a framework for assessing trends in academic careers

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Changes in academic careers call for a reexamination of the elements of academic work and their relationships. A Framework for Assessing Trends in Academic Careers Janet H. Lawrence Readers interested in the study of academic careers can find a substantial array of research articles and essays in which the behaviors, beliefs, values, percep- tions, and productivity of faculty are portrayed. The empirical work encom- passes a range of approaches from the study of individuals in single institutions (Tierney, 1997) to national surveys (Blackburn and Lawrence, 1995; Fair- weather, 1996; Gappa and Leslie, 1993). This variety of approaches provides a rich literature but makes generaliz- ing about academic careers very challenging. So in this chapter, I propose a way to frame our conversations about academic careers and illustrate how the framework may help us categorize the findings from different studies. I then suggest how modifications in graduate education and employment practices may affect different aspects of academic careers, giving particular attention to the use of part-time and adjunct faculty. Theoretical Dimensions of Academic Careers As I reflected on my campus experiences and on my reading, I realized that I had to distinguish among several concepts: career, career course, role, work pat- tern, and workforce. I took career to be the set of hierarchically ordered and pro- fessionally relevant positions within a field or discipline in which entrance and progression are regulated by peers. The career course is distinguished from career in that it refers to the configuration of activities and positions that characterize an individual within a field or profession—the way his or her work life mani- fests itself over time. Role, in contrast, is the set of responsibilities and rights one assumes when occupying a particular career-related position, for example, the faculty role within a particular type of college or university, a particular depart- ment, and so forth. Work pattern is how one carries out these role-related responsibilities and how one exercises these rights. The workforce refers to the NEW DIRECTIONS FOR HIGHER EDUCATION, no. 104, Winter 1998 © Jossey-Bass Publishers 19

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Page 1: A Framework for Assessing Trends in Academic Careers

Changes in academic careers call for a reexamination of the elementsof academic work and their relationships.

A Framework for Assessing Trends inAcademic Careers

Janet H. Lawrence

Readers interested in the study of academic careers can find a substantial arrayof research articles and essays in which the behaviors, beliefs, values, percep-tions, and productivity of faculty are portrayed. The empirical work encom-passes a range of approaches from the study of individuals in single institutions(Tierney, 1997) to national surveys (Blackburn and Lawrence, 1995; Fair-weather, 1996; Gappa and Leslie, 1993).

This variety of approaches provides a rich literature but makes generaliz-ing about academic careers very challenging. So in this chapter, I propose away to frame our conversations about academic careers and illustrate how theframework may help us categorize the findings from different studies. I thensuggest how modifications in graduate education and employment practicesmay affect different aspects of academic careers, giving particular attention tothe use of part-time and adjunct faculty.

Theoretical Dimensions of Academic Careers

As I reflected on my campus experiences and on my reading, I realized that Ihad to distinguish among several concepts: career, career course, role, work pat-tern, and workforce. I took career to be the set of hierarchically ordered and pro-fessionally relevant positions within a field or discipline in which entrance andprogression are regulated by peers. The career course is distinguished from careerin that it refers to the configuration of activities and positions that characterizean individual within a field or profession—the way his or her work life mani-fests itself over time. Role, in contrast, is the set of responsibilities and rights oneassumes when occupying a particular career-related position, for example, thefaculty role within a particular type of college or university, a particular depart-ment, and so forth. Work pattern is how one carries out these role-relatedresponsibilities and how one exercises these rights. The workforce refers to the

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR HIGHER EDUCATION, no. 104, Winter 1998 © Jossey-Bass Publishers 19

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people employed in a profession at a particular time—a collective that can besubdivided into groups by ascribed and achieved characteristics, for example,women, racial groups, graduate cohorts, professorial rank, and discipline.

Some refinements in my thinking were prompted by writers andresearchers such as Finkelstein (1984), who distinguishes the structural fromthe normative aspects of faculty roles and careers. The structural aspects ofroles are the constraints on one’s activities (for example, assigned activities andavailable resources). The normative aspects are the felt pressures or prescrip-tions regarding role activities, that is, which ones are most and least valued orhow one ought to carry out a particular responsibility.

The structural features of academic careers are as follows: (1) the delin-eation of employment tracks (for example, tenure-track faculty, research sci-entists, and administrators); (2) the stipulation of the sequencing of positionsalong a particular track (for example, academic ranks and the administrativebureaucracy); and (3) the regulation of access and movement (for example, theavailability of faculty positions and contractual arrangements regulating peri-ods of appointment and reappointment).

The normative features include (1) felt pressure to make certain careerdecisions (for example, graduates of research universities may be urged to seekfaculty positions in particular types of institutions) or the attractiveness of alter-native career tracks (for example, relative valuations of tenure-track, non-tenure-track, and administrative paths); (2) the institutional and disciplinarylegitimacy of different tracks (for example, the governance rights accorded topart-time and adjunct faculty); and (3) the expectations that regulate access toand movement along tracks (for example, credentials for initial appointmentand performance criteria for promotion that reflect institutional values). Somenorms are expressed directly, whereas others are tacit (Tierney, 1997). Facultylearn what is expected of them through social interactions and vicarious expe-riences.

These distinctions sharpen our focus on the facets of academic careers andfaculty roles that may be shifting and on differences among subgroups withinthe workforce. To illustrate, I have found (see Lawrence and others, 1990), ashave other researchers (Trautvetter and Blackburn, 1990), that women in thesciences, when compared with their male peers, appear to be more likely tohold postdoctoral fellowships between graduate school and their first facultyappointment (a potential structural difference in the careers of males andfemales). A longitudinal study of appointment cohorts at a research university(Lawrence and Blackburn, 1985) showed that the number of publications atthe time of initial employment rose dramatically between 1965 and 1970 (anormative change in careers). Various studies of faculty (see Blackburn andLawrence, 1995, for a summary) reveal differences between times of data gath-ering in faculty evaluations and distribution of effort to teaching, research, andservice activities (a normative shift in faculty roles). The data also show nor-mative differences between subgroups of faculty (that is, humanities and sci-ence professors) at the different times of data gathering. And recent studies (for

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example, Gappa and Leslie, 1993) suggest that new faculty roles are emergingfor part-time and adjunct faculty, where role-related tasks are typicallyrestricted to teaching (structural changes in faculty roles).

The distinctions I am suggesting forewarn us about interchanging thecharacteristics of the workforce with characteristics of academic careers or fac-ulty roles. They also underscore the importance of (1) recognizing variationsamong faculty from different types of institutions and from different academicareas and (2) distinguishing pervasive shifts in career norms and structuresfrom temporary changes in the characteristics of individuals who entered thefield or from changes in the workplace demands and resources at a particulartime. Academic careers are situated in several contexts that affect their struc-tures and norms—disciplines, geographic locations, institutions, gender, socio-cultural, to name a few. Before we ask how careers are changing, it isreasonable to ask, What is an academic career?

Influences on Academic Careers

For the purpose of discussion, I have displayed selected practices in Table 2.1and suggested how they might affect academic careers. These practices repre-sent responses to diverse pressures from within and outside the academy:demographic characteristics of faculty and students, changes in the economy,funding for research, state and federal policies, and so forth. I have classifiedthe practices in terms of their scope (effects on either or both academic careeror faculty role) and in terms of their nature (structural or normative). The dis-tinctions sharpen our perspective on academic careers and our capacity toassess the impact of part-time and adjunct faculty. I have taken the traditionaltenure-track faculty appointment to be the modal academic career, and I focusin the following pages on administrative practices that may result in deviationsfrom that pattern of ranks, activities, and responsibilities.

At least five general types of changes in the preparation and employmentof faculty are discussed in the literature on academic careers—changes that (1)alter the normative aspects of academic careers and the faculty roles that makeup an academic career, (2) affect only the normative aspect of careers, (3) affectcareer norms and structures as well as the normative aspects of faculty roles,(4) alter the normative aspects of faculty roles but do not change academiccareers, and (5) result in structural and normative changes in careers and infaculty roles.

No Change in Career Structure. Subsumed here are practices that mayalter career and role norms but not their basic structures. Ad hoc employmentof part-time faculty typically does not change either the order of ranks a per-son occupies during an academic career or the time typically spent in eachrank. However, this practice can influence the normative expectations regard-ing knowledge production among tenure-track professors. Institutional drifttoward a single merit system has resulted in the “pursuit of prestige throughfaculty research productivity” (Fairweather, 1996, p. 204). The trend has been

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Table 2.1. Effects of Higher Education Practices on Academic Careerand Faculty Role

Academic Career Faculty Role

Higher Education Practices Structurea Normsb Structurec Normsd

Employ part-time & full-timetemporary faculty ad hoc x x x

Alter emphases on teaching & scholarship in recruitment & hiring x x

Stop “tenure clock” x

Affirmative action x x x

Delay entry to tenure-track x x xpositions

Reduced time to Ph.D. x x x

Emeritus faculty as teachers x x x

Entry reductions in teaching loads x

Establish distinct appointmenttracks: instructional & research x x x x

Alterations in tenure x x x x

Shared tenure-track positions x x x x

Recruit “stars” x x x x

Movement between administrative& faculty tracks x x x x

Third-year reviews x x x x

Virtual universities x x x x

Note: aEmployment tracks, sequences of positions, access, and involvement; bfelt pressure to chooseparticular tracks, attractiveness of tracks, ascribed legitimacy, performance criteria; cassigned activitiesand rights; dvalues and perceived pressures to behave in particular ways.

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for colleges and universities to emulate the elite research universities and tohire faculty who will bring institutional recognition through their scholarship.

The opportunity to interact with esteemed scholars in and out of class isattractive to students, and institutions develop mechanisms to limit but noteliminate instructional contact with these “stars.” The use of part-time oradjunct faculty to “supplement” tenure-track faculty by teaching courses whileprofessors work on their research can heighten expectations for scholarship oncampuses where the prior emphasis may have been more balanced or leaningtoward teaching. On campuses where the emphasis has always been onresearch, the use of part-time faculty may have little discernible effect on careernorms or faculty roles. I have not found written reports showing that the useof part-time or adjunct faculty permanently altered the structure of the facultyrole by eliminating teaching responsibilities. In fact, some of the most presti-gious research universities have policies restricting the number of courses fromwhich a faculty member may be released.

On the one hand, ad hoc employment of part-time and adjunct facultymeans that individuals who want to teach college students but do not want thepressure for research have career opportunities. However, part-time faculty freeup tenure-track professors’ time for research which, in turn, is likely to alterthe normative expectations for role performance. Ironically, the part-time fac-ulty may actually reduce their own chances of successfully competing fortenure-track appointments. Even if they are given credit for their time in rank,the gap in scholarship between themselves and those on the tenure track maycontinue to widen.

Recommendations to alter scholarly norms to accommodate research onteaching or to alter the criteria used to select faculty (see Boyer, 1990) areimportant and may influence the normative aspects of academic careers andfaculty roles. However, this practice does not necessarily change the basic con-figuration of the faculty role; it still encompasses teaching, research, and ser-vice. Furthermore, for the kind of behavioral change Boyer and othersenvisioned (see Schön, 1995), a transformation in the unit of analysis in meritand reward decisions must take place as well. Blackburn and Lawrence (1995)and others have written that if such normative changes are to influence facultyvalues and behavior, the exclusive emphasis of individual contributions mustbe revised, the collective accomplishments of departments must be consideredin merit decisions, and the standards for promotion and tenure must bereformed to reflect these changes.

Career Norms Only. I noted one practice that could alter careernorms—stopping the “tenure clock” temporarily while a faculty member takeslimited time for family care. Such practices do not, in and of themselves, leadto fundamental changes in academic careers or faculty roles. The norms stillemphasize individual achievement and activity (Blackburn and Lawrence,1995) and a faculty member only buys time to produce in traditional ways.However, the alteration does signal a value shift within the academy to tem-porarily accommodate non-work-related events in faculty work lives.

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Career Structures and Norms and Faculty-Role-Related Norms.These are practices that alter careers but do not necessarily change the rangeof faculty-role-related activities. For example, postdoctoral fellowships delayentry to faculty positions in several fields, modify selection norms for hiringjunior faculty by increasing scholarly expectations, and most likely affect thevaluation of research among the newest cohort of assistant professors. How-ever, this delayed entry does not necessarily mean that the structure of the fac-ulty role is changed. The tenure-track faculty member still has responsibilitiesacross the range of teaching, research, and service activities. The press in somedisciplines to shorten the time in graduate school, combined with the push forsponsored research, has raised concern that scholarly norms—and ultimatelywhat it means to be an intellectual—are affected. Educators are questioningwhether people have time to read broadly and to reflect on the implications;they wonder what the long-term consequences of these normative changes arefor the quality of faculty scholarship (Bean, 1997).

Affirmative action policies may have affected the normative aspect of aca-demic careers by adjusting selection criteria. Some would argue that the impactof these policies is not only normative in the sense that the competition for fac-ulty positions has been opened but the opportunity structure for majoritygroup members has been altered. The literature (Johnsrud, 1993) and my cur-rent research (Lawrence and Patton, 1997) suggest that affirmative action prac-tices may have some limited impact on role-related norms, such as the relativevaluation of areas of expertise and avenues for the dissemination of scholar-ship. However, I see little evidence that the structural aspects of faculty rolesare affected.

Faculty Role Norms Only. One practice in research universities is to givenew tenure-track faculty members a chance to establish their programs ofresearch by phasing them gradually into a full-time teaching load. This efforthas affected the norms regarding how faculty should spend their time but hasnot altered the structure of the career or the faculty role in terms of its clusterof responsibilities. Within most academic areas, people still seem to movethrough the ranks at similar rates and in similar proportions, although insti-tutions are often reluctant to share data that would illustrate attrition prior tothe tenure decision. Thus the reporting of results regarding the proportion offaculty who gain tenure may be influenced.

Pervasive Changes. Some practices have profound effects on academiccareers and faculty roles. Take, for example, the emerging “virtual universities,”which could redefine academic careers altogether. Campuses may no longerexist as we know them today, and the terms colleague and instruction may haveto be redefined. The implications of such organizational transformations areseemingly endless.

The elimination or revision of tenure policies is another practice thatwould likely have a major impact on academic careers. The differentiation ofthe career structure into ranks, for example, may become useless and disap-pear. The norms in terms of desirability of the faculty career among doctoral

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degree recipients in some fields may be altered. And the faculty role could shiftdramatically as people are hired for a narrower range of activities and theircommitment to the institution and investment in activities that enhance itsprestige may shift away from a local orientation to one that ensures their ownportability.

Some foreshadowing of the impact of tenure policy changes are evidentin current practices. Consider, for example, contractual agreements that stip-ulate a formal review of junior tenure-track faculty and make reappointmentcontingent on the outcomes. Essentially, such agreements give the newly hiredprofessor two or three years to initiate and establish programs of research andto become involved in the instructional activities of their departments. Proba-tionary time is shortened, turnover typically increases, and institutional mobil-ity may be altered. Faculty roles are affected structurally and normatively asdepartment chairs try to nurture and “protect” assistant professors.

Shared appointments in which two faculty divide a single tenure-trackposition also challenge the structural and normative aspects of the academiccareer. Some questions that must be answered are: How is time in rank calcu-lated? Do both people engage in research, teaching, and service, or are activi-ties divided between them in some other way? What are the implications forperformance evaluation and promotion?

The “trifurcation” of academic appointments into the traditional tenuretrack and distinct teaching and research tracks is another practice that canexert a pervasive influence. On some campuses, doctorally prepared teachersare hired in lecture and clinical teaching tracks where the focus is almost exclu-sively on instruction. Others hold appointments as research scientists and areexpected to obtain and conduct sponsored research projects. These distinctacademic career structures offer alternatives to tenure-track appointments, andeach has different normative implications for an individual who might want tomove to the tenure track.

Instructional demands in lower-division courses like English compositionalways outstrip the supply of tenure-track faculty to teach them. Sometimesthe demand for faculty in an instructional area temporarily exceeds the sup-ply; sometimes there is demand for specialized courses (for example, studiocourses) or for instruction requiring highly specialized expertise (for example,in clinical practice courses). Ideal part-time faculty in these instances are ableteachers who want to combine college teaching and nonacademic careers, whofind teaching to be satisfying when combined with other work activities, orwho find that part-time employment suits their lifestyle choices. An alterna-tive career structure that combines college teaching with other professionalactivities outside academe may be taking shape. Along with it, many norma-tive issues are rising with respect to these individuals’ status within the insti-tution, access to instructional services, and involvement in curricular andgovernance decisions.

When individuals desire full-time teaching and see a department’s instruc-tional needs as an opportunity for full-time teaching (an instructional career

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track), arrangements may be perceived as exploitative, depending on the insti-tutional practices regarding benefits, resources, access to decision making, andso forth. Tenure-track faculty want to retain faculty who maintain consistencyin the quality of undergraduate instruction and who reliably prepare studentsfor upper-division courses. They also feel the pressure to enhance departmen-tal stature through scholarship. This intersection between the lives of acade-mics may well produce the most fundamental changes in careers, as people ondifferent tracks negotiate with administrators for rights and responsibilitiesaround such issues as resources and governance. Normative issues must beresolved (as noted earlier), along with more structural ones such as how to dis-tinguish among non-tenure-track faculty who differ in years of service, levelof instructional responsibility, and so forth.

Accommodating dual careers among faculty is a recruiting challenge forcolleges and universities. When they fit with a candidate’s lifestyle choices,part-time and adjunct faculty positions have been offered. However, suchappointments may also be used to put people on hold, so to speak, allowingthem initial entry into the institution until a tenure-track position opens up.For individuals in the latter situation, the arrangements can be career disap-pointments if key players do not act in good faith. Disruptions are probable inthe lives of at least two faculty, not to mention the students with whom theywork, and there is always a chance that the academy can lose faculty and stu-dents. An institution’s accumulating practices in this area may alter careerstructures by developing formal mechanisms for moving across tracks andchange the norms in terms of the range of responsibilities expected of adjunctfaculty.

Colleges and universities are conservative organizations, especially whenit comes to curricular change (Clark, 1987). Part-time faculty may serve a veryuseful purpose by meeting demonstrated needs for instruction in emergingareas. Career options for these individuals are affected by the extent to whicha new area becomes central to the discipline or field. If it appears to be gain-ing recognition, adjuncts or part-time faculty could be moved to the tenuretrack to ensure continuity. However, they could be replaced with tenure-trackfaculty who decide to move into the new instructional and research area. Theacademic career structure and norms may be affected, depending on themechanisms created to accommodate the pioneers (those who were therefirst) in an area and on how the area changes in terms of its stature in the eyesof faculty.

Finally, as colleges and universities recognize the importance of student-centered instruction, the need for teachers may increase. Student-centeredteaching in such courses as music performance classes, supervised studentteaching, and clinical courses in health-related fields is being introduced inmore instructional areas and serves important purposes beyond the curricu-lar, such as integrating first-year students into campus life. If such shifts tomore labor-intensive instruction continue, demands for faculty will increasebut they may also affect the selection of part-time faculty. Faculty expertise will

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have to extend beyond academic knowledge and encompass information abouta particular campus. Should such changes occur, part-time faculty will needto assess their interest and capacity for teaching these courses, and postsec-ondary institutions will need to consider the structural and normative careerimplications regarding the use of part-time faculty. One would think it wouldbecome more difficult for the part-time faculty member to teach at multipleinstitutions and for the institution to hire such teachers without investing intheir professional development.

Conclusion

How are academic careers changing? What are the implications for the char-acter of the academy? The difficulty in projecting trends is that careers are sit-uated in multiple contexts—disciplinary, institutional, and individual—andthe available data provide snapshots at single points in time.

Intersections in the work lives of individuals on different career tracks andalterations in the preparation and employment of faculty, as well as the deci-sions and behavior of any one group within the academy, have demonstrableeffects on others. To understand and assess how various factors affect academiccareers, we must reach some agreement on the definitions that will guide ourresearch and that will serve as a basis for our projections. Perhaps the frame-work presented in this chapter will move us along toward this goal.

References

Bean, J. P. “Alternative Models of Professorial Roles: New Languages to Reimagine FacultyWork.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for the Study of HigherEducation. Albuquerque, N.M., Nov. 1997.

Blackburn, R., and Lawrence, J. Faculty at Work. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1995.Boyer, E. Scholarship Reconsidered: Priorities of the Professoriate. Princeton, N.J.: Carnegie

Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, 1990.Clark, B. The Academic Life: Small Worlds, Different Worlds. Princeton, N.J.: Carnegie Foun-

dation for the Advancement of Teaching, 1987.Fairweather, J. Faculty Work and Public Trust. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1996.Finkelstein, M. J. The American Academic Profession: A Synthesis of Social Scientific Inquiry since

World War II. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1984.Gappa, J., and Leslie, D. The Invisible Faculty. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1993.Johnsrud, L. K. (ed.). Women and Minority Faculty Experiences: Defining and Responding to

Diverse Realities. New Directions for Teaching and Learning no. 53. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1993.

Lawrence, J., and Backburn, R. “Faculty Careers: Maturation, Demographic and HistoricalEffects.” Research in Higher Education, 1985, 22 (2), 135–154.

Lawrence, J., and Patton, D. “Work Satisfaction and Faculty Departure among AfricanAmerican Faculty.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for theStudy of Higher Education, Albuquerque, N.M., Nov. 1997.

Lawrence, J., Blackburn, R., Trautvetter, L., Hart, K., and Herzberg, G. “Women in Selected‘Male’ and ‘Female’ Disciplines: A View of Professional Behavior at Three Points in Time—1969, 1975, 1988.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American EducationalResearch Association, Boston, Apr. 1990.

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Schön, D. “The New Scholarship Requires a New Epistemology.” Change. Nov./Dec. 1995,pp. 27–34.

Tierney, W. “Organizational Socialization in Higher Education.” Journal of Higher Education,1997, 68 (1), 1–16.

Trautvetter, L., and Blackburn, R. “Gender Differences in Predicting Faculty PublicationOutput in the Natural Sciences.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the AmericanEducational Research Association, Boston, Apr. 1990.

JANET H. LAWRENCE is director of the Center for the Study of Higher and Postsec-ondary Education and associate professor, School of Education, University of Michi-gan, Ann Arbor.