Acknowledgements We would like to thank our research assistants, David Coulson and Mei Hu who supported us throughout the project. We would also like to thank all the migrant workers who patiently completed the questionnaire, participated in focus groups and helped us in the distribution and translation of questionnaires. We are very grateful to the ESOL staff in the Breckland area and here, especially Heather Skibsted, Jan Flegg and Antonio Choca who helped us to access migrant workers for the survey. We are also very grateful for the support of employers and public organisations in the area who kindly agreed to be interviewed and, in some cases, facilitated the further distribution of our questionnaires. We are indebted to Peter Dickin of the Managed Migration Directorate who arranged access to statistics on the various work schemes in the research area. We would especially like to thank Bronwen Walter and Greg Mantle on commenting on drafts and Jacqueline Rose for transcribing the focus group material. Finally, we would like to thank the Keystone team for all their support and recommendations throughout the project.

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Contents List of Figures and Tables Acknowledgements

1 Executive Summary 7 1.1 Issues and Recommendations 2 Introduction 2.1 Background and Aims 25 2.2 Context and Scale 2.3 Methodology 3 Literature Review 41 3.1 General Characteristics of Migrant Workers 3.2 Employment of Migrant Workers 3.3 Education of Migrant Workers 3.4 Migrant Workers’ Skills 4 Primary Qualitative Research 48 4.1 Focus Groups 4.2 Public Organisations 4.3 Breckland Employers 5 Primary Quantitative Research 63 5.1 Overview of Survey Findings 5.2 General Characteristics of Migrant Workers 5.2.1 Country-of-origin 5.2.2 Gender 5.2.3 Age 5.2.4 Perception of Social Class 5.2.5 Length of Residence 5.2.6 Intended Length of Stay 5.2.7 Aspirations 5.3 Migrant Workers’ Employment Prior and During UK

Stay 87

5.3.1 Summary of Findings 5.3.2 A Comparison between Employment Positions Prior and

During UK Stay

5.3.3 Employment in Home Country and General Characteristics

5.3.4 Significance and Correlations for Employment in Home Country and General Characteristics

5.3.5 Employment in UK and General Characteristics

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5.4 Migrant Workers’ Educational Qualifications 96 5.4.1 Summary of Findings 5.4.2 Three Indicators for Educational Qualifications 5.4.3 Educational Qualifications and General

Characteristics

5.4.4 Significance and Correlations for Educational Qualifications and General Characteristics

5.5 Migrant Workers’ Skills 103 5.5.1 Summary of Findings Relating to Generic Skills 5.5.1.1 Mean Distributions of Generic Skills 5.5.1.2 Significance and Correlations for Generic Skills and

General Characteristics

5.5.2 Summary of Findings Relating to Soft Skills 5.5.2.1 Mean Distributions of Soft Skills 5.5.2.2 Significance and Correlations for Soft Skills and General

Characteristics

5.6 A Comparison between Migrant Workers and the

Indigenous Population of Breckland 111

5.7 Summary of Survey Findings 115 Bibliography Appendices Appendix 1 Indices of Multiple Deprivation Appendix 2 Indices of Employment Appendix 3 Indices of Education and Training Appendix 4 Employers Phone Interview Schedule Appendix 5 Public Organisation Interview Schedule Appendix 6 Focus Group Questions and Prompts Appendix 7 Questionnaire (in English, Polish, Russian and Portuguese) Appendix 8 Research Guidance for Language School Tutors (in English, Polish, Russian and Portuguese) Appendix 9 Research Guidance for Local Research Assistants (in English, Polish, Russian and Portuguese) Appendix 10 Participant Information Sheet Appendix 11 Consent Form Appendix 12 Letter to Breckland Employers Appendix 13 Overview of Sample Appendix 14 Detailed Overview of Generic Skills Appendix 15 Detailed Overview of Soft Skills

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List of Figures and Tables Figures

2.1 SAWS – Gender by Country of Origin 2.2 SAWS – Age by Country of Origin 2.3 WRS – Gender by Country of Origin 2.4 WRS – Age by Country of Origin 3.1 Migrants of Working Age by Highest Qualification 5.1 Country of Origin by Gender 5.2 Country of Origin by Age 5.3 Country of Origin by Social of Class 5.4 Country of Origin by Length of Residence 5.5 Country of Origin by Intended Length of Stay 5.6 Country if Origin by Aspirations 5.7 Country if Origin by Knowledge of Organisations 5.8 Gender by Age Distribution 5.9 Gender by Social Class 5.10 Gender by Length of Residence 5.11 Gender by Intended Length of Stay 5.12 Gender by Aspirations 5.13 Gender by Knowledge of Organisations 5.14 Age by Social Class 5.15 Age by Length of Residence 5.16 Age by Intended Length of Stay 5.17 Age by Aspirations 5.18 Age by Knowledge of Organisations 5.19 Perception of Social Class by Length of Residence 5.20 Perception of Social Class by Intended Length of Stay 5.21 Perception of Social Class by Aspirations 5.22 Perception of Social Class by Knowledge of Organisations 5.23 Length of Residence by Intended Length of Stay 5.24 Length of Residence by Aspirations 5.25 Length of Residence by Knowledge of Organisations 5.26 Intended Length of Stay by Aspirations 5.27 Intended Length of Stay by Knowledge of Organisations 5.28 Aspirations by Knowledge of Organisations 5.29 Employment in Home Country Compared with Employment in UK 5.30 Employment in Home Country by Country of Origin 5.31 Employment in Home Country by Gender 5.32 Employment in Home Country by Age 5.33 Employment in Home Country and Social Class 5.34 Employment in Home Country and Length of Residence 5.35 Significance and Correlation for Employment in Home Country and Control Variables 5.36 Employment in the UK by Country of Origin 5.37 Employment in the UK by Gender 5.38 Employment in the UK by Age

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5.39 Employment in the UK by Social Class 5.40 Employment in the UK by Length of Residence 5.41 Years in Education 5.42 Education Level by Educational Institution 5.43 Perceived Level of Education 5.44 Education by Country of Origin 5.45 Education by Gender 5.46 Education by Age 5.47 Education by Social Class 5.48 Education by Length of Residence 5.49 Correlation and Significance for Education and General Characteristics 5.50 Mean Distributions for Generic Skills 5.51 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Country of Origin 5.52 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Gender 5.53 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Age 5.54 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Employment in

Home Country 5.55 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Employment in UK 5.56 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Education 5.57 Mean Distributions for Soft Skills of Migrant Workers 5.58 Comparison between migrant workers and indigenous population

(16 – 24 Age Group) 5.59 Comparison between migrant workers and indigenous population (Male

16 – 24 Age Group) 5.60 Comparison between migrant workers and indigenous population (Female 16 – 24 Age Group) 5.61 A Comparison between Migrant Workers and the Indigenous Population with regard to Employment Positions Tables

2.1 Indices of Education and Training, and Employment 4.1 Nationality and Number of Foreign Employees 4.2 Numbers and Nationalities of Foreign Employees 4.3 Companies Employing Migrant Workers 4.4 Training Provided by Employers 5.1 Overview of Figures for Cross-Tabulations of General Characteristics

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1 Executive Summary Background

• This research on migrant workers 1 in the Community Economic Regeneration (CER) wards in Breckland, Norfolk was commissioned by the Keystone Development Trust, Thetford and is funded by Breckland District Council, the European Social Fund and the Home Office.

• Our remit was to:

Identify the range of skills available amongst migrant workers within the Community Economic Regeneration (CER) wards of Breckland (particularly those that are valuable to the local economy) and make comparisons to the local population; indicate the scale of the migrant worker population in the area; and, indicate likely trends regarding the flows of migrants to/from and within the area (Keystone, 2004). The focus of the research is the identification of a demographic, skills and employment profile of migrant workers in the Breckland area. We explore the experience of migrant workers in focus groups but the main objective of our survey is to produce a profile of migrant workers in Breckland. The profile enables the identification of key skills within this population group that can be used to benefit the local economy.

• There is a recognised demand for migrant labour to relieve short-term jobs market pressures and to help fill skill and labour shortages.

• There are currently several labour migration schemes in place in the UK. They were launched to fill gaps in sectors such as health, business services, and construction. Work permits are the longest-running and the most important of those schemes with 130,000 work permits issued in 2002. More than 87 per cent of work permits handed out in Britain in 2002 was for managerial, professional and technical vacancies (24 per cent for the health sector and 17 per cent for computing services). While the UK managed to fill gaps in the above sectors the construction industry is still demanding manual and semi-skilled workers but legal and accountancy sectors also have shortages (SSDA 2005). More recently introduced labour migration schemes target migrants with lower and higher skills. The Highly Skilled Migrant Programme (HSMP) was initiated in 2002 for workers with specific skills or an ‘elite tier’ (IPPR 2005). Low-skill vacancies in the

1 Different definitions of ‘migrant worker’ are used by a range of statistical sources. We define a ‘migrant worker’ as someone who has entered the UK with the intention to work. Please note that we also refer to migrant worker/s when we use the concept of migrant/s.

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agricultural and service industry were covered via the seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme (SAWS) and the Sector Based scheme (SBS) which were introduced in 2003.

• The government has introduced a work registration scheme with a

seven year restrictive period for CEEC citizens to access benefits and public services. Migrants from the CEEC do not have to apply for a work permit before entering Britain but need a work registration certificate from their employers. Before 1 May 2004 the British government had introduced and/or continued a number of schemes to recruit workers for specific sectors (to cover short-term labour requirements the following programmes were developed or expanded: the Highly Skilled Migrant Programme (HSMP), the Seasonal Agricultural Workers’ scheme (SAWS) and the Sectors Based Scheme (SBS)).

• In the East of England 19.300 (7 per cent) overseas nationals settled in 2002-03 (DWP 2004). Figures published by the DWP reveal a steady increase of overseas nationals arriving in the East of England with 17.400 persons registering in 2000/01 and 18.300 persons registering in 2001/02. Since the 1st of May, 2004, the rural East of England is increasingly a key destination for many agricultural, hospitality and food sector workers.

• Figures (1.5.04 – 31.12.04) from the Managed Migration Directorate for SAWS and WRS covering the Breckland research area reveal a relatively low number of SAWS applications (35), the greater proportion originating from Romania and Ukraine. WRS applications are much higher: the greater proportion originating from Poland, followed by Lithuania and then Latvia. More male than female applicants are recorded at 121 and 77, respectively. There is a wide age range of applicants, from age 18 to over the age of 50 but most workers are concentrated in the 18-29 age group.

• The East of England is described as a highly rural region and a large proportion of the population (44 per cent) live in rural areas. It is relatively wealthy but there are disparities across the region with pockets of deprivation and disadvantage, particularly within the rural areas of the North and East. The Countryside Agency cites evidence of limited employment opportunities, low wage and skill levels, poor access to key services, limited childcare provision, lack of good quality affordable housing and patchy public transport.

• The Breckland District is sparsely populated and mostly rural in character. The Breckland district had a population of 121,418 people and a predicted aggregated population growth of 4.86 per cent by 2012 (ONS, 2001).

• A recent LSC report (2004) highlighted low rates of participation in education and low attainment levels (particularly exaggerated in Breckland’s CER wards), gaps in provision, and unmet learning needs across Norfolk.

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• The employment pattern for Breckland reflects that of Norfolk as a whole with 25 per cent of the population working in retail and 23 per cent working in distribution and catering. The declining agricultural sector is focused on ‘stock and poultry rearing, arable crops and large scale commercial forestry’ (Rogaly and Taylor, 2004) where much of the migrant worker population are employed.

• The Breckland CER Wards are characterised by high levels of deprivation with regard to employment, education and skills.

Methodology • The report utilised a variety of methodologies to gather information about

migrant workers in the Breckland area and to compare this information with the indigenous population of Breckland and East Anglia. The study received full ethical clearance from Anglia Polytechnic’s Ethics Committee.

• A focused literature review was carried out and a secondary analysis of

data provided by the East of England Observatory (2004) was used to develop a profile of the population in the Breckland area and East Anglia. This enabled a comparison between migrant workers’ characteristics and the indigenous and regional population.

• Semi-structured interviews were carried out with thirty-one employers in

the area and with nine public agencies probing their experience and knowledge of migrant workers.

• Two focus groups were conducted with thirteen migrant workers from

Slovakia, Latvia, Portugal, Brazil, Poland in the Thetford and Swaffham areas.

• The survey was based on a structured questionnaire (translated into

Polish, Portuguese and Russian) which also utilised a few open questions which focussed particularly on qualifications and employment experience. The questionnaire was structured around the following main themes: gender, age, length of residence, perception of social class, future intentions, country-of-origin, language, nationality, city versus country-side origin, employment, skills, educational levels, aspirations, and knowledge about training facilities.

• The questionnaire was piloted in two focus groups and members from the

migrant worker communities were involved in the translation, distribution and collection of questionnaires.

• Questionnaires were distributed on a face-to-face basis eliminating the

problem of low return rates. • A sample of 168 questionnaires was collected from a variety of locations

(such as social meeting points, ESOL language classes and work places)

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across Breckland between February and April 2005 at different times of the week and day.

• Portuguese migrant workers were overrepresented in the sample (58 per

cent) which reflects their dominance in the area. 31 per cent of responses were received from CEEC migrants and 11 per cent from migrants arriving from other countries (mainly from outside Europe). Due to the small sample of migrants who arrived from outside Europe (N=16) no further generalisations can be made about this group. In general the sample reflected a fairly even gender distribution with 47 per cent being female and 53 per cent male. There was a fairly good representation across the age groups although younger migrant workers were overrepresented (44 per cent for the 18 to 29 age group, 20 per cent for the 30 to 39 group and 34 per cent for the 40 to 50 + group).2

• Findings were analysed using SPSS providing information on descriptive

and inferential statistics. Differences between the sub groups amongst migrant workers (with regard to country of origin, age, gender, length of residence etc.) are presented using percentages, significance and strength of association. Although percentage differences are important for policy recommendation, tests on significance and strength of association were carried out to provide more robust measures of generalisation.

• Although the survey was geographically limited it provides a robust

evidence base for policy makers beyond the Breckland region due to the relative large sample size, its representativeness and the fact that findings in general confirm other national and European surveys. In that sense migrant workers in Breckland do not reflect a significantly different profile when compared to migrant workers in the UK or Western Europe in general.

Key findings

Some of the key findings include: Skills of migrant workers

The majority of migrant workers (and here especially women) downgraded their employment significantly during their stay in the UK even though they possessed employment skills which corresponded with skills shortages in the construction and business sectors in the UK. Over 15 per cent of migrant workers had employment positions in management and professional occupations in their home country. These employment skills could be matched more clearly with the demand of Breckland employers in the farming and food processing sector regarding the need for employees at managerial levels (Defra 2005). Barriers to the utilisation of such skills include employment agencies which are not interested in the specific skills of migrant workers and difficulties in establishing qualification equivalence.

2 It should be noted that the sample size for CEEC migrant workers for the 30 to 39 age groups (N = 9) and the 40 to 50+ age groups (N = 10) were small and no further generalisations can be made about these age groups. The sample sizes for countries of origin other than Portugal and the CEEC was also small (N = 18) and, therefore, excluded from further analysis.

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Migrant workers possessed in general fairly high levels of generic skills such as numerical skills, communication, problem solving and other languages. A more explicit polarisation exists with regard to English and IT skills: migrant workers who were young, possessed high levels of educational qualifications and occupied medium or highly skilled employment positions in their home country showed significantly higher levels of IT and English (written and conversation) than other migrant workers. Although CEEC migrant workers had significantly higher levels of numerical skills, IT and technical knowledge than Portuguese migrants there was no difference with regard to their English skills. Migrant workers’ IT and numerical skills match identified skills shortages amongst the indigenous population and a better match between these shortages and migrants’ skills should be facilitated by employment agencies.

As expected from previous research migrant workers possess very high levels of

soft skills (such as enthusiasm for continuous learning, thinking ahead, working in a team and flexibility) irrespective of country of origin, gender, age and educational background. Soft skills are increasingly identified as being important for the successful integration of migrant workers into the labour market and employers, organisations dealing with migrant workers and migrant workers themselves need to be made aware of this asset.

Scale of the migrant worker population

The shifting nature of the migrant worker population and the varied status of groups within that wider population (for example, non-documented, documented, EU, non-EU, etc), alongside the broad scope, incompleteness and unavoidable lapse of time between collection and the publication of statistics, renders the estimation of the scale of the migrant worker population in the Breckland area somewhat problematic for researchers and service agencies alike. However, a number of observations can be made from a collation of the available statistics and our own research.

In the East of England 19.300 (7 per cent) overseas nationals settled in 2002-03 (DWP 2004) and, since the 1st of May, 2004, the rural East of England is increasingly a key destination for many agricultural, hospitality and food sector workers.

Norfolk as a whole is home to a more established Portuguese community with significant numbers residing, working, and running small businesses in the county. There are significant settlements in Swaffham and Thetford in the Breckland area. A conservative estimate of 6000 Portuguese nationals in the area has been made by some agencies but rising to 15,000 (for example, see Defra’s 2003 ERDP Annual Report, 2005). It should be noted, however, that this population group is also subject to shifts and that, chiefly younger, workers continue to arrive from Portugal (and other Portuguese-speaking countries).

Figures released by the Managed Migration Directorate for the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme and the Workers Registration Scheme covering the Breckland research area (from the 1st of May 2004 to the 31st of December, 2004) reveal a relatively low number of SAWS applications (35), the greater proportion originating from Romania and Ukraine. WRS applications are much higher: the greater proportion originating from Poland, followed by Lithuania and then Latvia. More male than female applicants are recorded at 121 and 77, respectively. There is a wide age range of applicants, from age 18 to over the age of 50 but most workers are concentrated in the 18-29 age group. (It should be noted that the WRS applies to workers from the new accession states and does not include workers from older EU member states, nor does it account for other migrant workers in the area who have entered the country on a visa basis or via other arrangements.)

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Future trends and migration flows

In 2004 the TUC highlighted increased migration from CEEC countries for the UK as a whole, with requests for information of employment rights translated in Polish (61 per cent) significantly outnumbering all other translation requests.

From January 2007 further enlargement of the EU means that the current CEEC workforce in the area are likely to be joined by workers from Bulgaria and Romania.

Our survey indicates that a large percentage of the 168 migrant workers who completed questionnaires (83 per cent) intended to stay in the Breckland area for at least 24 months. Migrants from the CEEC were slightly less inclined than Portuguese migrants to stay for more than two years. Whilst most of the migrant workers intended to stay for more than two years, some of the younger migrants (18 – 29) were more likely to stay less than two years.

Our survey indicates that a significant proportion of male and female migrants had been in the Breckland area for more than two years. Female migrants outnumbered male migrants amongst those who have been in Breckland for less than 12 months, however, and men were slightly keener than women were to stay in Breckland for more than two years (87 per cent and 79 per cent respectively).

Our survey indicates that the high numbers of young migrant workers who have arrived in the last two years in Breckland reflect wider European developments (see Reyneri 2004 and Mϋnz and Fassmann 2004). The same applies to our findings that Portuguese migrants are over-represented amongst older migrants while those from CEEC are significantly younger. There is a cluster around older migrant workers and a further cluster exists amongst the very young (18 to 24 years old).

These findings have a number of implications for public agencies and employers as documented below.

Public agencies need to consider the policy and resource implications of increasing numbers of migrant workers in the area and the possibility of long-term settlement. Increasingly migrants from CEEC countries are moving into the area and it can be anticipated that they will settle longer term (at least two years) and their number will increase.

Age, country of origin and date of arrival in the UK are significant factors in the skills base and education of migrant workers. These differences need to be understood by those engaging with these communities if resources are to be targeted effectively.

Some large employers report that they could not operate without migrant labour.

Libraries and workplaces are identified as the most effective ways of distributing information to migrant worker communities. Informal networks are also important sources of information.

The lack of up-to-date demographic information on migrant worker communities is a significant problem for public agencies across the board.

Migrant workers who have arrived since 1 January 2004 have significantly higher levels of educational achievement than the indigenous population.

The majority of workers migrated to the UK to earn more money and to improve their English. Joining members of their family or friends was not detected as a significant motive reflecting that the majority of migrant workers who arrived since January 2004 were single and ‘explorers’ of a new migrant community from the CEEC.

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The following provides a more detailed summary of findings which were gained from focus groups with migrant workers, interviews with employers and public agencies and a survey of 168 migrant workers.

Focus Groups with Migrant Workers

• Two focus groups were carried out with thirteen migrant workers in Swaffham and Thetford.

• Focus group discussions illustrate a lack of accessible information for

migrant workers before arriving in the UK. Information is needed for the following areas: UK skill shortages; job vacancies; the ‘British system’; rights, entitlements and responsibilities in the UK.

• Focus group discussions highlight a lack of accessible information for

migrant workers once in the UK. The following information should be provided: local skills shortages; job vacancies; skills training; rights and entitlements; equivalence of qualifications and available conversion courses; access and entitlements to further and higher education.

• Focus group discussions reveal participants’ high aspirations.

Semi-structured Interviews with Public Organisations

• A range of public agencies (nine in all) concerned with migrant worker issues in the Breckland area agreed to take part in our research.

• The absence of ‘accurate demographics’ is a core issue for agencies

working in this area.

• Agencies have established various strategies to arrive at working estimates of migrant communities in the area. Similarly, information about the flows of workers held by public agencies is tentative and based on a number of information gathering strategies adopted to suit the particular needs of each agency. None of these strategies are considered wholly satisfactory.

• There is a fairly congruent range of views expressed across agencies

in relation to the problems perceived for this population group and recommendations for action.

• Language issues are only cited directly as a primary problem by one

interviewee, however, other problems and issues raised reflect a necessity for, at least, a basic level of English language.

• Public agencies highlight the lack of information available and

accessible to migrant workers both before leaving their home countries for the UK and throughout their stay in the UK.

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• Public agencies are concerned that a shortage of housing has

implications for the well being of migrant workers.

• Unemployment was noted as an emerging feature within the migrant community.

• There was a concern that female migrants may be effectively debarred

from working by factories’ shift patterns and a lack of satisfactory and compatible childcare.

• Difficulties in interpreting the equivalence of international to national

qualifications are also raised as an issue requiring review at national government level.

• Poor public transport and limited information about public transport in

the area is also cited as a problem for the migrant worker community.

• Health issues are raised by public agencies. In addition, there are educational, ethical and legal concerns in the provision and management of non-English speaking patients’ needs in healthcare settings.

Semi-Structured Interviews with Breckland Employers

• A sample of thirty five employers in the Breckland area were contacted and thirty one from a range of employment sectors (including employment agencies) agreed to be interviewed about their company’s requirements, experience with migrant workers and to provide information on the demographics of their migrant workforce.

• Eighteen countries of origin were recorded with the highest number of

employees (124) identified as Portuguese. 170 workers were from CEEC and 46 workers from a range of other countries.

• Companies employed between one to over 200 migrant workers.

• Many employers said they benefited from employing migrant workers.

Some large employers could not operate without migrant workers. Migrant workers were variously viewed as adaptable and reliable, prepared to take ‘reasonable’ rates of pay, providers of specialised skills, and a factor in increased productivity.

• Eleven employers provided training for their migrant workforce with

health and safety training uppermost. Two companies provided training to migrant workers in relevant foreign languages.

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• Eight employers suggested that English language and communications skills training for migrant worker provided by statutory agencies would enhance the benefits to their companies. Three employers would like information on and support for NVQ training for their foreign employees.

• One large company would like government-funded training or funding

to support the development of a training centre and training provision at the workplace.

• Fourteen companies (seven employing migrant workers, seven not)

said there were no barriers to employing migrant workers.

• Nine companies, of which eight employed migrant workers and one did not, said there were barriers to employing migrant workers. Barriers included weak English language skills with a knock-on effect for training and independent support and advocacy in the workplace. Concern was also raised about the lack of information available for employees and employers and a lack of suitable accommodation in the area for migrant workers.

Survey

• The survey of 168 migrant workers in Breckland has highlighted that there is a polarisation between a more established Portuguese community and migrant workers who have been arriving in Breckland since January 2004. Although the majority of the more recent arrivals originated from the CEEC a significant number of young female migrant workers from Portugal had also moved into the area recently. Distinctions between these two communities are mainly based on demographic characteristics and educational and generic skills background. It needs to be emphasised that differences between Portuguese and CEEC migrant workers are generally caused by the different age distribution amongst both communities rather than country of origin per se.

• There is no significant distinction between the communities with regard

to employment experience prior to the UK. Both migrant workers who have been residing in the area for more than two years and those who have arrived recently are downgrading substantially with regard to their employment positions in the UK. Migrant workers possess vital employment skills for the business and construction sectors (both sectors with identified skills shortages) and to what extent migrant skills could be matched more clearly with skills shortages should be considered.

• There is a clear polarisation amongst the migrant worker communities

with regard to educational levels with 58 per cent possessing high and very high levels and 42 per cent low or very low levels. A significant

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relationship exists between formal educational levels and length of residence, age and country of origin. Migrant workers who are young, originated in the CEEC and have arrived recently in Breckland are more likely to have higher educational levels than other migrant workers. Again CEEC migrant workers show higher levels of education than their Portuguese counterparts due to the fact that they are younger; no significant difference was detected between young Portuguese and young CEEC migrant workers.

• Migrant workers possess in general fairly high levels of generic skills

although a more explicit polarisation exists with regard to English and IT skills. Migrant workers who were young, possessed high levels of educational qualifications and occupied medium or highly skilled employment in their home country showed significantly higher levels of IT and English (written and conversation) than other migrant workers. Although CEEC migrant workers had significantly higher levels of numerical skills, IT and technical knowledge than Portuguese migrants there was no difference with regard to English skills.

• As expected from previous research migrant workers possess very

high levels of soft skills irrespective of country of origin, gender, age and educational background. Soft skills are increasingly identified as being important for the successful integration of migrant workers into the labour market and employers, organisations dealing with migrant workers and migrant workers themselves need to be made aware of this asset.

• In comparison to the indigenous population migrant workers provide a

significantly larger pool of young female and male workers for the region. Migrant workers who have arrived since January 2004 have significantly higher levels of education than the indigenous population: 12 per cent of migrant workers possessed university degrees compared to 4 per cent amongst the indigenous population.

The following provides a list of recommendations which arose directly from our primary research. In many respects our research reflects wider national and European trends with regard to migrant workers and it is recommended that policy recommendations, initiatives and identification of best practice should be carried out in the wider national and European context.

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1.1 Recommendations for policy makers, employers and providers of services for migrant workers3

Providers for training and education

• Migrant workers highlight the importance of the ESOL classes and

language training that specifically relates to vocabulary used in the workplace. (short term)

• Migrant workers emphasise requirements for job-related preparatory training; for example, in the development of curriculum vitae and the completion of job applications. (short term)

• Focus group discussions highlight the number of participants who would like to take up higher education opportunities – in some cases to complete degrees discontinued because of the increasingly prohibitive costs of studying in home countries (Portugal and Poland, for example). (short term)

• Employers ask for a strengthening and expanded funding of language and communication skills development – more English language and literacy classes, as well as flexible provision. (short term)

• The findings of the survey with regard to language skills and IT should be taken into account by providers of employment and/or learning programmes for migrant workers. Migrants who were young and had higher levels of education and employment positions in their home country had significantly higher levels of English and IT skills; especially recent arrivals showed high to very high levels of these skills. The survey shows that a lack of English proficiency is not the only barrier for successful employment integration as migrant workers with good levels of English were nevertheless employed in low skilled positions. (short term)

• Providers of training courses should emphasise confidence building especially amongst migrant workers who are female, older and/or from Portugal (as it appears that they were more likely to underestimate their skills than other migrants). (short term)

• Differences (with regard to education and skills between the Portuguese and CEEC communities are caused by age. Young Portuguese migrant workers have similar levels of education and skills as their CEEC counterparts. Employers, service providers and migrant workers themselves need to be made aware of this to avoid potential conflict between groups. (short term)

• Migrants possess high levels of soft skills which need to be emphasised in the labour market context. These skills should be highlighted in training and education programmes as they have a significant impact on the successful integration of migrant workers into the labour market. (short term)

• Over 90 per cent of migrant workers were very keen to improve their skills, education and employment positions within the UK and showed high levels of enthusiasm for continuous learning. Opportunities need to be increased

3 Whether recommendations should be carried out in the short, medium or long term is indicated at the end of each recommendation.

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to satisfy these aspirations and more specific research needs to be carried out to find out where potential barriers are for migrant workers to follow these aspirations. (short term)

• Migrant workers’ knowledge about services and training provision is fairly poor and publicity needs to be improved. The work place and the library have been identified as most effective places for the distribution of information. (short term)

• There is a fair amount of information with regard to employment, training and service provision translated into Portuguese; however, more emphasis needs to be placed on translations for migrants from the CEEC countries. Although Russian translations can target a wider number of CEEC migrants they are not sufficient as younger CEEC migrants do not necessarily speak Russian and resentment may exist amongst some of the older migrants to communicate in Russian. (short term)

• Training providers need to acknowledge that migrant workers who have arrived since January 2004 have significantly higher levels of education than the indigenous population: 12 per cent of migrant workers possessed university degrees compared to 4 per cent amongst the indigenous population. (short term)

• The migrant worker community can offer valuable skills and experience. Increased awareness about the positive aspects of migrant workers can enhance their successful integration into the labour market and the local community. (short term)

• It needs to be acknowledged that there is a marked difference between a more established migrant worker community and migrant workers who have been arriving in the area since January 2004. Recent arrivals are more likely to be young, from the CEEC and well educated and skilled, while the established community is characterised by older migrant workers with lower levels of formal education and skills. (short term)

Providers of other services such as health, child care, transport, housing etc. • There is a fair amount of information with regard to employment, training

and service provision translated into Portuguese; however, more emphasis needs to be placed on translations for migrants from the CEEC countries. Although Russian translations can target a wider number of CEEC migrants they are not sufficient as younger CEEC migrants do not necessarily speak Russian and resentment may exist amongst some of the older migrants. (short term)

• Migrant workers’ knowledge about services and training provision is fairly poor and publicity needs to be improved. The work place and the library have been identified as most effective places for the distribution of information. (short term)

• The migrant worker community can offer valuable skills and experience. Increased awareness about the positive aspects of migrant workers can enhance their successful integration into the labour market and the local community. (short term)

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• It needs to be acknowledged that there is a marked difference between a more established migrant worker community and migrant workers who have been arriving in the area since January 2004. Recent arrivals are more likely to be young, from the CEEC and well educated and skilled, while the established community is characterised by older migrant workers with lower levels of formal education and skills. (short term)

• Employers would like to see improved access to suitable accommodation for migrant workers in the local area. (medium term)

• The improvement of public transport is also a matter of concern for employers. (medium term)

• Employers would like to be provided with full information on the services and help available now for migrant worker and employers in the area (for example, employers were very interested in acquiring the Keystone’s information booklets for their workforce). (short term)

• 41 per cent of migrant workers who arrived since January 2004 had children. However 72 per cent of migrant workers did not live with their children in Breckland and none of the CEEC workers had brought their children to Breckland. Provision for child care needs to be increased to provide migrant workers with the opportunity to live with their children during their stay in the UK; especially considering that the majority intends to stay for two years or longer. (short term)

• Public agencies need to consider the policy and resource implications of an increasing number of female migrants in the region (similar to the overall national and European trend). There are currently fairly even numbers of male and female migrant workers in Breckland but if the trend of increased female migration continues one can predict that female migrants will outnumber male migrants in the future. (short to medium term)

• Public agencies need to consider the policy and resource implications of increasing numbers of migrant workers in the area and the possibility of long-term settlement. Increasingly migrants from CEEC countries are moving into the area and it can be anticipated that they will settle longer term (at least two years) and their number will increase. Migrants from Portugal have been settling long-term in Breckland for a while and it is to be expected that younger migrants arriving from Portugal will follow similar patterns due to the economic situation and tradition of migration in Portugal. (short to medium term)

Public agencies recommended the following: • The quality of available data on migrant workers should be improved. A

sound evidence base is required for the appropriate use of resources and targeting of services. (short to medium term)

• The identification, development and appropriate dissemination of relevant information for migrant workers is urged at all governmental and service levels. (short term)

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• A consideration of healthcare ethics and adaptation of organisational practices to cater for this population group’s health needs should be initiated. (short to medium term)

• Communication and community engagement strategies should continue to be improved. (short to medium term)

• There is a case for improved strategic governance: better ‘joined-up’ working, less duplication and more skill sharing to enhance efficiency and efficacy. (short to medium term)

Employers • The findings of the survey with regard to language skills and IT should be

taken into account by employers. Migrants who were young and had higher levels of education and employment positions in their home country had significantly higher levels of English and IT skills; especially recent arrivals showed high to very high levels of these skills. The survey shows that a lack of English proficiency is not the only barrier for successful employment integration as migrant workers with good levels of English were nevertheless employed in low skilled positions. (short term)

• The high levels of other languages amongst migrants from CEEC countries needs to be emphasised to employers; especially in the context of EU enlargement and increased trade with those countries. (short term)

• Migrants possess high levels of soft skills which need to be emphasised in the labour market context. These skills should be highlighted to both employers and migrants as they have a significant impact on the successful integration of migrant workers into the labour market. (short term)

• Differences (with regard to education and skills between the Portuguese and CEEC communities are caused by age. Young Portuguese migrant workers have similar levels of education and skills as their CEEC counterparts. Employers, service providers and migrant workers themselves need to be made aware of this to avoid potential conflict between groups. (short term)

• Over 90 per cent of migrant workers were very keen to improve their skills, education and employment positions within the UK and showed high levels of enthusiasm for continuous learning. Opportunities need to be increased to satisfy these aspirations and more specific research needs to be carried out to find out where potential barriers are for migrant workers to follow these aspirations. (short term)

• Migrant workers’ knowledge about services and training provision is fairly poor and publicity needs to be improved. The work place and the library have been identified as most effective places for the distribution of information. (short term)

• There is a fair amount of information with regard to employment, training and service provision translated into Portuguese; however, more emphasis needs to be placed on translations for migrants from the CEEC countries. Although Russian translations can target a wider number of CEEC migrants they are not sufficient as younger CEEC migrants do not

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necessarily speak Russian and resentment may exist amongst some of the older migrants. (short term)

• The employment needs of diverse migrant worker groups: unskilled, non-English speakers, the unemployed, and women with caring responsibilities should be considered. (short term)

• Employers in the area should introduce more flexible shift patterns to facilitate the effective co-ordination, delivery and take-up of ESOL classes. (short to medium term)

• Focus groups suggest informal networks should be recognised as a potent means of information sharing: ‘tell your friends’ may disseminate information more quickly and efficiently than leaflets in a rack. In this respect, contact workers should not underrate the value of talking about initiatives and services available with relevant groups.(short term)

• In addition to the above point, information, translated into appropriate languages, should be made as widely accessible as possible. The Internet, foreign-language and British newspapers, Job Centres and employment agencies, libraries, language schools, churches, places of employment, GP surgeries, and other public meeting places are key dissemination sites. (short term to medium term)

Government • Public agencies suggest that a Government review of policy on

qualification equivalence measures should be initiated. (short term) • Employers have asked for Government’s financial support for specialist

skills training required by specific industries. (medium term) • Employers have asked for the strengthening and expanded funding of

language and communication skills development – more English language and literacy classes, and flexible provision. (medium term)

• Migrant workers’ knowledge about services and training provision is fairly poor and publicity needs to be improved. The work place and the library have been identified as most effective places for the distribution of information. (short term)

Recommendations for future research • There is a relative dearth of quantitative research which provides detailed

and representative data on the characteristics, intentions, aspirations, education and skills levels of migrant workers in the wider regional and national context. Especially in connection with GIS (Geographical Information Systems) this type of research could profile geographical areas and help policy makers, service providers and communities to implement and plan evidence based policies and initiatives for migrant workers.

• To better understand and anticipate the future intentions of migrant workers with regard to settlement or re-migration (qualitative) research of

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migrant workers (focusing on those who settled in the UK and those who re-migrated) should investigate (i) to what extent initial intentions of settlement/re-migration changed and (ii) which variables had an influence upon migrant workers’ decision making processes.

• Migrant workers possess high levels of aspirations irrespective of nationality, gender, age etc. Qualitative research amongst migrant workers, employers and service providers needs to investigate the barriers to fulfil these aspirations.

• The link between soft skills and labour market integration of migrant workers is still under-researched and future research needs to address this area.

• The fact that none of the CEEC migrant workers had brought their children to Breckland motivates further research into the decision making processes of migrant workers with regard to their children. Especially if migrant workers intend to stay for more than two years there is a need to investigate to what extent the lack and/or expense of child care provision may be a reason for the separation of children from their parent(s).

• It appears that the profile and experience of migrant workers across Europe is not significantly different from the findings in our survey. Research on migrant workers should, therefore, evaluate and analyse policy recommendations, initiatives and identification of best practice in the wider national and European context.

• There is a lack of comparative research of migrant workers and the indigenous population with regard to soft skills and aspirations which should be addressed by future research.

• At the same time as recognising the dearth in available data on migrant workers, in the East of England alone there are a reported forty-eight projects on migrant workers in progress. If policy-makers are to learn from research a framework needs to be put in place to map research activity, the gaps and overlaps, and attempt some form of co-ordination across the different commissioning bodies.

Methodological recommendations

• The importance of conduct in the field should not be underrated. The value of developing co-operative relationships with research participants (and assistants) in the field characterised by trust and flexibility is particularly important.

• Face-to-face distribution and collection of questionnaires elicits a higher return rate than postal questionnaires and need not compromise anonymity.

• A range of supportive literature distributed and discussed with participants (face-to-face or telephone), answering participants questions about the project, and forwarding questions to interviewees where necessary also helped to ease concerns and to elicit a fuller response from participants.

• A regard for the limited time participants could give to the study was also a factor in the design and flexible execution of the research (which

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included a small reward of a £5 voucher for migrant workers completing the questionnaires).

Recommendations for the Keystone Development Trust • The Keystone Development Trust is embedded in a number of partnership

initiatives and networks across Breckland and is therefore well positioned to influence the strategic development of services and programmes for migrant workers in Breckland. It has the capacity to act as service facilitator or provider in many areas of activity. Keystone needs to exploit its own strategicality and burgeoning expertise to the full.

• Keystone has a pivotal role to play in the continuation of research into and

with the area’s ‘new communities’, and in the development of a databank of evidence to support its own and others’ policies as regards interventions and service delivery for these groups and the wider Breckland community.

• Instigating a survey exploring the skills of migrant workers in Breckland is

an important first step in strengthening Keystone’s contact and profile with established and emerging migrant worker communities.

• Keystone Development Trust should highlight the increasing diversity of

Breckland’s communities and, in particular, ‘flag up’ the qualities and abilities as well as the needs of a growing workforce from Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and other European accession states.

• Developing good practice now in relation to the established Portuguese

migrant communities and new CEEC workers is equally a matter of ‘preparing the ground’. From January 2007 further enlargement of the EU means that the current CEEC workforce are likely to be joined by workers from Bulgaria and Romania. Keystone’s research activity and expedient development of strategies for action will help the Breckland area better manage later waves of migration.

• Keystone is in a strong position to facilitate better provision and distribution

of information to serve the needs of public agencies (statutory and non-statutory), employers and migrant workers. Acting chiefly in a co-ordinating role, as a ‘one-stop shop’ Keystone could effectively collate, process and disseminate (ideally in appropriate languages) available information from and to a variety of sources and recipients. This would enable Keystone to identify and resolve ‘information gaps’ and sharpen its profile amongst employers and new migrant workers, in particular. Establishing positive relationships with employers would also prove (mutually) beneficial for Keystone’s (recommended) long-term research needs and development of profiling data.

• Keystone should develop and extend innovative and effective community

development activities to help ameliorate tensions between and within

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communities and to enhance the quality of life for Breckland’s diverse communities. A focus on employment, education and skills is a suggested way forward.

• Keystone’s commitment to equality and community development and its

focus on the most deprived wards in the district suggests an equal weighting should be given to the encouragement of expanded and flexible ESOL provision and basic skills training. Keystone is uniquely placed to liase with employers, education providers and future students in order to establish optimum levels of provision.

• Confidence building measures (for female migrants, older migrants and

migrant workers from Portugal, in particular) should be integrated into Keystone’s activities and encouraged in the work of Keystone’s partner organisations. Keystone could facilitate the development of conducive learning environments and flexible provision for indigenous and migrant students to help tackle a perceived culture of low educational aspirations across Norfolk.

• Keystone should seek to capitalise on the IT proficiency of many of the

younger migrant workers in our sample (or, indeed, contribute to the improvement of these skills for all migrant workers) and make available computerised English language courses at its own training centre. Migrant workers’ awareness of Keystone should encourage greater take-up and would be a more palatable option for most compared to ‘unknown’ providers and travel to other sites in the region. Partnership working with existing providers across the region could help localise provision and offset some of the costs involved.

• Keystone has a vital role to play in helping to boost Breckland’s ability to

meet the needs of the local and regional economy. Keystone should liaise with higher educational establishments in the region to promote higher education opportunities and raise aspiration levels in Breckland, and to open up access for migrant workers in the area.

• There are a number of issues exposed by the research that may not be

within Keystone’s remit or that Keystone cannot be expected to lead on, instead, the Trust’s energies are best deployed in partnership arrangements or in a consultative capacity. As the Trust develops a body of work and hones a distinctive role in relation to migrant worker issues, it should expect to consolidate its strategic importance within these partnerships and, at the same time, add value to governance processes per se.

• Keystone must capitalise on this report’s findings and develop a strategy

for future action.

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2 Introduction 2.1 Background and Aims This research on migrant workers4 in the Community Economic Regeneration (CER) wards in Breckland, Norfolk was commissioned by the Keystone Development Trust, Thetford and is funded – as part of the Breckland New Communities Project - by Breckland District Council, the European Social Fund and the Home Office. The CER wards are chiefly located in the market towns of Thetford and Swaffham and form the focal points of the study. The Breckland New Communities Project was stimulated by the growth of minority communities, initially Portuguese communities, in the Breckland area. Migrant workers have been a part of the Breckland economy for some time but the numbers coming to work and live in the area have recently increased, most notably citizens from the new accession states of the European Union. The project aims to assist these communities by providing advice and guidance, building community capacity and addressing ‘barriers’ such as poor English language skills. As part of that larger project, our remit is to:

• identify the range of skills available amongst migrant workers within the Community Economic Regeneration (CER) wards of Breckland (particularly those that are valuable to the local economy) and make comparisons to the local population (see section 5 of this report)

• indicate the scale of the migrant worker population in the area (see section 2 and 5)

• indicate likely trends regarding the flows of migrants to/from and within the area (see section 2 and 5).

(Keystone, 2004)

4 Different definitions of ‘migrant worker’ are used by a range of statistical sources. Robinson’s key DWP Report on ‘Migrant Workers in the UK’ notes the differing definitions of the International Passenger Survey and the Labour Force Survey but goes on to provide an alternative definition of migrant workers ‘as migrants who have been newly arrived in the UK, and have also applied for a NI number between 5 April 2001 and 6 April 2002 (September, 2002). McKay and Erel, following Bell and Jarman (2004), offer a definition of ‘migrant workers’ as ‘primarily those who have come to the UK within the last five years specifically to find or take up work, whether intending to remain permanently or temporarily and whether documented or undocumented’ (2004:3). We define a ‘migrant worker’ as someone who has entered the UK with the intention to work; to capture the established Portuguese community and the newly arrived CEEC community we are not placing any time limits on migrant workers’ length of residence or their intention to stay. Complicating factors in the interpretation of secondary data are the differing definitions or emphasis of definition used in different studies and data sources; for example, ‘migrant workers’ primarily used in relation to undocumented labour. The Health and Safety Commission’s report on Migrant Workers talks of ‘illegal, migrant and vulnerable workers’ (11.1.2005), the Countryside Agency adopts a more general categorisation and refers only to ‘foreign labour’ (2004). A blurring together of migrant categories: migrant workers, asylum seekers and refugees, can also occur.

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In order to raise awareness amongst public bodies of the needs and requirements of migrant communities and to further the development of appropriate policies and services for this population group, it is has also been necessary to examine additional but closely related issues (see sections 2, 4 and 5). However, the focus of the research is the identification of a demographic, skills and employment profile of migrant workers in the Breckland area. In this respect the study is quite distinct from the majority of recent studies in the eastern region that have investigated migrant workers’ experiences through interviews with employers, public organisations and migrant workers themselves (McKay and Winkelman-Gleed, 2005; Rogaly and Taylor, 2004; Pemberton and Ling, 2004). These projects, to a large extent, highlight the problems of migrant workers in the East of England in relation to contracts, pay, housing and exploitative practices. Although we explore the experience of migrant workers in focus groups, the main objective of our survey is to produce a profile of migrant workers in the Breckland district. The profile enables the identification of key skills within this population group that can be used to benefit the local economy. Importantly, the design of the research permits the comparison of statistical and ‘soft’ data with international, national and regional studies on shared core themes such as education and skills, employment, demographics and the experience of key groups. Insights garnered here further strengthen the robustness of our conclusions and contribute to a sound evidence base on which to make policy recommendations. The Structure of the Report This report will next consider context and scale – scale of migration, political and economic perspectives of migration, and the regional and local context including the CER wards distinctive skills, education and employment profile. This is followed by a detailed description of our methodological approach. Section 3 comprises a focused literature review of key research supporting the design and evaluation of the survey in section 5. The small qualitative component of our study - focus groups with migrant workers and semi-structured interviews with employers and public agencies in section 4 - complements this survey by exploring and collating the experiences and insights of key informants. Section 5 presents the survey findings. It describes and analyses the demographic, employment, education and skills profile of migrant workers in the Breckland area and draws on earlier studies outlined in the literature review to illuminate findings. Overall recommendations, applicable to Keystone and, more broadly, addressing local, regional and national policy concerns, are placed at the front of the report following the executive summary.

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2.2 Context and Scale

Political and Economic Background Governments of all Western European countries are currently acknowledging openly and positively that migration is a central strategy in dealing with sectoral skill, labour shortages and demographic imbalances. Targeted migration and family re-union policies continued to a significant extent after the end of mass recruitment in the early 1970s but never reached public debate (see Castles). The enlargement of the EU on 1 May 2004 created anew the debate on migrant workers5. The government decided to introduce a work registration scheme and a seven year restrictive period for CEEC citizens to access benefits and public services. Migrants from the CEEC do not have to apply for a work permit before entering Britain but need a work registration certificate from their employers. Already before 1 May 2004 the British government had introduced and/or continued a number of schemes to recruit workers for specific sectors (to cover short-term labour requirements the following programmes were developed or expanded: the Highly Skilled Migrant Programme (HSMP), the Seasonal Agricultural Workers’ scheme (SAWS) and the Sectors Based Scheme (SBS)). These schemes have been looking for skilled people while no specific schemes have been developed for non-skilled migrants (oxfam.org.uk). All in all foreign workers account for less than 5 per cent of the UK workforce and the biggest proportion arrive from EU member states (SSDA 2005).

Liberal attitudes, note Hardy and Clark, have little to do with the lifting of immigration restrictions in relation to the A8 (CEEC) but everything to do with labour shortages (2005:3). The Workers Registration Scheme, which has probably supplanted the temporary entry schemes SAWS and SBS for A8 citizens, recorded the registration of 91,000 workers during the first five months of the scheme (post-May, 2004), almost a third of which were already working in the UK (Hardy & Clark, 2005:4).

5 There has been substantial political debate about economic migration, which is reflected in the three main political parties’ election manifestos. The Labour Party states that for migrant workers ‘if you are ready to work hard and there is work for you to do, then you are welcome here’ (Labour Party 2005: 51) but stating the intention to introduce a points system and language test for those wishing to migrate long-term. The Liberal Democrats highlight that ‘economic migrants have helped to make Britain one of the richest countries in the world, both economically and culturally’ (Liberal Democrats 2005: 17) adding that as a government they would ‘consult with business and the public service to agree numbers of work permits for economic migration’ (Liberal Democrats 2005: 17). The Conservative Party feels that ‘immigration needs to be effectively managed, in the interest of all Britons, old and new’ (Conservative Party 2005: 19) and will ‘introduce a points base system for work permits’ and would ‘set an overall limit on the numbers coming to Britain’ (Conservative Party 2005: 19).

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The Home Office estimate that in 1999/2000,

Migrants in the UK contributed £31.2 billion in taxes and consumed £28.8 billion in benefits and state services, a net fiscal contribution of approximately £2.5 billion after rounding. This is the equivalent to around 1p on the basic rate of income tax (Gott and Johnston 2002: iii).

Gott and Johnston acknowledge that ‘this aggregate result masks the differential performance of subsections of this population' but suggest that ‘even if migrants do not make a fiscal contribution directly they may still produce indirect and overall fiscal gains’ (Gott and Johnston 2002: 25). Furthermore, Dustmann, Fabbri and Preston’s (2005) empirical investigation into the effects of immigration on employment and wages outcome demonstrates that labour market outcomes show overall little evidence of adverse effects of immigration on the labour market outcomes of the indigenous population. Demand for Migrant Labour

Employers and trades unions have a clear understanding of how important migrant workers have become to the economy and the TUC have produced a number of publications highlighting exploitation and the rights and entitlements of this essential workforce (2003, 2004, 2005, Hardy and Clark, 2005).

Research carried out by the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD) reveal that more than a quarter of the 1,300 UK organisations they surveyed are planning to recruit migrant workers, including one in three public sector organisations. This is to relieve ‘short-term jobs market pressures’ and to fill skills shortages rather than to cut costs, though it is acknowledged that migration helps ‘to prevent wage inflation’ (Labour Market Outlook, 18.5.05). The survey also found that migrant workers are, in the main, filling professional and skilled vacancies and that 18 per cent of employers recruit migrant workers because of a higher level of commitment to their work. A third of employers surveyed claim that the professional skills of migrant workers are not available in the UK labour market. However, migrant workers’ standard of English is noted by 40 per cent of employers as, at best, average with a third of organisations believing that a good standard of English is essential for work (ibid). Similarly, a survey by the Royal Institute of Chartered Surveyors (RICS) reveals that migrant workers are being recruited to compensate for labour and skills shortages in the UK (Rebbeck, 19.4.05). The construction industry recruits carpenters, bricklayers, plasterers and electricians from Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to ‘plug the UK skills gap’ (ibid). A combination of growth in the construction industry and the declining popularity of apprenticeships and vocational training has fuelled demand for skilled migrant workers (who can earn more here than in their home countries). The standard of English is also an issue for the construction industry. The

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Construction Industry Training Board (CITB) estimates that 83,000 workers are required annually by the industry and many of these workers, skilled and unskilled, will come from outside the UK. Such workers are acknowledged to be ‘value for money’ but, it is reported, a group of construction workers on a building project from the same country may include only one who can speak English and that is resulting in costly mistakes and breaches in safety. The provision of basic, intermediate and advanced English lessons is urged on the industry by RICS (26.04.04). Scale of Migration The net immigration into the UK has been increasing over the last decade and non-British nationals now constitute around 5 per cent of the overall population. The government expects that net immigration will play a significant part in of the total UK population growth over the next 25 years (IPPR 2005). Population growth is not only desired for labour market requirements but also for demographic reasons. In 2003 around 1,396,000 foreign workers were in the UK which reflects an increase of 62 per cent over the last decade. Nearly fifty percent of the migrant workers registering for a NI Number came from the following countries (in descending order): Australia, India, South Africa, France, Pakistan, Philippines, Spain, Republic of Ireland, New Zealand, and Germany. The DWP states that 25 per cent of migrants asking for a National Insurance number (NINo) in 2002-03 were from the European Union and 10 per cent form other European countries; indicating that migrants from accession countries already entered before 1 May 20046 (DWP 2004, TUC 2005). The highest number (20 per cent) for a single country was allocated to nationals from India. The London Government Office Region (GOR) had the highest

6 The TUC highlight the increased migration from the newer EU members using requests for translated material on employment rights as a measure. Country Number of Requests % Poland 900 61% Slovakia 189 13% Czech Republic 135 9% Latvia 122 8% Hungary 91 6% Lithuania 25 2% Estonia 9 0.6% Total 1471 (TUC 2004: 15) The TUC also identified a breakdown of requests by industry with agriculture representing 28 per cent of all requests by industry (TUC 2004: 20). The TUC’s figures do not represent all Eastern European countries, especially with reference to the non-EU former USSR states such as the Ukraine.

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number of migrant workers (41 per cent, 113 000). The South East is the next most likely region where overseas nationals arrive (12 per cent). In the East of England 19.300 (7 per cent) overseas nationals settled in 2002-03 (DWP 2004). Figures published by the DWP reveal a steady increase of overseas nationals arriving in the East of England with 17.400 persons registering in 2000/01 and 18.300 persons registering in 2001/02. (Unfortunately, the National Insurance Recording System does not provide information about the reasons and length of allocations of NINos, they merely measure the in-flow of overseas nationals) (DWP 2004). Since the 1st of May, 2004, the rural East of England is increasingly a key destination for many agricultural, hospitality and food sector workers. Less than a quarter of migrant workers now relocate to London and just over 10 per cent relocate to the South East, with 40 per cent of migrant workers relocating to the Midlands, East Anglia and the South West, which is a marked shift from the position in 2001 (Propping Up Rural and Small Town Britain, TUC, 2004). The Home Office Managed Migration Directorate agreed to release their latest figures for applicants of the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme and the Workers Registration Scheme covering the Breckland research area (based on postcodes) from the 1st of May 2004 to the 31st of December 20047. The number of students applying through SAWS at 35, with 19 females and 15 males, is low and the age range, as might be expected, fairly compressed. The greater proportion of both male and female students originate from Romania and Ukraine (Figures 2.1 and 2.2).

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

No. of Applicants

Belarus Estonia Lithuania Poland Romania UkraineApplicants' Country of Origin

SAWS Applicants Gender Profile

FemaleMale

7 Peter Dickin of the Managed Migration Directorate arranged access to statistics from the SAWS and WRS collected on the basis of employers’ postcodes. We selected the postcode areas of the main employers of migrant labour in the Breckland research area – IP24, IP25, IP26, IP27, IP28, PE37, NR19, NR20 - from the date of accession to the latest available (1.5.04 – 31.12.04). The MMD does not collect information on family status or educational qualifications.

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Figure 2.1 SAWS Applicants – Gender by Country of Origin

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

No. of Applicants

20 yr 21 yr 22 yr 23 yr 24 yr 25 yr 26 yr 27 yrAge

SAWS Age by Country

BelarusEstoniaLithuaniaPolandRomaniaUkraine

Figure 2.2 SAWS Applicants – Age by Country of Origin There are a higher number of applicants in the research area taking advantage of the Workers Registration Scheme, the greater proportion originating from Poland, followed by Lithuania and then Latvia. A greater number of men than women are recorded at 121 and 77, respectively (in contrast to the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme) (Figure 2.3).

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

No. of Applicants

Czech Rep Estonia Latvia Lithuania Poland SlovakiaCountry of Origin

Workers Registration Scheme Applicants

FemaleMale

Figure 2.3 WRS – Gender by Country of Origin

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There is a wide age range of applicants, with workers registering from age 18 to over the age of 50. However, most workers are concentrated in the 18-29 age group including 100 per cent of registered workers from the Czech Republic*, over 80 per cent of registered workers from Slovakia and 74 per cent of registered workers from Estonia*. Registered workers from Poland, Lithuania and Latvia who make up the bulk of all registered workers in the research area are also strongly represented in this age group and are a significant presence across the other age groups (Figure 2.4).

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

% of Each Country of Origin

18 - 29 30 - 34 35 - 39 40 -49 50+Age Range

WRS Scheme Country of Origin and Age

Czech Rep*Estonia*LatviaLithuaniaPolandSlovakia

* Small Sample Size

Figure 2.4 WRS - Age by Country of Origin It should be noted that this scheme applies to workers from the new accession states only and, therefore, does not include workers in the area from the older EU member states (Portugal, for example) and countries outside the EU. Other migrant workers in the area have entered the country on a visa basis or via other arrangements. The East of England Over the last twenty years the East of England has experienced considerable demographic change and has the fastest growing rural population in the country. The East of England is described as a highly rural region and a large proportion of the population (44 per cent) live in rural areas (Countryside Agency, 2004). However, due to a combination of demographic, social and economic factors, the region’s rural areas have proportionately fewer people under the age of 24 and many more aged over 45. There is a tendency for older age groups to retire to the countryside and younger age groups to migrate to urban areas. In 2002 10 per cent of the rural population were between 15 and 24 years, 18 per cent 65 and over. According to the Countryside Agency, inward migration contributes more to population growth than any other factor. It identifies newcomers as originating from either urban

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or rural areas but does not specify whether their data includes foreign migrant workers. Nonetheless, the Agency concludes that,

Migration is a driving force for social, economic as well as demographic change in rural East of England, and is likely to continue (Countryside Agency, 2004).

As regards economic characteristics, the Countryside Agency notes that the more accessible areas of the region - the South and West (and closest to London) - have stronger economies than the more rural North and East areas. These areas are characterised by an over-dependence on declining employment sectors such as food production and agriculture, which are noted to be major landholders in the region but employ just 3 per cent of the total rural workforce – and migrant workers are noted to be an important component in that workforce (Countryside Agency, 2004). Rural areas are also characterised by a generally low skills base (15 per cent of adults in rural areas have no qualifications) and low earnings levels (and see EEDA 2003, 2005). A key priority - or Goal 1 - cited in the regional economic strategy document for the East of England Development Agency (A Shared Vision, 2005) is the development of ‘a skills base that supports a world-class economy’ and this aspiration is to be furthered by the newly formed Regional Skills Partnerships. Skills, says the Agency, that directly meet the needs of employers and the development of ‘higher level’ skills for a growing knowledge economy (increased HE participation) are required in order to combat ‘a low skills equilibrium labour market, where an economy becomes trapped in a spiral of low value added, low skills and low wages’ (ibid:24; DTI, 2003). Therefore, although the East of England is considered relatively wealthy, there are disparities across the region with pockets of deprivation and disadvantage, particularly within the rural areas of the North and East. The Countryside Agency cites evidence of limited employment opportunities, low wage and skill levels, poor access to key services, limited childcare provision, lack of good quality affordable housing and patchy public transport (Countryside Agency, 2004). These are many of the defining characteristics of the Breckland District in Norfolk. Breckland, Norfolk The Breckland District is situated to the South and West of Norwich. It has been described as ‘the heart of Norfolk’ (Breckland DC, 2005). At 500 square miles it is a large local authority area which is mostly rural in character with large swathes of forested land and is sparsely populated. It has a sprinkling of market towns – Thetford, Swaffham, Watton, Attleborough, and Dereham. 49 per cent of the Breckland population live in the area’s market towns, the other 51 per cent are dispersed across its 108 parishes, two thirds of which have populations of under 500 (The Community Plan for Breckland, 2005). Its rural geography and dispersed population poses particular problems in terms of the strategic development and ‘roll out’ of policies.

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Demographic Profile According to the 2001 Census, the Breckland district had a population of 121,418 people and a predicted aggregated population growth of 5 per cent by 2012 (however, a drop of 2 per cent is expected over the same time period for the 25-44 age group) (ONS, 2001). The Community Plan describes the Breckland population as ‘primarily indigenous’ but notes a ‘growing Portuguese community working in the low paid agricultural sector’ (Breckland DC: 2005:10). This community quite possibly contributes to the number of young people in Thetford, the largest market town in the area, which this publication describes as having ‘twice the number of young people compared to the other towns in the district’. However, across the district the number of over-65s is three times that of the national average (17 per cent) (ibid). The Plan does not mention the growing number of CEEC workers in the area. Census data (2001) suggests that the largest ethnic group in Norfolk is ‘other white’ and is concentrated in the Breckland area. This is most likely a reference to the Gypsy or Traveller communities in Breckland. Education and Skills Profile Breckland’s Community Plan aims to ‘bring together and co-ordinate plans to improve the lives of [its] communities’ (2005:7). A key priority is the improvement of the learning experience and learning outcomes for local residents. Good standards of language, literacy and numeracy, the promotion of learning opportunities for the 16-18 age group, increasing the numbers of adults achieving relevant qualifications, ensuring learning supports the needs of the local economy, and improving the co-ordination of adult learning are the objectives set in this long-term vision for Breckland (ibid: 4). Many of these objectives are a direct response to the findings of the Bainbridge and Donaldson LSC report (2004) which highlighted low rates of participation and low attainment levels (particularly exaggerated in some wards, notably the CER wards below), gaps in provision, and unmet learning needs across Norfolk. Citing census data, Bainbridge and Donaldson report that 34 per cent of Breckland residents between the ages of 16 and 74 had no qualifications compared to 28 per cent in the East of England as a whole, and only 12 per cent had attained a level 4/5 qualification compared to 18 per cent across the eastern region (ibid:82). Breckland’s progression rates to higher education stands at a low 4 per cent compared to a national progression rate of 5 per cent of the 18-25 population group (ibid:83). A spotlight on Thetford revealed poor literacy and numeracy levels estimated at 29 per cent and 31 per cent respectively for the 16 to 60 age group (ibid:79) and a low progression to higher education rate, particularly in Thetford’s Abbey ward (at 3 per cent and less than half the national progression rate based on UCAS acceptances) (ibid:17). Vocational skills requirements were believed to be particularly poorly served in the Thetford area with students forced to travel to FE colleges across Norfolk and Suffolk (ibid: 23).

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Economic Profile The employment pattern for Breckland reflects that of Norfolk as a whole with 25 per cent of the population working in retail and 23 per cent working in distribution and catering (Breckland DC 2003:15). There are, however, differences in the employment patterns of the market towns – Thetford is distinctive as 50 per cent of jobs here are in manufacturing. Across Breckland 42 per cent of jobs are skilled, 20 per cent partly skilled but managerial and technical jobs fall below the national average at 24 per cent (Breckland DC, 2005:10). The declining agricultural sector is focused on ‘stock and poultry rearing, arable crops and large scale commercial forestry’ (EEDA, 2005:10) and it is primarily in these three areas that the migrant population is employed (Taylor and Rogaly 2004:3). Breckland’s Community Plan (2005 -2015) summarises the area as,

one of rapid population growth, low pay and low rates of unemployment, but with a trend for the overall number of jobs to fall and localised hotspots of multiple deprivation, along with an increasingly elderly and younger population (2005:9).

The Community Economic Regeneration Wards The Community Economic Regeneration (CER) wards in the Breckland District make up the majority of these ‘localised hotspots’ and are key to this research. They are: • Barnham Cross (Thetford Castle) • Saxon • Guildhall (part) • Abbey • Weeting • Conifer • Mid Forest • Swaffham (Keystone 2004) The East of England Development Agency (EEDA) in its Investing in Communities programme is looking to target the deprived wards in the region. It has invested £4 million in Breckland to support its Community Regeneration Programme (DEFRA, 19.5.2005). Key priorities include ‘learning and skills’ (EEDA 2003: 1) and the broad aims are to: • improve economic performance in deprived areas • improve the employment opportunities of disadvantaged groups • address social exclusion and inequalities in the region (EEDA 2003: 2)

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These aims link closely to EEDA’s regional economic strategy, which recognises that ‘globalisation of the labour market has a direct influence on employment in the region’ (EEDA 2005: 8) and that ‘the region’s skills base remains patchy with areas of educational underperformance, skills gaps and shortages’ (EEDA 2005: 10). The CER wards will be central to EEDA’s:

refreshed approach to regeneration …giving communities of both place and interest opportunities to fully participate in the regional economy, while working in an increasingly holistic manner to tackle the causes and symptoms of exclusion and deprivation (EEDA 2005: 10).

Indices of Deprivation in the Breckland CER Wards The Breckland CER Wards are characterised by distinctive levels and patterns of deprivation, two indices of which are especially relevant to this research: employment, and education and training (and see appendices 1, 2 and 3) (East of England Observatory, 2004). The indices below show the rank of the area compared to other areas in England (with 1 being the most deprived) and the quintile positioning of each area. Table 2.1 WARD ED/TRAIN

IMD RANK ED/TRAIN QUINTILE

EMPLOY IMD RANK

EMPLOY QUINTILE

Conifer 15227 3 22771 4 Mid Forest 11652 2 17843 3 Swaffham 3718 1 9190 2 Swaffham 16315 3 20133 4 Swaffham 13432 3 21246 4 Swaffham 9160 2 10385 2 Swaffham 5392 1 8246 2 Thetford Abbey

5771 1 8487 2

Thetford “ 7684 2 17847 3 Thetford “ 299 1 4815 1 Thetford Castle

13520 3 16507 3

Thetford Saxon

6943 2 11942 2

Thetford “ 10090 2 22097 4 Thetford “ 2285 1 11712 2 Thetford “ 2815 1 9224 2 Thetford “ 1513 1 12533 2 Weeting 11522 2 15009 3 Weeting 14720 3 21384 4 (Adapted from East of England Observatory, 2004)

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These indices highlight the problems within the CER wards, and the employment and education and training scores reflect the concerns of EEDA in its regional economic strategy. Section 5 of the report builds on this data to develop a comparative profile of migrant workers and the indigenous population. Current Research on Migrant Workers There is a reported dearth of accurate data on migrant workers. For example, the Health and Safety Commission have found ‘existing external sources of data on numbers of migrant workers employed in the UK … wanting’ (11.1.2005); the Observatories Social Exclusion Partnership note that ‘no reliable statistics exist on either the numbers of such people [migrant workers], nor on their pay and conditions’ (2004:5); NHS Tayside’s research reveal ‘there is little information locally or nationally about migrant workers’ (2005); and the Countryside Agency, notes that though ‘foreign labour’ ‘is an important component of the diminishing agricultural workforce in the rural East of England’ it ‘may or may not be included in official statistics’ (2004); the East of England Regional Rural Affairs Forum bemoan the ‘lack of detailed knowledge and hard facts on the subject’ (14.6.2004). Across the country a number of projects have been set in motion in response to a lack of data in relation to migrant workers at the local, regional and national level and most are currently in progress. The Health and Safety Commission within its five workstreams ‘designed to gather hard evidence’ has instigated two research projects to ‘yield definitive data’ which will report in early 2006, and the Immigration Research and Statistics Service are due to report later in the Summer (IND, 23.6.04). Research is also ongoing at COMPAS, Oxford reporting later in 2005 and early 2006, and the University of Sussex is offering a studentship on migrant workers in British Agriculture from Oct 2005. The TUC have a full programme of research and publication in this area, the most recent publication is the Rogaly and Anderson report on forced labour in February 2005 (TUC, 2005). The TUC have instigated further research on East European workers (who contact the TUC) investigating their pay, hours and problems with employers and this will be carried out with the Centre for Migration Policy and Society in the near future (2005:7). The East of England Development Agency, more than any other development agency in the UK, has been particularly active in instigating and encouraging research in this area (Association of Regional Observatories, 2005). There are a number of research projects currently taking place or recently reported in the eastern region. These include the EEDA study by Mckay and Winkelmann-Gleed (2005); Fenland Links research; NCC’s audit of employment of migrant workers in the agricultural and food sector; Cambridgeshire LSC skills development and European migration study; an LSC education and employment study in Bedfordshire; an EEDA backed housing study; and a UEA study into higher education opportunities for migrant workers; as well as our own study.

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Public bodies are keen to establish a sound evidence base before ploughing funding into interventions specifically targeted at migrant workers. However, not all organisations feel it is necessary for research to canvas the views of the target beneficiaries of services themselves and rarely seek the (self) assessment of migrant workers’ attributes (what these communities can potentially offer the host society). This research project aims to do precisely that as described below.

2.3 Methodology The report has utilised a variety of methodologies to gather information about migrant workers in the Breckland Ward and to compare this information with the indigenous population of Breckland and East Anglia. A secondary analysis of data provided by the East of England Observatory (2004) was used to develop a profile of the population in the Breckland ward and East Anglia in Section 5. These data allow a comparison between migrant workers’ characteristics and the indigenous local and regional population. 35 employers in the Breckland area were approached for interview. These were semi-structured interviews (face-to-face or telephone) to gather information on migrant workers and to chart the experience of employers in the employment context. 31 employers consented to be interviewed of which 17 employed migrant workers (see Section 4 and Appendix 4 for Employers Phone Interview Schedule). Further semi-structured telephone interviews were carried out with nine public organisations concerned with migrant workers in the Breckland area. Interviews probed organisations’ demographic knowledge of this group, their perception of problems affecting the migrant worker population, and sought information on current initiatives and recommendations for action (see Section 4 and Appendix 5 for Public Organisation Interview Schedule). Two focus groups were arranged during February in Thetford and Swaffham. Thirteen migrant workers attended representing five countries of origin (Brazil, Latvia, Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic) (see Appendix 6 for Focus Group Questions). The main objective of the focus group was to pilot the structured questionnaire for the survey although both groups provided an insight into the general situation of migrant workers in the Breckland wards. Although findings from the focus groups are not representative they complement the findings gained from our questionnaire and support the list of recommendations and action points arising from this report. We perceive focus groups as a very effective method to gather a wide range of information and to identify similarities and dissimilarities between migrants’ experiences. However, we strongly recommend the selection of migrants with similar qualification backgrounds (gained before entry to the UK). In our experience, discrepancies with regard to levels of qualifications hinder the open communication process in a focus group.

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The survey was based on a structured questionnaire (translated into Polish, Portuguese and Russian) which also utilised a few open questions which focussed particularly on qualifications and employment experience (see Appendix 7). The questionnaire was structured around the following main themes: gender, age, length of residence, perception of social class, future intentions, country-of-origin, language, nationality, city versus country-side origin, employment, skills, educational levels, aspirations, and knowledge about training facilities. The questionnaire was piloted in two focus groups and members from the migrant worker communities were involved in the translation, distribution and collection of questionnaires (Research Guidance for Language School Teacher and Research Assistants see Appendix 8 and 9). Questionnaires were distributed on a face-to-face basis eliminating the problem of low return rates. A sample of 168 questionnaires was collected from a variety of locations (such as social meeting points, ESOL language classes and work places) across Breckland between February and April 2005 at different times of the week and day. Portuguese migrant workers were overrepresented in the sample (58 per cent) which reflects their dominance in the area. 31 per cent of responses were received from CEEC migrants and 11 per cent from migrants arriving from other countries (mainly from outside Europe). Due to the small sample of migrants who arrived from outside Europe (N=16) no further generalisations can be made about this group. In general the sample reflected a fairly even gender distribution with 47 per cent being female and 53 per cent male. There was a fairly good representation across the age groups although younger migrant workers were overrepresented (44 per cent for the 18 to 29 age group, 20 per cent for the 30 to 39 group and 34 per cent for the 40 to 50 + group).8 Findings were analysed using SPSS providing information on descriptive and inferential statistics. Differences between the sub groups amongst migrant workers (with regard to country of origin, age, gender, length of residence etc.) are presented using percentages, significance and strength of association. Although percentage differences are important for policy recommendation, tests on significance and strength of association provide more robust measures for generalisation. Although the survey was geographically limited it provides a robust evidence base for policy makers beyond the Breckland region due to the relative large sample size, its representativeness and the fact that findings in general confirm other national and European surveys. 8 It should be noted that the sample size for CEEC migrant workers for the 30 to 39 age groups (N = 9) and the 40 to 50+ age groups (N = 10) were small and no further generalisations can be made about these age groups.

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Ethics The Anglia Polytechnic University has a strict ethics protocol and approval must be gained from its Ethics Committee before any research can proceed. The committee’s approval (with recommendations) was granted before the commencement of fieldwork. In the field, participants in the research were given (or e-mailed) a description of the research and its aims, information about the research team and contact details (see Appendix 10). They were also asked to read and complete a consent form (see Appendix 11). Like the questionnaires, this information was produced in the major languages we expected to encounter in Breckland: English, Portuguese, Polish and Russian. Telephone interviews with key informants (public agencies and employers) were also preceded by letters or emails (Appendix 12), information about the research project and assurances of confidentiality where required.

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3 Literature Review The purpose of this literature review is to highlight findings of existing migrant studies which provide the basis for our survey of migrant workers in the Breckland District and can be used as point of reference for the evaluation of our statistical findings. The review draws upon regional, national and European literature. The wider context is developed to identify whether migrants residing in the Breckland Ward reflect wider regional, national and European trends in migration. Whenever possible we will refer to information relating to migrant workers from Portugal and the CEEC as they are the main nationalities in the sample of our study. Special emphasis will be placed upon education and skill levels of migrant workers but more general issues such as age and gender distributions, future intentions and employment aspects will also be covered.

The following provides a brief overview of general characteristics of migrant workers before sections 3.2, 3.3 and 3.4 analyse in more detail literature on migrant workers’ employment, education and skills. 3.1 General Characteristics of Migrant Workers Gender The International Labour Organisation states that increasingly migrants are female and they often act as ‘pioneers’ of migration chains (www.ilo.org; accessed 14/05/2005). In the European context Münz and Fassmann (2004) found that women are over-represented amongst migrants arriving from Eastern Europe (54 per cent female versus 46 per cent male) while men are over-represented from southern EU (55 per cent male versus 45 per cent female).

The international development outlined above is reflected in the UK where increasingly young female workers arrive. National statistics (DWP 2004)9 state approximately an equal number of female and male migrant workers registered for an NI number during the tax year 2002/03 (51 per cent for men and 49 per cent for women). Women outnumber men in the under 25 year old age group while female migrant workers over 25 are outnumbered by men. Robinson (2002) suggests that this is due to the fact that women over 25 are more likely to be married (44 per cent) and/or having children.

In the context of East of England 19.300 migrant workers registered in 2002/03 whereby 10.000 were male and 9.400 female (DWP 2004). 9 The title and data sources for the Migrant Worker Statistics published by the DWP were changed in 2004. The statistics are now called the National Insurance Number Allocations to Overseas Nationals entering the UK. Additional sources of data have been included for comprehensive and consistent comparison over time. Data on NI registration which had been published before 2004 need to be adjusted to be consistent with the new data sources (see DWP 2004).

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Age Various studies across Europe confirm that the new migrant workers arriving in Western Europe are young (Reyneri 2004, Műnz and Fassmann 2004). This wider European trend is reflected in the UK where 80 per cent (217 000 of 272 000 people) who registered for an NI number in 2002/03 were between 18 and 34 years old. Statistics from the LFS highlight that migrants from southern Europe are the oldest immigrant population. They represent an ‘ageing stock of migrants’ as out-migration has come to an end. 46 per cent of the population from southern EU is above 55, in comparison to 22 per cent from the CEEC (Műnz and Fassmann 2004). Future Intentions

In general the literature suggests that the new migrant workers do not intend to settle permanently (see Münz and Fassman 2004, IPPR 2005). Münz and Fassman (2004) talk about a young ‘internationally mobile elite’ which does not intend to settle permanently. The IPPR (2005) also states that anecdotal evidence suggests that migrant workers who were employed in low-paid job sectors such as hospitality and catering, agriculture and construction plan to re-migrate in the long-term. With regard to the new accession countries most studies suggest that migrant workers from those countries will recede once the economies in their home countries have improved (www.ssda.org.uk, IPPR, 2004, EU Enlargement and Labour Migration: an IPPR Factfile). The Sector Skills Development Agency expects that migrants will re-migrate once the accession countries have been economically more integrated although they expect a small increase in migration once the restrictive period for migrants from accession countries ends. They base their prognosis upon migration scenarios from former East Germany, Poland and Spain although Portuguese migrant workers do not seem to follow this pattern of return and settle more permanently in the host country (www.ssda.org.uk). Urban Versus Country Side Origin Reyneri’s (2004) research of migrant workers in Italy suggests that the majority of migrants are arriving from urban areas rather than rural areas. He argues that today’s migrants differ significantly from migrants who arrived during the time of mass recruitment. There is a lack of data on the urban versus country-side origin for the British context. Our study will provide data on this issue as it marks a significant shift in migrant workers’ background which may have further links to educational levels and skills.

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3.2 Employment of Migrant Workers Across Europe economically active immigrants are over-represented in non-skilled manual position (immigrants 24 per cent and EU 18 per cent) and underrepresented in medium-skilled non-manual positions (9 per cent with EU average 13 per cent). Migrants from the CEEC are more likely to occupy low skilled positions than those arriving from Southern Europe: 40 per cent of migrants from southern Europe work in low skilled or non skilled positions while 52 per cent of the CEEC occupy those positions. There is no significant difference between migrants from Southern Europe and the CEEC with regard to high and medium skilled jobs (29 per cent and 26 per cent respectively) (Münz and Fassman 2004). Haque et al. (2002) identifies that the foreign-born population in the UK is less successful with regard to level of employment, labour market participation and unemployment. Especially female migrants and migrants from ethnic minority background are less successful in the labour market than the UK-born population. Haque (2002:6) identifies four determinants of migrant workers’ labour market outcomes (i.e. levels of employment, labour market participation and unemployment rate). He argues that the level of education, the sources of education, English fluency and the length of residence have a direct effect on migrants’ labour market outcomes. Although factors such as levels of education and English fluency can significantly improve migrants’ labour market performances discrepancies remain between migrants and the UK-born population. In distinction to Haque et al. (2002) Reyneri (2004) suggests that education has an ambivalent effect on employment. He failed to find in his study a clear correlation between education and labour market performance. Instead migrants with high educational levels were polarised between white collar and high level activities on the one hand and occasional jobs and unemployment on the other hand. Dustmann, Fabbri and Preston’s (2005) empirical investigation into the effects of immigration on employment and wages outcomes (based on the British Labour Force Study from 1983 to 2000) concludes that the education and skill distribution of immigrants is very similar to that of the indigenous workforce and that labour market outcomes show overall little evidence of adverse effects of immigration on the labour market outcomes of the indigenous population. With regard to the accession countries a survey by the IPPR (2004) concluded that there will be three broad types of employees from those countries: highly skilled professional in health care and engineering, skilled crafts people (builders, carpenters, joiners) and low skilled workers in traditionally low wage sectors such as hotels and restaurants (SSDA). EUIRD (2004) found that arrivals from the accession countries are moving into smaller towns and rural areas rather than big cities; this is a direct reflection of labour market demands whereby skills and labour shortages are found outside urban areas in sectors of agriculture and food processing. It can

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therefore be expected that the East of England will experience a larger in-flow of migrants from CEEC due to its high demand of agricultural labour. There are currently several labour migration schemes in place in the UK. They were launched to fill gaps in sectors such as health, business services, and construction. Work permits are the longest-running and the most important of those schemes with 130,000 work permits issued in 2002. More than 87 per cent of work permits handed out in Britain in 2002 was for managerial, professional and technical vacancies (24 per cent for the health sector and 17 per cent for computing services). While the UK managed to fill gaps in the above sectors the construction industry is still demanding manual and semi-skilled workers but legal and accountancy sectors also have shortages (SSDA 2005). More recently introduced labour migration schemes target migrants with lower and higher skills. The Highly Skilled Migrant Programme (HSMP) was initiated in 2002 for workers with specific skills or an ‘elite tier’ (IPPR 2005). Low-skill vacancies in the agricultural and service industry were covered via the seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme (SAWS) and the Sector Based scheme (SBS) which were introduced in 2003.

3.3 Education of Migrant Workers The analysis of educational qualifications is difficult as official data collected from migrants are underestimating qualifications. Official organisations will need a record of the qualifications which migrants do not always have available and procedures for recognising qualifications from countries of origin are slow and not always available or correct. On the other hand, surveys carried out by researchers risk overstating the educational attainment as respondents may want to impress interviewers or declare qualifications which they have not actually completed (see Reyneri 2004).

In the wider context of Europe Reyneri’s (2004) study of migrants in Italy has found that migrants arriving in Italy are no longer ‘poorly-educated peasants’ but middle-class or highly educated youth from larger cities. Combining educational levels with status he categorises migrants into four typologies: the ‘underprivileged’ (low status and poor education), the ‘underachievers’ (poor education but high social status), the upwardly mobile’ (high educational attainment but low status), the privileged (high level of both education and social status)’ (Reyneri 2004: 1145).

In the European context levels of qualification differ significantly with regard to country-of-origin. For example, Bauer’s et al. (2002) study of Portuguese migrant workers in Germany reveals that they had lower educational qualifications than Germans and Portuguese who remained in Portugal. However, those Portuguese who came to Germany had higher levels of vocational training. Münz and Fassmann (2004) find for Europe that migrants from the CEEC have higher educational levels than those from Southern Europe: 77 per cent of migrants from southern EU have low educational levels while only 16 per cent possess medium levels and 8 per cent high levels of education. Migrants from the CEEC are mainly characterised with low and

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medium levels of education (41 per cent and 40 per cent respectively) while 20 reflect high skills.

In the British context educational levels of current migrant workers have increased and at times are higher than those of the UK-born population. This is not only caused by improved and more harmonised school systems of sending countries but also by the fact that increasingly a young qualified elite is migrating rather than migrants with low educational levels (Labour Market Trends). Although a significant number of current migrants arrive with high levels of skills a large percentage of the residing migrant worker population has low skills. In this respect the migrant worker population is polarised with regard to skills. Haque et al. (2002) shows that they are more likely to be highly qualified (19 per cent of working age people having a degree against 15 per cent amongst UK- born workers). On the other hand, a large proportion of the foreign-born workers have no qualifications (19 per cent in comparison to 16 per cent amongst UK-born workers). However, a large proportion of foreign workers have other (mainly unnamed) qualifications which may reflect current shortcomings in translating qualifications into the British system as outlined by Reyneri (2004). Figure 3.2 below by Gott and Johnston (2002) provides similar findings to Haque et al. (2002) (see Fig. 3.1). Dustmann, Fabbri and Preston’s (2005) empirical investigation compares LFS data (1983-2000) on educational levels (low, intermediate and advanced) of indigenous workers, immigrants and recent immigrants (from 2000). Contrary to Haque et al. (2002) their analysis suggests that the overall education and skill distribution of immigrants is very similar to that of the indigenous workforce.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

% of P opul a t i on

Degree Ot her HigherEducat ion

NVQ 3 (A Level) NVQ Level 2-3(GCSE)

Ot herQualif icat ion

No Qualif icat ion/Don't Know

Qua l f i c a t i on Ca t e gor y

Migrants of Working Age by Highest Qualification

Source: Home Of f ice RDS Occasional Paper No. 77

(Gott and Johnston 2002:8) Fig. 3.1 Migrants of Working Age by Highest Qualification

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3.4 Migrant Workers’ Skills Generic skills

With regard to generic skills Münz and Fassman (2004: 9) report that the skill levels of migrants within the EU are polarised although they are not significantly different from the indigenous population of EU countries. They found that migrant workers are more likely to have low skill levels (52 per cent for immigrants and 48 per cent for EU15 average), which complements the high demand of low skill jobs across the EU (see Felstead et al. 2001 and Reyneri 2004). On the other hand, migrants are also more likely to be highly skilled (20 per cent for immigrants and 17 per cent for EU 15 average). Only 28 per cent of immigrants have medium skills in comparison to 39 per cent amongst the EU population. This polarisation between low and high skills is not reflected amongst migrants from southern Europe where an especially high percentage of people have low skills (77 per cent) and only 8 per cent have high skills. Migrants from the CEEC reflect a better skills profile than migrants overall with 41 per cent having low skills, 39 per cent having medium skills and 20 per cent having high skills. This discrepancy in skills levels between migrants from Southern Europe and the CEEC may be due to the age distribution of migrants whereby 46 per cent of migrants from Southern Europe are above 55, compared with 22 per cent of the CEEC (Münz and Fassman 2004).

Haque et al. (2002) also state that skills levels of migrants do not necessarily correspond with employment performance. Both the highly-skilled and low-skilled migrants have difficulty competing for jobs with their UK-born counterparts, though the gap is generally larger at the lower-skill levels (Haque et al. 2002). Felstead et al. (2001: 460) shows that there was a net demand for 3,000,000 unskilled jobs in the UK in 2001. The relative large number of migrants with low skills might complement this demand; although one needs to be careful about the processes which led to the classification of migrants as having low skills (see Reyneri 2004 above). The authors of this survey also claim that the emphasis on generic skills often neglects the high levels of soft skills which migrants possess such as flexibility, motivation, creativity, teamwork, and so on.

Although there is a significant demand for unskilled workers, Felstead also identifies that ‘for every skill type except physical skills, there has been a small but significant rise in the level of skill being used at work’ (Felstead et al 2001: 51). This evidence is corroborated locally by the FRESA Labour Market Analysis which identifies that ‘an increased demand for higher level skills is expected in agriculture’ and also in food processing ‘with hygiene and food technology becoming key areas of concern’ (FRESA 2002:28). This is supported by the news that a leading training provider in the Breckland area, Poultec, has received funding to provide basic vocational skill for the food industry (Go East 2004: 5). These increased skill levels would appear to be very industry specific and therefore best provided by continuous professional

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development. It will therefore be important to investigate whether migrant workers have received such training. Soft Skills Felstead et al. (2001: 52) identify the increasing need for a number of different soft skills defined as skills which are not supported by qualifications, such as planning, problem solving and checking skills. Soft skills can also explain differences in labour market performance between the indigenous population and migrant workers. For example Bauer et al. (2002) argue that ‘unobserved qualifications’ were responsible for higher wages among blue collar workers from Portugal when compared to their German counterparts with the same educational background. Reyneri (2004) relates soft skills to the migration chain and argues that people with high levels of motivation, initiative and ability to acquire information in unknown environments migrate first. He calls them the ‘explorers’ who arrive in host countries without networks of relatives and friends. Reyneri’s (2004) findings further suggest that soft skills correlate with high educational achievement and good knowledge of language of host country.10

10 An unpublished study by Schneider shows that soft skills and here especially high levels of creativity and motivation had a significant impact upon labour market performance of recognised refugees in Britain and Germany. Refugees who challenged established norms in the labour market (e.g. applied for the same job three times or turned up at an employer and asked for an interview although they had not been invited) were more successful in finding a job. It seems that employers interpreted migrant workers’ behaviour in a positive (as a reflection of high levels of motivation) rather than in a negative way.

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4 Primary Qualitative Research This section of the report discusses the qualitative findings from focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews, which were carried out to support our extensive survey of migrant workers (see Section 5). It highlights key issues raised by participants and formulates a number of recommendations. 4.1 Focus Groups Two focus groups were carried out with intermediate and advanced English language learners in Swaffham and Thetford. Thirteen migrant workers – 6 Latvians, 4 Polish, 1 Portuguese, 1 Slovakian and 1 Brazilian (8 males and 5 females in all) - agreed to take part. The discussions covered participants’ respective countries of origin, educational and career backgrounds, achievements, aspirations, motivations and experiences as migrant workers in the UK. On the whole, discussions were open and free but there were some difficulties experienced with language skills, confidence levels, and interpersonal and contextual factors impacting upon the dynamics of the groups (Morgan, 1995). Workers backgrounds All were economic migrants who had come to the UK in the hope of a better paid job and most of the younger participants had ambitions to extend their educational qualifications to degree level in the UK. All participants said they were happy or quite happy to be here. There were a number of shared experiences of life in their respective home countries which prompted migration such as an unstable economy, low pay, high unemployment, few and meagre welfare benefits, costly higher education and poor job prospects on graduation. Before arrival Information about the UK and work available here was usually sourced from informal networks of friends and relatives already in the UK but recruitment advertisements in national newspapers and information on the internet attracted four participants from Poland and Portugal. Some participants either could not or did not find information about the UK before coming over but had viewed the whole experience as ‘an adventure’ (FG2, 2005). One participant remarked that ‘some guys in Latvia make money for giving information, they take some money and bring people to England … three years ago I knew people who paid £600 for just one phone number’ (FG1,2005). Another participant reported that ‘some [Portuguese] stay one week and go’ (FG1, 2005).

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Work in the UK Once in the UK most participants, despite some high level qualifications and high status employment histories within the groups, found unskilled or low skilled jobs: six in factories, two in distribution, two in care work, one in catering, one in the building trade and one recent arrival still to find work. According to participants, the difficulties of finding a suitable job could be explained by language barriers: their English not strong enough to negotiate application forms and a range of other forms (‘too many, very difficult and time-consuming’ (FG2, 2005)) or to handle fast-paced discursive environments, and by the lack of recognition of qualifications attained in their home countries. Some found they were doing the jobs the British did not want to do. Three participants reported feeling bored or dissatisfied by their work: ‘very boring, frustrating, it is all physical and demands nothing of the brain’ said a former PA who now works in a vegetable packing factory (FG2, 2005). However, most participants said they gained some level of satisfaction from their jobs in the UK whether through better pay, better working conditions, friendly co-workers and supervisors (who say ‘please’!) or, like the Polish student working here in the care sector to fund the rest of her degree, the satisfying discovery and development of compassionate qualities. Future Aspirations Most participants aspired to something ‘better’: office work, shop work, managerial positions, a professional practice, higher education or home again to complete degrees. Two young Latvian men were happy to stay in their present employment in distribution but had ambitions to eventually travel to the United States. Migrant Worker Experiences Given the number of ‘bad news’ stories of migrant workers’ experiences in this country it was surprising to hear that all participants felt they had a good relationship with the host population and had no particular complaints to make of discrimination or hostility. (Of course, it must be borne in mind that the mix of participants and dynamics within the focus groups, the setting, or the researchers themselves could have engendered an unusually stoical and positive response here (but see also TUC findings, Hardy and Clarke, 2005)). However, some participants reported that on first entering the workplace, particularly where the majority of workers were British, there was a degree of suspicion or awkwardness which could be compounded where there were two or three nationals working together and conversing in their first language.

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Summary of Recommendations • Focus group discussions illustrate a lack of accessible information on a

number of levels: • Before arriving in the UK: UK skill shortages; job vacancies; the ‘British

system’; rights, entitlements and responsibilities in the UK. • In the UK: local skills shortages; job vacancies; skills training; rights and

entitlements; equivalence of qualifications and available conversion courses; access and entitlements to further and higher education.

• Information should be widely available – the internet, foreign-language and British newspapers, Job Centres, libraries, language schools, churches, places of employment, GP surgeries, and other public meeting places – and translated into relevant languages.

• Informal networks should be recognised as a potent means of information sharing: ‘tell your friends’ may disseminate information more quickly and efficiently than leaflets in a rack.

• Focus group discussions highlight the importance of the ESOL classes and language training that specifically relates to vocabulary used in the workplace.

• Focus group discussions also highlight requirements for job-related preparatory training; for example, in the development of curriculum vitae and the completion of job applications.

• Focus group discussions highlight the number of participants who would like to take up higher education opportunities – in some cases to complete degrees discontinued because of the increasingly prohibitive costs of studying in home countries (Portugal and Poland, for example).

4.2 Public Organisations There are a large number of agencies that can claim to work with migrant communities in the Breckland area: the Norfolk Constabulary, Norfolk County Council, Breckland District Council, Norfolk’s Drug and Alcohol Action Team, South Norfolk Primary Care Trust, Keystone Development Trust, Adult Education (ESOL), Sure Start, Citizens Advice Bureaux, Job Centre Plus, Learning and Skills Council, Library Services, INTRAN, and numerous voluntary organisations. Reportedly, one thousand agencies across Norfolk have identified themselves as having a role to play in providing services that are relevant to migrant communities and mapping what contribution these agencies make from the small-scale to the large-scale is an important task. A range of public agencies (nine in all) concerned with migrant worker issues in the Breckland area agreed to take part in our research. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with key representatives from Norfolk Constabulary, Norfolk ESOL, the translation service INTRAN, Breckland District Council, South Norfolk Primary Care Trust, the Norfolk Drug and Alcohol Action Team and Norfolk County Council. Nine questions in all were posed to interviewees (Appendix 5).

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Perceptions of Migrant Worker Demographics The absence of ‘accurate demographics’ is a core issue for agencies working in this area and for all interviewees asked to estimate the size of the migrant worker population in Breckland this was a difficult question. Responses ranged from a general figure for Norfolk as a whole (25-30 thousand people) or a provisional estimate for Breckland (at 3-6 thousand people, or 15-20 thousand people), to the more common, ‘we just don’t know’. The introduction in the 2001 Census of an ‘other white’ category was viewed as not particularly helpful. Census data suggests that the largest ethnic group in Norfolk is ‘other white’ and is concentrated in the Breckland area but no further information on this population group is accessible through the Census. Furthermore, as the Census was carried out four years ago and cannot account for the fluidity – surges and fluctuations – of the migrant worker population (a difficulty it shares in common with other formal population data) it has its limitations. However, as government predicts the arrival of 1.25 million economic migrants over the next ten years (DAAT) and, given the requirements of the area’s food processing factories, it is expected that Breckland will see rising numbers of migrant workers, especially from the new EU accession states. Agencies have established various strategies to arrive at working estimates of migrant communities in the area. These can be based on the number of requests for translation services (Norfolk Constabulary and INTRAN), the knowledge of migrant communities themselves, GP registrations, and the views of other key agencies or knowledge holders. None of these strategies are considered wholly satisfactory by interviewees. For example, INTRAN figures are based on the number of requests made through the NHS and cannot be considered representative or reliable. Not all non-English speakers will use NHS services, if they do it is likely that these services will be required on more than one occasion (giving rise to double-counting), equally, patients may alternatively bring along their own interpreter. It is also the case that as INTRAN meets the needs of all non-English speakers its statistics will not be confined to migrant workers. Relying on the local knowledge of community members as a baseline to estimate the size of the migrant worker community has also proved unreliable given this population’s relative mobility, the use of houses of multiple occupation and practices such as sub-letting. The use and spread of inaccurate estimates is also compounded by agencies uncritically adopting the estimates of other agencies or key personnel perceived to have a more informed perspective on migrant worker communities. Interviewees from all public agencies indicate that migrant workers are predominantly European in origin, pinpointing Portuguese as the largest group in the area but with growing numbers of Central and East European workers, particularly since the enlargement of the European Union in May 2004. Polish workers are perceived to be the second largest and growing group followed by Lithuanian and Latvian workers. A number of Portuguese speakers from other countries (Brazil and some African states, for example) were also noted by two interviewees.

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The gender breakdown of the migrant worker population in Breckland is also a challenging issue for agencies. Though it is noted that there is a general perception of more men than women in this group and that these are younger, single men, it is also recognised that women tend to be less visible in these communities, especially if they are confined to a traditional role within the home. In respect of the Portuguese community, interviewees suggest a 50:50 gender split with, if anything, slightly more women than men in this group. For workers originating from Central and East European countries the view is that the male gender dominates. Similarly, information about the flows of workers held by public agencies is tentative and based on a number of information gathering strategies adopted to suit the particular needs of each agency. For the police, the regular collection of data on requests for translation services within its own forces, as well as noting the pattern of incidents of ‘door-stopping’, petty crime and begging (which generally indicate an influx of new migrant workers in the area, ill-prepared for life in the UK) is one way of developing a partial picture of migrant worker flows. INTRAN statistics on service use suggest that the Portuguese population is growing in South Norfolk, rather than plateauing out as expected, with a growth of 1000 requests per year over the last three years. An alternative view is that quite recently strong changes in the demographics of the migrant population group have occurred, in that a large proportion of the migrant workforce in the area last year consisted of Portuguese workers but this year the Portuguese workforce has decreased and workers from Central and East European countries have increased (Breckland District Council). To some extent, this view was echoed by an interviewee at County Council level who noted a rising number of Polish workers in the area and a rising number of companies employing both Portuguese and CEEC workers. However, another interviewee made the general observation that ‘there always seem to be less Portuguese around at this time of year’, believing that many go back home (whether this is a temporary or permanent arrangement is unclear). Perception of Problems affecting Migrant Worker Communities There is a more congruent range of views across these agencies in relation to the problems perceived for this population group and recommendations for action. Surprisingly, language issues are only cited directly as a primary problem by one interviewee concerned about difficulties in accessing oversubscribed ESOL classes and the incompatibility of long hour shifts and class times. However, other problems and issues raised do reflect a necessity for, at least, a basic level of English language.

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Information Most interviewees highlight the lack of information available and accessible to migrant workers both before leaving their home countries for the UK and throughout their stay in the UK. Information at a national level on benefit entitlements, healthcare entitlements, housing, employment and seasonal work patterns, and British law is seen as essential – and, ideally, available in appropriate languages. Without this, many people are arriving in the UK ill prepared and, indeed, vulnerable to exploitation by unscrupulous operators. Housing Interviewees raised housing as a specific area of concern in Breckland and housing issues were also linked into concerns about employment in the Breckland area. A shortage of housing has implications for the well being of migrant workers who are especially vulnerable to homelessness and may be forced to live in houses of multiple occupancy, to get involved in sub-letting arrangements, or alternatively to travel long distances to their workplace. It is reported that workers are particularly at risk where housing is linked to employment gained through employment agencies. Employment Unemployment is also an emerging feature within the migrant community with 800 migrant workers reportedly unemployed in the Breckland area (Breckland DC). This may be attributed to a combination of factors including new workers coming from Central and Eastern Europe allowing Breckland employers to effectively ‘pick and choose’ workers. With generally better English language skills, CEEC workers not only displace Portuguese workers in unskilled, low paid positions but are more likely to be successful in gaining skilled employment as supervisors or team leaders (Breckland District Council). There are also women in these communities who would like to work but are effectively debarred from working by the long hour shifts that are common in factories in the area and the lack of satisfactory and compatible childcare. Qualifications Related to employment, the difficulties of interpreting the equivalence of international to national qualifications is also raised as an issue requiring review at national government level. Transport Poor public transport and limited information about public transport in the area is also cited as a problem for the migrant worker community.

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Health Health issues are also raised by public agencies and, whilst there are concerns about meeting the specific health needs of this group, there are educational, ethical and legal concerns too centred upon the appropriate conduct of staff and the management of non-English speaking patients’ needs in healthcare settings. In this respect, but applicable to other domains noted here, the view is that institutions have been unable to respond quickly enough and appropriately so to the influx of new migrant workers to the area. Interviewee Recommendations A number of recommendations and solutions are proposed by interviewees to address some of the problems identified, and developed or developing strategies for action are already beginning to materialise. Information and Community Engagement Whilst practitioners and policy-makers at a regional or local level cannot take on the broader information disseminating role envisaged for national government, there are a number of initiatives in place that aspire to the provision of good quality information at a local level. The Keystone Development Trust’s own Information Pack produced in three languages has proved a useful resource, and a Welcome to Norfolk booklet is also in production. Norfolk Police are distributing the nationally developed True Vision Packs (supplied only in English but inserts in key languages will be produced regionally) to enable people to report on hate crime. A key question for statutory and non-statutory agencies is how to engage with this population group in as effective a way as possible. One solution may be the Minority Ethnic Liaison Officers employed by the Norfolk Constabulary who will go out to employers and arrange talks for migrant employees. Police Community Support Officers also have a role to play at the grassroots level as have New Communities Officers at local government level, designated CAB staff, community development workers, and benefits officers. Informal networks were also seen as an important way to disseminate information. Organisational Practice – Services, Employment and Public Policy Good quality information produced in appropriate languages and targeted effectively does not address every issue. It may be the case that organisational practices require adaptation to better meet the needs of the migrant community. For example, achieving GP waiting time targets with same-day appointments disadvantages the non-English speaker who requires the services of an independent and properly qualified interpreter (which cannot be booked at such short notice). The presence of an interpreter at a GP Surgery on set days of the week is one solution currently being piloted.

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As well as tackling illegal and unethical practices in housing, innovative solutions are also required to address the shortage of housing in the area. One suggestion is for a ‘Rent-A-Room’ Scheme to persuade those with a spare room in the settled population to rent out to a migrant worker with employers or other creditable bodies acting as guarantors. The inflexible 12 hour shift system in operation in many of the factories in Breckland could also be revised and an alternative (6 hour) shift pattern introduced to coax female workers with caring responsibilities into the legitimate workplace. Some interviewees suggest the development of a culturally appropriate childminding service or, alternatively, an on-site crèche. Such ‘solutions’ inevitably connect to or are part of a much wider partnership project to integrate new migrants into host communities and to strengthen community cohesion (Norfolk Community Cohesion, NCC). But there is a recognition across the board that, although agencies aspire to well co-ordinated partnerships and ‘joined up’ working practices, duplication and gaps in services still occur. The County Council’s strategic partnership is seen as a way forward alongside projects to encourage skill sharing and the development of networks beyond the core official infrastructure, which would include small voluntary organisations. NCC’s draft Community Strategy is comprised of 12 objectives that embrace a number of initiatives described here. This working document also addresses the appropriate use of migrant worker skills to meet skills gaps in the local economy. Greater efficiency and efficacy of service provision is viewed by at least one interviewee as dependent on listening to what people in migrant communities say they need. (Breckland District Council identified the lack of communication with groups of migrant workers as a weakness in a recent SWOT analysis, Breckland DC 2003:16). Conclusion No initiatives cited by interviewees are specifically designed to address the needs of employers and migrant workers. Initiatives that have the most immediate impact on the workplace, however, include the True Vision exercise and activity to tackle poor employment practices such as the Gangmaster Licensing Authority, a code of practice and the auditing of employment agencies to address inequitable and exploitative working conditions. There are a number of initiatives aimed at improving life for migrant communities that ultimately benefit employers, such as the planned Welcome to Norfolk pack, the Sure Start programme, the ESOL classes across the district and the work of the South Norfolk Primary Care Trust. Final reflections of interviewees suggest that although some non-English speakers continue to be exploited by criminal groups, and there remains an ‘us’ and ‘them’ mentality in some rural communities, it is not all ‘bad news’.

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Summary of Recommendations • Public agencies would like to see an improvement in the quality of

available data on migrant workers, as a sound evidence base is required for the appropriate use of resources and targeting of services. Data collection needs to be more coherently organised across different levels of governance.

• The identification, development and appropriate dissemination of relevant information for migrant workers (as identified by workers, employers and public agencies in this report) at all governmental and service levels should be progressed.

• A focus on the employment needs of diverse migrant worker groups: unskilled, non-English speakers, the unemployed, and women with caring responsibilities, is also an important consideration in relation to labour shortages.

• There are concerns about inadequate public transport, which should be improved; for example, bus services in the area are sparse and incompatible with factory shifts.

• Limited housing in the area is also an issue with a general shortage perceived as impacting upon the well being of migrant workers. Access to housing should be improved.

• Public agencies would like employers in the area to introduce more flexible shift patterns in part to facilitate the effective co-ordination, delivery and take-up of ESOL classes.

• Government is urged to initiate a review of policy on qualification equivalence measures.

• Primary Care Trusts are urged to further consider healthcare ethics and adaptation of organisational practices to cater for this population group’s health needs.

• Communication and community engagement strategies should be developed and progressed to promote good relations between the different population groups in the area.

• An ongoing concern is the progression of better strategic governance: better ‘joined-up’ working and more effective networking across agencies - national, regional, and local - with less duplication and more skill sharing to enhance efficiency and efficacy.

4.3 Breckland Employers The 21st of April, 2005 saw the launch of the East of England Employment Relations Forum to serve regional employers, employees and their representatives. The Board of the Forum comprises large regional employers, trades unions, advisory organisations, ACAS and EEDA representatives. It aims to promote good employment relations in order to promote greater productivity and better working conditions. The Forum recognises the region’s “diverse workforce” which includes migrant workers

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(ACAS (East) 1.4.05). Based on interviews with employers in Breckland this should be a crucial resource for employers in the Eastern region. A sample of thirty five employers in Thetford and Swaffham were contacted by phone to arrange either a face-to-face or phone interview to discuss each company’s experience with migrant workers and to gather information on the migrant workers they employed. Information about skills and qualifications required by employers, workers’ demographic characteristics and the barriers encountered by employers seeking suitably qualified personnel was sought as well as any recommendations employers might suggest. Thirty one employers consented to interview; seventeen (55 per cent) employed migrant workers, fourteen (45 per cent) did not employ migrant workers. The companies approached for interview covered a diverse range of employment sectors from food to furniture, agencies to engineering, and care homes to construction. Employment Profile Migrant employees fell into eighteen different nationalities: Portuguese, Polish, Lithuanian, Latvian, Namibian, Filipino, Danish, Indian, Russian, Estonian, South African, Czech, Romanian, Spanish, Brazilian, Thai, Chinese and Dutch. Twelve Filipino and two Indian workers were qualified nurses in their home countries and were recruited through national agencies to work as senior carers in a care home. One food processing company employing over 200 migrant workers began by employing Portuguese workers first, then Polish and Lithuanian workers who came over in the last few months after EU accession.

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Of the seventeen employers who employed migrant workers, ten provided the exact number of foreign employees of each nationality, as shown in Table 4.1. Table 4.1 Nationality and Number of Foreign Employees

Nationality Number Portuguese 124 Polish 56 Namibians 20 Filipino 12 Lithuanians 8 Danish 3 Indian 3 Russian 2 Estonian 2 South African 2 Czech 2 Spanish 2 Latvian 1 Romanian 1 Brazilian 1 Dutch 1

The other seven employers who employed migrant workers provided the nationalities of their migrant workers only (Portuguese, Polish, Lithuanian, Latvian, Thai and Chinese employees were cited). Predominant nationalities were central and east European countries (CEEC) and Portugal. One company which employed approximately 180 migrant workers had around 100 staff from CEEC. Another company using a recruitment agency employed 450 permanent and 150 temporary staff. Some migrant workers were permanent staff members but most were temporary staff. In this workplace CEEC workers made up the largest number of employees closely followed by the Portuguese. Seventeen employers who provided figures employed a total of 340 migrant workers. In order to present more meaningful data, the nationalities have been grouped into three sub-groups: CEEC, Portuguese, western European countries and Others. Table 4.2 Numbers and Nationalities of Foreign Employees

Nationality Number % CEEC 170 50% Western EU/Others 46 14% Portuguese 124 36% Total 340 100%

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Companies employed between one to over 200 migrant workers. However, not all companies were prepared to divulge information on the number of migrant workers that they employed including two large employers. Table 4.3 Companies Employing Migrant Workers

Number of employers Number of foreign employees

8 1 – 10 3 11 – 20 1 25 2 180 – 200 3 Unknown

Some of these workers came to work in the UK with a two-year visa. Most part-time migrant workers at one food processing company were students, some studying in London, some at Norwich City College. This company had brought in a special shift – 20 hours a week on Saturday and Sunday - which would allow time to study. Other migrant workers working elsewhere were also students and half way through their degree programmes. They planned to work a gap year or two here before returning to complete and pay for their studies. The Benefits of Employing Migrant Workers Many employers said they benefited from employing migrant workers. Large employers admitted they could not operate without these workers. With low unemployment in the area - below two percent - the main benefit for five of the employers were that migrant workers filled posts that were very hard to fill: ‘British workers will go for the attractive work first: call centres, working with computers’. Some of the worst jobs, like those in a slaughter house and some of the particularly unsocial shifts (2.30pm to 10pm) had to be done and migrant workers were prepared to do the work. According to employers, migrant workers were hard working adaptable, and reliable. Some have specialised skills, will take ‘reasonable’ rates of pay, can best fit the jobs available and they added a bit of ‘culture and colour to the local community’. Employing migrant workers could increase productivity and employers were able to recruit the number of workers required to sustain production.

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Recruitment When asked what information would have made it easier for employers to first employ migrant workers, one employer would like to have more information generally on overseas workers, rules and regulations, etc. Another would like to have clear information on who are and who are not eligible to work in the UK as company checks on eligibility can take quite a while. Three employers did not think they needed information to employ migrant workers. Two employers thought it was very easy to employ migrant workers and to check legality, especially through agencies. One food processing company had 90 per cent of its 600 strong workforce recruited through an agency. One care home employed migrant workers through a national agency and this had worked well to date. However, many employers recruit their staff directly through job centres, local newspapers, the Internet and use ‘word of mouth’, rather than go through agencies. Two companies had been approached by what they considered to be unscrupulous recruitment agencies set up in the new EU countries and charging prospective workers high rates to get to the UK. On arrival, workers would often find that they had to pay again to enrol for the worker registration scheme. Training Eleven companies (65 per cent) provided training, two did not respond to the question and four did not provide training for migrant workers. Table 4.4 Training Provided by Employers

Training Number of employers Health and safety 5 Manual handling 3 First aid 3 English class 2 Food hygiene 2* Fire 2 Literacy class 1 Induction 1 Normal on-site training 1 NVQ’s 1 Full and ‘supreme training in all areas’

1

*One company provided food hygiene training for migrant employees only after a 13-week probationary period. Two companies provided training to migrant workers in relevant foreign languages.

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Eight employers suggested that English language and communications skills training for migrant worker provided by statutory agencies would enhance the benefits to their companies. Two companies were providing their own English classes for their migrant workforce but, after a long shift, take-up was not high. In-house training was considered costly in terms of time and money. Employers thought that more English language classes, more flexibility in timing of language classes would encourage migrant workers to go to the classes, improve their English language skills and benefit their employers. Three employers would like support for NVQ training for foreign employees; for example, a care home employed foreign trained nurses to work as senior care assistants and would like these nurses to get a nationally recognised qualification in the UK. Information on courses and the process of enrolling migrant workers, however, was not easily obtainable. One food processing company with 800 staff considered it was ‘too big’ to qualify for help at the local level as it is not an SME so cannot receive funded training at the local technical college. This company had no option but to develop a training programme with a college located in another region which could provide funded training. For this company, however, most training occurs in-house with some programmes organised through Poultec in Norfolk. It was felt that the company’s situation would be improved by government funded training or funding to support the development of a training centre and training provision at the factory site itself. The ultimate ambition was to be recognised as a preferred employer in the area with people leaving the company, if and when they chose to do so, having acquired some nationally recognised qualifications. Employment Barriers Fourteen companies (seven employing migrant workers, seven not) said there were no barriers to employing migrant workers. Two employers put available jobs out to Job Centre Plus and anyone suitable would be given a position. One employer advertised successfully on the internet. Others put adverts in the local press or used agencies. One employer had no problem recruiting migrant workers and they thought the ‘registration process easier than anticipated’. Nine companies, however, of which eight employed migrant workers and one did not, said there were barriers to employing migrant workers, as follows:

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Employers’ Perception of Barriers (Migrant Worker Emphasis) • Weak English language skills • Lack of accommodation • Lack of required skills • Limited training opportunities • Lack of support and advocacy in the workplace • Lack of Information – registration and NI documentation, pensions,

banking, benefits and rights, FE and HE opportunities Employers Perceptions of Barriers (Employer Emphasis) • ‘Red Tape’ – documentation, inspections, immigration rules • Lack of independent professional translators to support

employer/employee relations • Lack of suitable accommodation close to the workplace for employees • Lack of ‘specialist’ skills in the workforce • Lack of supported/funded training • Poor information – registration and NI issues, training providers Summary of Recommendations • Employers desire a strengthening of immigration checks as they resent

having to do the ‘government’s job’ for it. • Funding for language and communication skills development should be

expanded and the service strengthened to facilitate more English language and literacy classes, and flexible provision.

• Government funding to support specialist skills training required by specific industries would be welcomed.

• Housing shortages in the area as well as a weak public transport system has forced some employers to bus workers in from outside the area. There needs to be improved local accommodation for workers and improved public transport.

• Employers would like to be provided with full and consistent information on NI, welfare benefits, pension eligibility, and rights and entitlements of migrant workers.

• Employers would like full information on the services and help available now for migrant worker and employers in the immediate area (for example, employers were very interested in acquiring the Keystone’s information booklets for their workforce).

• Employers require access to independent and professional interpretation and translation services to ethically facilitate ‘difficult’ transactions with workers.

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5 Primary Quantitative Research The following will present the findings of our survey with 168 migrant workers (see Methodology Section for further information). The survey findings focus on the profile rather than the experience of migrant workers. Both the profile and the experience have been identified as important platforms for evidence based policy making. While there is wide research available highlighting the experience of migrant workers, detailed quantitative surveys on the profile of workers are less prevalent in the national context. Although information on percentage differences between sub groups of migrant workers is relevant for policy making the survey also provides information on significance and strengths of relationships between variables for a more robust evidence base. The section will first of all offer a detailed analysis of migrant workers’ general characteristics followed by distinct sections which deal with employment, education and skills (see Appendix 13 for a detailed overview of the sample) 5.1 Overview of Survey Findings General Characteristics • A polarisation exists between a more established Portuguese community

and migrant workers who have been arriving in Breckland since January 2004. Although the majority of migrant workers who moved in recently were from the CEEC (60 per cent) a significant number of young female migrant workers from Portugal had also moved into the area. Distinctions between these two communities are mainly based on demographic characteristics and educational and (generic) skills background.

• There is a clear polarisation between a more established migrant worker

community (in our case Portuguese) which is characterised by older migrants with lower levels of education and generic skills and a more recent community which is increasingly of Eastern European origin, young, middle class, well educated and skilled.

• It needs to be emphasised that differences in education and skills

backgrounds amongst Portuguese and Eastern European migrant workers are caused by their different age distribution rather than country of origin per se. In general young migrant workers (from Portugal and Eastern Europe) had medium to high levels of education and generic skills.

• In general the survey found a fairly even gender distribution amongst

migrant workers from Portugal. Male migrant workers outnumbered female migrant workers in the CEEC community.

• Female migrant workers were especially represented among the younger

migrant workers (between 18 and 24 years old) and those who were between 40 and 49 years old. There is a significant decline of female migrant workers in the 25 to 29 category where male migrants outnumber female migrants.

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• With regard to age there is a clear distinction between the Portuguese and

the CEEC migrant worker communities.11 Migrants from the CEEC were overrepresented in the 18 to 24 year age group and underrepresented amongst the older age groups (40 to 50+) while the Portuguese community was overrepresented amongst the older age groups. As mentioned above a large number of younger (between 18 and 29) migrant workers (65 per cent) arrived since January 2004.

• The majority of migrant workers defined themselves as middle class.

Migrant workers who were female, young and/or originated from the CEEC were slightly more likely to define themselves as middle class than other migrants. 12

• The majority of migrant workers who had arrived recently had not brought

their children to Breckland; none of the CEEC migrant workers was living with their children.

• The majority of workers migrated to the UK to earn more money and to

improve their English. Joining members of their family or friends was not detected as a significant motive reflecting that the majority of migrant workers who arrived since January 2004 were single and ‘explorers’ of a new migrant community for the CEEC.

• Our survey showed that the majority of migrants were keen to stay for

more than two years (83 per cent) although migrants from the CEEC, female migrants and younger migrants were slightly more inclined to stay a shorter period of time than other migrants.

• With regard to aspirations the survey highlights the keenness of migrant

workers irrespective of gender, age or country of origin to improve their skills, education and employment within the UK (over 90 per cent indicating high levels of interest).

• Although migrant workers had very high levels of aspirations their

knowledge of organisations and services which provide training was fairly small. Highest recognition rates existed for the local library, Job Centre Plus and ESOL courses. It should be also noted that a quarter of Portuguese migrant workers in Thetford were aware of the Keystone Development Trust which is embedded in a number of partnerships and initiatives dealing with adult learning and provides vocational opportunities for the indigenous and the migrant worker communities.

• Our survey highlighted that migrant workers gained information mainly via

friends (54 per cent) and work colleagues (22 per cent) while newspapers and leaflets did not constitute major sources of information.

11 The relationship was significant (p=0.01) but not very strong (Cramer’s V=.272). 12 Due to the changing socio-economic situation in the CEEC a subjective indicator for social class was felt to be more applicable and comparable than objective indicators of class. Further research needs to be carried out how migrant workers from the CEEC define and understand the concept of social class.

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Employment • The findings of the survey give a clear indication that the majority of

migrant workers downgraded significantly during their stay in the UK even though they possessed employment skills which corresponded with skills shortages in the construction and business sectors in the UK.

• The large majority of migrant workers (79 per cent) were employed in very

low employment positions in Breckland (mainly in the elementary sector and process, plant and machine operation) despite the fact that the majority (75 per cent) of them occupied medium to high level jobs in their home country (mainly in the skilled trades, sales and customer services sectors).

• With regard to prior occupation female migrants had higher employment

levels than male migrants. They were more likely than male migrants to occupy positions in skilled trades and sales and customer services while male migrants were more likely to occupy elementary positions.

• Migrant workers who arrived in Breckland recently did not have

significantly different employment experiences in their home countries when compared with those who had been here for more than two years. Although Portuguese migrant workers were more likely than their CEEC counterparts to have worked in lower skilled jobs in their home country, the finding was not significant. There is also no significant link between previous employment experience and social class and age of migrant workers. However, the percentage finding that female migrant workers had higher employment positions in their home country than male workers is close to being significant (p = 0.073) with a fairly strong association (Cramér’s V = .376).

• There was no significant link between migrant workers’ current

employment and country of origin, gender, age and length of residence. This is not surprising as the large majority of migrant workers worked in low skilled manual positions in Breckland.

Education13

• The majority (58 per cent) of migrant workers possessed medium to high

levels of formal education although a substantial percentage had only nine years or less of schooling. Low levels of education were especially represented amongst migrant workers who were older and of Portuguese origin. In this respect there is a clear distinction with regard to the more

13 The following section is based upon the indicators ‘years of education’ which was identified as a more robust indicator than ‘type of schooling’ because concepts such as High School and College are more open to interpretation.

65

established migrant community and those who had arrived in Breckland since January 2004.

• CEEC migrant workers had higher levels of education than those arriving

from Southern Europe is reflected in our study the age factor had an impact on this relationship. The study found similarly high levels of education amongst the young (18 – 29 year old) Portuguese and CEEC migrant workers.14 Due to the small sample (N = 18) size of CEEC migrant workers who were 30 years or older no further generalisations can be made.

• In the context of the Portuguese community the survey showed a

significant reduction of educational levels (measured in years of schooling) amongst older migrant workers.15

• Migrant workers’ own rating of educational levels showed a discrepancy

with the objective indicators in that only 5 per cent perceived themselves as having low levels of education. This finding may reflect that migrant workers with low levels of formal education have gained educational qualifications in other contexts.

• There is a significant relationship between formal educational attainment

and age, country of origin and length of residence. Those migrant workers who were young, from the CEEC and/or had arrived recently in Breckland had significantly higher educational levels than other migrant workers. However, it needs to be emphasised that ‘age’ is the main factor which causes significance in educational attainment. The significant links for both country of origin and length of residence are affected by the different age distributions of the Portuguese and CEEC communities. There is no significant link between gender, perception of social class and levels of educational qualifications.

Skills Generic Skills

• The majority of migrants perceived themselves as having high levels of the following generic skills: numeric skills, communication (with superior, peer and clients), problem solving, quality control and other languages.

• Migrant workers were more polarised (between low and high levels)

with regard to the following skills: English written skills, IT, technical 14 A two-way ANOVA provided similar mean distributions among young (18 to 29) Portuguese and CEEC migrant workers (means of 4.06 and 4.42 respectively corresponding to 10 to 12 years to education). Significance was detected for the interaction of the two independent variables (age and country of origin) on educational level (measured in years of education). 15 A mean of 3.6 (corresponding to the lower limits of the 10 to 12 years of education category) was measured for the 30 to 39 year olds and a mean of 2.6 (corresponding to the lower limits of the 7 to 9 years of education category) applied to the 40 to 50+ age groups.

66

knowledge and English conversation. In general migrant workers who were male, young, from the CEEC and had high levels of formal education were more likely to have high levels of generic skills than other migrants.

• CEEC migrants in general reflected higher levels of generic skills than

Portuguese migrant workers and significant differences were found for numerical skills, problem solving, IT and technical knowledge although only numerical skills showed a fairly strong association. Again the age factor is influential and there was no significant difference between young (18 to 29 years old) migrant workers from Portugal and the CEEC.

• As mentioned above age has an important impact on skills levels.

Particularly in the Portuguese community older migrant workers have generally lower levels of skills than younger migrant workers. IT, English conversation and English written skills show significant and fairly strong relationships indicating that younger migrants were significantly more likely to have these skills than older migrants.

• In general there was no significant difference between female and male

migrant workers regarding generic skills. Technical knowledge was the only skill which showed a significant and fairly strong relationship with male migrants being more likely than female migrants to possess this skill.

• With regard to employment levels prior to coming to the UK significant

relationships were found between previous employment levels and English written skills, IT and communication with superior (only the latter skill showed a fairly strong relationship). Migrants who had higher levels of employment prior to coming to the UK were significantly more likely than other migrants to show high levels of the above skills.

• The relationship between skills levels and levels of current employment

was less distinct (due to the fact that most migrant workers were employed in low level positions). A significant (but weak) relationship was only shown for English conversation skills.

• There is a link between education and skills levels. Significant

relationships (but not necessarily strong associations) were found between all generic skills and educational levels.

Soft Skills

• Migrants were especially equipped with the following soft skills (at least 85 per cent said that they had ‘fairly high’ to ‘very high’ levels of those skills): enthusiasm for continuous learning, listening to colleagues, working in a team, awareness of strengths and weaknesses, dealing with people, thinking ahead, planning own activities, problem solving,

67

creativity, networking, physical strength and flexibility. It is not surprising that migrant workers rank highly with regard to the above skills as these are skills they continuously need and practise as migrants.

• Due to the fact that the majority of the sample indicated high to very

high levels of soft skills, control variables such as age, gender, educational background and employment experience had a less significant and strong impact than in the case of generic skills. And significance was only detected for a few links: Portuguese migrant workers showed significantly higher levels of enthusiasm for continuous learning than their CEEC counterparts (although the latter had also high levels). Workers from the CEEC had significantly higher levels of specialist knowledge. Age, education levels and employment experience showed no significant links to levels of soft skills.

5.2 General Characteristics of Migrant Workers The following outlines in detail the profile of migrant workers and relate the different variables to each other: gender, age, perception of social class, length of residence, intention to stay, knowledge about services. The following provides an overview of Figures where the different analyses can be located in the document. Table 5.1 Overview of Figures for Cross-Tabulations of General Characteristics Country

of Origin Gender Age Percepti

on of Social Class

Length of Resi- dence

Intended Length of Stay

Aspira-tions

Know-ledge of organi-sations

Country of Origin

Fig. 5.1

Fig. 5.2

Fig. 5.3

Fig. 5.4

Fig. 5.5

Fig. 5.6

Fig. 5.7

Gender

Fig. 5.8

Fig. 5.9

Fig. 5.10

Fig. 5.11

Fig. 5.12

Fig. 5.13

Age

Fig. 5.14

Fig. 5.15

Fig. 5.16

Fig. 5.17

Fig. 5.18

Perception of Social Class

Fig. 5.19

Fig. 5.20

Fig. 5.21

Fig. 5.22

Length of Residence

Fig. 5.23

Fig. 5.24

Fig. 5.25

Intended Length of Stay

Fig. 5.26

Fig. 5.27

Aspirations

Fig. 5.28

68

5.2.1 Country-of-Origin16

Mϋnz and Fassman (2004) found some distinct differences between CEEC migrants and Portuguese migrants in the European context. To a certain extent our findings reflect their findings although one needs to be careful not to overgeneralise. Differences between Portuguese and CEEC migrants are often not significant and the age factor rather than country of origin per se is mainly responsible for causing differences due to the fact that the Portuguese sample included a significant proportion of older migrants. It needs to be emphasised that young migrant workers from Portugal are not significantly different from their CEEC counterparts with regard to educational and skills levels. Country of Origin and Gender The gender distribution amongst Portuguese respondents was very even with 50.5 per cent of the sample being male and 49.5 per cent being female. Amongst the CEEC respondents there was a more marked difference with 54 per cent being male and 46 per cent being female.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

% of Each Country of Origin

Portugal CEEC OtherCountry of Origin

MaleFemale

Fig. 5.1 Country of Origin by Gender

16 The ‘other’ category is included in the figures, however not discussed in the commentary as the sample size is too small (N=18).

69

Country of Origin and Age

There was a significant (p=0.00) difference between the age distribution of migrant workers originating from the CEEC workers and that of Portuguese. Migrants from the CEEC were overrepresented in the 18 to 24 year age group while Portuguese migrants were overrepresented amongst the older age groups (40 to 50+).

0% 5%

10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%

% of Each Country of Origin

18 - 24 25 - 29 30 - 34 35 - 39 40 - 49 50+Age Group

Portugal CEEC Other

Fig. 5.2 Country of Origin by Age Country of Origin and Social Class In general migrant workers from the CEEC perceived themselves with a slightly higher class background than those from Portugal. Portuguese migrant workers were more likely to perceive themselves as lower class than those arriving from the CEEC (19 per cent and 8 per cent respectively).

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

% of Each Country of Origin

Lower Middle UpperPerception of Social Class

Portugal CEEC Other

Fig. 5.3 Country of Origin by Social Class

70

Country of Origin and Length of Residence Not surprisingly the majority of CEEC migrants had arrived in Breckland since January 2004 indicating that they started migrating shortly before the EU enlargement on 1 May 2004. In addition, a significant number of Portuguese migrants, mainly young females, had been also arriving during the last five months.

0% 5%

10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50%

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ monthsLength of Residence

% of Each Country of Origin

Portugal CEEC Other

Fig. 5.4 Country of Origin by Length of Residence

Country of Origin and Intended Length of Stay A large percentage of migrants (83 per cent) intended to stay in the Breckland area for at least 24 months. Migrants from the CEEC were slightly more inclined than Portuguese migrants to stay less than two years.

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

% of Each Country of Origin

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ monthsIntended Length of Stay

Portugal CEEC Other

Fig. 5.5 Country of Origin by Intended Length of Stay

71

Country of Origin and Aspirations

spirations were very high for both Portuguese and CEEC migrants with over

ountry of Origin and Knowledge of Organisations

ecognition rates of organisations were fairly low amongst all migrant

ig. 5.7 Country of Origin by Knowledge of Organisations

A90 percent intending to improve their skills, employment positions and education within the UK. CEEC migrants were slightly keener than Portuguese migrants to improve their education outside the UK.

Fig. 5.6 Country of Origin by Aspirations C Rworkers. CEEC workers showed higher recognition rates for ESOL courses, Trade Unions and the local library. 25 per cent of Portuguese migrant workers in Thetford knew about the Keystone Development Trust.

F

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

% of Positive Recognition of Each country

Keystone ESOL Connexion Local Library Multikulti JobcentrePlus Trade Unions Organisation

PortugalCEEC Other

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

% of Each Country

Employment in UK

Employment out UK Skill in UK Skill out UK Education in UK Education out UK

Aspiration

Portugal CEEC Other

72

5.2.2 Gender Our findings suggest a fairly even gender distribution amongst migrant workers reflecting international findings by ILO (2004) and national and regional findings by the DWP (2004). The overrepresentation of younger women amongst our sample directly corresponds with surveys of the migrant population in Britain (see DWP 2004, and Robinson 2002). Mϋnz and Fassmann’s (2004) findings that women are outnumbering men from the CEEC while men are overrepresented amongst migrants from Southern Europe are not reflected in or study. Instead we found a fairly even gender distribution amongst migrant workers from Portugal while significantly more men than women came from the CEEC. Gender and Age Figure 5.8 shows that female migrant workers were especially represented amongst the younger migrant workers (between 18 and 24 years old) while they significantly declined for the 25 to 29 category where male migrants outnumber female migrants. Women who have been residing in Breckland for a long term are outnumbering men in the 40 to 49 years group.

Fig. 5.8 Gender by Age Distribution

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

% by Gender Group

18-24 25- 29 30 -34 35 - 39 40 - 49 50+Age Groups

MaleFemale

73

Gender and Social Class

the

Fig. 5.10 Gender by Length of Residence

Fig. 5.9 shows that a greater percentage (22 per cent) of male respondents perceived themselves as being from lower class than female respondents (11 per cent).

70% 80% 90%

60%

40% 50%

% of Each Gender Group Male Female

0% 10% 20% 30%

Lower Middle UpperSocial Class

Fig. 5.9 Gender by Social Class Gender and Length of Residence A significant proportion of male and female migrants had been inBreckland area for more than two years. Female migrants outnumbered male migrants amongst those who have been in Breckland for less than 12 months.

0%

5%

10%

15%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

20% %of Sample

0 - 5 Months 5 - 11 Months 12 - 17 Months 18 - 23 Months 24+ MonthsLength of Stay

Male Female

74

Gender and Intended Length of Stay

ars (87 per cent and 79 per cent respectively).

ig. 5.12 Gender by Aspirations

Men were slightly keener than women to stay in the Breckland area for more than two ye

Fig. 5.11 Gender by Intended Leng

th of Stay

Gender and Aspirations Aspirations regarding education, skills and employment were similarly high between male and female migrants; although women seemed to be keener than men to consider improving their education outside the UK (61 per cent)

F

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

% of Sample

0 - 5 Months 5 - 11 Months 12 - 17 Months 18 - 23 Months 24+ MonthsLength of Stay

Male Female

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

% of Sample

Education in UK Education out UK Skill in Uk Skill out Employment in Uk Employment outUK

Aspiration

Male Yes Male NoFemale Yes Female No

75

Gender and Knowledge of Organisations

here is no significant gender difference with regard to knowledge of local

ns

Torganisations although slightly more women knew about ESOL classes while more men were aware of Jobcentre Plus.

Fig. 5.13 Gender by Knowledge of Organisatio

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

% Positive Recognition of Each gender

Keystone ESOL ConnexionsNorfolk

Local Library Mulitkulti Jobcentre Plus Trade Unions

Organisation

76

5.2.3 Age The high numbers of young migrant workers who have arrived in the last two years in Breckland reflect wider European developments (see Reyneri 2004 and Mϋnz and Fassmann 2004). The same applies to our findings that

ortuguese migrants are overrepresented amongst older migrants while those from CEEC are significantly younger. There is a cluster around older migrant workers and a further cluster exists amongst the very young (18 to 24 years old). Age and Social Class Fig. 5.14 shows that young migrants (between 18 and 24) were more likely to define themselves as middle class than other age groups; although the majority of all age groups thought of themselves as middle class.

Fig. 5.14 Age by Social Class

P

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%

70% 80% 90%

100%

% of Each Group 60%

18-24 25- 29 30 -34 35 - 39 40 - 49 50+Age Group

Lower Middle Upper

77

Age and Length of Residence

intended to stay for more than two years although ome of the younger migrants (18 – 29) were more likely to stay less than two ears.

Fig. 5.16 Age by Intended Length of Stay

Younger respondents were more likely to have been in the area for a shorter period of time while the majority of older migrants had lived in Breckland for at least two years. There were also a significant number (35 per cent) of respondents in the 30 – 34 age group who had been in the Breckland area for 0 – 5 months.

Fig. 5.15 Age by Length of Residence Age and Intended Length of Stay Most of the migrant workerssy

0%

10%

20%

30%

40% % of Each Age Group

50%

60%

70%

18 - 24 25 - 29 30 - 34 35 -39 40 - 49 50+Age Group

0 - 5 months6 - 11 months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

% of Each Age Groups

18 - 24 25 - 29 30 - 34 35 -39 40 - 49 50+Age Groups

0 - 5 months6 - 11 months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

78

Age and Aspirations Figure 5.17 highlights again the keenness of migrant workers across all age groups to improve their skills, education and employment within the UK. Younger migrants were keener to consider their aspirations outside the UK while older migrants preferred to improve their position within the UK. The reluctance of older migrants to have aspirations outside the UK may be an

dication of their intention to stay long term in the UK while younger migrants inappeared to be less fixed on the UK as a place of long-term settlement.

Fig. 5.17 Age by Aspirations

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

% by Age Group

Education in UK Education Outside UK Skills in UK Skills outside UKEmployment in UK Employment

Outside UKAspiration

18 - 24 Yes 25 - 29 Yes 30 - 34 Yes 35 - 39 Yes 40 - 49 Yes 50+ Yes

79

Age and knowledge of organisations

he age group cross tabulation shown in Fig. 5.18 reinforces the low level of Trecognition of services, with the local library and Jobcentre Plus having the highest level of recognition in all age groups. Recognition of ESOL courses is higher amongst the 18 – 24 year (50 per cent) and 30 – 34 year age group (43 per cent). There was also a higher level of recognition for the Keystone Development Trust amongst the 35 – 39 year age group (42 per cent).

Fig. 5.18 Age by Knowledge of Organisations

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

% by Each Age Groups

Keystone ESOL ConnexionsNorfolk

Local Library Mulitkulti Jobcentre Plus Trade Unions

Organization

18 - 2425 - 2930 - 3435 - 3940 - 4950+

80

5.2.4 Perception of Social Class

igrants from a middle class background were more likely to stay short term -5 months) or long term (24 months) while migrants from a lower class

Fig. 5.19 Perception of Social Class by Length of Residence Perception of social class and intended length of stay Whatever their social class most migrants intended to stay for more than 24 months. A small number of workers from a middle class background showed intentions of relocating prior to that time.

Fig. 5.20 Perception of Social Class by Intended Length of Stay

Our survey confirms Reyneri’s (2004) findings that migrant workers who are currently arriving in Western Europe are more likely to be from a middle class than a lower class background. Perception of Social Class and Length of Residence M(0background were more likely to stay medium term.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

% of Length of Stay Category

0 - 5 months 6 - 11 months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

Low Middle Upper

Length of Stay

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

% of Each Social Class

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ monthsIntended Length of Stay

Lower Middle Upper

81

Perception of Social Class and Aspirations

prove their education outside the UK.

are migrants from ts from a lower class

the Keystone

There was no significant difference between the perception of social class and aspirations. Migrants with a middle class background were slightly keener than other migrants to im

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%

100%

% of Positive Response by Social Class Category

70% 80% 90%

Lower Middle Upper

Employment in UK Employment out

UK Skill in UK Skill out UK Education in UK Education outUK

Aspirations

Fig. 5.21 Perception of Social Class by Aspirations Perception of Social Class and Knowledge of Organisation Migrants who perceived themselves as middle class were significantly more likely to know about the ESOL courses and Connexion than lower classes. A slightly larger number of migranbackground than from a middle class background knew aboutDevelopment Trust.

70%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

% of Positive Recognition by Social Class Lower

Middle Upper

Keystone ESOL Connexion Local Library Multikulti JobcentrePlus Trade UnionsOrganisation

Fig. 5.22 Perception of Social Class by Knowledge of Organisations

82

5.2.5 Length of Residence Length of Residence and Intended Length of Stay Although most respondents intended to stay for more than two years, those who had spent less time in the area were more likelystay.

to anticipate a shorter

ed to pursue

Fig. 5.24 Length of Residence by Aspirations

Fig. 5.23 Length of Residence by Intended Length of Stay Length of Residence and Aspirations All migrants showed high aspiration rates within the UK irrespective of their length of residence. Those who had been residing between 12 and 17 months in the UK were geographically more flexible and also considertheir aspirations outside the UK.

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

% of Intended Stay

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 monthsLength of Stay

24+ months

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

% of Each Length of Stay Category

Education in UK Education Outside UK Skills in UK Skills outside

UKEmployment in

UKEmploymentOutside UK

Aspirations

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

83

Length of Residence and Knowledge of Organisations

general there is no clear relationship between length of residence and ho had been residing in

reckland for the last 6 to 11 months displayed higher recognition rates of

Inrecognition rates of organisations although migrants wBESOL, the local library and Jobcentre Plus.

Fig. 5.25 Length of Residence by Knowledge of Organisations

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

Keystone ESOL Connexions Norfolk Local Library Mulitkulti Jobcentre Plus Trade Unions

Organisations

% of Each length of Stay Category

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

84

5.2.6 Intended Length of Stay Intended Length of Stay and Aspirations As would be anticipated, migrant workers who were not intending to stay in

e area for more than 5 months were more likely to pursue their aspirations outside of the UK.

ig. 5.26 Intended Length of Stay by Aspirations

Intended Length of Stay and Knowledge of Organisations There is no clear relationship between knowledge of organisations and intended length to stay. However, there is some indication that those who aim to stay medium term were more likely to know about services than the other migrants.

Fig. 5.27 Intended Length of Stay by Knowledge of Organisations

th

F

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

% Positive Response of Each Intended Length of Stay

Education in UK Education out

UK Skill in UK Skill out UK Employment inUK

Employmentout UK

Aspiration

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

% of Positive Recognition of Each Intended Length of Stay

Category

Keystone ESOL ConnexionsNorfolk

Local Library Mulitkulti JobcentrePlus

TradeUnions

Organisation

0 - 5 months 6 - 11months 12 - 17 months 18 - 23 months 24+ months

85

5.2.7 Aspirations

spirations and Knowledge of Organisations

ns

A The level of migrants’ aspirations has no influence upon knowledge of organisations.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

% of Each Positive Aspiration

Keystone Connexion Multikulti Trade UnionsPositive Organisation Recognition

Education in UKEducation Outside UK Skills in UKSkills outside UK Employment in UK Employment Outside UK

Fig. 5.28 Aspirations by Knowledge of Organisatio

86

5.3 Migrant Workers’ Employment Prior and During UK Stay

.3.1 Summary of Findings

that the majority of migrant orkers downgraded significantly during their stay in the UK even though they

d business sectors in the UK. The large majority of migrant

y

cent from the

ntries in non-ski d manual non-manual positions.

owever, their suggestion that migrants from the CEEC are more likely to han migrants from Southern Europe is not

reflected in our sample (which may be due to the fact that Southern Europe is only represented in our sample by Portugal). Instead, migrant workers from Portugal and the CEEC were equally likely to work in low skilled positions. With regard to significance the survey did not find a significant link between previous employment levels and country of origin, gender, age, perception of social class or length of residence (see Fig. 5.35).

5 The findings of the survey give a clear indicationwpossessed employment skills which corresponded with skills shortages in the construction anworkers (79 per cent) were employed in very low employment sectors in Breckland (the elementary sector and process, plant and machine operation)despite the fact that the majority (75 per cent) occupied medium to high level jobs in their home country (mainly in the skilled trades, sales and customerservices sectors). 17 per cent had worked in their home country in elementarpositions (of which 25 per cent were Portuguese and 14 perCEEC). With regard to prior occupation female migrants had higheremployment levels than male migrants. They were more likely than male migrants to occupy positions in skilled trades and sales and customer services while male migrants were more likely to occupy elementary positions. There is no specific gender difference with regard to current occupations and Haque’s et al. (2002) suggestion that female migrants were less successful in the labour market than male migrants was not reflected in our survey. Our survey reflects Münz and Fassmann’s (2004) findings for Europe that migrant workers are overrepresented in the host couositions and underrepresented in medium skilled

llepHoccupy low skilled positions t

87

5.3.2 A Comparison between Employment Positions Prior and 17 During UK Stay

igure 5.29 shows that migrant workers were clearly downgrading in the UK

ig. 5.29 Employment in Home Country Compared with Employment in UK

Fwith the majority (75 per cent) of migrant workers having occupied medium or high level positions in their home country and 79 per cent being employed in low skilled positions in Breckland.

Prior and Current Occupation Compared

0%

10%

20%

30%

Each Category

40%

50%

60%

70%

% of

Man. and Sen.Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin & Sec SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Machine Op

Elementary

Employment CategoryOccupation Prior to MigrationCurrent Occupation

F

17 The statistics for this section are based upon two open questions (which were coded post data collection) measuring the employment position of migrants prior and during their UK stay. The open questions on employment were utilised as the majority of respondents chose the category ‘professional position’ for the closed question on employment prior to UK stay. In most cases this information did not correspond with the job descriptions migrant workers provided in the open question on employment indicating that there was a misunderstanding of the concept ‘professional’ and/or and overrating of employment positions prior to the UK stay.

88

5.3.3 Employment in Home Country and General Characteristics

The following provides a detailed overview of employment in home country with regard to country of origin, gender, age, perception of social class and length of residence. Employment in Home Country and Country of Origin

ifferent levels of employment positions in their home countries. Migrants from e CEEC had been especially employed in sales and customer services,

killed trades and professional occupations while Portuguese migrant workers ad worked in skilled trade and elementary positions.

Figure 5.30 shows that Portuguese and CEEC migrant workers occupied dthsh

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

% of Country of Origin

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Machine Op

Elementary

PortugalCEEC

Employment Category

Other

ig. 5.30 Employment in Home Country by Country of Origin

F

89

Employment in Home Country and Gender

emal r employment positions in their home country when F e migrants had bettecompared with their male counterparts. Female migrants were more likely to have worked in skilled trades and sales while male migrants had been more likely to occupy elementary positions and process, plant and machine

eration. op

0%

5%

10%

30%

15%

20%

25%

% of Each Gender

Male

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Machine Op

Elementary

Employment Category

Female

Fig. 5.31 Employment in Home Country by Gender Employment in Home Country and Age There is no clear link between age and employment position prior to coming to the UK. All age groups were represented to a similar extent amongst the elementary positions. Younger migrants were less likely to occupy skilled

ades and sales and customer service positions. tr

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

% of Each Age Group

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Machine Op

Elementary

Employment Category

18-2425-29 30-34 35-3940-4950+

Fig. 5.32 Employment in Home Country by Age

90

Employment in Home Country and Social Class

and customer services while migrants om lower class background were more likely to occupy positions in skilled

trades and process, plant and machine operation.

There is no significant link between class background and employment positions prior to UK. A similar percentage of lower classes and middle classes were represented in higher level positions and lower level positions. Migrants with middle class backgrounds were more likely than those with lower class background to work in sales fr

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

% of Each Social Class

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &Machine

Op

Elementary

Upper*Middle

Employment Category

Lower

* Small Sample Size

ig. 5.33 Employment in Home Country by Social Class

th of Residence

5 per cent) while recent igrants clustered more clearly around skilled trades and sales and customer

services.

F Employment in Home Country and Leng Migrants who had arrived in Breckland recently possessed higher levels of employment positions than those who had been in Breckland for two years or longer. Migrants who had lived in Breckland for more than 18 months were mainly represented in elementary positions (2m

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

% of Each Lengh of Residence

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

MachineOp

Elementary

0 - 5 Months6 - 11 Months12 - 17 Months18 - 23 Months

Employment Category

24+ Months

ig. 5.34 Employment in Home Country and Length of Residence F

91

5.3.4 Significance and Correlations for Employment in Home Country and General Characteristics The following section provides an overview of significance and strength of relationships between the employment variable (prior to coming to the UK) and a set of control variables such as country of origin, gender, age, class and length of residence. The relationship between previous employment xperience and the above control variables is less significant and strong than

that of educational and generic skills background. Fig. 5.35 shows that migrants who arrived in Breckland recently did not have significantly different employment experiences in their home countries when compared with those who had been here for more than two years. Although Portuguese migrant workers were more likely than their CEEC counterparts to have worked in lower skilled jobs in their home country, the finding was not significant. There is also no significant link between previous employment experience and social class and age of migrant workers. However, the percentage finding that female migrant workers had higher employment positions in their home country than male workers is close to being significant (p = 0.073) with a fairly strong association (Cramér’s V = .376).

e

-0.1 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1

Country of Origin (2)

Social Class

nce

ica

Gender

Age

Length of Residence

Cor

rela

tion/

Sign

if

CorrelationSignificance

Fig. 5.35 Significance and Correlation for Employment in Home Country and Control Variables The issue of current employment has not been further investigated with regard to control variables as the majority of migrant workers worked in low skilled manual positions in Breckland and the sample for workers who worked in other sectors was too small to make any further generalisations.

92

5.3.5 Employment in the UK and General Characteristics

he fol

Employment in the UK and Country of Origin

lowing figure shows that the majority of CEEC and Portuguese migrant Tworkers worked in low employment positions in Breckland. The Portuguese were more likely than CEEC migrants to occupy very low levels (elementary positions) while CEEC migrants were also occupying positions in process, plant and machine operation with a small number entering successfully higher level jobs.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

% of Country of Origin

Portugal CEEC Other

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin & Sec SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Machine Op

Elementary

Employment Category

Fig. 5.36 Employment in the UK by Country of Origin Employment in the UK and Gender Fig. 5.37 shows that there is no specific gender difference with regard to employment positions of migrants in Breckland. In this respect female migrants downgraded more than their male counterparts as they occupied higher employment positions in their home countries.

Fig. 5.37 Employment in the UK by Gender

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

% of Each Gender

60%

70%

Man. and Sen. Off. Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &

SecSkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Machine Op

Elementary

Employment Category

Male Female

93

Employment in the UK and Age Fig. 5.38 indicates that migrants were most likely to work in low employment positions irrespective of their age. Younger migrants showed a limited success in entering higher level positions.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

18-24% of Each Age Group 25-2930-34 35-3940-49

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Machine Op

Elementary

Employment Category

50+

Fig. 5.38 Employment in the UK by Age

ns with regard to employment levels

mployment in the UK and Social Class E

ig. 5.39 shows that class distinctioF

became more pronounced in the UK context with 80 per cent of migrants with lower class background working in elementary positions (compared to 60 per cent with middle class background).

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

% of Each Social Class

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

MachineOp

Elementary

Employment Category

UpperMiddleLower*

Small Sample Size

Fig. 5.39 Employment in the UK by Social Class

94

Employment in the UK and Length of Residence

ig. 5.40 indicates that there is no link between length of residence and Femployment levels.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

% of Each Length of Residence 0 - 5 Months

6 - 11 Months12 - 17 Months18 - 23 Months

Man. andSen. Off.

Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin &Sec

SkilledTrades

PersonalServices

Sales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &Machine

Op

Elementary

Employment Category

24+ Months

Fig. 5.40 Employment in the UK and Length of Residence

95

5.4 Migrant Workers’ Educational Qualifications18

.4.1 Summary of Findings

r cent) of migrant workers possessed medium to high vels of formal education although a substantial percentage had only nine

years or less of schooling. Low levels of education were especially represented amongst migrant workers who were older and of Portuguese origin. Haque’s et al. (2002) finding that a polarisation exists between highly qualified and non-qualified migrant workers in the UK is reflected to a certain extent in our sample with 42 per cent of migrants having low educational qualifications (less than 9 years) and 31 per cent possessing high qualifications (13 years or more). However, our sample also showed that 27 per cent of migrant workers had medium levels of qualifications (10-12 years). Migrant workers’ own rating of educational levels showed a discrepancy with the objective indicators in that only 5 per cent perceived themselves as having low levels of education. This finding may reflect that migrant workers with low levels of formal education have gained educational qualifications in other contexts. There is a clear distinction with regard to the more established migrant

nd since January 2004. lthough Münz and Fassmann’s (2004) conclusion that migrants from the

CEEC had higher levels of education than those from Southern Europe is reflected in our study the age factor had an impact on this relationship. The study found similarly high levels of education amongst the young (18 – 29 year old) Portuguese and CEEC migrant workers.19 Due to the small sample (N = 18) size of CEEC migrant workers who were 30 years or older no further generalisations can be made. In the context of the Portuguese community the survey showed a significant reduction of educational levels (measured in years of schooling) amongst older migrant workers.20

5 The majority (58 pele

community and those who had arrived in BrecklaA

18 The following section is based upon the indicators ‘years of education’ which was identified as a more robust indicator than ‘type of schooling’ because concepts such as High School and College are more open to interpretation. 19 A two-way ANOVA provided similar mean distributions among young (18 to 29) Portuguese and CEEC migrant workers (means of 4.06 and 4.42 respectively corresponding to 10 to 12 years to education). Significance was detected for the interaction of the two independent variables (age and country of origin) on educational level (measured in years of education). 20 A mean of 3.6 (corresponding to the lower limits of the 10 to 12 years of education category) was measured for the 30 to 39 year olds and a mean of 2.6 (corresponding to the lower limits of the 7 to 9 years of education category) applied to the 40 to 50+ age groups.

96

5.4.2 Three Indicators for Educational Qualifications Years in Education As noted migrants reflected a fairly even representation of low, medium and high levels of education (measured in years of education). The largest number of migrants (31 per cent) had 13 years or more of education followed by 27 per cent with 10 to 12 years, 22 per cent who had 7 to 9 years and 21 per cent who had six years or less.

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

% of Sample

0%

5%

Fig. 5.41 Years in Education Level of Education by Educational Institution21

Migrants had most likely completed High School (41 per cent); 30 per cent had completed Junior school qualifications or less and 29 per cent had university degrees.

None 6 years or less 7 - 9 Years 10 - 12 years 13 - 15 Years 16+ YearsYears in Education

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

% of Sample

5%

10%

0%

Fig. 5.42 Education Level by Educational Institution

Primary School Junior School High School College University Masters OtherLevel of Education

21 Level of education measured via ‘type of educational organisation’ is less robust than ‘years of education’ as the concepts of High School and College were interpreted differently by migrant workers.

97

Perceived Level of Education The majority of migrant workers (69 per cent) viewed their educational level s being ‘fairly high’ and 23 per cent thought of themselves as having ‘high’

nts.

alevels and only 5 per cent perceived themselves as having low levels of education. Compared with the objective indicators for education outlined above there is a clear discrepancy between both measurements which may reflect that the two objective indicators were not sufficient to grasp all the educational attainments of migra

Fig. 5.43 Perceived Level of Education

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

% of Sample

Low Fairly High High Very HighPerceived Level of Education

98

5.4.3 Educational Qualifications and General Characteristics Education and Country of Origin22

Fig 5.44 highlights that CEEC migrants were overrepresented in higher educational levels while Portuguese migrants were more likely to have lower educational levels. The majority of CEEC migrants (88 per cent) had attended 10 or more years of education compared with 43 per cent of Portuguese.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

% of Each Group

None 6 years or Less 7 - 9 Years 10 - 12 Years 13 - 15 Years 16+YearsNo. of Years in Education

PortugalCEEC

Fig. 5.44 Education by Country-of-Origin

ducation and Gender E In general there was no significant difference between female and male migrants with regard to their educational background. Male migrant workers were slightly more likely to have no qualification.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

% of Each Group

None 6 years or Less 7 - 9 Years 10 - 12 Years 13 - 15 Years 16+YearsNo. of Years in Education

MaleFemale

Fig. 5.45 Education by Gender

22 The following statistics utilised the more robust indicator ‘years of education’.

99

Education and Age There is a significant correlation b

igrant workers who were between 18 etween age and education level with

and 39 having significantly higher mlevels of education than those who were 40 years or older. 31 per cent of the 25 to 29 age group had completed 16 or more years of education.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

18 - 2425 - 29% of Each Group30 - 3435 - 3940 - 49

None 6 years or Less 7 - 9 Years 10 - 12 Years 13 - 15 Years 16+YearsNo. of Years in Education

50+

Fig. 5.46 Education by Age Education and Social Class23

between educational qualifications and ts who perceived themselves as being middle class

y to be represented in higher educational levels

here was no significant difference T

class background. Migranere slightly more likelw

although migrants from a lower class background were slightly more likely to have spent 16 years or more in education when compared with middle class migrant workers.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

% of Each Group

None 6 years or Less 7 - 9 Years 10 - 12 Years 13 - 15 Years 16+YearsNo.of Years in Education

LowerMiddleUpper*

*Small Sample Size

Fig. 5.47 Education by Social Class

23 No comments are made regarding migrant workers from upper class background as the sample was too small.

100

Education and Length of Residence Fig. 5.48 confirms that migrant workers who have arrived recently possess higher educational qualifications than those who have been residing in the area for two years or longer.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

% of Each Group0 - 5 months6 - 11 months12 - 17 months18 - 23 months

None 6 years or Less 7 - 9 Years 10 - 12 Years 13 - 15 Years 16+YearsNo. of Years in Education

24+ months

sidence Fig. 5.48 Education by Length of Re

101

5.4.4 Significance and CorrelatiQualifications and Genera

ons for Educational l Characteristics

migrant workers were similarly represented among the different educational levels reflected in very low correlation and significance levels. There was no significant or strong link between perception of social class and attainment of formal education. Those who perceived themselves as lower class were slightly more likely to have nine or less years of education. Migrant workers who defined themselves as lower class were similarly represented amongst high levels of education (10 or more years) as migrants who thought of themselves as being middle class (27 per cent and 33 per cent respectively). With regard to age and formal educational achievement Fig. 5.49 provides a clear indication of significance (p= 0.00) and a fairly strong association (Pearson’s R = -0.328): 66 per cent of migrant workers who were 40 years or older had 9 years or less of schooling. 73 per cent of young migrant workers (18 to 29 years old) had 10 years or more education. A significant difference is also detected between countries of origin; however (as pointed out previously) this difference is influenced by the overrepresentation of older migrant workers amongst the Portuguese. The significant (although not very strong) relationship between length of residence and years of education indicates that migrant workers who had arrived in Breckland during the last two years are significantly more highly qualified (with

who have been in Breckland for more an two years.

Fig. 5.49 Correlation and Significance for Education and General Characteristics

Fig. 5.49 presents significance and correlations for educational attainment and gender, perception of social class, age, country of origin and length of residence. Female and male

regard to formal education) than those th

-1 -0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 Correlation and Significance

Country of Origin

Age

Length of Residence

Social Class

Gender

CorrelationSignificance

102

5.5 Migrant Workers’ Skills

lowing section provides an overview of both the generic and soft skills The fol

n migrants from the CEEC is reflected in our findings

nical nowledge. Levels of employment prior to UK had a significant link to English

of migrant workers. Both variables were measured in the questionnaire using an adaptation of Felstead’s et al. (2001) categorisation of skills. The measurement is based on migrant workers’ personal judgement of their skills levels (measured in five categories ranking from very low to very high) and it is therefore prone to over and underestimation which needs to be taken into account when interpreting findings. The survey placed as much emphasis on soft skills as on generic skills. The Literature Review showed that soft skills are increasingly identified as playing an important role in the successful integration of migrant workers into the labour market of the host countries. Our survey identified and measured more explicitly a wider range of soft skills and related them to control variables such as country of origin, gender, age, educational background and employment experience (in home country and host country). Below is an overview of findings about generic skills followed by a discussion of migrant workers’ soft skills. Münz and Fassmann’s (2004) findings that skills were polarised amongst migrants between low skills and high skills is reflected to a certain extent in our sample although the polarisation is not as extreme and a large number of migrants also showed medium level skills.24 Migrants in Breckland had high levels of generic skills such as numerical skills, communication skills, teamwork and especially the ability to communicate in other languages. Münz and Fassmann’s (2004) findings that migrants from Southern Europe were lower skilled tharegarding generic skills. However, the age factor has a significant impact upon this difference and there is no difference between generic skills if one compares younger migrants from Portugal with those from the CEEC. 5.5.1 Summary of Findings Relating to Generic Skills Migrants showed high levels of the following generic skills: numeric skills, communication with superior, peer and clients, checking, teamwork and ability to deal with people and other languages. However, there was a polarisation between low and high levels for the following skills: IT, English conversation skills, English written skills and technical knowledge. Age, gender, employment levels (prior and during UK stay) and especiallyeducational levels had an impact upon levels of generic skills. Significant relationships were found between all generic skills and educational levels; although they were not necessarily strong relationships. Age had a significant impact upon IT, English conversation and English written skills with oldermigrant workers having lower levels. Although women often showed lower evels of skills the difference was only significant in the context of techlk

24 Comparisons between both studies can only be tentative due to different measurements of skills).

103

writte skills, IT and communication irly trong association). Levels of cu

n with superiors (only the latter skill had a s rrent employment showed a significant

fa(but not very strong) relationship to English conversation skills. There were clear percentage differences between Portuguese and CEEC migrants whereby migrants from the CEEC generally reflected higher levels of skills than their Portuguese counterparts. Significant (but not very strong) differences were found for numerical skills, problem solving, IT and technical knowledge. It is important to emphasis that differences between Portuguese and CEEC migrants are caused by differences in the age distribution (the Portuguese sample included a significantly higher percentage of older migrants). It is ‘age’ rather than ‘country of origin’ which causes significant differences amongst the Portuguese and CEEC migrants with younger migrants having higher skills than older migrants irrespective of their country of origin. It should be noted that data are based upon ‘perception’ which may be affected by over and under-estimation; especially older migrants, women and/or Portuguese migrant workers may have underestimated their skills. 25 5.5.1.1 Mean Distributions of Generic Skills Fig. 5.50 shows that migrant workers had on average ‘fairly high’ to ‘high’ levels of generic skills. Migrant workers had fairly low levels of English (conversation and written), IT and technical knowledge represented in lower mean figures; although migrant workers who were young, from the CEEC and had arrived since January 2004 were more likely to have higher levels of these skills (see Appendix 14 for a detailed overview of generic skills).

Very Low

Low

Fairly High

High

Mean

English Written

Communication (Peers)

Communication (Clients)

Quality Control Problem Solving

IT Skills Technical Knowledge English Conversation

Numeric Skills Other Language

Communication (Superior)

Fig. 5.50 Mean distributions of Generic Skills

25 One needs to be careful with generalisations for the following age categories which had a sample size of less than 30: 25 to 29, 30-34, and 50+ .

104

5.5.1.2 Significance and Correlations for Generic Skills and General Characteristics The following figures provide an overview of significance and strength of associations between country-of-origin, gender, age, education and employment and generic skills. 26 Although percentage differences exist especially with regard to gender, age, employment level and education one needs to investigate to what extent these relationships are significant and strong before wider generalisations (beyond the scope of our sample) can be made. Significance and Correlation for Generic Skills and Country-of-Origin27

The following displays a significant difference between Portuguese and CEEC migrants with regard to numerical skills, problem solving, IT and technical nowledge (although only numerical skills showed a fairly strong association).

of origin but age.

kAs mentioned above the main factor which is influencing the difference between Portuguese and CEEC migrants is not country

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8

Correlation and significance

Communication (Sup)

Technical Knowledge

IT

Problem Solving

Numerical

ills

English Written

English Conversation

Communication (Peers)

Communication (Clients)

Other Language

Quality Control

Gen

eric

Sk

Country of Origin CorrelationCountry of Origin Significance

Fig. 5.51 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Country of Origin

26 When investigating the relationship between variables it is important to look at the strength of relationships as well as their statistical significance. Although a relationship may be significant (p≤ 0.05 in our case) it can range from a weak to a strong relationship. The interpretation of cut-off points of strong relationships differ amongst authors and researchers. Some argue that ‘strong’ relationship/correlation should have at least a value of 0.5 while others suggest that 0.3 already

Cramér’s V was utilised for the correlations between generic skills and country of origin and gender.

indicates a strong relationship (see Miller 2002). We are slightly more cautious and speak of fairly strong relationships from 0.3 onwards. 27

105

Correlation and Significance for Generic Skills and Gender n general there was no significant difference betweeI n gender and generic skills. Technical knowledge was the only skill which showed a significant and fairly strong relationship with male migrants being more likely than female migrants to possess this skill.

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1

Correlation/significance

Technical Knowledge

Communication (Peers)

Problem Solving

Other Language

Communication (Clients)

English ConversationGen

er

Communication (Sup)

English Written

Quality Control

IT

ic

Numerical

ski

lls

Gender CorrelationGender Significance

Fig. 5.52 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Gender Correlation and Significance for Generic Skills and Age IT, English conversation and English written skills show significant and fairly strong relationships indicating that younger migrants were significantly more likely to have these skills than older migrants.

Fig. 5.53 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Age

-0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1

Correlation (Pearson) and Significance Values

Communication (Sup) Numerical

Communication (Clients) Communication (Peers)

Technical Knowledge Other Language

Quality Control

English Conversation

IT

Problem Solving English Written

Generic Skills

Correlation Significance

.05

106

Correlation and Significance for Generic Skills and Employment in ome Country

(only the latter skill showed a fairly strong lationship); migrants who had higher levels of employment prior to coming

to the UK were significantly more likely to show high levels of the above skills.

n Home

was merely

Fig. 5.55 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Employment in UK

H With regard to employment levels prior to UK significant relationships were found between previous employment levels and English written skills, IT and communication with superiorre

Fig. 5.54 Correlation and Significance of Generic Skills and Employment i Country

Correlation and Significance for Generic Skills and Employment in UK The relationship between skills levels and levels of current employment was less distinct (due to the fact that most migrant workers were employed in elementary employment). A significant (but weak) relationshipshown for English conversation skills.

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1

Correlation (Pearson) and Skill Values

Other Language Technical Knowledge

Numerical English Conversation

Problem Solving Communication (Peers)

Quality Control Communication (Clients)

Communication (Sup) IT

English Written

Correlation Significance

.05

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1

Correlation (Pearson) and Skill Values

Quality Control Communication (Clients) Communication (Peers)

Communication (Sup) Other Language Problem Solving

Numerical IT

Technical Knowledge English Written

English Conversation

Correlation Significance

.05

107

Correlation and Significance for Generic Skills and Education

Fig. 5.56 gives a clear indication that there is a link between education and skills levels. All skills showed significant relationships in the context of educational levels and especially numerical skills, IT and technical knowledge had strong relationships.

Fig. 5.56 Correlation and Significance for Generic Skills and Education

0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6

Correlation and Significance

IT Numeric

English Conversation

Technical Knowledge

English Written Communication (Clients)

Problem Solving Other Language

Quality Control Communication (Management)

Communication (Peers)

Correlation Significance

108

5.5.2 Summary of Findings Relating to Soft Skills

nt variable r the successful integration of migrant workers into the labour market (see

erences in terms of country of origin, gender, age, mployment and educational background.

n average (using the mean) migrant workers stated that they had ‘high’

’ and ‘very ng, strength,

a h

w’ A soft skill

of soft skills highlighting that all migrant workers irrespective of country of origin, gender, age have high to very high levels of soft skills (see Appendix 15 for a detailed overview of soft skills).

Fig. 5.57 Mean Distributions for Soft Skills of Migrant Workers

The literature increasingly highlights that soft skills are an importafoBauer et al. 2002, Reyneri 2004). However, exact information about the range and levels of soft skills which migrant workers possess is not available. The following gives an overview of migrant workers’ soft skills and investigates to what extent there are diffe Olevels of soft skills. Migrants were especially equipped with the following soft skills (at least 85 per cent said that they had between ‘fairly highhigh’ levels of those skills): giving instructions, counselling, listeniproblem solving, analysing, planning own work, thinking ahead, stress tolerance, continuous learning, networking, creativity, flexibility. It is notsurprising that migrant workers rank highly with regard to the above skills asthese are skills they continuously need and practise in their position of beingmigrant worker. The following soft skills were less strongly represented wit15 to 20 per cent of migrants identifying themselves with ‘very low’ and ‘lolevels: ability to persuade and ability to use tools and/or equipment.which is outstanding amongst migrant workers is ‘enthusiasm for continuouslearning’ with 74 per cent of migrants selecting ‘high’ or ‘very high’ levels. 5.5.2.1 Mean Distributions of Soft Skills The following provides an overview of mean distributions

0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5

Specialist Knowledge

Persuading Others

Planning Others Activities

Instructing People

Tolerance to Stress

Operating Equipment

Complex Analysis

Counseling

Flexibility

Physical Strength

Networking

Creativity

Problem Solving

Planning Own Activities

Thinking Ahead

Dealing with People

Aware of Strengths and Weaknesses

Working in a Team

Listening to Colleagues

Enthusiasm for Continuous Learning

109

.5.2.2 Significance and Correlations for Soft Skills5 and

e migrant workers showed ‘very igh’ levels of enthusiasm for continuous learning which is significantly higher

General Characteristics Due to the fact that the majority of the sample indicated high to very high levels of soft skills, control variables such as age, gender, educational background and employment experience had a less significant and strong impact than in the case of generic skills. The following briefly highlights significant links: 44 per cent of Portugueshthan their CEEC counterparts. Migrant workers from the CEEC had, however, significantly higher levels of specialist knowledge. In general female and male migrant workers had similar levels of soft skills except for ‘operating equipment’ and ‘physical strength’ where male migrant workers showed significantly higher levels. Age, education levels and employment experience showed no significant links to levels of soft skills.

110

5.6 A Comparison between Migrant Workers and the Indigenous Population of Breckland The following will compare the migrant workers’ profile with the indigenous population in Breckland and the East of England. The following variables will be considered: gender, age, employment, education and skills. Comparisons can only be tentative as the information which is available for the indigenous population is not necessarily based on the same indicators and methodologies as our survey. Authors of this report recommend that a more detailed study of the indigenous population needs to be carried out focusing in particular on generic skills, soft skills and aspirations. In general migrant workers provide a significant pool of young workers (18 -24) who are underrepresented amongst the indigenous population with only 10 per cent of the rural population in the East of England being between 15 and 24 years old (The Countryside Agency 2004). In comparison our sample howed that 25 per cent of migrant workers were between 18 and 24 years

old. The impact of migrants upon the overall age distribution is already reflected in Thetford where twice as many young people live compared with other districts (Breckland DC 2005). In this respect migrant workers are not only important for the local labour market but also for the demographic structure of the local population (see Fig. 5.58).28

Fig. 5.58 Comparison between migrant workers and indigenous population (16 – 24 Age Group)

s

28 The age category of our sample (18 - 24) is slightly different to the existing data on the indigenous population (16 – 24) and comparisons can be only tentative.

0% 5%

10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%

% of Total Population of Each Sample Group

UK East Norfolk Breckland Total Sample Portuguese CEECSample Area

111

Fig. 5.59 shows that especially CEEC migrant workers provide a signavailable amon

ificantly gst the

Both migrant worker communities offer a significant larger pool of young female workers when compared with the indigenous population of Breckland.

ig. 5.60 Comparison between migrant workers and indigenous population

(Female 16 – 24 Age Group)

larger amount of young male workers than is digenous population. in

30% 35% 40% 45%

0% 5%

10% 15% 20% 25%

% of Total Population of Each Sample Group

UK East Norfolk Breckland Total Sample Portuguese CEECSample Area

Fig. 5.59 A comparison between migrant workers and indigenous population

(Male 16 – 24 Age Group)

F

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

% of Total Population of Each Sample Group

UK East Norfolk Breckland Total Sample Portuguese CEECSample Area

112

Fig. 5.61 indicates that migrant workers are equipped with employment experiences and skills from their home country which are significantly different from the indigenous population. Migrant workers are more likely than the

digenous population to possess experiences and skills in the skilled trades nd the sales and customer service sectors; although they are currently not

using their skills in these sectors.

ig. 5.61 A Comparison between Migrant Workers and the Indigenous Population with

regard to Employment Positions

igrant workers have significantly higher levels of education than the indigenous population. Bainbridge and Donaldson 2004 state that 34 per cent of Breckland’s residents (between 16 and 74) had no qualifications and only 4 per cent went on to higher education. In comparison 3 per cent of the migrant worker community did not have any formal educational qualifications, and 12 per cent had completed a university degree. It is also important to highlight the high aspirations of migrants and their enthusiasm for continuous learning. No compatible data on the indigenous population and their aspirations could be found and it is recommended that future research should focus on this topic. Migrant workers (especially those who are young, originated from CEEC and/or arrived recently) possess high levels of generic skills such as IT, numerical skills and technical knowledge. It appears that (recent) migrant workers have higher levels of numerical skills than the indigenous population considering that Breckland’s Community Plan (2005) highlighted the low levels of numerical skills amongst Breckland’s residents. The more

r levels of eneri the indigenous population.

igrant workers had high levels of soft skills. Due to the fact that the experience of being a migrant worker demands high levels of soft skills such as planning, flexibility and creativity one could expect that migrant workers have higher levels of these skills than the indigenous population. No data on

ina

F M

established community of migrant workers seems to have similag c skills when compared with M

0.0%

5.0%

10.0%

15.0%

20.0%

25.0%

% of Area Sample

Man. and Sen. Off. Prof Occ Assoc. Prof Admin & Sec Skilled Trades Personal

ServicesSales andCust Serv

Process,Plant &

Elementary

ENGLAND EAST Norfolk Breckland

Machine OpEmployment Sector

Sample*

* = Prior to Migration

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soft skills of the indigenous population is available at the moment for comparison and further research into levels of soft skills among the indigenous population is recommended. Such research would help to identify possible skills differences between migrant workers and the indigenous population and highlight to what extent soft skills and/or awareness of soft skills need to be increased amongst both the migrant worker community and

e indigenous population. th

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5.7 Summary of Survey Findings The survey of migrant workers in Breckland has highlighted that there is a polarisation between a more established Portuguese community and migrant workers who have been arriving in Breckland since January 2004. Although the majority originated from the CEEC a significant number of young female migrant workers from Portugal had also moved into the area recently. Distinctions between these two communities are mainly based on demographic characteristics and educational and generic skills background. It needs to be emphasised that differences between Portuguese and CEEC migrant workers are generally caused by the different age distribution amongst both communities rather than country of origin per se.

There is no significant distinction between the communities with regard to employment experience prior to the UK. Both migrant workers who have been residing in the area for more than two years and those who have arrived recently are downgrading substantially with regard to their employment positions in the UK. As migrant workers possess vital employment skills for the business and construction sectors (both sectors with identified skills shortages) it needs to be considered to what extent migrant skills could be matched more clearly with skills shortages.

There is a clear polarisation amongst the migrant worker communities with regard to educational levels with 58 per cent possessing high and very high levels and 42 per cent low or very low levels. A significant relationship exists between formal educational levels and age, length of residence and country of origin. Those migrant workers who were young, from the CEEC and/or had arrived recently in Breckland had significantly higher educational levels than other migrant workers. However, it needs to be emphasised that ‘age’ is the main factor which causes significance in educational attainment. The significant links for both country of origin and length of residence are affected by the different age distributions of the Portuguese and CEEC communities. Again CEEC migrant workers show higher levels of education than their Portuguese counterparts due to the fact that they are younger; no significant difference was detected between young Portuguese and young CEEC migrant workers.

Migrant workers possess in general fairly high levels of generic skills although a more explicit polarisation exists with regard to English and IT skills. Migrant workers who were young, possessed high levels of educational qualifications and occupied medium or highly skilled employment in their home country showed significantly higher levels of IT and English (written and conversation) than other migrant workers. Although CEEC migrant workers had significantly higher levels of numerical skills, IT and technical knowledge than Portuguese migrants there was no difference with regard to their English skills. As expected from previous research migrant workers possess very high levels of soft skills irrespective of country of origin, gender, age and educational background. Soft skills are increasingly identified as being important for the successful integration of migrant workers into the labour market and employers, organisations dealing with migrant workers and migrant workers themselves need to be made aware of this asset.

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