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    Organization Theory and Organization Design

    Ultimately, executive leaders are vital for influencing the

    overall environment within which all innovation and learningoccurs. Good design will not create commitment and

    energy, but poor design will surely thwart them. 1

    This lecture series will cover two topic areas: organization

    theory and organization design. Organization theory is a specialty

    within sociology. Its practitioners note that all organizations are not

    the same and seek to explain the reasons for differences among

    organizations. Why do some organizations have an extended

    hierarchy with limited spans of control at each level while other

    organizations have an abbreviated management structure and several

    people reporting to each manager? Is there an independent variable

    (size of the firm, technology employed, stage of development of the

    firm) that can be used to predict organization structure, and if so,

    what is it/are they?

    Organization design attempts to translate the findings of

    organization theory into recommendations for management practice.

    If certain types of organization are particularly likely under a given setof circumstances, then it would behoove managers to design their

    organizations appropriately when they face those circumstances.

    Organization design is a prescriptive rather than an abstract branch of

    the field.

    In this lecture we will try to cover both bases, beginning with

    organization theory and proceeding to organization design. The text,

    no matter what it says it is doing, does not really present organization

    theory. The only theorists of organizations mentioned in the

    bibliography are Weber and Mintzberg, and Weber is severely

    1PM Senge, Leadership in living organizations, in Hesselbein F Goldsmith M andSomerville I, Eds, Leading Beyond the Walls (Jossey-Bass Publishers, San Francisco),

    1999, p 89

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    misinterpreted. Rather, the text focuses on organization design,

    partially by creating a straw man labelled "the classical view."

    For why this topic is important, I refer to the quote above from

    Senge, best known for his theories regarding learning organizations.

    Good design is a necessary underpinning w/o which excellence cannot

    be achieved.

    Organization Theory

    We begin with an interesting epistemological insight.

    Organizations, as distinct from the property they may own, are

    intangible. A building with an assortment of high-tech goodies in it isnot a hospital. That same building inhabited by humans with a variety

    of skills--nurses, physicians, nutritionists, dishwashers--is not a

    hospital. The building and the people only become a hospital when

    their efforts are rationally structured: when they are organized. This

    last principle, organization, is, like the soul, invisible.

    The intangibility of organizations leads theorists to take what

    one might call a metaphoric view of organizations. The metaphor or

    paradigm used in describing organizational structure, and thus both

    the descriptions and the recommendations that emerge, varies over

    time and across authors. Each metaphor carries with it a distinctive

    manner of conceptualizing the structure of the organization. Early

    theorists tended toward a mechanistic view of the organization,

    spurred, no doubt, by the machine-dominated organizations that filled

    the Industrial Age. The logic of technology created wonders--bridges,

    railroads, factories, "progress"--surely the same logic applied to

    humans would produce similar wonders. The machine image stilldominates our thinking about organizational structure.

    In the past 30 or 40 years, other images have emerged:

    organizations as open systems, organizations as brains, organizations

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    as cultures, organizations as political systems, and so on.2 Katz and

    Kahn's3 open system concept is an organic metaphor; it draws

    attention to the environment in a way that a machine metaphor does

    not. March and Simon4 visualize the organization as a means for

    making decisions; the uncertainty in decision making is highlighted

    from their work in a way that a machine paradigm would not allow.

    Each of these metaphors points to an element necessary for

    organizational survival. Each of them is, we must emphasize, a

    construct, not a thing.

    It is impossible to speak of organizations without using

    metaphor. This makes RLD's presentation, and ours, somewhat

    schizophrenic: each theorist brings a whole new set of terms. Oneapproach is to review the history of organization theory, but the field

    has been getting broader with time.5 RLD's distinction between

    "classical" and "modern" theory is inadequate, largely because they

    barely scratch the surface of the field and don't always scratch well.

    (Maybe they're smart; they don't want to confuse you with too much

    "stuff.") Our approach will be eclectic: we will present the work of a

    few theorists with whom you should be familiar, as exemplified in their

    organizational metaphors. Thus, with the text, we will look at

    bureaucracy (a machine image), open systems (an organic metaphor),

    and what one might call networks (project organization and matrix

    organization).

    Organizations as Machines

    Organization as Tool: The Classic Writers

    2This conceptualization of metaphors comes from Gareth Morgan (1986) Images of Organization (SagePublications, Beverly Hills, CA. The relevant theorists are Katz and Kahn (open systems); March and

    Simon (brains), Ouchi and others (cultures) and Mintzberg (political systems).3Katz, D and Kahn, R.L. (1979) The Social Psychology of Organizations (John Wiley & Sons, New

    York)4March, J.G. and Simon, H.B. (1958) Organizations (John Wiley & Sons: New York).5For a sophisticated but humorous summary of organization theory from an historical perspective, see C.

    Perrow, "The Short and Glorious History of Organizational Theory, Organizational Dynamics, Summer,

    1973.

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    The "classical" writers referred to in your text--Henri Fayol, F.W.

    Taylor, and Chester Barnard--defined the terms that we use in

    discussing organizational structure. All the elements that RLD place in

    their somewhat exaggerated classical-contemporary dichotomy were

    created at the turn of the century. The informing metaphor of the

    earliest writers on management is the machine. Workers are not

    valued for their intelligence, but for their ability to contribute carefully

    defined actions to the machine that management has created. The

    object of organization design is to reduce ambiguity (who ever heard

    of an ambiguous machine?), so that each and every part has been

    carefully integrated into a whole that, when management puts it in

    operation, will ceaselessly turn out product. (see chart at top of p.

    211)

    Work is divided into parts, like the cogs in a machine (division of

    work). An assembly line carries the division of work to its logical, or

    illogical, maximum: the task at hand has been completely subdivided

    into constituent parts and each worker attends only to that part.

    Hospitals have an extensive and legally defined division of labor.

    Further, not only are the roles of the professions clearly delineated,

    the professions themselves are organized by patient type when

    actually on the work floor--there is a neonatal ICU and a cardiac ICU,

    for example, and a pediatric wing, a medical wing, a psychiatric wing,

    and so on.

    Since the cogs are closest to the work, they should be

    responsible for any routine decisions necessary to accomplish it

    (authority and responsibility relationships). The pulleys of the

    machine. This concept is ambiguously implemented in medical care,

    where the specific decisions that different professionals may make areusually outlined in law. Routine decisions are not routinely delegated

    when they pertain directly to medical care. Generally, nurses can

    decide about administering medication only if the physician has

    indicated "as needed" on the orders. The centrality of the physician

    as the basic source for all orders permeates care decisions. On the

    other hand, it is possible for the non-medical functions of care--the

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    hotel services of a hospital, for example--to delegate in the manner

    envisioned here.

    In the classical view, power begins at the top of the organization

    and is parceled out downward in a logical fashion. This is

    accomplished through delegation, which transfers power from a

    supervisor to a subordinate. Ideally, both authority and responsibility

    are transferred! Delegation is all linked upward into a single stream

    unity of command. Finally, because the writers recognized that

    some folks have no apparent function in the machine, a distinction is

    drawn between those who are actually part of the production process

    and those who only advise (line and staff). Line people are part of the

    machine. They are part of the power stream, the sequence of I-tell-you-you-tell-him, that flows from the top of the organization to the

    lowest cog who actually puts hand on product. Staff people make

    suggestions; they have no power to order anyone.

    One principle for directing the streams of power is

    departmentalization. In essence, when one divides work (divison of

    labor) one creates the needs to coordinate the divided workers. One

    way to group workers for easy coordination is by function. As

    elucidated by Mintzberg and reviewed in your text, bases for grouping

    workers include

    o Knowledge and skills

    o Work process and function

    o Time

    o Output

    o Cliento Place

    The cogs are linked to cogs that precede and follow them by

    coordination mechanisms. Hierarchy is the most common

    coordination mechanism: A's efforts are linked to B's efforts by their

    mutual boss, C, who can oversee them both. A and B should only take

    orders from one person if ambiguity is to be avoided (unity of

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    command); this is why hierarchy is an important mechanism of

    coordination. Unity of command also implies that all orders flow down

    the hierarchy in a single stream. A pyramidal structure is implied.

    Other include mutual adjustment and standardization of work, of

    workers and of output.

    Because a boss has limited abilities, there are natural limits to

    the number of persons s/he can supervise; these limits are in part a

    function of the tasks s/he must oversee (span of control). All things

    being equal, small spans of control will result in a tall organization

    (many hierarchical levels), while large spans of control lead to a

    relatively flat organization (few levels). When researchers look for

    independent variables affecting organization structure, a relationshipbetween organization size and levels of hierarchy frequently emerges.

    This notion has strong logical underpinnings: an organization of 4

    persons is most likely to contain one manager and 3 employees (thus,

    2 organization levels) rather than 1 CEO, 1 VP, 1 supervisor, and 1

    employee (4 levels).

    Other terms relevant to organization theory emerged later in the

    discipline. The classical writers organized the discipline, and in their

    machine approach gave us most of the terms, line and staff, span of

    control, and so on, that we still use to describe intra-organizational

    function. Their writings fell into disfavor because their reductionist

    approach ignored the psychological element within organizations as

    well as the influence of external factors on organizational activity. If

    you take a further management course, you will probably not be

    asked to study the writings of Fayol or Taylor.

    Organizations as Power Tool: Weber and Bureaucracy

    You will, or should, be required to study the work of Max Weber.

    RLD do profound disservice to Weber and his insights. Weber was an

    organizational theorist, not an organization designer. When Weber

    refers to an "ideal" bureaucracy, he is speaking of a prototypical

    specimen, not of a goal to be pursued. When Weber says, "the

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    decisive reason for the advance of bureaucratic organization has

    always been its purely technical superiority over any other form of

    organization,"6 he is making an accurate observation, not a

    recommendation. RLD quote Robbins to the effect that "the

    characteristics of Weber's ideal bureaucracy became 'the design

    prototype for almost all of today's large organizations.'" This is not

    true; until his works were translated into English in 1947, Weber had

    little influence in the development of management theory in the

    English-speaking world. Large bureaucracies, however, were

    widespread. Bureaucracy is by no means an outdated form of

    organization. As noted by Perrow, "nearly all large, complex

    organizations in the United States ... are best classified as

    bureaucracies."

    7

    RLD make Weber appear quaint and outdated, naively

    recommending some sort of Prussian organization totally foreign to

    the modern world. Nothing could be further from the truth. Weber

    recognized a fact generally glossed over by most writers on

    organizations--that bureaucracy legitimizes the exercise of power.8

    What Weber sought in his exploration of bureaucracy was to identify

    those elements which made it "a power instrument of the first order--

    for the one who controls the bureaucratic apparatus."9 The detailed

    procedures for governance of hospitals outlined by RLD in Chapter 7

    represent society's attempt to control the power of those who control

    the health care bureaucracy. Weber's definition of bureaucracy,

    created in 1906, still has relevance.

    6Gerth, H.H. and Mills, C.W., translators. (1958) From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (A GalaxyBook: New York); p. 214.7Perrow, C. (1986) Complex Organizations (Random House: New York) p. 38Perrow and Henry Mintzberg--from very differing perspectives--are two writers who do not overlook the

    question of power. Perrow notes that bureaucracy enables those who control the organization to

    appropriate the work of its members, while Mintzberg attempts to justify the power wielded by

    organizations by tracing it to the legitimate wishes of stockholder/owners. Mintzberg, H. (1983) Power In

    and Around Organizations. (Prentice Hall, Inc: Englewood Cliffs, NJ).9Gerth, H.H. and Mills, C.W.,op cit, p. 228

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    Although their emphases are cutesy and condescending, RLD

    summarize Weber's description of bureaucracy reasonably well (p.

    210). Rational-legal bureaucracy is characterized by:

    o A consistent system of abstract rules. This is the heart of

    bureaucracy. Quoting Weber: "...management...follows general

    rules, which are more or less stable, more or less exhaustive, and

    which can be learned. ... This stands in extreme contrast to the

    regulation of all relationship through individual privileges and

    bestowals of favor ..."10 For all the hazards of dealing with the Social

    Security Administration, or Blue Cross/Blue Shield, the situation is a

    marked improvement over dancing attendance on Caligula, or George

    III, or the feudal powers dominant in most of European history.

    o Positions arranged in a hierarchy. Hierarchy allows for a

    career within the organization. It also creates further recourse for

    those affected by the bureaucracy: "Such a system offers the

    governed the possibility of appealing the decision of a lower office to

    its higher authority ... (p. 196)."

    o Specialization and division of labor "...the principle of fixed

    and official jurisdictional areas ..." (p. 196)

    o Impersonal relationships. Notes that "the political

    official ... is not considered the personal servant of a ruler" (p. 199)

    The position may not be exploited for personal gain; organizational

    assets are differentiated from those of the individual. This is why

    Holderman's name was so much in the papers: he wss held to have

    misappropriated the resources of the bureaucracy he headed. It is

    also why Ms. Tamposi was recently dumped from the StateDepartment for allegedly initiating the search of Clinton's passport

    files: in so doing, she was acting the the personal interests of the

    ruler (President Bush) rather than in the relatively impersonal

    interests of the nation.

    10Weber, op. cit, p. 198. Rest of quotes are to this book, pages given above.

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    o Technical competence. Members of a bureaucracy are

    given "...thorough and expert training."(p. 198).

    Bureaucracy gets a bum rap, principally from our experiences of

    "the insolence of office" when we interact with members of poorly run

    bureaucracies. We tend to forget, perhaps, what it replaced: the

    whim of feudal despots. The genius of bureaucracy is that it binds

    both bureaucrat and customer to the rules. Bureaucracy is criticized

    for being slow to change and for suppressing its employees. Perrow

    notes, however, that the opposite of slow to change might be

    considered, "stability, steadfastness, and predictability."11 He also

    points out that the loss of individuality on the part of bureaucraticemployees has benefits for the rest of us. We don't want the clerk at

    the hospital to bill his brother in law half his actual costs, while billing

    us twice as much because he doesn't know us. The opposite of

    "impersonal" can be "corrupt." A better option to ridding the world of

    bureaucracy may be reforming bureaucracy. We should, according to

    Perrow, avoid bloated organizations: "huge inflexible firms

    dominating markets...[lead to] "outdated rules, improperly invoked

    hierarchies, partcularism, and favoritism"(p. 47).

    Perrow also suggests that bureacratization, aka rationalization,

    of medical services is a function of increased demand for service. We

    cannot all afford personalized attention. How many people, for

    example, could afford round the clock in-home nursing care if they fell

    ill? We tolerate systems that treat patients as input to be slotted to

    the right professional in the most efficient possible manner (e.g.,

    cataract days or lower GI days at ambulatory care centers) because,

    regardless of the effects bureaucracymay have on workers orpatients, it makes some level of care available to all of us. This is

    preferable to the alternative, no care except for the extremely

    wealthy.

    11Perrow, op.cit, Chapter 1, "Why Bureaucracy"p. 5

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    Most members of this class will work in bureaucracies. The

    question you will face, which we will return to in the organization

    design section of this lecture, is shaping the elements of your

    bureaucracy so as to maximize its strengths (efficiency, equal

    treatment of all, and so on) while at the same time avoiding its pitfalls

    (stagnation, encrustation with rules, and so on).

    Shaping the Machine: Contingency Theory

    "Contingency theory" is the most common subset of

    organizational theory. (It is generally within a machine metaphor: the

    organization as a structure that can be rationally created.)

    Contingency theory holds that the elements of organization structureare dependent (contingent) upon various factors within the

    organization. The two biggest contingencies, as researched in the

    literature, are size and technology; age of the firm also appears as a

    significant contingency.

    Size has a certain appeal as a key contingency in organization

    structure. It's easy to conceptualize. Pretend you have a 5-person

    firm. How are they likely to be organized? Okay, now let's assume

    that you have 50 people. How many layers now? Most of us would

    say: more layers. That, in a nutshell, is the size argument, as tested

    by Blau.12 Investigating social service agencies (technology is similar

    here), he found that the more staff they had, the more organizational

    layers were present.

    Technology is the principal rival to size as an hypothesized

    predictor of structure. A technology that can be reduced to routine

    repetitive elements, for example, will lead to a different organizationalstructure than one which must deal with constantly changing

    problems that require original thinking to be overcome.13 The original

    12Blau, P.M. (1970) "A formal theory of differentiation," Americal Sociological Review, 35:2, 201 -

    218. Also, Blau, PM, Falbe, CM, McKinley, W and Tracy, PR (1976) "Technology and Organization in

    Manufacturing," Administrative Sciences Quarterly, 21:20 - 40.13Perrow, C. (1967) "A Framework for the Comparative Analysis of Organizations," American

    Sociological Review, 32: 194 - 208. This is a relatively old but seminal article.

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    exponent of this line of thought was Joan Woodward, who studied

    manufacturing firms in Great Britain.14 Overall, the link between

    technology and organization structure has been studied most

    thoroughly and has the most relevance to organization within the

    health care industry.

    Investigating the link between technology and span of control,

    Bell found that the more complex the tasks, the smaller the number of

    people supervised, and vice versa.15 Leatt and Schenk16 found that

    Homogeneity in certain technological dimensions was the

    apparent criterion used by hospitals to select the method of

    grouping nursing subunits. Specifically, instability anduncertainty in the technology were shown to be of major

    importance; variability had little predictive power.(p. 162)

    Of course, there is a minority view: One researcher, through case

    studies of the introduction of CT scanners at different hospitals,

    asserts that structure is not in fact determined by technology, but

    emerges as a result of negotiations among the parties who use it.

    Barley asserts that ...technological undertainty are complexity are

    social constructions that vary from setting to setting even when

    identical technologies are deployed." Thus, the influence of

    technology, although real, "depends on the specific historical process

    in which [it is] embedded."17

    Although the size versus technology battle in the '60's

    parallelled the "tastes great--less filling" debate in beer commercials,

    most present day researchers use both criteria, rather than either

    single issue, For example: Comstock and Scott found that18

    14Woodward, J. (1965) Industrial Organization: Theory and Practice. (London: Oxford University Press)15Bell, G.D. (1967) Determinatns of Span of Control," American Journal of Sociology, 100 - 109.16Leatt , P. and Schneck, R. (1984) Criteria for grouping nursing subunits in Hospitals. Academy of

    Management Journal, 27:1, 150 - 165.17Barley, SR (1986) "Technology as an Occasion for Structuring: Evidence from Observations of CT

    Scanners and the Social Order of Radiology Departments," Administrative Sciences Quarterly, 31:78-108.

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    "both [technology and size] were important predictors of RN

    ratios, staff differentiation, and centralization of routine

    decisions.(p. 196)."

    Transaction Cost Theory

    There is one additional line of thought regarding organization

    theory that I would like to toss out: economic paradigms. If you will

    remember, we just said that structure can depend on size. Okay.

    Now, what does size depend on? What, if anything, defines the limits

    of an organization's growth?

    To answer this question, you get into the fascinating world oftransaction costs. The concept was pioneered by Coase,19 who won

    the Nobel for economics last year; it was used to explain the size of

    firms by Williamson.20 Traditional economics sees the marketplace as

    a frictionless place: goods are produced and sold, and the cost of

    goods is derived from some production/demand function. In the real

    world, however, every transaction has a cost associated with it. There

    are costs associated with handling a transaction, and for the buyer,

    costs associated with discovering appropriate products.

    Transaction processing costs: Williamson sees all transactions

    as involving a contract. Williamson begins by analyzing the

    contracting situation, exploring two behavioral assumptions, bounded

    rationality and opportunism, and one situational variable, asset

    specificity. "Bounded rationality" implies that the purchaser cannot

    know everything about the intended product. If he/she could, then

    planning on the part of both organizations would be sufficient. If both

    parties were totally free of self interest, or opportunism, then apromise and a handshake would be sufficient. If assets are completely

    18Comstock, D.E. and Scott, W. R. (1977) "Technology and the structuring of subunits: Distinguishing

    individual and work group effects.) Administrative Sciences Quarterly, 22: 177 - 202.19Coase, RH (1937) "The nature of the firm," Economica, 4:386-405.20Williamson, O.E. (1975) Markets and Hierarchies, (New York: The Free Press); Williamson, OE.

    (1985) The Economic Institutions of Capitalism, (New York: The Free Press.

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    interchangable, not at all specific to a particular use, then the

    purchaser can obtain them anywhere; competition will ensure product

    quality. But in certain situations, the purchaser and seller cannot

    completely forsee everything about the product, each looks after their

    own corporate interests, and assets to be purchased are specific: a

    particular type of machine made to specifications, for example. In this

    situation, "governance" is required, whether the governance of a

    contract, or governance through bringing the supplier into the

    organization (vertical integration). What determines whether you buy

    something or make it yourself? The transaction costs.

    The establishment of a contract between two organizations for

    the purchase of a specific type of widget that meets oneorganization's needs will tie up the time of technicians, accountants,

    and ultimately, lawyers. They negotiate terms, set up and enforce

    payment schedules, and all that. These processes are a cost of the

    transaction itself, pure and simple, which both buyer and seller bear.

    A firm will expand till it meets the point where the cost of having a

    service within the organization (perhaps because of unused time)

    exceeds the cost of obtaining it elsewhere. Thus, for example,

    construction firms generally employ their own carpenters, laborers,

    masons--crafts that are used throughout much of a building project--

    but contract for electrical and plumbing, because those skills are

    needed only for a short time on any given unit. Small rural hospitals

    typically do not have salaried radiologists.

    An interesting point about transaction cost analysis is that is

    applies well to service industries, and in particular to health care.

    Jones, for example, has used this theory to explore the relationship

    between client and provider. Jones explored organization structure interms of :

    o transaction uncertainty How specific is the product to the

    client? How frequentlyis the purchase made? How long does it take

    to complete a transaction (duration)? Highly specific, infrequent, and

    high duration transactions all have a high degree of uncertainty, or

    better, a high degree of cost if the whole thing blows up. And:

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    o performance ambiguity . Can the client measure quality?

    When uncertaintainty and ambiguity are high, he suggests, vertical

    complexity (hierarchy) will be high. Also under these conditions,

    supervision will not be able to rely on behavior or output controls,

    because the product is to complex to be standardized. In addition,

    When performance ambiguity and transaction costs [in this case,

    the cost to the patient of finding a new physician] are high, an

    organization will need to convince clients that it is acting in their

    interest by developing a governance structure that reassures

    them it will not act opportunistically towards them . . . hospitals

    will respond by controlling who provides services and how they

    do so. Specifically, high professional qualifications, intensivesocialization, and the development of medical norms . . . [will

    develop]21

    The relationship between cost/ambiguity and structure makes

    intuitive sense when applied to health care. Patients experience

    relatively low transaction costs when evaluating different ambulatory

    care physicians. If the doc fails to diagnose your ear infection, the

    continuing pain should eventually lead you to another physician, and

    you are only out $30 or $40 for the first visit. And in fact, ambulatory

    care practice is relatively unregulated. Physicians are free to practice

    alone, in groups, with an office manager, without one--pretty much

    however they like. Hospitals, however, deal only with very expensive,

    very ambiguous care. And hospitals are highly regulated, and in turn

    are very careful about dispensing practice privileges.

    Organizations as Organisms

    Views of the organization as a machine lead to images of a

    closed system: the cogs clink and mesh, turning out whatever in

    majestic isolation. Open systems theory perceives the organization

    through an organic metaphor. The emphasis is on the organization

    21Jones, G. r. (1987) Organization-client transactions and organizational governance structures"

    Academy of Management Review, 30: 197 -

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    solving those problems that a living creature must solve: importation

    of energy, transformation of energic input into work, and so on.

    Because creatures live in an environment of other creatures, the use

    of an organic metaphor calls to the mind the influence that the

    environment has on organizations. Given the degree to which hospital

    structure, for example, is affected by actions of legislators, payors,

    other hospitals and the community at large, the open systems

    metaphor brings significant advantages. It emphasizes the degree to

    which management must be sensitive to external influence if the

    organization is to survive.

    Open systems theory is generally attributed to Katz and Kahn.22

    K&K identified 10 characteristics which are possessed by all opensystems. Since we've already covered these in an earlier lecture, I'll

    just point to one:

    o Homeostasis. Organisms that survive do so in a steady

    state: people have skeletons yesterday, today and tomorrow. Their

    structure is remarkably constant, although the actions a person

    engages in will change from day to day. Mechanisms exist to ensure

    this homeostasis, such as hunger when we need food, thirst when

    water is required and so on. Organizations, like other organisms, will

    resist environmental pressures to change shape. Organizations do

    this through continued growth, which allows them to 1) ingest (K&K's

    term) or control portions of the environment (think of hospitals

    acquiring medical buildings to increase their control over physicians)

    and thus 2) increase their power within the environment.

    Survival through continued growth is an increasingly common

    strategy in the health care industry. RLD discuss the increase in thenumber of hospitals participating in multi-institutional arrangements.

    Longest, in an earlier article, made an important point: such increases

    in size are not undertaken because size leads to efficiency, but

    because size influences the power of corporations vis-a-vis the

    22Katz and Kahn, op cit, esp Chapter 2, Organizations and the System concept. It is beyond me why RLD

    do not cite this work.

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    environment. In fact, as Smith and Kaluzny point out, multi-unit

    systems have higher operating costs than single hospitals.23 However,

    a large, multi-hospital corporation is in a much more powerful position

    relative to a state Medicaid industry than is a single hospital. The

    multi-hospital corporation can threaten to close a single hospital; the

    single hospital does not have that option. Similarly, Smith and

    Kaluzny24 point out that the first response of an organization to poor

    performance (declining admissions, few new patients) is to attempt to

    change the environment. Hospitals and professionals now advertise,

    which is an attempt to change the responsiveness of the environment

    to them. Hospitals and professionals lobby, which is an attempt to

    manipulate the regulatory environment. The preference of

    organizations for homeostasis rather than internal change is clearlyevident.

    Refined Machines: Matrix Organization

    Classical theories of organization and bureaucracy are not

    outdated. General Motors is still with us, though limping along. For

    many organizations, working one's way through Fayol's terms--span of

    control, line versus staff, and all that--are perfectly applicable. Most

    organization charts reflect Fayol. However, there are whole ranges of

    situations for which traditional paradigms are not applicable. For

    these new modes of theory have arisen to describe a reality at

    variance with the traditional metaphors. RLD present two: Mintzberg

    and his kidneys, and matrix organization, originally described by

    Neuhauser.

    "Matrix organization" is an attempt to draw a rational diagram of

    the observed reality of multiple lines of power and authority in an

    23Smith, D.B. and Kaluzny, A.D. (1986) The White Labyrinth: A Guide to the Health Care System

    (Health Administration Press: Ann Arbor, MI), Chapter 9, "Endpoints."24 Smith and Kaluzny, op cit, Chapter 4, "Organization."

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    organization.25 Duncan Neuhauser26 originally characterized hospitals

    as matrix organizations: the vertical lines of authority (down through

    nursing, social work, physical therapy, and so on) can be visualized as

    intersecting with perpendicular horizontal authority from individual

    physicians. The points of intersection are the individual patients.

    Neuhauser roots his observations in contingency theory,

    specifically in the notion that organization is a function of technology.

    The technology of medical care requires a significant degree of lateral

    as well as hierarchical coordination. Hospitals have a significant

    number of management committees and task forces to provide such

    lateral (horizontal) coordination. The greatest degree of coordination,

    however, is achieved through the patient care team, using the medicalrecord as a device for communicating and coordinating action.

    The text presents Mintzberg as the culminating word on

    organization design. Well, maybe. Mintzberg and his kidneys (see p.

    231) are actually fairly close to a traditional organization chart, which

    has support staff off to the side, operations at the bottom and so on.

    If I had to pick an element of Mintzberg that is really different from

    that of other theorists, I would have to pick his naming of the five

    units, together with his taxonomy of organizations.

    "Operating core" is a fairly conventional name; it clearly reflects

    Thompson and the "technical core" which is the heart of the

    organization's productive processes. Similarly, "middle line" is a fairly

    standard term. Originality emerges in the division of the elements

    other writers would call "staff" into two species: the "support staff,"

    such as the accountants and the housekeepers and all the other folks

    who allow the operating core to work unimpeded, and the

    "technostructure," the research minded, high tech, modern evolution

    of staff. The technocrats decide how the operating core will work,

    25For a brief period the bosses at one of my firms were quite excited about matrix management, deciding

    that it proved their anarchy was really a system26Neuhauser, D. (1972) "The Hospital as a Matrix Organization," Hospital Administration, 17:Fall, p. 8 -

    25.

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    although they have no direct authority over them: the engineers

    designing cars at GM, the time-and-motion guys designing assembly

    lines, and all those strategic planning types who say that it's time for

    the hospital to move into fitness centers. Also original is Mintzberg's

    recognition that real organizations, unlike organization charts, do not

    really end neatly at a single point. Rather, there are power coalitions

    at the top (an idea not original to Mintzberg, although the depiction of

    it is). The power of the president or CEO in an organization,

    particularly a publicly held corporation, is limited. If the vice

    presidents really do not like what the president is doing, they can

    influence the Board and stage a coup. (I observed one such coup in

    which the president who founded a corporation and was its largest

    single, but not majority, stockholder, was ousted and replaced by aformer vice president.)

    Based on observed variance in the relative size of each of the

    five organizational components, Mintzberg defines 5 distinct types of

    organization (see p. 232): the simple structure, the machine

    bureaucracy, the professional bureaucracy, and divisionalized form,

    and the adhocracy. Each of these designs has distinct requirements

    associated with it (see pp. 236-237). For example, the divisionalized

    form, in which subunits of the organization act like little independent

    companies, is difficult to coordinate across divisions.

    Organization Design

    Why do you possibly need to know all this theory about

    organization structure? Simply put, because it affects how people do

    their jobs, which in health care means that it affects how patients are

    cared for. I am not terribly fond of RLD's approach to organizationtheory. The practical advice they offer in Chapter 6, on the other

    hand, is on the mark. Therefore, I would like to organize the

    prescriptive part of this presentation around their chapter sections.

    Division of Work: Job Design and Work Group Structure

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    One sociologist27 suggests that the scientific management of

    Taylor and the other classical theorists deprived the worker of skills.

    The "negative side" (RLD p. 212) of extreme specialization represents

    the effects of this theft on motivation. Present responses, as the text

    points out, include job enlargement and job enrichment. To help you

    implement these concepts within the unit you will supervise, we

    present Hackman's Core Dimensions model.28

    Hackman and associates identify five aspects of a job which they

    believe lead to employee motivation and satisfaction:

    Skill variety, (the range of skills and knowledge used in the job),

    task identity(the job as a complete whole) and task significance (thejob is important for the company) are seen to lead to a job that is

    experienced as meaningful. Obviously, all three of these elements are

    likely to be missing in an assembly line job. Food service workers in a

    hospital are unlikely to experience their work as meaningful, for

    example: placing a lump of mashed potatoes on each tray on an

    assembly line is not innately satisfying. However, there are things

    management could do to make even that task more of a whole. For

    example, workers could assemble whole trays following dietary

    prescription cards that provide some patient and diagnostic

    identification (Mrs. Jones, gall bladder surgery; Mr. Smith, diabetic).

    Autonomy, or the ability of the worker to make significant

    decisions regarding the job, is seen tolead to responsibility.

    Continuing the food service example, workers could contribute to

    weekly planning sessions at which menu alternatives are sketched

    out. They could also decide how responsibilities such as preparing

    food items, organizing trays, and so on are apportioned among thework team.

    27Perrow, 1986, Chapter 2, "Managerial Ideologies and the Origins of the Human Relations Movement."28This discussion is taken from Randolph, W.A. (1985) Understanding and Managing Organizational

    Behavior (Richard D. Irwin, Inc: Homewood, IL), pp. 178 - 182.

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    Finally, feedbackis necessary to allow the worker to assess

    performance and see the effect his work had on the whole. Returning

    to the food service example one more time, if there is more than one

    assembly line each could be assigned specific wards. Contact

    personnel from the ward would then report back to the food service

    line on how each day's menu was received by the patients.

    When all of these five elements are present in a job, Hackman

    and associates assert, the result will be high motivation, quality

    performance, high satisfaction, and low absenteeism and turnover.

    How does one create such jobs? Hackman provides useful clues for

    this:

    "Vertical loading"--letting the employee make important

    decisions--is the largest single contributor to improving a job.

    Hackman suggests that vertical loading leads to increased skill

    variety, task identity, task significance and autonomy.

    "Establishing relationships with clients" is the second highest

    contributor, affecting skill variety, autonomy and feedback.

    Relationships with clients are particularly important in a service

    industry, where the client is present through most of the production

    process.

    The early scientific management theorists operated by breaking

    jobs into constituent tasks, which were then assigned to individual

    workers. Hackman suggests reversing this process by "combining

    tasks" and "establishing natural work units." This process contributes

    to skill variety, task identity and task significance.

    Hackman's last suggestion, opening feedback channels, refers to

    feedback that the individual receives directly, without management

    advice. In essence this means ensuring that the worker can see if s/he

    is performing correctly on his own. This feedback is fairly easy to

    establish in a manufacturing environment, where defects in product

    are easy to detect. Error rates for keyboarding or rejection rates for

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    sewed garments can easily be tracked. It is a task that requires

    somewhat more imagination in health care.

    Authority and Responsibility

    In this area, RLD note that managers have numerous sources of

    power, using the French and Raven paradigm of 5 types of power.

    They also note that decisions should be delegated as far down in the

    hierarchy as possible. Since we have covered both power and

    empowerment previously, we'll just acknowledge the point and move

    on.

    Departmentalization

    RLD place most departmentalization under their "bad" guy, "the

    classical view," but go on to point out that it is necessary. Work

    groups have advantages: grouping allows for supervision (as opposed

    to running all over to supervise), sharing of resources and

    communication, and common performance measures. The six criteria

    Mintzberg suggests for grouping are offered:

    o Knowledge and skills

    o Work process and function

    o Time (shifts)

    o Output

    o Client (also, product line: Ca, MI, etc.)

    o Place

    The tricky part, of course, comes in encouraging communication

    and sharing across, rather than within, work groups. The matrix

    organization observed in hospitals, and cross-cutting operations such

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    as project organization in other firms, serve to provide communication

    and coordination across homogenous work groups.

    Span of Control

    We played with span of control in our "design a hierarchy"

    exercise. Most of us, accustomed to working in professional settings,

    created relatively small spans of control for each manager: about 6

    persons. In a real work setting, determining how many people to

    place under a single supervisor is a function of the people, the tasks

    they perform, and the abilities of the supervisor.

    The text presents five criteria that influence span of control.

    Characteristics of subordinates: The more highly trained the

    subordinates, the less supervision needed

    Uncertainty in the work: Complex work, for which outcomes cannot be

    predicted in advance, requires a narrow span of control in order

    to exercise close supervision.

    Standardization of work: The more standard the processes and

    products, the more supervision can take the form of monitoring

    of output. In this circumstance, one individual can supervise

    many.

    Degree of required interaction. If the manager is part of the team,

    interacting regularly to create the product, the number of

    people who can be supervised is relatively small.

    Degree of required integration. Parallels "interaction". The higher the

    degree to which outputs must be meshed, other things being

    equal, the fewer people one supervisor can handle.

    The clever reader will have noticed that these criteria are highly

    interactive. An assembly line requires a high degree of integration,

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    but also uses highly standardized work and low levels of education in

    the worker. In that case, the final two criteria, standardization and low

    education, override the need for integration and permit a wide span of

    control. [Thought: maybe the real determinant of span of control is

    the relative power of supervisor and staff. The more power

    subordinates possess, the fewer of them one supervisor can control.]

    Determining the balance across these elements is an art, not a

    science.

    Planning Organizational Structure for Excellence: Peters

    We will conclude this lecture by briefly highlighting the points

    made in a Tom Peters article entitled "Restoring AmericanCompetitiveness: Looking for New Models of Organizations." I

    disagree with Peters' quote from the Toyota chairman that

    "competitiveness is a microeconomic issue." Toyota has vested

    interests in portraying American failure in the Japanese market as a

    function of quality rather than trade policy. Nonetheless, it is hard to

    disagree with the assertion that most organizations could use with a

    little shaking up if they are to improve.

    Peters presents a spiffy organization chart (p. 104) illustrating

    his central thesis: that too many organizations have a structure

    composed mainly of walls and barricades. The corporate center is

    small and walled off from the bulk of the organization by a "Praetorian

    guard" of staff assistants. Narrow minded middle managers act

    defensively, blocking ideas that might flow up or down the

    organization hierarchy. And finally, the organization itself is

    surrounded by a wall that separates it from those it intends to serve

    except at specific gates, likely to be labelled "market research."

    In contrast, Peters' ideal organization (p. 106) has few walls and

    chaotic communications. Harkening back to the organic metaphor,

    this one looks like an amoeba. Management is still central to the

    organization, but instead of establishing rigid hierarchies it provides

    vision and values. Top management is no longer isolated from the

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    work place, but "wanders" among all working divisions and out among

    the customers. Horizontal communications are encouraged; given a

    vision, middle management can solve its own technical problems

    without the need for coordination from above. The permeability of

    Peters' amoeba to the environment is of extreme importance. People

    who don't listen to their customers and suppliers may go the way of

    the dinosaurs.

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