybos tinklui, ne toks svarbus darėsi kai kurių prekybos formų poreikis. Ypač tai pasakytina apie išvežiojamąją ir išnešiojamąją prekybą. Nežymius šios prekybos formos mastus gali nusakyti ja besiverčiančių gyventojų skaičius – 1897 m. surašymo duomenimis viso labo tai buvo tik 3321 dalyvis arba apie 6,0% savaveiksmių gyventojų besiverčiančių prekyba. Mažą išvežiotojų ir išnešiotojų skaičių lėmė besiplečiantis vidaus prekybos tinklas. Augant turgų tinklui, mažėjo išvežiojamosios ir išnešiojamosios prekybos ir turgaus lyginamoji reikšmė aptarnaujant kaimo vietovių gyventojus. Plečiantis stacionariosios prekybos tinklui, mažėjo išvežiojamosios ir išnešiojamosios prekybos poreikis miestuose ir miesteliuose. Krautuvių, mugių ir turgų tinklo populiarumas augo, o išvežiotojų ir išnešiotojų paslaugų buvo pamažu atsisakoma.

9. Aktyviausi mugių rengimo laikotarpiai – balandis–birželis ir rugsėjis–spalis. Šių mėnesių pasirinkimas sietinas su valstiečių poreikių didėjimu dėl sezonų kaitos, kai pavasarį kildavo būtinumas nusipirkti sėklų, atnaujinti darbo įrankius, papildyti maisto atsargas ir pan., o rudenį – po atliktų darbų ir surinkto derliaus valstiečiai galėjo realizuoti ir savo produkcijos dalį, ir įsigyti būtiniausių prekių žiemos sezonui. Tačiau XIX a. antrojoje pusėje ryškėjęs mugių skaičiaus augimas „nepopuliariais“ mėnesiais sietinas su mugių tinklo plitimu, kai dėl bendrojo imperijos ekonomikos nuosmukio penktuoju–šeštuoju dešimtmečiais, caro administracija, susirūpinusi valstiečių materialine padėtimi, jų patogumui leido steigti daugiau prekymečių. Jau devintajame dešimtmetyje augant mugių skaičiui pastebimas daugmaž tolygus jų rengimo pasiskirstymas per metus, nors balandžio–birželio ir rugsėjo–spalio mėnesiais vis dar vyko apie 50–60% visų per metus rengiamų mugių.

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10. XIX a. antrojoje pusėje–XX a. pradžioje mugių tinklas pastebimai išplito (1860–1913 m. Vilniaus gubernijoje mugių skaičius padidėjo 380%, Kauno gubernijoje 1860–1911 m. – 500%, Gardino gubernijoje 1860–1902 m. – 221%), bet kartu kito atskirų mugių reikšmė. Mugių, kuriose vienos dienos prekių atvežimas viršijo 10 000 rub., Vilniaus gubernijoje per 1879–1911 metus išaugo 8% (nuo 7,2% iki 15%), Kauno gubernijoje per 1858–1882 metus – apie 10% (nuo 5,25% iki 15%). Mugių skaičius su vienos dienos prekių atvežimu 5 000–10 000 rub. Vilniaus gubernijoje išaugo 17% (nuo 3,1% iki 20,34%), Kauno gubernijoje – 0,5% (nuo 12,25% iki12,8%). Gardino gubernijoje per 1852–1865 metus stambių mugių skaičius sumažėjo 7% (nuo 10,87% iki 3,85%), vidutinių – 27% (32,61% iki 4,8%). Smulkesnių mugių (prekių atvežimas iki 5 000 rub.) skaičius Vilniaus gubernijoje per 1879–1911 metus sumažėjo 25% (nuo 89,69% iki 64,54%), Kauno gubernijoje per 1858–1882 metus sumažėjo 10% (nuo 82,5% iki 72,2%), Gardino gubernijoje per 1852–1865 metus išaugo 35% (nuo 56,52% iki 91,35%). Apie 60–70% visų mugių lietuviškose gubernijose buvo smulkios, turėjo lokalinę reikšmę ir tenkino tik vietinių gyventojų poreikius. Mugėse pradėjo dominuoti prekyba žemės ūkio produkcija, amatininkiško pobūdžio gaminiais ir tik nedidelė pramonių prekių dalis, skirta vietinių gyventojų poreikiams, pakliūdavo į mugių tinklą.

11. Stambių ir vidutinių mugių skaičiaus didėjimas Vilniaus ir Kauno gubernijose sietinas su žemės ūkio komercializavimu, didėjančia žemės ūkio produkcijos gamyba rinkai, augančiomis eksporto galimybėmis ir didmeninės prekybos žemės ūkio produkcija augimu. Gardino gubernijoje stambių mugių skaičiaus mažėjimui turėjo įtakos stambių mugių rengimas aplinkiniuose regionuose. Tačiau lietuviškose gubernijose XIX a. antrojoje pusėje stambių ir vidutinių mugių skaičius, šios prekybos formos lyginamojo svorio bendrojoje prekybos struktūroje rodiklis, buvo mažas. Tai sietina su mugių, kaip didmeninės prekybos formos, pareikalavimo bendrojoje prekybos struktūroje mažėjimu. Mugių, turinčių tik lokalinę reikšmę, skaičiaus pokyčiai rodo prekybos apyvartos mugėse pasikeitimą, kai

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augant prekybos įmonių tarpusavio konkurencijai mažėjo atskirų mugių apyvarta.

12. Aukščiausi mugių prekybos apyvartos rodikliai buvo XIX a. šeštajame dešimtmetyje–pirmaisiais septintojo dešimtmečio metais (iki 1863 m. sukilimo), kol mugėms atiteko svarbus ir didmeninės, ir mažmeninės prekybos vaidmuo. Toliau apyvarta sumažėjo ir kiek išaugo aštuntajame dešimtmetyje, o buvęs daugmaž pastovus bendras mugių prekybos apyvartos rodiklis devintajame–dešimtajame dešimtmečiuose rodo prekybos apyvartos mugėse stabilizavimąsi, tuo metu specializavusis vidaus prekybos tinklui ir diferencijavusis prekių realizavimo būdams. Tačiau mugių nykimas nebuvo spartus, o Vilniaus ir Kauno gubernijose pirmaisiais XX a. dešimtmečiais netgi pastebėtas prekybos apyvartos mugėse augimas padidėjus žemės ūkio produkcijos eksportui.

13. Trumpalaikiams mugių apyvartos pokyčiams turėjo įtakos caro administracijos ekonominės politikos priemonės, taikomos vietiniam verslui, ir bendra imperijos ekonomikos būklė, tačiau ilgalaikėje perspektyvoje vietinei specifikai taikomos ekonominės politikos priemonės neturėjo didelės įtakos prekybos apyvartos pasikeitimui mugėse. Pastarąjį veiksnį pirmiausia lėmė prekybos struktūros modernėjimas plintant fabrikinei gamybai bei įsitvirtinančios gerokai patogesnės prekybos formos. Rinkos sąlygomis mugių lokalumas ir sezoniškumas visiškai neatitiko fabrikinės produkcijos realizavimo reikalavimų. Kartu šio prekybos tinklo svarbą mažino ir geležinkelio tiesimas (suteikęs galimybę nepertraukiamai realizuoti prekes), ir plintanti pramoninė gamyba (kuriai reikėjo nuolatinio prekių realizavimo tinklo).

14. Nuo XIX a. devintojo dešimtmečio plintant fabrikinei gamybai, jos produkcijos realizavimui, šalia geležinkelių didmeninei prekybai steigiami sandėliai ir mažmeninei prekybai kuriamas parduotuvių tinklas atitiko naujus nuolatinio prekių realizavimo būdus. Pasiskirsčius prekių realizavimo tinklui, pramoninę produkciją pradėta realizuoti per urminių sandėlių ir parduotuvių tinklą arba tiesiogiai iš gamyklų, o mugėse ėmė dominuoti prekyba žemės ūkio produkcija. Šie reikšmingi poslinkiai prekybos organizacijoje lėmė

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mugių, kaip didmeninės prekybos formos, reikšmės mažėjimą bendroje prekybos struktūroje, o mugių skaičiaus augimas sietinas su žemės ūkio komercializavimu ir valstiečių įsitraukimu į prekybą rinkai.

15. Tačiau agrarinių verslų dominavimas krašto ekonomikoje neturėjo didelės įtakos mugių persiorientavimui prekyba žemės ūkio produkcija. Šį reiškinį veikiausiai reikia aiškinti ne tiek krašto ekonominiu atsilikimu ar agrarinių verslų vyravimu, kiek gamybos, prekybos ir transporto struktūrų modernėjimu. Bendras prekybos apyvartos augimas mugėse veikiau rodo kiekybinį šio tinklo plitimą padidėjus gyventojų skaičiui ir jų poreikiams, žemės ūkio gamybos intensyvėjimą, valstiečių ūkių komercializavimą ir jų įsitraukimą į prekybą, nei mugių, kaip prekybos formos, klestėjimą.

16. Penktajame–šeštajame dešimtmečiuose lietuviškose gubernijose turgų tinklo plėtros intensyvėjimas labiau sietinas su caro vyriausybės vykdomomis ekonominėmis reformomis, kai piniginės rentos įvedimas stiprino valstiečių ryšį su rinka. Septintojo dešimtmečio pradžioje pasikeitus komercinės veiklos įstatams visų luomų atstovams atsivėrė didesnės galimybės prasiskverbti į prekybos verslo nišą. Valstiečiai komercializuodami žemės ūkį ir kartu siekdami didesnio pelno, vis dažniau atsisakydami tarpininkų paslaugų, patys realizuodavo savo produkciją. Kad sėkmingai plėtotų verslą, valstiečiai turėjo susikurti savo realizavimo tinklą. XIX a. antrojoje pusėje–XX a. pradžioje steigiant naujas turgavietes tankėjo prekybos tinklas ir mažėjo atstumai tarp prekybos punktų. Tačiau tinklo formavimasis nebuvo užbaigtas dar ir XX a. pradžioje.

17. Turgų prekybos tinklas atitiko besiverčiančių atsitiktine prekyba valstiečių poreikius. Valstiečiai negalėjo (ar nebuvo reikalo) išlaikyti kasdien dirbančias stacionariąsias prekybos įmones. Tai savo ruožtu lėmė turgų apyvartos augimą ir šio tinklo plitimą, skatino vidaus prekybos tinklo plėtrą kaimo vietovėse, gerino prekybos padėtį. Tačiau turgūs (kaip ir mugės) negalėjo visiškai patenkinti ir užtikrinti pramoninės produkcijos keliamų nuolatinio prekių realizavimo reikalavimų. Tiems poreikiams patenkinti buvo steigiama vis daugiau kasdien dirbančių stacionariosios prekybos įmonių. Šios įmonės

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XIX a. antrojoje pusėje perėmė dalį turgų funkcijų, ypač tokias kaip prekyba pramoniniais gaminiais ir atvežtinėmis prekėmis, o turgūs dėl prekybos specifikos (čia, priešingai nei parduotuvėse, nereikėjo turėti pastovios vietos prekybai, prekiauti galėjo visi norintys, atvykę jiems patogiu laiku) tapo valstiečių ir amatininkų, besiverčiančių atsitiktine prekyba, produkcijos realizavimo vietomis, o pagrindinį turgų asortimentą sudarė valstiečių ir amatininkų gaminama produkcija ir maisto produktai.

18. Turgų tinklas buvo svarbi aplinkybė aptarnaujant kaimo gyvenvietes su nedidelė vartotojų rinka. Tačiau miestuose ir stambesniuose miesteliuose, kur vartotojų rinka buvo didesnė nei kaimo vietovėse, turgų prekybos sistema galėjo tik dalinai patenkinti vartotojų poreikius, mat vartotojas norėjo būtiniausias prekes pirkti kasdien, jam patogiu laiku. Todėl čia turgaus lyginamoji vertė buvo mažesnė. Vartotojų aptarnavimo sferoje šią spragą papildė plintantis stacionariosios prekybos tinklas.

19. XIX a. viduryje kasdienės stacionariosios prekybos tinklas lietuviškose gubernijose tebebuvo retas. Vyraujant natūrinio ūkio tradicijoms, dauguma įmonių vis dar buvo steigiama miestuose ir stambesniuose miesteliuose. XIX a. antrojoje pusėje–XX a. pradžioje šis prekybos tinklas pastebimai išplito. Vilniuje ir jo apskrityje 1858–1904 metais stacionariosios prekybos įmonių, mokančių procentinį ir skirstomąjį mokesčius, skaičius galėjo išaugti daugiau kaip 200%, Kauno gubernijoje 1863–1913 metais – apie 233%, Gardino gubernijos miestuose ir miesteliuose 1852–1905 metais – 225%. Tačiau stacionariosios prekybos tinklas miestuose, miesteliuose ir kaimo vietovėse kūrėsi netolygiai. Šiuo požiūriu ypač išsiskirdavo imperijos gubernijų ir generalgubernatorystės centrai. XIX a. antrojoje pusėje–XX a. pradžioje Vilniuje susitelkė daugiausiai stacionariosios prekybos įmonių, kuriose ir prekių asortimentas (ypač tai pasakytina apie namų apyvokos, dekoro, madingų drabužių ir prabangos dalykų parduotuves) buvo įvairesnis nei kituose gubernijos miestuose ir miesteliuose.

20. Miestai buvo ekonomiškai labiau priklausomi nuo prekybos nei miesteliai ar kaimai, tad prekyba miestams buvo svarbiausias

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apsirūpinimo šaltinis. Be to, miestas suvartodavo daugiau, nes čia ir gyventojų buvo daugiau, ir poreikiai daug didesni nei miesteliuose ar kaimuose. Miestelių ir kaimų gyventojai apsirūpindami mažiau priklausė nuo ekonominių rinkos mainų ir įsigydavo tik ūkyje negaminamos ar atvežtinės produkcijos, todėl pirmaisiais poreforminiais dešimtmečiais, kol miesteliuose ir gyvenvietėse dar nebuvo atsisakyta natūrinio ūkio tradicijų ir buvo paplitę agrariniai verslai, o gyventojų perkamoji galia buvo silpna ir, kol žemės ūkis dar nebuvo komercializavęsis, o valstiečių ūkis stengėsi maksimaliai patenkinti savo poreikius, minimaliai sumažindamas išlaidas, kiekybinis stacionariosios prekybos tinklo augimas apskrityse vyko lėtai.

21. Stacionariosios prekybos tinklas miesteliuose ir gyvenvietėse intensyviau plėtojosi nuo devintojo dešimtmečio vidurio, kai padidėjo pramoninės produkcijos gamybos apimtys ir paspartėjo žemės ūkio komercializavimas, ryškėjo gamybos specializavimasis, kai pasikeitus gamybos pobūdžiui ir vartojamų reikmenų asortimentui tradicijų palaikomas miestų ir miestelių, ypač kaimų gyvenimas ėmė keistis, o išaugus vartojimui plėtėsi pramoninių plataus vartojimo reikmenų bei maisto produktų realizavimo rinka. Kartu išaugo kaimo gyventojų vartojimas ir padidėjo krautuvių poreikis kaimuose. Vilniaus gubernijos duomenimis XIX a. pabaigoje–XX a. pradžioje krautuvių tinklas kaimuose ir priemiesčiuose išaugo – daugelyje kaimų jau veikė nors viena krautuvė (metinė tokių krautuvėlių apyvarta dažniausia siekdavo 200 rub.), bet jų užteko patenkinti kasdienius kaimo gyventojų poreikius.

22. XIX a. antrojoje pusėje kiekybinis stacionariosios prekybos tinklo plitimas gali būti sietinas: 1) su atsivėrusiomis po 1861 m. reformų ekonominės veiklos galimybėmis ir nedideliu vietinių verslininkų kapitalo pajėgumu, be to, prekybos įmonių steigimas reikalavo mažiau pastangų; 2) su didėjančiais gyventojų poreikiais, žemės ūkio komercializavimu, miestiečių atsisakymu žemės ūkio verslų, su miestų gyventojų ir bendru gyventojų skaičiaus augimu. 3) su nuolatine pramonės įmonių būtinybe realizuoti prekes, tokio tinklo gaminamos produkcijos plitimu net ir atokesnėse vietovėse. Tai savo

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ruožtu lėmė vidaus rinkos plėtrą, skatino prekybos augimą ir jos struktūros keitimąsi. Stacionariosios prekybos tinkle pokyčius atspindėjo mažmeninės prekybos įmonių reorganizavimas, plataus vartojimo prekių asortimento plitimas. Šios aplinkybės didino vartojimą, kartu skatino žemės ūkio produkcijos ir fabrikinės gamybos augimą. Su fabrikine gamyba išplitus masinei plataus vartojimo prekių gamybai, kilo poreikis sukurti ir masinį prekių realizavimo tinklą, kuris gamybos įmonėms užtikrintų nuolatines prekių realizavimo galimybes. Tiems poreikiams tenkinti tinkamiausias buvo stacionariosios prekybos tinklas, nes tokios prekybos formos kaip mugės, turgūs, išvežiojimas ir išnešiojimas dėl nepastovaus darbo grafiko to galutinai užtikrinti negalėjo.

23. Esminis vartojimo lūžis įvyko paskutiniajame XIX a. dešimtmetyje, kai vystantis pramonei ir žemės ūkiui, išaugo vartotojų mokumas, o rinkoje pasirodė patrauklių masinės gamybos prekių. Tačiau miestų, miestelių, kaimų ir gyvenviečių prekių asortimentas skyrėsi. Miesteliuose, kaimuose ir gyvenvietėse vartojimas nepranoko tradicinio lygio. Todėl daugiausia buvo prekiaujama pirmo būtinumo dalykais ir dominavo mišriojo tipo prekybos įmonės kaip viena patogiausių vartotojo poreikių tenkinimo formų. Greta plėtėsi ir specializuotų gatavų plataus vartojimo prekių parduotuvių tinklas. Tačiau miesteliuose specializuotų krautuvių skaičius buvo mažesnis. Miestuose specializuotų krautuvių buvo daugiau ir prekių asortimentas buvo įvairesnis, o Vilniaus pavyzdžiu galima teigti, kad ryškėjo prekybos įmonių diferenciacija: XIX a. paskutiniajame dešimtmetyje išplito prekybos įmonės gana skirtingų pajamų klientų poreikiams tenkinti (vienos jų orientavosi į pasiturinčius klientus, kitos – į prastuomenę). Šios įmonės prekiavo tos pačios paskirties prekėmis už kiekvienam prieinamą kainą.

24. Įstatymų spragos ir caro administracijos sudaromos nepalankios sąlygos verslui plėtoti skatino nelegalios prekybos plitimą. Verslo atstovus vienijo siekis išlikti versle maksimizuojant pelną. Šie siekiai priklausė ne vien nuo individų verslumo ir gebėjimų. Tiriamųjų gubernijų prekybos organizacijų pelno maksimizavimo siekius lėmė valstybės ekonominė politika, palanki įtakingoms

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interesų grupėms (karo pramonei ir stambiajai pramonei, susietai su karo pramone) ir sudaranti kliūtis smulkiajam bei vidutiniajam verslui vystytis. Susiklosčius tokiai vidaus padėčiai, dvi pozicijos – nebaudžiamumas ir priverstinumas – nustatė gyventojų ekonominės veikmės motyvacijų pasirinkimą ir išprovokavo dalį vietinių verslininkų įsitraukti į neteisėtą veiklą: silpna valstybės kontrolė leido nebaudžiamai apeidinėti įstatymus, nemokėti mokesčių, o įstatymų spragos ir nelanksti įstatymų leidyba išprovokavo situaciją, kai, spaudžiami mokesčių, dalis verslininkų pradėjo verstis nelegalia prekyba, o pasienyje plito kontrabanda.

25. Dalis (ypač pasienio ruožo) gyventojų dar ikireforminiu laikotarpiu rinkosi kontrabandą kaip alternatyvą legaliai prekybai ir santykinai laisvą (dėl caro administracijos (1843 ir 1861 m.) aktų, ribojusių žydų judėjimo laisvę pasienio ruožuose) verslo nišą. Ši veiklos sritis antrojoje XIX a. pusėje tapo organizuotu, profesionaliu, dalies pasienio gyventojų verslu ir sukūrė lyginamųjų konkurencinių pranašumų erdvę, kuri tapo lietuviškojo prekybos verslo užgimimo sfera. Lietuvių etnoso dalyvavimas nelegalioje (kontrabandinėje) pasienio prekyboje buvo svarbi knygnešystės suklestėjimo prielaida. Knygnešystėje sudėtingai susipynę idėjinis ir komercinis aspektai.

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PUBLIKACIJŲ DISERTACIJOS TEMA SĄRAŠAS 1. Ambrulevičiūtė A. Mugės ir jų vaidmuo prekybos struktūroje Vilniaus ir Kauno gubernijose 1861–1914 metais // Lietuvos istorijos studijos, 2007, nr. 19, p. 24–40. 2. Ambrulevičiūtė A. Stacionarios mažmeninės prekybos tinklo plėtra Vilniaus ir Vilniaus apskrityje 1861–1904 metais // Lietuvos istorijos studijos, 2008, nr. 22, p. 74–87. 3. Ambrulevičiūtė A. Vidaus prekybos tinklo raida lietuviškose gubernijose 1861–1914 metais: išvežiojamoji ir išnešiojamoji prekyba // Lietuvos istorijos studijos, 2009, nr. 24, p. 50–62.

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Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla Aelita Ambrulevičiūtė RETAIL TRADE IN THE VILNIUS, KAUNAS AND GRODNO PROVINCES IN 1861–1914 (A NETWORK, EXPANSION, MODERNISATION) Summary of doctoral dissertation MAŽMENINĖ PREKYBA VILNIAUS, KAUNO IR GARDINO GUBERNIJOSE 1861–1914 METAIS (TINKLAS, PLĖTRA, MODERNĖJIMAS) Daktaro disertacijos santrauka Klaipėda, 2010 SL 1335. 2010 03 29. Apimtis 3,75 sąl. sp. l. Tiražas 70 egz. Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, Herkaus Manto g. 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda Tel. (8 ~ 46) 398 891, el. paštas: leidykla@ku.lt Dauginta Klaipėdos universiteto leidykloje, Herkaus Manto g. 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda

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