'a

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nt ntsA GOVERNMENT PROGRAM OF POLITICAL MURDER 3

GUATEMALA TODAY 5

What the Government of Guatemala says 5

The victims 6

The President's 'special agency' 7

THE ARMY AND THE POLICE—THE UNITS ACCUSED 10

CASE HISTORIES 12

Raids on trade union headquarters 12

Peasants and Indians killed 13

University victims 14

TESTIMONY OF A SURVIVOR 16

TESTIMONY OF A CONSCRIPT 20

THE MISSING PEOPLE 25

THE NEXT STEP 26

What you can do 26

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL—A WORLDWIDE CAMPAIGN 27

An international effort 27

The mandate 28

Amnesty International at work 28

Continuous research 28

A permanent campaign 29

Policy and funds 2930

OTHER AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 30

First published 1981 by Amnesty International Publications

10 Southampton Street, London WC2E 7IW, England

C, Copyright Amnesty International Publications

ISBN: 0 86210 026 7AI Index: AMR 34/02/81

Original language: English

Printed by Shadowdean Ltd., 01-543 4450

AU rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted,

in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording and/or otherwise, without

the prior permission of the publishers.

Amnesty International would like to thank Birte Lindblom for providing the photographs on pages 10 and 13.

We also thank the Latin American Bureau for their permission to use the photographs on pages 5 and I I and

on the front cover.

overn ent ro ra ofolitical ur er

The human rights issue that dominates all In the final section of the report, Amnesty

others in the Republic of Guatemala is that International reproduces the interviews,

people who oppose or are imagined to oppose transcribed from tape recordings, with two

the government are systematically seized with- Guatemalans who have had personal experience

out warrant, tortured and murdered, and that with the torture and murder of political

these tortures and murders are part of a suspects by the Guatemalan army.

deliberate and long-standing program of the The former prisoner was abducted on 15Guatemalan Government. February 1980 by a plainclothes army squad in

This report contains information, published a village in northern Guatemala. He escaped

for the first time, which shows how the selection from Huehuetenango army base in western

of targets for detention and murder, and the Guatemala after being held for 11 days.

deployment of official forces for extra-legal He gives details of his place of detention—in

operations, can be pin-pointed to secret offices the base slaughterhouse—and of how he was

in an annex of Guatemala's National Palace, interrogated under torture by Guatemalan

under the direct control of the President of the army officers.Repu blic . He describes the execution of three other

The report also includes transcripts of two prisoners in his presence, strangled with a

unique interviews; the first is with a peasant garrotte—a technique cited as the cause of

who, as far as Amnesty International knows, is death in hundreds of killings in 1980, including

the sole survivor of political imprisonment in those of 37 people found in a mass grave in

Guatemala in 1980; the second is with a fonner San Juan Comalapa, near Guatemala City, in

conscript soldier who served as a member of a March 1980 (see case histories).

plainclothes army unit and who described the The former conscript soldier, of Kekchi

abduction of civilians who were later tortured Indian origin, gives an account of his secondand murdered. year of military service, when he served as a

Between January and November in 1980 member of a plainclothes army unit in Guate-alone some 3,000 people described by govern- mala City. He describes the surveillance of

ment representatives as "subversives" and civilians under political suspicion, and the

"criminals" were either shot on the spot in abduction of civilians for interrogation under

political assassinations or seized and murdered torture, and then murder, at the Guatemalanlater; at least 364 others seized in this period army base of the Brigada Militar Mariscalhave not yet been accounted for. Zavala on the outskirts of Guatemala City.

The Government of Guatemala denies having His testimony is of particular significance asmade a single political arrest or holding a single a document of record. Political killings andpolitical prisoner since President Romeo LUCAS "disappearances" involving government forcesGARCIA took office in July 1978. All abuses are not new in Guatemala: in 1976 Amnestyare attributed to "independent" paramilitary International estimated that about 20,000groups beyond official control. This report people had been victims of these abuses sinceadds to previously available evidence that these 1966, when they first began to occur regularly.actions are carried out by units of the regular But although in the past other members of thesecurity services. No convincing evidence has security services have told of their participationbeen produced that the groups described by in abductions and killings—for instance, Laurothe authorities do in fact exist. ALVARADO Y ALVARADO, a National Police

4 GUATEMALA

uate ala to a

provided that they were edited so that no one

could be endangered by their release. Although

the escaped prisoner, whose identity is known

to the Government of Guatemala, and the

former soldier are now reported to be safe out-

side Guatemala, there is still fear of reprisals

by the Government of Guatemala if their

identities are publicized.

• A number of anti-government guerrilla groups

have been operating in Guatemala since 1966

and Amnesty International is aware that there

continue to be armed confrontations between

government and guerrilla forces, with lives lost

on both sides. However, Amnesty International

does not accept government assertions that all

or most killings of the sort described in this

report are the result of armed conflict or are

the work of agents operating independently

and out of the government's control.

Amnesty International opposes the torture

and execution of prisoners in all cases, whether

by government forces or opposition groups. It

believes that confrontation between government

and violent opposition groups cannot be held

to justify these human rights violations.

officer, who was later killed in 1975 (see

Guatemala: Arnnesty International Briefing,1976, page 15)---this former conscript's

testimony is the most extensive and detailed of

its kind and the first by a conscript soldier

describing the routine extra-legal security

nwasures of regular army units.

Although the two interviews transcribed in

part here were not conducted directly by

Amnesty International, they are published as

illustrations of the nature of political im-

prisonment and murder in Guatemala.

The interviews were conducted in February

1980. 'The transcripts have been edited for

length and the names of those involved

removed. Their publication was decided only

after their authenticity and accuracy had been

determined by exhaustive analysis of the two

tapes and extensive cross-checking of informa-

tion. Only indirect communication was possible

with the interviewer of the escaped prisoner

but the former soldier was interviewed by a

journalist from Europe now in close contact

with Amnesty International.

The interviewers agreed to the tape transcripts

being published by Amnesty International

What the Governmentof Guatemala saysNational Police spokesmen told the local press

in 1979 that the Escuadrem de la Muerte had

killed 1,224 "criminals" ("1,142 men and 82

women") from January to June 1979 and that

the ESA had killed 3,252 "subversives" in the

first 10 months of 1979. Although no similar

statistics have been issued for 1980, government

spokesmen have continued to report on the

latest victims of "anti-criminal" and "anti-

communist", but allegedly independent and

non-governmental, "security measures".

Amnesty International believes that abuses

attributed by the Government of Guatemala

to independent "death squads" are perpetrated

by the regular forces of the civil and military

I.

Nearly 5,000 Guatemalans have been seized

without warrant and killed since General Lucas

Garcia became President of Guatemala in 1978.

The bodies of the victims have been found

piled up in ravines, dumped at roadsides or

buried in mass graves. Thousands bore the scars

of torture, and death had come to most by

strangling with a garrotte, by being suffocated

in rubber hoods or by being shot in the head.

In the same three-year period several hundred

other Guatemalans have been assassinated after

being denounced as "subversives". At least 615

people who are reported to have been seized by

the security services remain unaccounted for.

In spite of these murders and "disappear-

ances" the Government of Guatemala has

denied making a single political arrest or holding

a single political prisoner. (But in February

1980 Vice-President Francisco VILLAGRAN

KRAMER put the position like this: "There

are no political prisoners in Guatemala—only

political murders". He has since resigned and

gone into exile.)

The government does not deny that people

it considers to be "subversives" or "criminals"

are seized and murdered daily in Guatemala—

but it lays the whole blame on independent,

anti-communist "death squads".A 4

A

_ nA member of the Policia Milker Ambulante (PMA),mobile military police, one of the security units saidto be responsible for the seizure and "disappearance"of trade union leaders in Guatemala.The National Palace in Guatemala City . . . the evidence shows that targets for political murder are selected in secret

offices in an annex to the main building.

According to a distinction drawn by the

government under President Lucas Garcia

"criminals" are those people who have been

seized and killed by what the authorities call

the EscuadrOn de la Muerte (Death Squad) and

"subversives" those killed by the Ejercito

Secreto Anticomunista (ESA)—Secret Anti-

communist army. The authorities have issued

regular statistics on the killings and on occasion

have come out with death tolls higher than

those independently recorded by Amnesty

International.

6 GUATEMALAGUATEMALA 7

security services. No evidence has been found tosupport government claims that "death squads"exist that are independent of the regular securityservices. Where the captors or assassins ofalleged "subversives'' and "criminals" have beenidentified, as in the cases cited in this report,the perpetrators have been members of theregular security services.

killed by the security services in 1980: JoseMaria GRAN. Walter VOORDECKERS andFaustino VILLANUEVA. Other clergy havebeen formally expelled from Guatemala.

religious, conununity or labour organizations, orafter they had been in contact with organizers ofnational political parties. In other words,Amnesty International's evidence is that thetargets for extreme governmental violence tendto be selected from grassroots organizationsoutside official control.

A more elaborate pattern is followed fordealing with Guatemalans of higher social oreconomic status, such as business people andprofessionals—doctors, lawyers, educators—orwith leaders of legal political parties. Wherepeople in these groups are suspected of"subversive" activity, past or present, thediscretionary powers of security service agentsdo not appear to be unrestricted. Such casesare thought to require consideration by high-ranking government officials before individualscan be seized or murdered; the system appearsto function hierarchically, with the officiallevel at which a decision may be takencorresponding to the status of the suspect.

In 1980 a number of occupational groupswhich, in recent years, had largely escapedbeing the particular targets of political re-pression were singled out for violent attacks,resulting in numerous "disappearances" anddeaths; they included priests, educators andjournalists.

Father Conrado DE LA CRUZ and hisassistant Herlindo CIFUENTES were detainedwith at least 44 other people during a demon-stration in Guatemala on I May 1980; the pairhave since "disappeared"—many of the others

rta

'411CaillosThe victimsDuring 1980 the security forces of the Govern-ment of Guatenthla were reported to have beeninvolved in unexplained detentions am] murdersof people generally considered as leaders ofpublic opinion: members of the clergy,educators and students, lawyers, doctors, tradeunionists, journalists and community workers.But the vast majority of the victims of suchviolent action by the authorities' forces hadlittle or no social status; they came from theurban poor and the peasantry and their personalpolitical activities were either insignificant orwholly imagined by their captors.

The precarious balance for the poor inGuatemala between life and death at the handsof the security services is illustrated by thetestimonies in this report. The former soldierdescribes house-to-house searches in which thediscovery of certain "papers"—leaflets orcirculars—was sufficient reason to wipe out anentire family. The prisoner, who was brutallytortured and escaped only the day before hewas due to be executed at Huehuetenangoarmy base, believes that a neighbour denouncedhim as a "subversive" because of a dispute overthe village basketball court—a good enoughreason, as far as officers of the Guatemalanarmy were concerned, for him to be torturedand put to death.

At first glance most of the victims of politicalrepression in Guatemala appear to have beensingled k. lit indiscriminately from among thepoor; but the secret detentions, "disappear-ances" and killings are not entirely random;they follow denunciations by neighbours,employers or local security officials, and theevidence available to Amnesty Internationalreveals a pattern of selective and consideredofficial action. By far the majority of victimswere chosen after they had become associated--or were thought to be associated—with social,

( I

Father José Maria Gran Father Walter Voordeckers... murdered. ... murdered.

After March 1980 the teachers and admin-istrators of the national university, Universidadde San Carlos de Guatemala (USAC), weresingled out. By mid-September 12 members ofthe law faculty and 15 other teachers andadministrators had been killed, including fourmembers of the USAC executive committee.The Rector, Saul OSORIO, and some 50 staffmembers fled into exile.

At least 71 USAC students died or "dis-appeared" after detention in 1980; 53 teachershave been shot dead in different parts of thecountry.

Father Conrado de la Cruz ...

"disappeared".

The President's'special agency'The evidence compiled and published byAmnesty International in recent years indicatesthat routine assassinations, secret detentionsand summary executions are part of a clearlydefined program of government in Guatemala.

New information in the possession ofAmnesty International bears this out. It showsthat the task of coordinating civil and militarysecurity operations in the political sphere iscarried out by a specialized agency under thedirect supervision of President Lucas Garcia,

This presidential agency is situated in thePresidential Guard annex to the NationalPalace, near the offices of the President and hisprincipal ministers, and next to the Presidential

have been found dead. Three other Roman Catholic priests are reported to have been

Residence, the Casa Presidencial. Known untilrecently as the Centro Regional de Telecomu-nicaciones (Regional TelecommunicationsCentre), the agency is situated under tworooftop telecommunications masts on theblock-long building.

The telecommunications centre in the palaceannex is a key installation in Guatemala'ssecurity network. For years informed sourcesin the country referred to the organizationworking from there as the Policia Regional(Regional Police)—although the authoritiesrepeatedly denied the existence of such abody. In 1978 a former Mayor of GuatemalaCity, Manuel COLOM ARGUETA, denouncedthe Policia Regional as a "death squad". On23 March 1979 he was assassinated in the citycentre as a police helicopter hovered overhead.

The centre was previously called the Agenciade Inteligencia de la Presidencia (PresidentialIntelligence Agency); in a speech in 1966Colonel Enrique PERALTA AZURD1A, headof state from 1963 to 1966, described itsflo1.6m4d.ing in the National Palace complex in9

During 1980 sources in Guatemala Cityreported that the name had been changedagain, to the Servicios Especiales de Comunica-clones de la Presklencia (Presidential SpecialServices for Communications); an alternativetitle was said to be the Servicios de Apoyo dela Presidencia (Presidential Support Services).

It is this presidential agency, situated in thepalace complex and known by various names,which Amnesty International believes to becoordinating the Government of Guatemala'sextensive secret and extra-legal securityoperations.

In 1974 a document from the records of aUnited States assistance program described theCentro Regional de Telecomunicaciones asGuatemala's principal presidential-level securityagency, working with a "high level security/administrative network" linking "the principalofficials of the National Police, Treasury Police,Detective Corps, Ministry of Government[Gobernacion; alternatively translated as"Interior"] , the Presidential I-louse [Palace] ,and the Guatemalan Military CommunicationsCentre". (The document, which was declassi-fied, came from. the United States Agency forInternational Development, Termination Phase-

8 GUATEMALAGUATEMALA 9

Out Study, Public Safety Project: Guatemala,July 1974.)

The National Palace complex makes itpossible for the security services to centralizetheir communications and also to have accessto the central files of the army intelligencedivision, which are reported to be housed inthe Presidential Residence itself. The files arebelieved to include dossiers on people whowere political suspects even at the time of the

de Defensa de las Instituciones Democniticas).It is believed that outdated files are still used asa basis for political persecution.

In many cases on record with AmnestyInternational political activities during the1940s and 1950s appear to have been the solemotive for a detention followed by "dis-appearance" or by a "death squad" killing.For instance, the submachine-gun attack inSeptember 1980 on Professor Lucila RODAS

'A program of pacification'

ligence. Policy decisions and the selection ofwho is to "disappear" and be killed are said tobe made after consultations between the topofficials of the Ministries of Defence and theInterior, and the Army General Staff, whocommand the forces responsible for the abuses.

Much of the information included in thissection is general knowledge among informedGuatemalans of many political orientations. Itis widely accepted that the Presidential Guardannex of the National Palace houses the head-quarters for the secret operations of thesecurity services. Entry to the centre is guardedby heavily armed soldiers, with closed-circuit

television cameras mounted on the corners ofthe building. Unmarked cars without licenceplates, or with foreign plates, are usuallyparked outside the centre.

Details of the presidential coordinatingagency's operations are not known—forexample, Amnesty International has not beenable to confirm allegations by some Guate-malans that the agency holds prisoners insidethe Presidential Guard annex—but that theagency exists and that it serves as the centre ofthe Guatemalan Government's program of"disappearance" and political murder seem, onthe evidence, difficult to dispute.

The "death squads" of Guatemala are part of a "program of pacification" carried out by theGuatemalan security services, according to a former official of the Ministry of the Interior whoresigned on 3 September 1980.

Elias BARAHONA Y BARAHONA, who had been the ministry's press representative since1976, described his job there as that of carrying out a press policy to explain governmentalviolence in terms of fighting between "clandestine groups of the extreme right and left". He saidthat blank letter-head stationery of the alleged "death squads", Ejercito Secreto Anticomunistaand Escuadrón de la Muene, was stored in the office of the Minister of the Interior, who isresponsible for internal security.

According to Elias Barahona lists of people to be eliminated were prepared from the recordsof Military Intelligence and the National Police. They included the names of "trade unionleaders and cwnpesinos (peasants) provided by the Department of Trade Unions of the Ministryof Labour and by a sector of private enterprise".

Citing as his authority an officer of Military Intelligence, he said that the "definitive lists"were prepared "in a dependency of the army called 'military transmissions' (transmisionesmilitares), on the fourth floor of the National Palace, and were approved at meetings held thereattended by the Ministers of Defence and the Interior, and the Chief of the General Staff of theArmy".

The former press official said the Chief of the Presidential Staff and of Military Intelligenceand the head of the Military Intelligence Archive (Archivo de la Inteligencia Militar) wereresponsible for coordinating operations. Decisions were carried out by "the principal army andpolice headquarters of the republic", Ile said.

Elias Barahona fled to Panama after his defection and later declared his membership of theGuatemalan guerrilla organization Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (Guerrilla Army of thePoor).

overthrow of the government of ColonelJacobo ARBENZ in 1954—they include ColonelArbenz' active supporters in the left-wingpolitical parties of the time.

Files of political suspects were establishedby law in Guatemala first in the wake of the1954 coup and more recently under theauspices of Military Intelligence in 1963, whenthey were incorporated into a "NationalSecurity Archive" (Decree Law 9, 1963, Ley

DE VILLAGRAN, 60-year-old head of a girls'school, • was widely attributed to her activemembership in her youth of the Panido AcciónRevolucionaria (Revolutionary Action Party),which ceased to exist more than 25 years ago(see case study on page 13).

Reliable sources in Guatemala say that thepresidential intelligence agency is directed bythe joint head of the Presidential General Staff(Estado Mayor Presidencial) and Military Intel-

GUATEMALA 1 1

e ar an t e olicet e units accuse

as bodyguards. The PMA is named in manyreports of abuses on and around large plan-tations in rural areas, and of seizure and"disappearance" of trade union leaders atfactories where the PMA provide securityservices.

XOCOP CHAVEZ, page 12) and at a RomanCatholic conference centre in Escuintla on 24August 1980 (see case of Juan GUERRACASTRO, page 12). A 16-year-old girl, detainedin October 1979 on the steps of the GuatemalanSupreme Court by Detectives Corps memberswhile handing out leaflets protesting againstthe seizure and "disappearance" of tradeunionists, was temporarily blinded as a resultof being hooded, beaten and raped while inDetectives Corps custody.

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POLICIA MBULANT A

Bearing the skull and crossbones arm flash of hisunit, a young member of the Guardia de Hacienda,Treasury Police, stands guard as two peasants passbehind.

The Guardia de Hacienda (Treasury Police) isa principal rural component of the civil policestructure. Its development was described in apeasant trade union newspaper in a November1979 report in the following terms:

"Little by little it has changed to becomeone of the most repressive police bodiesin the countryside, especially in the high-lands (Tierra Fria) and in the borderareas. . . . Previously they were simplyagents who, on the pretext of investigatingthe brewing of cuxa [a homemade alcohol]and controlling contraband, used todemand bribes with menaces from thepeasants. . . . But they are now a force ofcontrol and repression . . . they enter thehouses to go through our documents andto take everything they can find."

Most of the responsibility for the thousands ofcases of human rights violations reported toAmnesty International during the presidencyof General Lucas Garcia has heen attributed toeither army or police units. This is how theyoperate:

The army —Regular uniformed units, includingparatroops and Kaibiles (Special Forces), arethose most frequently held responsible forarbitrary detentions, "disappearances" andkillings in rural areas where guerrilla groups areactive, notably El Quiche Province. House-to-house searches by uniformed soldiers areregularly reported throughout the country. Inaddition, plainclothes army squads are routinelyreported in Guatemala City. Recently a numberof their members have been overpowered andfound to be in possession of identificationcards showing them to belong to the army (seethe case of Victor VA LVERTH, page 15).

The most widely reported mass killing byregular army forces took place on 29 May 1978in the town square of Panz6s, Alta Verapaz.More than 100 Kekchi Indians, including fivechildren, were shot dead. Soldiers positionedon rooftops and inside buildings had openedfire as the Indians gathered in the square toprotest about land rights. Townspeople saythat mass graves had been dug two days beförcthe killings. The army issued a statementcharging the Indians with attacking one of theirgarrisons. Two trucks filled with bodies werephotographed as they were driven off to thegraves.

The Policia Militar Ambulante (PMA)—mobile military police—is an army unit whichserves in both urban and rural areas as a mobileforce with powers to arrest civilians. Largelandholders in the countryside and privateenterprises in the cities can hire individualmembers of the PMA from the army asplantation or building guards—and in practice

Headed by an army colonel, t he NationalPolice is the major civil police body inGuatemala, and is particularly active in thecapital, Guatemala City. The National Policeworks closely with regular army forces inprovincial areas and in the cities it worksclosely with the PMA.

In 1980 the National Police was responsiblefor the killing of prisoners officially recognizedto be in police custody—the killings took placeduring transfers from one prison to another,and while prisoners were receiving treatmentfor gunshot wounds in public hospitals (seepage 13). Another group of "disappearances"and killings attributed to the National Policeinvolves people convicted of non-politicalcriminal offences, particularly recidivists, whohave been found dead after being detained inGuatemala City, and of people killed im-mediately after their release from prison.Prisoners on El Pavón Prison Farm (GranjaPenal), near Guatemala City, went on strikein 1979 to protest against the systematicmurder of convicts who had been releasedafter their sentences expired. Many of the 37bodies of victims killed by garrotte who werefound in a ravine in San Juan Comalapa wereidentified as those of former prison inmates.

Two special units of the National Police, theComando Seis (6th Commando) and the Pelotón

Modelo (Model Platoon), have been particularlyactive during political demonstrations andhave been identified as having detained demon-strators who subsequently "disappeared" (seecase of Liliana NEGREROS, page 14).

The Cuerpo de Detectives de la PoliciaNacional (National Police Detectives Corps) isa semi-autonomous branch of the NationalPolice known popularly as the Policia Judicial(Judicial Police) or the Policia Secretu (SecretPolice). Detectives in this force are mostfrequently identified as the perpetrators ofpolitical arrests in and around the capital. TheDetectives Corps was reported to have directedtwo mass arrests of leaders of the centralNacional de Trabajadores (CNT) labourfederation on 21 June at its headquartersin Guatemala City (see case of Florencia

A vehicle used by the PoliciaMilitarAmbulante(PMA),mobile military police.

The size of the PMA is a state secret inGuatemala. It is difficult to compute withaccuracy: personnel are recalled from armyreserves as the demand for privately con-tracted PMA guards rises. In 1974 there werean estimated 1,140 PMA members on activeduty.

The comisionados militares are civilian agentsof the army, serving under military discipline.Most are former non-commissioned officers.They are responsible for recruitment—forcibleconscription is the norm in Guatemala—andfor routine intelligence reports to regionalarmy headquarters; comisionados are stationedin every hamlet in Guatemala and one of theirmain roles is to serve as the eyes and ears ofthe army. They have law enforcement functionsand in some areas are heavily armed and areregularly reported to be involved in arbitrarydetentions and killings.

The Policia Nacional (National Police)—

GUATEMALA 13

Peasants andIndians killedGregorio YUJA XONA

ase istories

Raids on trade unionheadquartersFlorencia XOCOP CHAVEZ and 26 others

Florencia XOCOP CHAVEZ is a leader of thetrade union at the ACRICASA (IndustriasAcrilicas de Centro America S.A.) textile plantin Guatemala City, affiliated to the trade union

Gregorio YUJA XONA, a peasant farmer fromEl Quiche Province took part in the occupationof the Spanish Embassy in Guatemala Cityin January 1980 in protest against abusescommitted by the army in El Quiche. He andthe Spanish Ambassador were the sole survivorsof the police assault and fire at the embassy on31 January. He was first held under heavypolice guard at a private hospital, then removedwithout explanation by the police; he was laterfound tortured and murdered.

The union leaders were initially reported tohave been taken directly to Guatemala Cityand held secretly in the motor workshop of theNational Police Detectives Corps. But theauthorities have denied that the detentionswere ever made; they have refused to say wherethe 17 unionists are being held or to acceptresponsibility for their fate. Amnesty Inter-national has adopted the 17 trade unionistsas prisoners of conscience.

Many of the 44 CNT members involved inthe raids of 21 June and 24 August had beenseized in other National Police raids on thetrade union headquarters in Guatemala Cityearlier in the year.

unmarked Toyota jeeps but the authoritieslater denied that there had been anydetentions. The 27 CNT leaders seized havenot been seen since; Amnesty Internationalhas adopted them as prisoners of conscience.

Florencia Xocop was missing for a week inApril 1979 after being detained by police forhanding out CNT leaflets at Guatemala City'sInternational Airport; she was the subject ofappeals by Amnesty International beforeshe was released.

•

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1111 1-1 Cilt4tP[1:1A,S3?NC-

"; Q."

Juan GUERRA CASTRO and 16 others

Juan GUERRA CASTRO, a leader of thetrade union Industria de Cal e, and 16 othertrade unionists associated with the CNT weredetained on 24 August 1980 by combinedpolice and army forces at the Roman Catholicretreat and conference centre Centro Emits,in Palin, Escuintla. Several hours after the

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Headquarters of the Central Nacional de Trabajadores(CNT) scene of major police raids in 1980.

Florencia Xocop Chavez ... "disappeared".

Six people in similar circumstances werereported to have been killed in Guatemalanhospitals in September 1980 alone. One was a60-year-old teacher, Professor Luella RODASDE VILLAGRAN, killed by submachine-gunfire in the observation ward of the Quezal-tenango hospital; she was being treated for abullet wound and was under police supervision.

On 22 February 1980 seven trade unionistswere seized at CNT headquarters.

On 29 April about 25 plainclothes policeofficers wearing bullet-proof vests stormedinto the building, ransacked the offices,destroyed equipment and confiscated archives;they seized 18 people.

On 25 July five trade unionists were takenfrom the building and held in unacknowledgeddetention; their release some days later followeddomestic and international protests.

All the trade unionists were badly beatenbefore their release. In each case the govern-ment denied any responsibility for the raids orfor what had happened to the victims.

Juana TUM DE MENCHU

In October 1979 a 55-year-old lxil Indian,Juana TUM DE MENCHU, travelled with adelegation of villagers from the Uspantanregion to appeal for the release of nine villagersdetained by soldiers during the previous month.

federation Central Nacional de Trabajadores(CNT). She was detained with 26 other CNTleaders on the afternoon of Sunday 21 June1980 during a meeting at the CNT head-quarters, one block from the National Palaceand the Presidential Guard barracks. The streetwas closed to traffic by uniformed NationalPolice officers while an estimated 60 plain-clothesmen entered the CNT headquarters.The 27 trade unionists were taken away in

The Roman Catholic retreat and conference centreCentro &nags, where 17 trade unionists were seizedby the security forces in August 1980 before"disappearing".

trade unionists had been seized, security forcesreturned to the centre and detained the adminis-trator of the farm, José Luis PERA, who hadwitnessed the detentions. He was subsequentlyfound shot dead, his body bearing marks oftorture.

1 4 GUATEMALA 15 GUATEMALA

She told an interviewer (see /11 Index: AMR34/08/80, 8 February 1980) that one of thenine had been her son Patrocinio who had beentaken front her home in the hamlet of Chimel.After over three months secret detention,seven of the nine "disappeared" were rmindmurdered at a roadside in El Quiche inDecember 1979,

Her husband, Vicente MENCHU, accom-panied a second Indian delegation from ElQuiche to Guatemala City in January 1980.He was one of the 39 who died at the SpanishEmbassy on 31 January 1980.

Juana Tum de Menchu was detained by anarmy patrol as she walked home front theparish convent of San Miguel Uspantan on 19April 1980. She has "disappeared" and theMenchu family has ceased to exist in thehamlet of Chime].

Villagers in El Quiche continue to bearthe brunt of army operations in the region.On 15 October 1980 soldiers killed sevenmembers of the PU ZEPETA REYNOSOextended family, including children, inChajbal. The sole survivor, Abelino PUZEPETA, reached Guatemala City and wasadmitted to the Roosevelt Hospital. Plain-clothes security officers traced him there andtook him out of the hospital; he was foundmurdered on 20 October.

the following day about 20 km front thecapital. The police denied that Professor FloresGarcia had ever been detained at the immigra-tion office, and no satisfactory explanation forhis murder was provided by the authorities.

clerics and mass graves of Guatemala showsigns of strangulation.

No recognition or explanation of thedetention and murder of Liliana Negreros hasever been made by the Government ofGuatemala.

Edgar René CELADA QUEZADA

A history student at the Universidad de SanCarlos, Edgar René CELADA QUEZADA wasarrested at a National Police roadblock duringroutine traffic checks on 24 J une 1980 inColonia Atkintida, Guatemala City. Whenfellow students applied for a writ of habeascorpus on his case police denied he had beendetained. Nothing has been heard of him since.

Victor Manuel Valverth Morales ... seized at gunpoint.

Liliana NEGREROS and 37 others

On 3 February Guatemala City newspapersreported the detention of Liliana NEGREROSduring the funeral procession of the 21 Indianpeasants who died in the Spanish Embassy on31 January 1980. She was said to have beenheld by forces of the Comando Seis (6thCommando) unit of the National Police. Thepress later reported that her body had beenfound on 19 March with up to 37 others in adeep ravine near San Juan Comalapa, about13 km from Guatemala City.

Most of the bodies had short loops of ropearound their necks; the loops had been twistedwith pieces of wood. Death was attributed tostrangulation by garrotte. The sante techniquewas witnessed by the escaped prisoner whosetestimony is included in this report. He sawarmy personnel strangle three prisoners bygarrotte at Huehuetenango army base. Manyof the bodies found in the clandestine cem-

A letter received by Amnesty Internationalfront San Juan Comalapa in November1980 reported the continued use of thesecret grave where Liliana Negreros wasfound. The letter says that between Marchand October 1980 army units near thevillage seized and murdered the principalleaders of the local earthquake reconstruc-tion committee Viviencla Popular. Thewriter said he had visited the site himself.He writes:

"More than 30 bodies were pulled outof the 120-foot gorge . . . but farmers wholive near the site told me there were morebodies, many more, but that the authoritiesdidn't want to admit as much or go to thetrouble of dragging them out.... They saidvehicles have been arriving at the edge of thegorge late at night, turning out their lights,engaging in some mysterious activities.

"We went down to the bottom of theravine the next day. . . . About halfwaydown the ravine the stench became un-bearable. Barely visible in the dim lightreaching the hole were piles . . . of bodies.Most were in extremely advanced statesof decomposition from what could bemade out, but still with remnants oftattered clothing."

University victims

Horacio FLORES GARCIA

A Professor of Architecture at the Uni»ersidadde San Carlos (USAC), San Carlos University,Horacio FLORES GARCIA was detained at theImmigration Office of the Ministry of theInterior on 11 April 1980 while renewing hispassport. He and other teachers and students ofthe USAC had received death threats the sameweek and he had intended to go into voluntaryexile immediately.

The professor and an engineering student,Victor Hugo VALDEZ, were found murdered

Guardia de Hacienda (Treasury Police) for"Servicio Especial" (Special Service), in thename of Baldomero MENDOZA.

The government denied that either of thetwo men who attacked Victor Valverth weremembers of the security services, but thedead man's widow later confirmed hisidentity to the press. Baldomero Mendozatold the press that he had been "visiting"the university and had not participated inthe attack on Victor Valverth; he did notdeny the authenticity of his identity card.

The wounded engineering student wastreated in the university medical centre forsevere bullet wounds; the Costa RicaAmbassador later escorted him to CostaRica, where he was granted political asylum.

Victor Manuel VALVERTH MORALES

An engineering student and student representa-tive on the Executive Committee of theUniversidad de San Carlos, Victor ManuelVALVERTH MORALES was seized at gun-point on 10 June 1980 by two men in

plain clothes inside the university School ofEngineering in Guatemala City. His assailantsdid not identify themselves as law enforce-ment officers or produce a warrant for hisarrest; when he tried to escape they shot himseveral times. Other students then came tohis assistance and overpowered the attackers.

One of the attackers, Adan de JesiisMELGAR SOLARES, was murdered bystudents when a force of uniformed armytroops attacked his student captors inside theuniversity precincts. Students took the deadman's identification card which showed him tobe a Military Intelligence agent from the"General Aguilar Santa Maria" army base inJutiapa Province.

The second man, who was not harmed,carried an identification card issued by the

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from behind—handcuffed, and with theirheads held down in the trough. When theycame out, their eyes were open; they'd alreadyturned purple. It took at most three minutesin the water. I also saw that one of these three,a boy, when they threw him down on the floorwith his clothes wet, was still moving and oneof the officers ordered them to put the tourni-quet on him again until he stopped moving.

They just showed me the other six bodiesand said the same thing would happen to me ifI tried to lie to them.

him up between the two of them and droppedhim. I saw his teeth drop out and gushes ofblood—that's how they break your ribs—fromthe way you fall—and that's when they giveyou the worst kicks. That's what they did tome—that is, they didn't lift me up but theykicked me in the ribs, the mouth, the stomachuntil I passed out.

How did they torture you?They pulled me up by my testicles; and theyhooded me with quicklime—that means theyput a bit of quicklime inside the inner tube ofa truck tyre, then they put it over your noseand then they roll it onto you and you feellike death itself until you pass out, or, well,you tell some lies or the truth if you don'tknow. [sic]

You saw bodies? How many?I saw nine, including the three who were killedin front of me.

Who captured you?

Well, at first I didn't know they were soldiersbecause they were dressed like civilians, well-armed, in a van. And on the way, when theywere taking me away, they kept saying that Iwas a traitor, that I had been betraying myfriends, saying they were guerrillas. On the wayto Huehuetenango—well, actually at first Ididn't know where they were taking me—butfrom the route, since I'm from around there,we went up little roads that I could recognizeeven with my eyes closed. We went up thehill at Tabacal, the one that cars can only getup if they're loaded and the van I was inslipped a bit because it didn't have enoughgrip, and I could tell we had reached the mainroad (la transversal) at a place we call CuatroCaminos and we got onto tarmac. We got toHuehuetenango about 9.30.

On what day were you captured?They captured me on Friday 15 February.

How did they capture you?Well, they tricked me. They came to my houseasking for someone else who doesn't evenexist, and since I didn't know anything, I wentout of the house, and then they said, comealong with us, the minute I stepped outside—just like that they got me in the van and offit went; the engine was already running.

Where were you taken?At first I had no idea they were taking me tothe Huehuetenango military base, but the nextmorning they locked me in a very small roomand I heard the sound of bugles, and I heardmarching and military commands, and runningand shouting and that's when I got the ideathat I was at the military base.

Could you tell us what the place where youwere kept was like?

There was a big room; there was a toilet and

another very small room. It had two troughsof water, two doors, one opening out on tothe interior of the base and the other openingtowards the old highway. The place they keptme in is the slaughterhouse which will be usedfor butchering cattle, but they haven't openedit yet, as that base is still being built.

How many people were held prisoner there?When I got there the next day I realized therewere nine.

I4'as anyone you knew there? What was hisname? Did they kill him?

Yes, there was one person from my town whohad disappeared from there a year ago and wethought he had gone to Mexico to work. Theykilled him. I don't know when they killed him,but they showed me his body, with six others.

What kind of treatment did they give you,as regards food and sleep?

They didn't have a fixed time for giving usfood. They brought us a big piece of breadand a glass of water and then when they re-membered in the afternoon they brought us abit of rice and another glass of water. As forsleeping, we slept really badly because wewere handcuffed to the legs of some concretetables.

Do you know what they did with the bodies?No. Not directly; no, but I could guess, becausethey opened the door and put two men oneach side in a van with its back door open, withsome canvas over the back door of the van,until they got the bodies inside; then theyclosed the door again. But I think they tookthem up in a helicopter, in order to drop themout a long way away because about fifteenminutes later a helicopter flew over theslaughterhouse, very low. I don't know whereit was going but I suppose it was taking thebodies.

Could you talk to anyone who had been aprisoner there longer, about the number ofdead?I couldn't talk to anyone.

What torture did you see them inflict on theothers?

Several. Electric shocks between the watertroughs. They put a hood on one of them withquicklime in it. They pulled one up by histesticles; I also saw them pull a boy of about17 by his testicles and an officer slashed hisjaw in two with his knife; and he cut hiswrists to the bone; but I suppose although theboy screamed at first he stopped later becausehe'd fainted. I also saw another boy they hadhandcuffed with his hands behind his back;they also locked his feet together then lifted

As far as you know, did they let anyone go?No. In a conversation I heard them having—the ones who were guarding us—people wholand up there never leave; but even so, well,we had some hope of being freed since,well, they told us that we would be handedover to the courts, civil or military, dependingon whether you were a soldier or deserter, orsomething like that.

What did they accuse you of?They accused me of being a guerrilla and saidthat I should tell them where the camps were,who were the leaders, who were my friends andwhat ideology they taught us. Well, that's whatthey accused me of, and that I should tell themthese things but as far as I can tell they hadonly one reason for capturing me. The onlyproblem I had had in my town was having gotinvolved in a sports committee, because you seethere were two other authorized committees,and so we were always at loggerheads withthem, and there's no doubt, at least so it seemsto us, that they must have sent some kind ofanonymous letter to the [military] base,accusing me of being a guerrilla, to get me outof their hair.

And really, what I had opposed was thesetwo committees using the basketball court fordances! I would never have been against that ifit had been for the benefit of our sport, butthey just kept the profits. Some of those peopleon the committee ended up with fine housesand that's why the rest of us began to noticewhat was going on and tried to stop it; andthat's how the problems began.

Did they kill anyone in your presence? If so,how?

Yes, before my very eyes they killed threepeople; they strangled them. The way theykilled them was with a piece of rope, a kindof noose, which they put round the neck andthen used a stick to tighten it like a tourniquet

You had some hope of being released?No. After seeing those corpses I imaginedthat they would not want any witnesses atlarge. I had already made up my mind thatthey were going to kill me.

GUATEMALA 1 91 8 GUATEMALA

How did you manage to escape? Why did you

escape?

I escaped for the simple reason that I saw howthey killed the other prisoners there and Ithought that that sort of death was just toohorrible. So I decided it was better to diefrom a bullet or possibly win my freedom;only God helped me.

The way I escaped was first by pretendingI was sick. I told the guard on watch that Ihad to go to the toilet but he abused me,and asked why, seeing next day I wasn't goingto need anything anymore. Because already,earlier on the officers had told me my turnwas coming next day. That was when I becamecompletely desperate, praying, asking God tohelp me, until I got the idea of breaking out. Ipretended I was sick, that I had diarrhoea, andI told the guard I had to go to the toilet. Finallyhe gave in a bit and unlocked the handcuffchaining me to the post to fix it on my otherhand while I went to the toilet. That was myopportunity. I hit him, not really hard, buthard enough to leave him stunned for a minute;then I grabbed his submachine-gun and hithim with it several times on the nape of theneck. The guard didn't shout; I just saw someblood coming out of his nose and mouth andthought he might be dead. I opened the door—itopened from inside—and took the submachine-gun with me. I left by the route I knew and Ididn't see anybody. There were two guards; Isaw them, but they were quite far away soI went out very slowly. I didn't run because Ididn't want to look suspicious. When the lightson the base weren't on me any more, I ranuntil I reached the old highway. I left thesubmachine-gun there because it slowed medown; anyway, since I didn't know how to useit, it could well have done me more harm thangood—it got in the way and it was too heavy. Iran down the highway some 200 metres, thenwent off onto the plain on the left, maybesome 45 minutes, or about an hour away fromthe base. What I was looking for was Huehue-tenango. I saw some lights, but I got completelyconfused, and I almost ended up at the verybase I had escaped from. When I saw someeight or nine guards, nine soldiers, comingdown the highway at a trot, I thought theywere already searching for me. 1 got over tothe side of the highway. 1 let them pass. I

rested for about half an hour and continuedon my way in the same direction, searching forHuehuetenango. But after about two hours Icould see cars criss-crossing the area I hadescaped from, in front of the base on the largeplain where the ruins of Zaculeo are. Two carswere passing each other—I even heard theconversation between the drivers of the cars—some jeeps and a red car. I waited for them toleave, then headed off into the undergrowth,and carried on until I reached Huehuetenango,about 6.30 in the morning in daylight. I escapedfrom the base at about 12.30 at night, ormaybe 12.40.

Did they pursue you? If so, who? Did you hear

what steps they took to recapture you?

Yes, there was a tremendous uproar throughoutthe province. All the villages near the base weresearched the next day; the soldiers camethrough as if they were looking for illegalliquor stills. There were several truckloads ofsoldiers at the guardposts outside the towns,and the passengers from buses and trucks hadto get out and show their wrists, as they knewmy hands had marks from the handcuffs andwere infected.

out. It has a toilet and a little separate roomwhich I suppose is where the workers will getchanged—the people who are going to work inthe slaughterhouse, because in practice theslaughterhouse still hasn't been opened, but isused for murdering people.

From the slaughterhouse to the old highwaythat used to be the route from La Mesilla toHuehuetenango, the distance is between 250and 300 metres—I can't be more precise—beforereaching the slaughterhouse. About halfwaybetween the slaughterhouse and the old high-way there's a ravine, where there used to be acreek. This base has an entrance, approachingfrom La Mesilla, one entrance, and anotherentrance approaching from Huehuetenango onon the side of the old highway. It also has anentrance on the tarmac road.

that the Colonel himself at the base, the actualcommander there, when they were torturing aman in front of him and the man asked themjust to shoot him and stop torturing him—thatthe Colonel told him he was worthless dead,that they wanted him alive, and only when hehad told them everything would they give himthe satisfaction of killing him.

I should also add why I know they wereholding me in the cattle slaughterhouse. Therewas a post for tying cattle to and some tubesOn both sides, like this, horizontal, at abouttwo meters from the floor which I supposethey hang the pieces of cows from.

Also, when they opened the doors whensome officer came in, I could see there was aloading dock; that is, a separate area enclosedin chain link fencing. And the pipes they hadus handcuffed to hold up a concrete tableabout one and one half metres wide by twometres long where they skin the pigs. TheDoor of the slaughterhouse is polished cementand has several drains—I suppose for washing it

Was anyone you knew a prisoner? If so, what

was his name? Did they kill him?

Yes, a man from my town was held prisonerthere. His name was Adelaido Camposeco.

How long were you in that place?

Eleven days.

Who tortured you? Soldiers?

Well the officers themselves did the torturing,and so did the people there they used as killers—some men with long hair. They didn't look likeespecially bad people.

What proof can you give us that you were at an

army installation?

Since I'm from Huehuetenango I know the area,and when I was escaping I saw the lights on theguard towers. And as I said before, there werebugles and the shouting of the officers whowere training the recruits.

I should also add that when the men weretorturing someone, so that the soldiers shouldknow absolutely nothing about what wasgoing on inside, they would put tape-recorderson at full blast and make it sound as thoughthey were singing. That's why when someonescreams, when they are torturing him, thesescreams are simply not heard outside. They justhear the music they're playing. I also noticed

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discipline us so much, although the men in theunit did get disciplined.

Then they gave us a little black "gaud" thathad only just arrived.

Is that a weapon?Yes, "galil".

How long did you serve in the army?

Well, when I joined, well they didn't tell usanything but, when they seized us, they justseized us without letting us, well, talk to ourfamilies—what did it matter to them? that'swhat they told us then, but when they got usthere they said that it was three years, becausethat's the service that you have to do.

So you have been in the army three years?

Only two years; I was in the army two years.

It is the military commissioners (comisionados

militares), isn't it, men in plainclothes butarmed, who hunt down the men for the army?

Yes, well, here the commissioners are like that,civilians, they don't carry weapons, just theirmachetes, but actually clubs too—big ones.

Does this military commissioner do his workalone, or helped by other soldiers or civilians?

Yes, well before they used to seize people, wellmore peacefully. They didn't beat them, not alot that is, but now they do.

group, what they do is beat them up, so nowthis means the commissioners are afraid.

It's very sophisticated isn't it?

Yes, it's very new. They said Israel sent themto Guatemala, because it owed Guatemalasomething and other arms arrived. This one canlire a maximum of 350 shots a minute.

So they gave us this weapon and we werehappier because we were bettcr equipped.When these weapons arrived they gave us oneeach, then stopped giving us the M-1 rifles.They collected these and stored them. Whenthey gave us this weapon, they took me out ofthe unit but the others stayed on.

Then they sent the three of us to the officeof the 5-2, where we met officers. They stoppedcropping our hair, instead they let us lookreally good. They told us: "Now you have beenselected; you were chosen; you aren't justsimple soldiers any more, like those in the unit.If you've got guts you might even becomeofficers", they told us.

They told you that you were better than theothers?Yes, better than the others.

Why now?Because now, now they aren't the only oneswho seize the young men for the barracks;the military police do too. They go aroundwith a truck, and anyone they find . . . theydon't tell them even where they are beingtaken, if you are carrying some of your things,something like a pack or something, they don'tcare, if there is room in the truck then theytake it in. If they don't like you, they throw itin the street.. ..

that the students could be guerrillas and thatthey were the people who cause the disorderon the streets, and that according to the law inthe army's constitution, you've got to kill allof these people.

That's what they told us, then we went outin twos and threes to drive around the capitaland control things.

Did you have permission to kill anyone?Only suspicious characters. And they gave usorders of the day. And we also had classes—wewere students just like the suspects! And wecould kill them.

And they gave us special identity cards sothat if there were any police around, even ifthere were more of them than us and we didcertain things we could just show them these,so they wouldn't seize us and we could getaway. That's what they told us. They gave uscards, so that if we made some great mistake—we could kill someone, just like that, and thenescape, and the police wouldn't have the powerto seize us; we could just show them the cards.

And the police don't do anything?

They don't do anything, nothing. So I realizedthat the army is a school for murderers, it's assimple as that. They said to me, if you discoveryour father is in subversive movements—I didn'tunderstand the word—"subversive", they said,is whatever is against the government and iswhat causes disorder in Guatemala—if yourfather is involved in groups like that, kill him,because if you don't he'll try and kill us. ...

Then, they had already brainwashed you?

Yes, that's what I'm saying, they had alreadybrainwashed me; they had already filled myhead with their own ideology, so I felt superiorto my fellow soldiers. . .. What I thought thenwas that I was superior to everyone because Ihad managed to reach this position. They gaveus separate training and each of us was given a.45 and left full of enthusiasm.

The boys attack the military connnissioners?

Yes, this is happening, because as they alreadyknow—just as we do who have already left—wetell them that the army isn't any good because,because, well, because I've finally discoveredthe army is nothing, nothing but a school ofmurderers, so that's what you are dragged into,nothing better than that.. . . [a long section concerning recruitmentprocedures and basic training methods has beeneliminated from this transcript for reasons ofsp ace.. . . . then after we'd gone through all this, we, assoldiers, then we became regular soldiers andwe did our service, then they gave us arms,because we could use them, and we went to thefiring range to shoot, and so on. By then theywere sure that we wouldn't run away.. .. Theysent us to watch banks, plantations, differentzones in the capital, at night. Even if it wasraining, we went out in the back of a pick-uptruck with our machine-guns, we went out tokeep an eye on everything, at midnight.

Weren't you afraid that one day an officermight have ordered you to kill someone?

I wasn't afraid. At that time I was full of theideas they filled me with. I wasn't afraid theymight tell me to kill someone. I used to do itbecause my mentality by then had changedcompletely—that's what had happened to me.

So, now it isn't just the military commissionersbut also the military itself?

Yes. What happens now is that the militarycommissioners are afraid because really thepeasants now know what's going on and whatthey do now is get together in crowds and ifthe commissioner dares to seize one of their

You could kill people without any problems?Yes, without problems. Once they saw that Iwas really keen and understood the things theyhad taught me, they took me out of my unitwith two others. Afterwards, we didn't stay inthe same unit but were instructed separately.They didn't discipline us much then; we hadalready suffered enough, so they didn't

.45, what's that?

It's a weapon only officers use, with eight shots.They gave us one and we went out in civilianclothes. They told us: "You are going to getorders. You are going out now." They sent usout on the street in an army car.

That's how we used to go out, as civilians,but to keep an eye on things, especially tocontrol the students, because there [in 5-21 wewent to different classes where they told us

Could you kill your father or your motheror your sister?

Anyone who turned up, if we were orderedto. I could have done it then, that's how Iused to feel, I'd do anything the army toldme to. I remember how, when I was in itand we set off to bring in two students—I saythey were students—I didn't think of fighting,or anything; there was nothing in my mind.So we went to get these students, and wewent to get another man who was also astudent, at about two in the morning.

And there were others as well as us; therewere others who got the job of seeing whattime they left school, what time they gotback, where they ate, how they dressed and soon. That's what other people did.

22 GUATEMALA GUATEMALA 23

But aren't there officers who tell you toinvestigate what these people do? Do you getthe names from officers?

Yes, the officers give us this information—thenames and the places.

And you have to check them out?

Yes, that was my job. We went out to findthings out; we even talked to a lot of people.

a car and took them away—took them whoknows where.

Where did you have to beat this boy?

No, it wasn't me . . .

You just watched?

Yes, I watched. They were from G-2; they werethe people who beat him, plainclothes armyagents.

They went off to kill them and then leave themsomewhere?

Must have. That's how it's done. Because atthat time of the night ... if they were going toset them free they would have done it in thedaytime. Why drag them out at that houror night? So they would have killed themon the road and left them just thrown downanywhere.

morning. They had him all tied up then; hismouth was gagged, and he had a bullet woundhere—he couldn't talk. Then they did what-ever they wanted to with him, and later, whenwe arrived, we just picked him up as if he wasan animal, then threw him into the car and thatwas that. We took him there, sat him down,untied his feet, sat him up again, and next dayan officer arrived. He brought a tape-recorderand began to ask: "What is your profession?""What work do you do?" "Where do youwork?" "Where do you study?" and so on,questioning him.

Were you there all the time?

Yes, because it was my job to be. I was thereand so I knew what they did.

Had they tortured this boy?

Well, yes.

Do they always take the people they captureout at night-time?

Yes, they go out ...

Are they from the secret service of the army?

Yes, they were. I stood back when they werebeating him, because I didn't want to be drawninto it-1 didn't want to join in beating him up.I kept out of the way when I saw they werebeating him. Three more men arrived, alltrussed up. They tape-recorded everythingthese men said and as there were a lot of nameson that list—there were countless names on the"black list", that's what we call it. The peopleon the list are—that's the order they gave us—wherever we find them we just ask their namesand if it's them, we kill them.

Did they kill that boy too?

Yes, what they said to him was, if you don'ttalk, we'll kill you.

Always at night?

Yes.

To learn more?

Actually, to watch them; see who they were,and where they were. That was the job we hadto do in the streets. We would stay there, andthere were always officers travelling around inprivate cars too, with radios. There might beone in the central park in zone 1, anothercould be in zone 6, or in zone 7, who were incontact—they could talk directly to each other.

And they wore the uniforms of judicial police?G-2?—all these people?

Well, they were in plainclothes; in civilianclothes or in actual army uniform. When theyset out to attack that man I was telling youabout, he said he was just out having a lemonade.I asked the boy about it; he was very young;they brought him in all tied up, they had himwell and truly tied up and blindfolded. Onlyhis mouth was uncovered so he could talk.His arms were tied. We were going to movehim, they had him....

Beaten him?

Yes, sure.

Was electrical apparatus also used?

Yes, it was.

But was he killed?

No, I didn't kill him.

Never in daylight?

No, only at night, at the quietest time of night.

In official or private cars?

Private . . . what they use mostly are those cars—vans—like station-wagons, with darkenedwindows—cars you'd never imagine had killersin them—though they can be in any car.

But where do they capture and kill the people?In the countryside? In the towns?

In the towns. Like the students that "dis-appear". It's definitely them that do it andthey come and take them away at night, theyseize them at night and kill them just like that;then they turn up just dumped anywhere.

You saw it?

Yes, I have seen it—some things the ModelPlatoon [Pelotem Modelo] carry about withthem which they call "canes" rbastones"] ,with electric batteries—no, they're called"batons" ["batones"]. If they touch you withthese things, you fall down, you're electrocuted,they, that's what they have.

I mean, I knew this man didn't want to saywhether he belonged to a secret organization,or was "subversive" as they put it, and theybegan to beat him savagely.

You had to transfer him—did you have tocapture this boy?

We had our job to do, but there were otherpeople who had to actually do that job. Wejust set out to move him from where theyhad him.

And where did you have to go to see thesepeople?

We took him to the Brigada Mariscal Zavala tohand him over.

How did you feel then?

When I was there, I felt sorry when I watchedthem hitting him.

An army base I un cuartel/?Yes, the base. But not actually the barracks;but in Guatemala City in the base there arecells; let's see, there's one cell they call "thepowder magazine" ("el polvorin"1, there'sanother cell they call "the olive" ("laaceitunal, that is where we put him in alocked room. We arrived about two in the

Did you think that boy was a guerrilla?

Yes, yes I did. But I felt sorry for him whenthey beat him, and he didn't want to say hewas one. He said he was accused of being aguerrilla—but no, what he said was: "Theyhave accused me of being a guerrilla, but whyshould they?—if I was a guerrilla I wouldn'tbe here". "Talk", they said, and began to beathim.

No, but did the others kill this boy?

Oh yes, definitely; he confessed: "I confesseverything, everything"—that he wasn't aguerrilla or anything, but, in any case, theybegan to beat him, that is to torture him, andthey even tried to knock out one of his teethlike this, with a hammer. They hit him witha hammer like this. He screamed. They evensmashed his finger. They put it on a piece ofiron and hit it with the hammer to make himtalk; but he didn't say anything; and so thenext day, at about 12 o'clock at night—thoughI'm not sure of this—if it was the judicial police,or the G-2 who turned up—there is such abunch of them, so you couldn't figure outwho was who—who am I for example? If I'mfrom G-2, you wouldn't tell me anything andI wouldn't tell you anything because this is asecurity precaution to stop enemies gettingcontrol of us. They tell us not to identifyourselves but we have the same idea, the samework. Then at midnight they took those menwho were there; they just went and grabbedthem by the hair and feet and threw them into

But what have you done in the little towns andin the countryside? Have you gone out intrucks? And did you have to do house-to-housesearches, or what?

Yes, when we were there, it was pretty muchlike that. We'd go off in a truck; we'd get tothe place we had to search, yes, search and soforth; I mean if there were any people therewho were, well, suspicious characters. Whatwe kept an eye on was mostly the organiza-tions where a lot of people get together—andthere are guerrillas there too. So that's whatwe would go off to deal with. They'd take usin a truck. In the villages which cars can't getto, we'd walk and then search the houses justlike that. Simple.

24 GUATEMALA

e issin eo le

small traders, a judge, two magistrates, taxidrivers, a tailor, a plumber, post officeworkers, an undertaker, an ice cream vendor,a footballer, a singer .. .

The names of "disappeared" people mentionedin the case histories are taken from a listcompiled by Amnesty International of 615people who have "disappeared" since mid-1978-364 of them between January andNovember 1980. most or the names on thelist are those of peasants, trade unionists andstudents, but among the victims are people orwidely differing backgrounds—a schoolgirl,

None of these people have been accountedfor by the Government of Guatemala andAmnesty International holds that governmentresponsible for their fate.

because they told us: "You yourselves aregoing out to kill and because you've got yourcards, you can kill the people on your list.If a policeman turns up, show him your gunlike this and your card in this hand, then theywon't seize you"—that's what they said.

So what I mean is, you kill, then you return;you get dressed. You've maybe committedthese crimes in army uniform; if so, they tellyou to get out of those clothes fast and put oncivilian clothes or police clothes then go outand look for whoever killed the person.

But how are we supposed to find them if itwas us that did it in the first place? How canwe go out and find them? They have thisfantastic idea [idea magical and—this is what'sgoing on right now today in Guatemala.

They say "unknown persons" killed thestudent and that today they are being soughtby the police; but how can they find themif the people who did it are the people goingout to do the searching? This is what thearmy is up to.

I .r4 11.• •

41•4. •

•

• ••

:." iPil i4. 4 - -Irma Flaquer, journalist,"disappeared" on 16 October1980 in Guatemala City.

Jesus Concua, bricklayer,"disappeared" on 8 February1980.

The soldiers can kill people when they haveorders to, but can they kill people withoutorders, just because someone is a suspiciouscharacter?

Yes, certainly, any of us can be ordered tokill any man like that, who is a suspiciouscharacter. Yes, we have got the right to killhim, and even more so if we have been givenstrict orders to. Yes, we have the right tocommit these offences.

You searched from house to house?

In . . . where they killed . . . where we went,about 20 of us went through all the houses tosee if we couldn't find any papers, the onesthey'd told us about.

When we found a paper in a house, we tookthe family out, and if there was just one personwe killed him. And that's what happened. Wearrived in a car, left it far away then walked on.And they told us not to be afraid and if wefound the papers to kill those people, andthat's the way it was—but we didn't find anypapers, so we didn't do anything. . . .

You could have killed anyone?

Anyone who was a suspicious character.

And has your unit killed too?

Well, yes—the others did.Yes, the people you find when you search

like that you kill. And if they are not killedthen, you just leave them and note thingsdown. You get to know them really well, andin order not to commit these crimes at thatmoment, you jot down the name of the houseand such like, so that they can secretly orderanother commission to "bring them to justice",[ajusticiarl. That's what you do, that's whatwe all do—I mean, get the name of the youngman, the father and so on; find out what workhe does, where he works etc. The reportsthese commissions make are sent into theoffices, such and such an office, circulated insuch and such a way. The people there are incharge of finding a commission and secretlygiving it its orders. Only they know where it'sgone and what it's going to do. This is all doneby Army G-2—that's the way they work.

And the reason I'm telling you this is becauseI was there. These killers come from the actualarmy. They told us I wasn't guilty of anything,

Jorge Hector Reyes Celada,printer, "disappeared" on14 September 1979.

What did the officers say?

Well, they say that if we don't carry out allthe orders that they give us, if we disobey,instead of them dying, they will kill us, soyou have to be very careful about all this.

Julio Antonio Ponce Valdez,Director of the PsychologicalScience Department, Universityof San Carlos, "disappeared"on 22 August 1980 inGuatemala City.

Ismael Hermindez, ice creamvendor, "disappeared" on 27June 1980 in Guatemala City.

Gloria Amparo Ghent Perez,schoolgirl, "disappeared" on26 January 1980 in Guatemala City.

e next steThe first step in trying to ensure the protection of human rights in any country is to get informationabout how people are being treated by the authorities there, taking care that the information isaccurate and complete and that it is not politically biased or distorted. Amnesty International hasbeen collecting information on Guatemala since the early 1970s and has issued a number of importantdocuments listing its findings. For instance, in 1971 it made the first of a continuing series ofsubmissions about arrests, "disappearances" and murders of the opposition to the Inter-AmericanCommission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States, and Guatemala has featuredregularly in Amnesty International's annual report; in 1976 it published a special briefing paperon Guatemala.

The next step is to act on the information available by mobilizing international public opinionin defence of the victims. Most of the Guatemalan victims are unknown outside their own country —many are unknown outside their own village or hamlet. The persecution they face may be little-understood by the outside world, although international publicity may well be their only hope ofprotection. In some cases world attention has saved lives. The single most important need,therefore, is to make people aware of what is happening.

nes Internationala orl i e ca ai nIn recent years, people throughout the world have become more and more aware of the urgent needto protect human rights effectively in every part of the world.

Countless men and women are in prison for their beliefs. They are being held as prisoners ofconscience in scores of countries—in crowded jails, in labour camps and in remote prisons.

Thousands of political prisoners are being held under administrative detention orders and deniedany possibility of a trial or an appeal.

Others are forcibly confined in psychiatric hospitals or secret detention camps.

Many are forced to endure relentless, systematic torture.

More than a hundred countries retain the death penalty.

Increasingly, political leaders and ordinary citizens are becoming the victims of abductions,"disappearances" and killings, carried out both by government forces and opposition groups.

An international effortWhat you can do1: Write to the President of Guatemala appeal-ing for an end to the involvement by govern-ment forces in murder and "disappearances"and urging investigations into allegations ofbrutality against people exercising their humanrights peacefully. Address your appeals to:General Romeo Lucas Garcia, Presidente de laRep:lblica, Palacio Nacional, Guatemala City,Guatemala.

capital of your country, send similar letters tothe Guatemalan Ambassador.

Try to help mobilize public opinion in yourcountry. Send letters to newspaper editorsasking them to publicize what is happening inGuatemala; if possible, send them a copy ofthis publication.

Share this report with other people youfeel ought to know about the facts in it. Discussit with your family and friends; encouragethem to express • their concern by writingappeals.

To end secret arrests, torture and killing requires organized and worldwide ettort. Amnesty inter-

national is part of that effort.Launched as an independent organization 20 years ago, Amnesty International is open to anyone

prepared to work universally for the release of prisoners of conscience, for fair trials for politicalprisoners and for an end to torture and executions.

The movement now has members and supporters in more than 130 countries. It is independent ofany government, political group, ideology, economic interest or religious creed.

It began with a newspaper article, "The Forgotten Prisoners", published on 28 May 1961 in TheObserver (London) and reported in Le Monde (Paris).

Announcing an impartial campaign to help victims of political persecution, the British lawyerPeter Benenson wrote:

Open your newspapers any day of the week and you will find a report fromsomewhere in the world of someone being imprisoned, tortured or executedbecause his opinions or religion are unacceptable to his government. . . . Thenewspaper reader feels a sickening sense of impotence. Yet if these feelingsof disgust all over the world could be united into common action, some-thing effective could be done.

2: Address similar appeals to the ForeignMinister. You can point out that although youare living in another country, you are concernedwhen the human rights of people anywhere inthe world are violated. Stress that you do notoppose any government or political system butthat you do oppose all human rights abuses.Address your appeals to: Ing. Rafael EduardoCastillo Valdez, Ministro de RelacionesExteriores, Palacio Nacional, Guatemala City,Guatemala.

Within a week he had received more than a thousand offers of support—to collect information,publicize it and approach governments. The groundwork was laid for a permanent human rightsorganization that eventually became known as Amnesty International. The first chairperson of itsInternational Executive Committee (from 1963 to 1974) was Sean MacBride, who received theNobel Peace Prize in 1974 and the Lenin Prize in 1975.3: If there is a Guatemalan Embassy in the

6: For other information about AmnestyInternational's work on Guatemala and othercountries where human rights are violated, lookin your telephone directory for your nationalsection or local Amnesty International group, orcontact the International Secretariat in Londonat: 10 Southampton Street, London WC2E 7HF,United Kingdom. You can also make adonation to support the work.

28 GUATEMALAGUATEMALA 29

action. The members then start the work of trying to protect the individuals whose human rightsarc reported to have been violated. They send letters to government ministers and embassies. Theyorganize public meetings, arrange special publicity events, such as vigils at appropriate governmentoffices or embassies, and try to interest newspapers in the cases they have taken up. They ask theirfriends and colleagues to help in the effort. They collect signatures for international petitions andraise money to send relief, such as medicine, food and clothing, to the prisoners and their families.

The mandateAmnesty International is playing a specific role in the international protection of humanrights.

It seeks the release of men and women detained anywhere because of their beliefs, colour,sex, ethnic origin, language or religious creed, provided they have not used or advocatedviolence. These are termed prisoners of conscience.

It works for fair and prompt trials for all political prisoners and works on behalf of such peopledetained without charge or trial.

It opposes the death penalty and torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment orpunishment of all prisoners without reservation.

This mandate is based on the civil and political rights set down in the United Nations UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights and it reflects the belief that these rights transcend the boundaries ofnation, race and belief.

Through its practical work for prisoners, Amnesty International participates in the wider promotionand protection of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights.

Amnesty International does not oppose or support any government or political system. Itsmembers around the world include supporters of differing systems vv, Igree on the defenceof all people in all countries against imprisonment for their beliefs, ail., ,fiinst torture andexecution. Symbol of

Amnesty International

A permanent campaignIn addition to casework on behalf* of individual prisoners, Amnesty Internationalmembers campaign for the abolition of torture and the death penalty. This in-cludes trying to prevent torture and executions when people have been taken toknown torture centres or sentenced to death. Volunteers in dozens of countriescan be alerted in such cases, and within hours hundreds of telegrams and otherappeals can be on their way to the government, prison or detention centre.

In its efforts to mobilize world public opinion, Amnesty International neithersupports nor opposes econonlic or cultural boycotts. It does take a stand againstthe international transfer of military, police or security equipment and expertiselikely to be used by recipient governments to detain prisoners of conscience andto inflict torture and carry out executions.

Amnesty International at workThe working methods of Amnesty International are based on the principle of internationalresponsibility for the protection of human rights. The movement tries to take actiori ',ereverand whenever there are violations of those human rights falling within its mandate. Since it wasfounded, Amnesty International groups have intervened on behalf of more than 20,000 prisonersin over a hundred countries with widely differing ideologies.

A unique aspect of the work of Amnesty International groups—placing the emphasis on theneed for international human rights work—is the fact that each group works on behalf of prisonersheld in countries other than its own. At least two prisoner cases are assigned to each group; thecases are balanced geographically and politically to ensure impartiality.

There are now some 2,500 local Amnesty International groups throughout the world. There arenational sections in 40 countries (in Africa, Asia, the Americas, Europe and the Middle East) andindividual members, subscribers and supporters in a further 94 countries. Members do not workon cases in their own country. No section, group or member is expected to provide informationon their own country and no section, group or member has any responsibility for action taken orstatements issued by the international organization concerning their own country.

Amnesty International does not grade governments or countries according to their record on humanrights. Not only does repression in various countries prevent the free flow of information abouthuman rights abuses, but the techniques of repression and their impact vary widely. Instead ofattempting comparisons, Amnesty International concentrates on trying to end the specific violationsof human rights in each case.

Human rights have been violated not only by governments, but also by political groups. Peoplehave been taken prisoner and held hostage; torture has been inflicted and executions carried out inthe name of different political causes. Amnesty International opposes these acts in all cases, whetherthey are perpetrated by government forces or opposition groups. It believes that internationalstandards for the protection of human rights and the humane treatment of prisoners should beuniversally respected.

Policy and fundsAmnesty International is a democratically run movement. Each year major policy decisions aretaken by an International Council comprising representatives from all the national sections. Theyelect an International Executive Committee to carry out their decisions and supervise the day-to-dayrunning of the International Secretariat.

The organization is financed by its members throughout the world, by individual subscriptions anddonations. Members pay fees and conduct fund-raising campaigns--they organize concerts and artauctions and are often to be seen on fund-raising drives at street corners in their neighbourhoods.

Its rules about accepting donations are strict and ensure that any funds received by any part ofthe organization do not compromise it in any way, affect its integrity, make it dependent on anydonor, or limit its freedom of activity.

The organization's accounts are audited annually and are published in its annual report.

Continuous ResearchThe movement attaches the highest importance to balanced and accurate reporting of facts. All

its activities depend on meticulous research into allegations of human rights violations. The Inter-national Secretariat in London (with a staff of 150, representing nearly 30 nationalities) has aresearch department which collects and analyses information from a wide variety of sources. Theseinclude hundreds of newspapers and journals, government bulletins, transcriptions of radio broadcasts,reports from lawyers and humanitarian organizations, as well as letters from prisoners and theirfamilies. Amnesty International also sends fact-finding missions for on-the-spot investigations andto observe trials, meet prisoners and interview government officials. Amnesty International takesfull responsibility for its published reports and if proved wrong on any point is prepared to issue acorrection.

Once the relevant facts are established, information is sent to national sections and groups for

Amnesty International has consultative status with the United Nations (ECOSOC), UNESCO andthe Council of Europe. It has cooperative relations with the Inter-American Commission on HumanRights of the Organization of American States and is a member of the coordinating committee of theBureau for the Placement and Education of African Refugees of the Organization of African Unity.

GUATEMALA 31

THE AMERICAS national's concern about trials ofcivilians by martial law courts and theexecution of military personnel. Firstissued 1978. 20 pages. £0.50. English.

t er nes Internationalre o s

TESTIMONY ON SECRET DETEN-TION CAMPS IN ARGENTINATestimony of two detention campvictims, including detailed informationabout their fellow prisoners; list ofprisoners and correspondence to andfrom government officials aboutmissing people. First issued 1980.60 pages. £1.00. English, Spanish.

DISAPPEARED PRISONERS INCHILEA dossier on political prisoners held insecret detention camps. It comprisesbackground information on "dis-appeared" prisoners, appeals fromtheir relatives, a selection of casehistories and numerous photographs.First issued 1977. £1.45. English,French, Spanish.

THE REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUAIncludes the findings of a mission in1976. An examination of judicialprocedures, political imprisonment,torture and "disappearances"; plusrecommendations, case studies, lists ofprisoners and an account of a trial ina military court. First issued 1977.75 pages. £0.75. English (out of print),French, Spanish.

REPORT OF AN AMNESTY INTER-NATIONAL MISSION TO THEFEDERATION OF MALAYSIAAn examination in 1978 of Malaysia'sInternal Security Act, under whichpolitical prisoners, including membersof political parties and trade unions,have been held without charge ortrial and tortured. First issued 1979.67 pages. £0.50. English.

The following list includes a selection of reports issued since 1976. For a complete list, write to Amnesty InternationalPublications, London.

AFRICA

GUATEMALAA 16-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1976. £0.40.English (out of print), French, Spanish. REPORT OF AN AMNESTY INTER-

NATIONAL MISSION TO INDIAThe findings and recommendations ofan investigation following the 1975-1977 Indian Emergency. First issued1979. 84 pages. £1.00. English.

MEMORANDUM SUBMITTED TOTHE GOVERNMENT OF THEREPUBLIC OF CUBAFindings and recommendations of amission that visited Havana in 1977 toexamine questions of long-termpolitical prisoners, prison regimes, thesituation of released prisoners and theapplication of the death penalty. Firstissued 1978. Eight pages. £0.50.English, Spanish.

ASIA

REPORT OF AN AMNESTY INTER-NATIONAL MISSION TO THEREPUBLIC OF KOREAThe conclusions and recommendationsof a mission that visited South Koreaat a time when Emergency Regulationsresulted in the suppression of dissentthroughout the country. First issued1976; revised 1977. 45 pages £2.00.English.

ALI LAMEDA: A PERSONALACCOUNT OF THE EXPERIENCEOF A PRISONER OF CONSCIENCEIN THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'SREPUBLIC OF KOREAThe personal story of a Venezuelanpoet and Communist Party membersubjected to six years' political im-prisonment in North Korea. First issued1979. 39 pages. £0.50. English, French.

PARAGUAYA 16-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1978. £0.40.English, French, Spanish.

AMNESTY INTERNATIONALREPORTThis annual report provides a completecountry-by-country survey of AmnestyInternational's work to combatpolitical imprisonment, torture andthe death penalty throughout theworld. The report is organized intoregional sections and normally coversdevelopments in at least 100 countries.

This is probably the most widelyread—and most influential—of themany reports published by AmnestyInternational each year.

Now available: the Amnesty Inter-national Repbrt 1980. This 416 - pagereport, illustrated with regional mapsfor easy reference, covers the periodI May 1979-30 April 1980. Firstpublished 10 December 1980. £5.00.English, French, Spanish.

AMNESTY INTERNATIONALNEWSLETTER

This monthly bulletin provides aregular account of Amnesty Inter-national's work: the latest reports offact-finding missions, details of thearrest and release of political prisoners,reliable reports of torture andexecutions. It also gives practicalinformation for Amnesty Internationalsupporters: each issue includes appealson behalf of prisoners of conscienceand victims of torture around theworld.

The newsletter is written—withoutpolitical bias—for human rights activiststhroughout the world. It is widelyused by journalists, students, politicalleaders, doctors, lawyers and otherprofessionals.

Individual subscriptions: £5.00(US$10) a year.

INDONESIAA detailed account of political im-prisonment between 1965 and 1976,including description of trials, prisonconditions and forced labour, perma-nent post-release "resettlement" andcase histories. First issued 1977. 146pages. £2.00. English, French,Indonesian.

PERUA 12-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1979. £0.40.English, French, Spanish.

POLITICAL IMPRISONMENT INURUGUAYA dossier of documents on politicalimprisonment, law and justice forpolitical prisoners, detention condi-tions, ill-treatment and torture, with14 case histories. First issued 1979.£0.40. English, French, Spanish.

PROPOSAL FOR A PRESIDENTIALCOMMISSION ON THE DEATHPENALTY IN THE UNITED STATESOF AMERICAThe 1980 appeal to President Carter,urging the creation of a body toexamine the social and legal impact ofthe death penalty, and a moratoriumon all executions. First issued 1980.Four pages. £0.25. English.

REPORT OF AN AMNESTY INTER-NATIONAL MISSION TO THEREPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINESSecond edition of the conclusions ofa mission in 1975 together with thegovernment's reply and AmnestyInternational's comments. Includesinterviews with prisoners and anexamination of the incidence oftorture and other violations of humanrights. First issued 1977. 95 pages.£2.00. English, Spanish.

POLITICAL IMPRISONMENT INTHE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OFCHINAA major report on the constitutional,legal and penal systems under whichpolitical dissenters have been detained,interrogated, tried and punished. Firstissued 1978. 171 pages, illustrated.£2.00. English, French, Spanish.

REPORT OF AN AMNESTYINTERNATIONAL MISSION TOSINGAPOREReport of a mission in 1978 plusrecommendations to the government.An examination of preventivedetention, trials, arrest and interroga-tion, prison conditions, torture andthe use of the death penalty. Firstissued 1978. 60 pages. £2.00. English.

GUINEAA 12-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1978. 1.0.40.English, French, Spanish.

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS INETHIOPIAAn account of political killings, thedestruction of the rule of law, politicalimprisonment, prison conditions, theuse of torture and the death penalty.First issued 1977. 26 pages. £0.50.English, French.

HUMAN RIGHTS IN UGANDAAn examination of human rightsviolations during the presidency of IdiAmin, including the overthrow of therule of law, murder of judges, publicexecutions, killings and torture. Firstissued 1978. 25 pages. £0.50. English,French.

HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIREDetails on political prisoners and theirconditions, torture, extrajudicialexecutions and the use of the deathpenalty, together with the politicaland legal background. First issued1980. 22 pages. £1.00. English, French.

NAMIBIAA 16-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1977. £0.40.English, French.

POLITICAL IMPRISONMENT INSOUTH AFRICAA detailed report, including photo-graphs and case histories, on thepolitical and legal background tohuman rights violations, the treatmentof prisoners, killings, use of tortureand the death penalty. First issued1978. 108 pages. £1.00. English,French.

HOW TO ORDERTHESE REPORTS

If you live in a country where anational section of Amnesty Inter-national has been formed, you canobtain all these reports from thesection. Section addresses areavailable from the InternationalSecretariat.

If there is no national section inyour country, you can order thesereports direct from the Inter-national Secretariat of AmnestyInternational:

select the publications you wishto ordernote the listed pricemake out a money order or bankdraft payable to AMNESTYINTERNATIONAL for the totalprice of all the publicationssend your order and payment to

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL10 SOUTHAMPTON STREETLONDON WC2E 71-IFUNITED KINGDOM

THE DEATH PENALTYThis unique study of the ultimatepunishment examines the laws andmethods by which people can be putto death in 134 countries. The 206-pagereport draws on more than a decade ofresearch, using official and unofficialsources. Devoted mainly to a country-by-country survey of legislation andpractice, the report also covers thephenomena of "disappearances" andsummary executions through whichsuspected political opponents havebeen eliminated in large numbers byrepressive regimes. First published1979; illustrated. £2.00. English,French, Spanish.

REPORT OF AN AMNESTYINTERNATIONAL MISSION TOBANGLADESHRepresentations to the Bangladesh Government reflecting Amnesty Inter-

GUATEMALA 32

SHORT REPORT OF AN AMNESTYINTERNATIONAL MISSION TOTHE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OFPAKISTANFindings of a mission in 1978 thatdocumented martial law provisionscurtailing fundamental freedoms andthe infliction of harsh punishments bymilitary courts on civilians for exercis-ing the right of free speech. First issued1978. 24 pages. £0.50. English, French.

penalty. First issued 1976. £0.40.English, Farsi.

issued 1977. £0.85. English, French,Spahish.

ROMANIAA 19-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1980. £0.60.English, French, Spanish.

LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS INTHE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OFIRANAn examination of legal procedures, revolutionary tribunals, offencesand post-revolutionary executionsduring the first seven months afterthe 1979 revolution. First issued1980. 216 pages. £10.00. English.

TAIWAN (REPUBLIC OF CHINA)A 14-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1976; secondedition 1980. £0.40. English, French,Chinese.

REPORT OF AN AMNESTYINTERNATIONAL MISSION TONORTHERN IRELANDThe findings and recommendations ofa mission in 1977 that investigatedallegations of ill-treatment of detaineesand called for a public inquiry. Firstissued 1978. 72 pages. El .00. English.

MOROCCOA 16-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1977. £0.40.English, French.

VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTSAND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMSIN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICOF AFGHANISTANA report, released in September 1979,on consistent violations: widespreadarrests, torture, "disappearances" anddeaths in detention between April1978 and May 1979. 34 pages. £0.50.English.

PEOPLE'S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICOF YEMENA 12-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1976. £0.40.English, French, Arabic.

REPORT OF AN AMNESTY INTER-NATIONAL MISSION TO SPAINFirst published in November 1980,the findings of a mission that examinedthe treatment of security detainees,plus Amnesty International's recom-mendations to prevent torture. 68pages. £3.00. English, Spanish.

EUROPE

TURKEYA 12-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1977. £0.40.English, French.

CZECHOSLOVAKIAA 16-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1977. £0.40.English, French, Spanish.

PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCE INTHE USSR: THEIR TREATMENTAND CONDITIONSThis 200-page report, containingphotographs of prisoners of conscienceand camps in which they are held,examines Soviet laws and theirapplication to dissenters and includesnew material on the treatment ofdissenters in psychiatric institutions.First issued 1975; second edition 1980.£.5.00. English, French, Spanish.

REPORT AND RECOMMENDA-TIONS OF AN AMNESTY INTER-NATIONAL MISSION TO THEGOVERNMENT OF THE STATE OFISRAELReport of a mission in 1979 thatexamined allegations of ill-treatmentin the Occupied Territories and legalprocedures used. Includes AmnestyInternational's recommendations,the government's reply and AmnestyInternational's comments on it.First issued 1980. 71 pages. £2.00.English, French.

GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICA 12-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1977; secondedition 1981. £0.40. English, French,Spanish.

SYRIAA 16-page briefing on political im-prisonment, torture and the deathpenalty. First issued 1979. £0.40.English, French, Spanish, Arabic.

TORTURE IN GREECE: THE FIRSTTORTURERS' TRIAL 1975A rare insight into the inner clockworkof a torture state, this 98-page reportanalyses a contemporary example ofthe possibility of submitting accusedtorturers to due process of law. First

MIDDLE EAST

IRANA 12-page briefing on political im-

prisonment, torture and the death

TUNISIA: IMPRISONMENT OFTRADE UNIONISTS IN 1978An account of the arrests and trialsof trade unionists plus a descriptionof prison conditions and tortureallegations. First issued 1979. 24pages. £0.75. English, French.