STATUS INEQUALITY: WOMEN I N CARIBBEAN SOCIETIES

Prepared f o r

Caribbean S t u d i e s Assoc ia t ion Conference S e c t i o n on S o c i a l Fac to r s

S t . Thomas, Vi rg in I s l a n d s

May 27-31, 1981

Monica H. Gordon Department of Sociology

and Black S t u d i e s Mount Holyoke Coliege

Dra f t Not t o be Quoted.

Monica H , Gbrdon

ABSTRACT

S t a t u s Inequal i ty: Women - i n Caribbean S o c i e t i e s

S tudies of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s i n Caribbean s o c i e t i e s

have focused on race , c l a s s , and co lo r a s the major d e f i n e r s of

s o c i a l s t a t u s and the determinants of access t o s o c i a l and

economic oppor tuni t ies and power. These s t u d i e s ignored gender

a s a faceor i n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a,lthough it is one of the

most pervasive c r i t e r i a of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i h t i o n .

Discrimination agains t women is widespread and assumes

many forms. I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d processes a f f e c t the l e g a l ,

economic and s o c i a l r o l e s of women and a r e re inforced by

customs, ideas , b e l i e f s , and a t t i t u d e s of both men and women.

Since women genera l ly share the advantages and disadvantages

of t h e i r s o c i a l c l a s s o r group s i t u a t i o n , t h e i r unequal s t a t u s

is not a s r e a d i l y discerned a s i s s o c i a l inequa l i ty based on

race. I n the United S t a t e s , f o r ins tance , none of t h e s o c i a l

movements of t h e 1960's addressed t h e problem of gender in-

equa l i ty , 't was l e f t t o the women t o def ine and i d e n t i f y the

source of t h e i r inequal i ty . The same i s t r u e of Caribbean

women. Focus on c lass / race continues t o preclude s p e c i f i c

a t t e n t i o n t o s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s on women.

This paper w i l l examine the s t r u c t u r a l and c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s

of gender inequa l i ty w i t h a view t o developing a t h e o r e t i c a l

reference t h a t r e f l e c t s the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n of Caribbean women

within the framework of developing s o c i e t i e s .

S o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s t u d i e s , u n t i l r e c e n t l y , have l a r g e l y

ignored women a s a dimension of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . T h i s omission

i s not n e c e s s a r i l y d e l i b e r a t e o r conscious bu t t h e consequence

of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d system of male dominance which assumed a

q u a l i t y of na tu ra lnes s . It had been suggested t h a t :

The s u b s t a n t i v e i s s u e w h i c h becloud t h e t o p i c of sexua l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n have t o do wi th t h e mode of r ec ru i tmen t , t h e s o c i a l i z a t i o n , member- s h i p and s t r u c t u r a l arrangements of s e x u a l l y ranked c a t e g o r i e s . F i r s t , t h e r e i s t h e f a c t t h a t sex is determined a t b i r t h - it i s no t con t ingen t upon a n c e s t r y , endogamy, o r any o t h e r arrangement of marriage o r f ami ly and i t i s no t p r ed i c t ab l e . . .. Second, a s a concomitant t o t h e mode o r r ec ru i tmen t , males and females have no d i s t i n c t e t h n i c o r r eg iona l h i s t o r i e s . Th i rd , t h e u n i v e r s a l co-residence of males and females w i t h i n t h e household prec ludes t he ex i s t ence of l i f e l o n g s e p a r a t e male and female s o c i e t i e s . (Berreman: 1972:403).

Berreman continued: Yet, t h e d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e sexes

a r e more s i g n i f i c a n t t han d i f f e r e n c e s between r a c e , e t h n i c i t y ,

c l a s s o r any o t h e r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ca tegory and s u f f i c i e n t t o

have warrented o r j u s t i f y d i f f e r e n t i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s , p r i v i l e g e s

and rewards bu t no t considered e l i g i b l e f o r a s a s t r a t i f i c a t i o n

ca tegory .

This is t h e view espoused (Park in 1971: 14-15) i n h i s

argument t h a t women cannot be regarded i n modern s o c i e t y a s an

important dimension of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n t h e same way a s subord ina te

c l a s s o r minor i ty group. There is agreement t h a t female s t a t u s

c a r r i e s many d i sadvantages compared wi th t h a t of males i n

v a r i o u s a r e a s of s o c i a l l i f e i nc lud ing employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s ,

The Caribbean i n t h e con tex t of t h i s paper r e f e r s t o t h e English- Speaking Caribbean only.

property ownership, income but denied t h a t such i n e q u a l i t i e s a re

use fu l components of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n because, f o r the grea t

major i ty ~f women, the a l l o c a t i o n of s o c i a l and economic rewards

i s determined p r i n c i p a l l y by t h e family. To be e l i g i b l e f o r

cons idera t ion a s an important dimension of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , the

d i s a b i l i t i e s a t tached t o female s t a t u s d i f f e rence must be so I

grea t a s t o overr ide d i f fe rences of c l a s s kind (Parkin , 1971: 15).

Parkin r e g ~ s t e r e d disagreement with Lenski (1966: 402) who

c r i t i c i z e d the tendency of s o c i o l o g i s t s t o t r e a t f a m i l i e s a s

t h e u n i t of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n r a t h e r than indiv iduals and of flydralb

(1944, Appendix 5) and Hacker (1951) who compared t h e s t a t u s

of women t o t h a t of minority groups.

This tendency t o t r e a t women a s family members and not a s

indiv iduals with t h e i r own s o c i a l s t a t u s is deeply embedded i n

r e l i g i o u s ideology, family law and, more recen t ly , s o c i a l

s c i e n t i s t s have provided t h e r a t i o n a l e f o r women's subordination,

Parkin followed along the l i n e s of thought developed by e a r l i e r

s o c i a l theor i s t s , such a s Emile Durkheim and l a t e r e laborated by

Ta lco t t Parsons and o the r s of the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t

school. Durkhe,im (1964: 50-63) a t t r i b u t e d the sexual d i v i s i o n

o f labor t o the h i s t o r i c a l evolut ionary process of male-female

d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n which, .he claimed, endowed women with the char-

a c t e r i s t i c s of physical weakness, emotionalism and dependence.

These "feminine c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , " he claimed, a r e complementary

t o t h e male 's physical s t r eng th and protec t iveness and the sexual

d i v i s i o n of labor which i s t h e na tu ra l r e s u l t of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

i s t h e source of conjugal s o l i d a r i t y .

The modern formulation of the male-female complementarity

of the sexual d i v i s i o n of labor has been elaborated i n the Parsonian

paradigm of instrumental/expressive funct ions i n the conjugal

re lat ion,hip. The instrumental r o l e assigned t o males provides

access t o the publ ic sphere of government and indus t ry and ob l iga tes

them t o the economic support of females and chi ldren. Conversely,

women, by v i r t u e of t h e i r n u t r i e n t and emotional na tu re , are

assigned the expressive o r a f f e c t i v e r o l e which ensconced them

i n the home and away from the arena where important economic,

p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l dec is ions a r e made. This s t r u c t u r a l -

funct ional perspect ive , ever concerned with s o c i a l balance, supports

t h e sexual d i v i s i o n of l abor and a r b i t r a r i l y endorses t h e

economic subordination of women, i n the wider i n t e r e s t of ave r t ing

the c o n f l i c t s which would inev i t ab ly r e s u l t i f women compete with

men f o r individual achievement and s o c i a l mobi l i ty (Parsons and

Bales 1955). This view of women i s f u r t h e r re inforced by s tereo-

types of females i n everyday l i f e which a re legi t imized by an

ideology of genet ic determinism and through t h e s o c i a l i z a t i o n

process (Epstein 1971: 121-122).

Uhile men's r o l e s a r e pr imar i ly associated with t h e i r economic

and publ ic a c t i v i t i e s , women's a c t i v i t i e s a re associa ted with t h e i r

family ro les . Only when women a r e not a t tached t o men can they '

develop a separa te i d e n t i t y and t h e i r own s o c i a l s t a t u s . Such

s t a t u s , however, is l imited by the s t a t u s and r o l e s a l ready

defined f o r women a s family members; so t h a t , i n f a c t , women merely

assume t h e i r own economic support , they do not c r e a t e t h e i r own

s t a t u s (Acker 1973: 937).

It i s assumed t h a t the s o c i a l s t a t u s of women i n a l l s o c i e t i e s

is defined by t h e i r family connections and t h e i r s o c i a l s t a t u s

derived from the men t o whom they a r e attached. While they do

not necessa r i ly s u f f e r l o s s of s o c i a l s t a t u s a s a r e s u l t of t h e

arrangement, t h e i r dependence on men represents a l o s s of economic

s t a t u s and the a b i l i t y t o make independent decis ions. This has

negative consequences f o r working women, whether o r not they a r e

at tached t o men. Their value i n t h e labor force i s depressed

because employers exp lo i t the gender s te reotypes which plague

occupational r o l e s by de f in ing occupational a reas and the rewards

s u i t a b l e f o r women.

The economic and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women v a r i e s from

s o c i e t y t o soc ie ty , but one f a c t remains: women, by v i r t u e of t h e i r

economic subordinat ion, remain subordinate i n a l l o the r a reas It

of s o c i a l l i f e , e v e n i n the home which is , supposedly, t h e i r sphere

of a c t i v i t y . I n the developed count r ies women have been en te r ing

the labor force i n increas ing numbers; however, it has been noted

t h a t the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n does not represent a s h i f t from

t r a d i t i o n a l female employment but r a t h e r an expansion of such

occupationa! a reas which a l s o requi re higher l e v e l s of education

(Oppenheimer 1973: 948). Oppenheimer observed t h a t the major

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of occupations open t o females a re t h a t they a re

t r a n s f e r a b l e , do not r equ i re long-term commitment, and can be e a s i l y

resumed if and when they a re in ter rupted . Women's economic

a c t i v i t y , then , is seen a s supportive of a more permanent economic

source, the male, usua l ly t o be undertaken when t h e income from

the primary source is inadequate f o r the family needs o r f o r spec ia l

purchase.

Studies of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n the Caribbean have

focused on r a c e , c l a s s and co lo r a s the major dimensions of s o c i a l

s t r a t i f i c a t i o n which determine access t o s o c i a l and economic

o p p o r t u n ~ t i e s and power. Like s t u d i e s done elsewhere, they have

ignored gender a s a f a c t o r i n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n although

gender is a mor8e d i f i n i t i v e category than family f o r Caribbean

Women. There is no denying the sa l i ance of race and c l a s s

i n Caribbean s o c i e t i e s and t h e i r h i s t o r i c ro les . But, a s Berreman

(1972: 404) observed, sex has no d i s t i n c t e thn ic o r regional

h i s t o r y , n e i t h e r is it confined by c las s . Women, the re fo re , share

t he advantages and disadvantages of the s o c i a l c l a s s o r race with

which they are i d e n t i f i e d . Sex inequa l i ty is not a s r e a d i l y

d i sce rn ib le as o the r forms of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Furthermore,

s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s t u d i e s a re usua l ly done by males who continue

t o see women i n the s t e reo typ ic context defined by e a r l i e r s tudies .

Caribbean women, on the o the r hand, a r e influenced by t h e

Western concept of women's place i n s o c i e t y but a r e constrained

by the real ism of t h e i r own s o c i a l and economic circumstances.

'I'heir pecu l i a r s i t u a t i o n presents a paradox f o r the s t r u c t u r a l -

f u n c t i o n a l i s t s which define women's r o l e s a s expressive and

a f f e c t i v e . While they funct ion i n such c a p a c i t i e s , it is an

e r r o r t o perceive them only i n these r o l e s a s they a r e o f t en the

instrumental providers a l so . I n addi t ion t o t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l

paradox, the h i s t o r i c a l complexities of male/female r e l a t i o n s

embodied i n r ace , c l a s s and co lo r demand t h a t women i n these

s o c i e t i e s be examined h i t h i n t h e i r own contextual frame of

reference.

The nuc l ea r f ami ly which i s t h e u n i t considered i n s o c i a l

s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s t u d i e s would exclude a s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t of t h e

popula t ion s i n c e f ami ly s t r u c t u r e o r even t h e concept of f ami ly ,

does not conform t o t h e western i d e a l . The d i v i s i o n of l a b o r may

work i n developed c o u n t r i e s , a l b e i t unequa l ly , wi th men assuming

t h e p rov ide r r o l e because economic p r a c t i c e s and s o c i a l norms

suppor t t h i s . Women may not be m a t e r i a l l y depr ived even though

t h e y have unequal s t a t u s and a r e dependent on men. For many

Caribbean women, t h e r e i s l i t t l e expec t a t i on t h a t men w i l l assume

t h e p rov ider r o l e , not because t h e s e women va lue independence more

t han t h e i r coun te rpa r t elsewhere o r t h a t t hey have r e j e c t e d male

suppor t a s c o n t r i b u t o r y t o t h i s subord ina t ion . T h e i r low ex-

p e c t a t i o n stems from knowledge and r e a l exper ience t h a t some men

cannot assume t h e suppor t of women and ch i ld r en . It i s an economic

burden t h e y e i t h e r cannot o r a r e unwi l l i ng t o assume, a t l e a s t

no t i n t h e Western sense .

Furthermore, t h e system through which men assume t h e p rov ide r

r o l e , marr iage and t h e es tab l i shment of a nuc l ea r f ami ly , ha s

never been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d among a l a r g e s e c t o r of t h e popula-

t i o n : The norms and va lues a s soc i a t ed wi th t h i s arrangement a r e

r ~ o t s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t s of t h e i r i n t e r n a l i z e d behavior p a t t e r n s ,

Yet , i n the absence of economic means and i n s t i t u t i o n a l suppor t ,

men s t i l l have a u t h o r i t y over females. Men's a u t h o r i t y t ranscends

c l a s s , r a c e and c o l o r because a u t h o r i t y i s a man's r o l e , How,

t hen , can women achieve s t a t u s e q u a l i t y ? Like o t h e r oppressed

people , women w i l l hav.e t o assume t h e major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r

t h e i r own l i b e r a t i o n . I f women a r e s e r i o u s , it could mean t h e

dismantl ir lg of t h e c o l o n i a l system which l e f t behind t h e l egacy

of ambigu i t i e s and complex i t i es i n s t r u c t u r a l and persona l

r e l a t i o n s .

The Caribbean: Some Background Fac to r s - -- I n t h e almost two decades s i n c e p o l i t i c a l independence gave

promise of new s o c i a l o r d e r , we a r e sha rp ly reminded of Fanon 's

(1962: 81 ) s ta tement t h a t :

Independence has brought moral compensation t o colonized people and e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r d i g n i t y . But t hey have no t y e t had time t o e l a b o r a t e a s o c i e t y , o r t o b u i l d up and a f f i r m va lues .

He f u r t h e r commented on t h e deco lon iz ing process " . . . the proof

of success l i e s i n a whole s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e be ing changed from

t h e bottom up.... The need f o r t h i s change e x i s t s i n i t s crude

s t a t e , impetuous and compell ing i n t h e consciousness and i n t h e

l i v e s of men and women who a r e colonized (35-36). He a l s o

recognized t h e counte r f o r c e s t h a t i d e n t i f y wi th t h e i n t e r e s t

of t h e c o l o n i z e r s which seek t o main ta in t h e s t a t u s quo. The

process of i n s t i t u t i o n a l change has been slow and arduous a s one

observer noted:

P o l i t i c a l systems which have experienced long pe r iods of c o l o n i a l r u l e , a s is t h e ca se of t h e English- speaking Caribbean, tend i n e v i t a b l y t o c a r r y forward c e r t a i n c o l o n i a l l e g a c i e s i n t o t h e independence e r a , The most common of t h e l e g a c i e s a r e t h e i n s t i t u - t i o n a l arrangements ( Jones and M i l l s , 1976: 328).

The changes Fanon mentioned a s necessary f o r s u c c e s s f u l develop-

ment demand t h e d i s r u p t i o n of t h e o l d economic, s o c i a l and

p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s and human r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; t h e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n

of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , s b c i a l r e l a t i o n s and a t t i t u d e s . These

imply new s t a t u s pos i t ions f o r women within the framework of

development a s a whole (Schmidt-Kolmer, 1975: 3).

Movement toward decolonizat ion began i n the l a t e 1960's

w i t h the c ry of the "Black Power" which was an a t t a c k upon a

s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system which i s s u e s rewards on the b a s i s of race

and color . Because race and co lo r a re c o r o l l a r i e s of the c l a s s

system, t h i s was a l s o an a t t a c k on the c l a s s system wherein

economic and s o c i a l p r i v i l e g e s coalesce i n the small white

minority. The i n t e r e s t of t h i s e l i t e group is served by a neo-

co lon ia l p o l i t i c a l system (Lowenthal, 1972: 280-292;

McEleney, 1969; Net t le ford , 1972 and Thomas and Riddle, 1970).

This a t t a c k on class/race/color p r i v i l e g e s was t h e f i r s t

postindependence a s s a u l t on the neo-colonial s t ruc tu re . Con-

sciousness of s o c i a l inequa l i ty i n t h i s arrangement d id not

extend t o a consciousness of gender inequal i ty . One observer of

a s i m i l a r phenomenon i n the s o c i a l movements i n the United

S t a t e s during the 1960's commented t h a t "none of t h e r a d i c a l

movements purposed new r o l e s f o r women" (Howard, 1974: 145). It

was l e f t t o women t o a r t i c u l a t e the nature of t h e i r oppression.

Caribbean women, l i k e women elsewhere, w i l l have t o assume the

major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h i s a r t i c u l a t i o n and suggestions f o r

change.

One threa tening problem i s the same problem the movement

encountered i n the United S t a t e s , the dominance of t h e movement

by White middle c l a s s women which a l iena ted lower c l a s s white women

and Black and o the r minority women (Deckard 1975). Class i s the

operat ive catel:oryl i n the Caribbean s i t u a t i o n . It i s a quest ion

o f whether middle c l a s s women can overcome the c l a s s and color

p re jud ices , endemic i n the s o c i e t i e s t o reach out and incorporate

women from the lower socioeconomic stratum i n t o a movement t o

e r a d i c a t e gender inequal i ty . 1Yiddle c l a s s women have information,

organiza t ional s k i l l s and g r e a t e r access t o media.and o the r sources - --- - -u-- --

need the support of women genera l ly t o make t h e i r e f f o r t successfu l ,

Concerns have been expressed t h a t developing coun t r i e s may follow

the p a t t e r n i n Western developed I n d u s t r i a l S t a t e s where:

The demand f o r e q u a l i t y has o f t e n been coupled with a "me too" philosophy i n which women s t r i v e t o e n t e r higher pos t s i n the hierarchy of occupational pos i t ions accept ing t h e s t r u c t u r e a s given .... Such token e n t r y of women i n high l e v e l pos t s only serves t o s t a b i l i z e a s t r u c t u r e of inequa l i ty , (June Nash, 1975: 36)

Caribbean coun t r i e s a r e h ighly implicated i n t h i s statement where

the s t a t u s attainment i s dependent on placement i n occupational

h ierarchy which s t i l l reserves the highest l e v e l s f o r men. Like

o t h e r s o c i e t i e s , d iscr iminat ion agains t women i s t h e r e s u l t of

h i s t o r i c a l process embedded i n t h e l e g a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic and

s o c i a l systcms which def ine the r o l e s of women and re inforced

by the ideas , a t t i t u d e s and customs of both men and women, Socia l

change t h a t would e l iminate gender d iscr iminat ion requ i res more

than af f i rmat ive a c t i o n i n the h i r i n g of women o r se l f -he lp

economic p r o j e c t s designed t o improve the economic s i t u a t i o n of

lllace and co lo r prejudice w i l l continue t o e x i s t f o r a long time i n s o c i e t i e s where they have been s i g n i f i c a n t both instrumental ly and a f f e c t i v e l y f o r centur ies . However, they no longer auto- mat ica l ly provide access t o p r iv i l ege even though the h i s t o r i c a l process inf luences the present s i t u a t i o n .

women. It means development and inco rpo ra t i on of women 3s equa l

t o males i n t o t h e p roduc t ive p rocess and equa l acces s t o and

p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s and t h e e l i m i n a t i o n

of nega t ive c l a s s a t t i t u d e s and behavior p a t t e r n s toward women

t h a t have been c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s .

Commitment t o t h e s e changes a t l e a s t i d e a l i s t i c a l l y , h a s

t aken i n t e r n a t i o n a l form with t h e United Nat ions and o t h e r

i n t e r n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , n a t i o n a l governments and organi-

z a t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l s i n vary ing degrees i n i t i a t i n g programs

t o t h e e f f e c t . However, when we compare s i m i l a r commitment t o

t h e e l i m i n a t i o n of rac ism, pover ty and o t h e r d i s a b l i n g s i t u a t i o n s

which r e t a r d t h e human development p o t e n t i a l , we ought t o be

s k e p t i c a l . The e l i m i n a t i o n of racism means t h e su r r ende r of

power of Whites over Black and o t h e r people of c o l o r . The

e l i m i n a t i o n of pover ty means an end t o t h e dominance and p r i v i l e g e s

of t h e r i c h n a t i o n s o r i nd iv idua l s . The e l i m i n a t i o n of gender

d i f f e r e n c e s means t h e su r r ende r of t h e dominance of men over

women. The ques t ion of t h e 1980's i s how people i n dominant power

p o s i t i o n s ca? be persuaded o r fo rced t o make t h e changes necessary

t o e l i m i n a t e s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y .

Problems - and E f f o r t s in the Caribbean:

A combination of f a c t o r s make t h e Caribbean more f l e x i b l e

t o changes of t h e kind mentioned above. The i r h i s t o r i e s and

p o l i t i c a l arrangements a r e d issonnant r a t h e r t han cont inuous

which provide a r e c e p t i v e a t t i t u d e toward change f o r improvement.

Norms and va lues a r e no t bur ied i n long t r a d i t i o n of t h e p a s t

and therefore are not sacrosant. Negative associations with

colonialism and imperialism foster the ideology of change, High

literacy levels and a mobile population (orientation to upward

mobility often involves emigration to achieve it) create

a kind of restless expectancy which contributes to, atleast,

a rhetoric of change. These factors prompted one woman's

comment that "...when you ask about the status of women, I'm

not sure the Caribbean is one of the territories that women,

if they knew what they wanted, co.uldntt get it. " (Nita Barrow,

1973: 20

Some argued that this potential is thwarted by manipulative

actions on the part of elite groups to'maintain their hegemony

(Jones and Mills, 1976). Nevertheless, it must

be conceded that some changes have occurred and the level of

consciousness raised regarding class/race/color inequalities

and more recently, gender inequality, The problem seems to be

more than lingering commitment to the belief that equality can

be realized within the existing institutional framework. Women

have been eramining some of the institutions which legitimized

their secondary status. The status of women will be briefly

analyzed in institutional and attitudinal contexts.

The class which is the dominant material power in society

is at the same time its dominant intellectual force (Marx ~ n ~ l e s $

1944: 39). The ideas of the ruling class are embodied in the

institutional structures; therefore, law, politics, religion,

family, etc. will reflect the interest of the dominant class.

Occupations i n law, p o l i t i c s and r e l i g i o n have been, u n t i l

r e c e n t l y , e x c l u s i v e l y male. Furthermore, t h e i deo log i e s which

permeatet t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements have t h e i r o r i g i n s i n

t h e me t ropo l i t an s o c i e t i e s . Consequently, t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s ,

dominated by males r e p r e s e n t i n g f o r e i g n i n t e r e s t s ; r epresen ted

women on ly i f such i n t e r e s t s co inc ided wi th t hose of women.

The i n s t i t u t i o n s of law, p o l i t i c s and r e l i g i o n t o g e t h e r ,

l e g i t i m i z e l , enforced and sanc t ioned gender i n e q u a l i t y . Th is

i s demonstrated most c l e a r l y i n f ami ly r e l a t i o n s h i p s where women's

r o l e s have beer1 entrenched. Women have accepted t h e r o l e

assignment, e s p e c i a l l y t hose a s s o c i a t e d wi th mothering.

The " p l a n t a t i o n systemt' a s a conceptual model r e p r e s e n t i n g

s o c i . e t i e s with t h e c l ~ a r a c t e r i s t i c s of e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l of

p o l i t i c a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s and f o r e i g n i n f luence

governing t h e soc io -cu l tu r a l i n t e r n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s h a s been used

a s t h e c l a s s i f i c a t o r y model f o r t h e Commonwealth Caribbean

(Beckford, 1972; Best 1968; Mintz 1971: 26; Wolf 1971: 163-164).

Gordon K. Lewis (1968: 55) summarized t h e " p l a n t a t i o n concept"

when he s t a t e d t h a t :

... not on ly t h e dominant i n s t i t u t i o n s b u t a l s o t h e c o n t r o l l i n g a t t i t u d e s of t h e s o c i e t y have been shaped, t o a g r e a t e x t e n t , by t h e white European in f luence . Its e t h n i c composit ion has been b a s i c a l l y Negro b u t i ts s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t i o n s have been European. And, moreover, s e l e c t i v e l y European.

The s e l e c t i v i t y of t h e European i n f l u e n c e , he exp la ined , depr ived

t h e Caribbean peoples of b e n e f i t s from t h e g r e a t achievements

i n Europe bu t exposed them t o i ts racism and e x p l o i t a t i o n .

The contemporary p lanta t ion- l ike system of the Caribbean,

Matthews (1973: 300) argued, is t h e repos i tory of a v a s t New

World t r , , d i t ion of customs and a t t i t u d e s , e s t ab l i shed and developed

within the i n s t i t u t i o n s of s lavery. This i s not t o suggest

h i s t o r i c a l determinism o r s lavery a s the d e f i n e r of s o c i a l l i f e

i n the present-day Caribbean. Rather, it suggests t h a t t h e

h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i a l system which developed during t h a t period

cont inues t o f i n d expression under d i f f e r e n t economic and

p o l i t i c a l arrangements. Consequently, t h e r e have been no

incent ives f o r those who benef i t from those arrangements t o

e f f e c t changes i n t h e i r s o c i a l behavior and a t t i t u d e s . White male

dominance was es t ab l i shed from the very beginning and was not

l imi ted to the exerc ise of power i n economic, p o l i t i c a l and

s o c i a l spheres but a l s o included sexual dominance. White males

had access t o a l l women regardless of r a c e , co lo r o r s t a t u s .

Women's s t a t u s was f u r t h e r diminished by the men's re luc tance

t o cont rac t l e g a l marriages even with white women. On the one hsnd,

while a s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system based on race and co lo r ex i s t ed

among women, with white women ranking a t t h e top and black women

a t t h e bottom, a s women they shared the common c a s t e i n which they

were a l l vict ims of white males who could s e l e c t sexual pa r tne r s

from any category, o f t e n simultaneously. Women competed f o r

white males who had power. The i n s t i t u t i o n of marriage and family

developed i n Europe was not prac t iced by white males i n a u t h o r i t y

pos i t ions i n t h e West Indies and was l e g a l l y forbidden t o s l a v e s

so t h a t , from the beginning, the kind of family r e l a t i o n s h i p

which f l o u r i s h e d was consensual and/or e x p l o i t a t i v e r a t h e r t h a n

l e g a l ( H s l l 1973: 122). Thus, marr iage, t h e s o c i a l arrangement

which r egu la t ed sexua l behav ior , r eproduc t ion and ass igned sex

r o l e r e s ,011sibi l i ty i n t h e me t ropo l i t an c o u n t r i e s was never

i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d on t h e Caribbean p l a n t a t i o n . Family l i f e , a s

s e c t o r of t h e s o c i e t y s o t h a t s t a b l e , p r e d i c t a b l e r o l e s could

develop.

I n t e x e s t i n g l y , i t was t h e Black female s l a v e s who were blamed

f o r t h e sexua l decadence of t h e White males who were t h e masters .

The Black woman was c h a r a c t e r i z e d a s having mastery i n t r i c k e r y ,

conjolernents and d e c e i t and a b l e t o convince t h e White man she

ha t ed , t h a t she was i n love with him. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

con t inue t o be imputed t o women. One important p o i n t was made

(Long 1973:834 t h a t t h e Black women used sex no t merely f o r

t h e i r own advancement bu t f o r t iheir k i n and men. There i s

c e r t a i n l y a c o n t r a s t between White men having sex i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y

f o r pe r sona l g r a t i f i c a t i o n because t h e y have t h e power t o make

t h e demand on t h e i r v i c t i m s , and women us ing sex f o r s ~ r v i v a l .

I f Long and o t h e r s were l e s s r a c i s t t h e y would e a s i l y have i d e n t i f i e d

t h e source of t h e decadence -- t h e White male i n s t e a d of blaming

the Black female , t h e g r e a t e s t v ic t im of them a l l (Mathurin 1974: 3 ).

Colonial ism and Vic to r i an moralism conver ted t h e upper and

middle c l a s s e s t o l e g a l monogamous marriage i n o r d e r t o conso l ida t e

t h e i r c l a s s s t a t u s , b u t t h e lower c l a s s e s , who e x i s t e d l a r g e l y

o u t s i d e t h e i n f luence of European i n s t i t u t i o n s evolved f ami ly

systems which r e f l e c t e d t h e i r own s o c i a l economic r e a l i t i e s .

These may inc lude l e g a l marr iage sooner o r l a t e r . Family s t r u c t u r e '>

and re1at ionships"have t h e i r an tecedents i n t h e p l a n t a t i o n

system: s l a v e r y , co lon ia l i sm and t h e pe rpe tua l c o n f l i c t of t r y i n g

t o r e c o n c i l e r e a l - l i f e s i t u a t i o n s with va lues and norms e x t e r n a l

t o t h e i r exper ience. It i s i n t h i s complex fami1.y arrangement

t h a t t h e s o c i a l and l e g a l s t a t u s of women a r e entangled.

Family law i n t h e B r i t i s h West I n d i e s is based on monogamous

mar r iage , and p rope r ty r i g h t s and i n h e r i t a n c e a r e confer red

accordingly . Consider ing t h a t a m a j o r i t y of t h e c h i l d r e n a r e born

o u t s i d e t h e con tex t of l e g a l mar r iage , f ami ly laws no t on ly

d i s c r i m i n a t e a g a i n s t women and t h e i r c h i l d r e n

born o u t ' o f wedlock, bu t t h e y deny t h e s o c i a l r e a l i t y of Caribbean

s o c i e t i e s (Cumper 1972: 10) . Th is is no t t o imply t h a t a l l non-

m a r i t a l unions a r e uns t ab l e o r t h a t a l l women i n such r e l a t i o n s h i p s

a r e more depr ived economically. The p o i n t i s t h a t o f f i c i a l norms

r e l a t i n g t o f ami ly a r e a t va r iance w i th t h e behaviora l p a t t e r n s

of a l a r g e s e c t o r of t h e s o c i e t y . The economic impoverishment

and marg ina l i t y a l s o a f f e c t e d a l a r g e p a r t of t h e male popula t ion ,

i n v a l i d a t i n g t h e i r s o c i a l l y ass igned prov ider r o l e i n t h e family.

Consequer~t ly , they a r e d iscouraged from e s t a b l i s h i n g permanent t i e s .

2 ~ a r n i l y s t r u c t u r e of t h e Caribbean has generated i n t e r e s t and a cons ide rab l e body of l i t e r a t u r e has emerged s i n c e t h e 1950's. For d i s c u s s i o n on t h e subeject s ee J u d i t h Blake (1971), Familg S t r u c t u r e in Jamaica: he S o c i a l Context of Reproduction; Ed i th Clark ('1953),& Mother Who Fathered Me: Fernando Henriques (1953), Family - and Color - i n Jamaica; M. G. Smith ( l 9 6 2 ) , West Ind ian Family S t r u c t u r k ; R. T. Smith (1956) , The Near0 Family i n B r i t i s h Guiana.

They may op t f o r shor t - term l i a i s o n and when t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s

d i s s o l v e s , t hey f r e q u e n t l y f e e l no o b l i g a t i o n t o suppor t t h e

c h i l d r e n t h a t may have been born from t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p (Stycos

and Rack 1964: 3 3 0 ) . The l e g a l system p e n a l i z e s on ly t h e women

i n non-marital r e l a t i o n s h i p s by no t en fo rc ing o r imposing l e g a l

r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r suppor t of c h i l d r e n on males.

Women, on t he o t h e r hand, s ee marr iage a s t h e means of s o c i a l

m o b i l i t y o-- t h e conso l ida t i on of a s o c i a l s t a t u s p o s i t i o n .

J u d i t h Blake (1971: 123) concluded t h a t Jamaican women a r e more

a p t t o d e l a y marriage when economic s e c u r i t y is unfavorable .

Rober ts and S i n c l a i r (1978: 63-67) found l i t t l e suppor t f o r non-

l e g a l unions a s Blake d i d b u t t h e same ambivalence towards

marriage. This ambivalence seems t o come from t h e i n a b i l i t y t o

r e c o n c i l e expec t a t i ons wi th r e a l i t y . Marriage, which i s more

r e s t r i c t i v e , i n t h e i r op in ion , p rov ides no economic advantages

and, t h e r e f o r e , no improvement of s t a t u s . I t has been s a i d t h a t

women i n common-law r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e independent a g e n t s , no t

subse rv i en t c h a t t e l s ; t hey make t h e important d e c i s i o n s about

c h i l d r e n , jobs , and o t h e r a s p e c t s of t h e i r l i v e s . Formal marriage

may have d e f i n i t e drawbacks f o r bo th p a r t n e r s : f o r women, it

e n t a i l s l o s s of e q u a l i t y , l e s s freedom t o move about , fewer con-

t a c t s , more l o n e l i n e s s (Lowenthal 1972: 111; Nash 1975). L u c i l l e

Mathurin countered t h i s argument on female independence. She

argued t h a t :

Any a n a l y s i s of t h e s t a t u s of t he Caribbean woman today has t oq t ake i n t o account t h e occupa t iona l con tex t i n which t h e b lack m a j o r i t y f u n c t i o n s , r e l a t i v e t o t he occupa t iona l p o s i t i o n i n g of t h e r e s t of t h e s o c i e t y . Iier a l leged position of influence and power i n the fami ly and community has t o be judged a g a i n s t t h e background of t h e lowest s t a tu s -bea r ing jobs which t h e s o c i e t y always a l l o c a t e d t o h e r (1974: 5).

She conceded t h a t t h e r e i s some v a l i d i t y t o t h e " r a t h e r t i r e d

c l i c h e Black Mat r ia rch ," g iven t h e number of women who head

households , t h a t i s , approximately one- th i rd of Jamaica 's

a d u l t females. However, she denied t h a t be ing head of household

provides n a t u r a l a cces s t o a u t h o r i t y . These women a r e more l i k e l y

t o be economically depressed and t h u s more vu lne rab l e t o sexua l

e x p l o i t a t i o n (Mathurin-Mair 1974: 5-6).

West Tndian women of a l l c l a s s e s regard c h i l d r e n a s b l e s s i n g s ,

proud t o g ive b i r t h , happy t o c h e r i s h b a b i e s , and ready t o make

s a c r i f i c e s f o r a c h i l d ' s f u t u r e (Lowenthal 1972: 107). Car r ibean

women accep t t h e u n i v e r s a l r o l e of ch i ld -beare r r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r

socjoeconomic and m a r i t a l s t a t u s . They o f t e n l i v e i n households

wi thout males a s co-residents! perform economic r o l e s and must

depend on female r e l a t i v e s f o r suppor t s e r v i c e s .

A suppor t system developed among women i n t h e absence of t h e

s o c i a l l y mandated male suppor t .

While codpera t ion i s e s s e n t i a l among lower s t r a tum women,

it js a l s o imperat ive between women of d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l s t r a t a .

There i s some evidence t h a t women a r e recogniz ing t h e i r common

unequal s o c i a l s t a t u s r e g a r d l e s s of c l a s s p o s i t i o n . The law was

t h e first a r e a such s t a t u s i n e q u a l i t y was demonstrated.

This p r e s e n t s problems f o r u s i n g t h e fami ly a s t h e u n i t of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and assuming t h a t women belong i n a f ami ly o r co-res ide wi th men. Here aga in such s c h o l a r s have assumed t h a t " family" d e f i n e s a u n i t t h a t is s tandard i n a l l s o c i e t i e s . , i . e . t h e nuc l ea r fami ly can be l oca t ed r e g a r d l e s s of a l l o t h e r manifes- t a t i o n s . Berreman argued t h a t t h e u n i v e r s a l co-residence of males and females make i t d i f f i c u l t t o de tach t h e female a s a s i n g l e u n i t f o r a n a l y s i s . The Caribbean prov ides a l l t h e p o s s i b l e v a r i e n t s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s .

U r l t i l women begari t o p r a c t i c e law i n t h e Caribbean ;lo concern

was shown f o r t h e l e g a l s t a t u s of women o r t h e consequences of

c e r t a i n l e g a l p rov i s ions on t h e l i v e s of women. G lo r i a Cumper's

(197%) survey of s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n i n Jamaica revea led t he l e g a l

i n e q u i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y a s experienced by unmarried women and t h e i r

dependent " i l l e g i t i m a t e " ch i ld r en . I n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h e l e g a l

s t a t u s of women have s i n c e been done i n o t h e r Caribbean c o u n t r i e s

(Daly 1975; Thompson 1945; Messiah 19'78).

Middle c l a s s , p r o f e s s i o n a l women, s i n c e t h e 1960 ' s were

exper ienc ing l e g a l d i s c r imina t ion t h a t d i d no t a f f e c t men i n

comparable s i t u a t i o n s . Wives of Jamaican n a t i o n a l s were exempt

from t h e need t o g e t work permi t s bu t t h e husbands of Jamaican

n a t i o n a l s were no t exempt (Cumper 1972: 5) . A s i m i l a r p rov i s ion

e x i s t s f o r Tr inidad and Tobago (Daly 1975), Bahamas and Barbados

(Thompson 1975: 28-35). One r e s e a r c h e r r e c e n t l y r epo r t ed t h a t

Jamaican men see themselves a s Jamaicans bu t women were j u s t

I' women. "

Thompson ( ~ . 2 8 ) summed up t h e l e g a l s i t u a t i o n of women.

"The law has always t r e a t e d women i n a manner c o n s i s t e n t wi th

t h e i r supposed i n f e r i o r i t y . " Thus prime m i n i s t e r s could e x p l a i n

t h a t t hey d i d no t cons ide r i t i n women's b e s t i n t e r e s t t o extend

c i t i z e n s h i p t o t h e i r f o r e i g n husbands. Apparently, no t even when

d ivo rce i s t h e consequence and t h e women o f t e n l e f t wi th economic

and s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of s i n g l e parenthood (Thompson:l%"i'34).

One h e a r s echoes o f t h e p l a n t a t i o n wi th t h e s l a v e master c la iming

t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and ownership of a l l t h e women.

Some discr iminatory laws a f f e c t i n g women have been rescinded

but the a t t i t u d e s fos te red by such laws w i l l continue indef in i t e ly .

Religion which seemed t o have lagged behind p o l i t i c a l , l e g a l and

s o c i a l ~ r o c e s s e s , sometimes express reac t ionary r a t h e r

than progressive idea l s . A case i n point was the .ou t rage ex-

pressed by an Anglican Dean when the Barbadian government pro-

posed t o change the laws r e l a t i n g t o inher i tance from f a t h e r s

of " i l leg2t imate1 ' ch i ldren . H i s excuse: grant ing such ch i ld ren

the same l e g a l s t a t u s a s l eg i t ima te chi ldren w i l l undermine t h e

i n s t i t u t i o n of marriage. T h i s is the same argument which informed

the law i n the f i r s t place and had been no d e t e r r e n t t o mating

and reproduction p a t t e r n s (Cumper 1972: 5).

Organized r e l i g i o n i n the Caribbean i s not only male dominated,

i t is a l s o e l i t e s t , serving the middle and upper c l a s s while

reserv ing only censure f o r the lower c l a s s . Yet, a s one person

pointed o u t , women a re the major support of the churches

(Nita Borrow 1973: 20). I f the church women can ignore t h e i r

var ious p re jud ices , including t h a t of moral s u p e r i o r i t y , they

can use the churches on behalf of women general ly . There i s

some evidence t h a t the church has assumed a more a c t i v i s t r o l e

and expressed concern over s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s .

There i s no demonstrated evidence, however, t h a t t h e church

has stopped discrirnina t ing agains t women (Caribbean Contact ,1978 and

May 1980: 5 ) .

Education, Occupation and Labor Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n - Studies done i n the United S t a t e s ind ica te t h a t t h e processes

determining t h e educat ional and occupational achievement a r e

b a s i c a l l y t h e same f o r males and females and d i f f e r only s l i g h t l y

by sex. (Petherman and Hauser, 1976; Treiman and T e r r e l l , 1975).

It was a l s o found t h a t sexua l d i f f e r e n c e i n power i n t h e work-

p lace was an important f a c t o r i n gene ra t i ng income i n e q u a l i t y

between men and women (Roos, 1978.

Furthermore, women were l e s s l i k e l y t han men t o r e a l i z e t h e i r occupa-

t i o n a l expec t a t i ons and had lower r e t u r n s i n occupa t iona l s t a t u s

f o r educa t iona l investments (Spaeth , 1977).

The planation f o r t h e f a i l u r e of women t o match educa t ion

and occupat ion wi th expec t a t i ons i s t h a t women d i d no t have

commitment t o occupa t iona l r o l e s and t h a t t r a i n i n g and c a r e e r

i n t e r r u p t i o n s may be r e spons ib l e f o r t h e f a i l u r e t o advance

occupa t iona l ly r a t h e r than d i s c r imina t ion . It was found t h a t t h e

l ack of q u a l i f i c a t i o n s was a s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t o r t o women's

f a i l u r e t o reach p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y bu t was l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t

than employers' behav iors and p o l i c i e s . The behavior of women

themselves , more s i g n i f i c a n t than t h e i r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s was

a l s o l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t t han employers' behavior and p o l i c i e s

(Wolf and P l i g s t e i n , 1979: 235-252).

The q u z l i t y and q u a n t i t y of educa t ion a v a i l a b l e t o women

vary from s o c i e t y t o s o c i e t y bu t t h e f i n d i n g s f o r t h e United

S t a t e s can be genera l ized t o some o t h e r coun t r i e s . It seems

t h a t one major d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e s e f i n d i n g s wi th what can be

p ro j ec t ed f o r t h e Caribbean is a d i f f e r e n c e i n l a b o r f o r c e

p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The h ighe r t he l e v e l of educa t ion , t h e more

l i k e l y t h a t women w i l l remain i n t h e l a b o r f o r c e permanently.

Constancy, however, w i l l not guarantee r e t u r n on investment on

t h e same l e v e l wi th men s i n c e t h e r e a r e b u i l t - i n mechanisms which

r e s t r i c t women's advancement.

Education i s considered a primary ins t rument i n t h e develop-

ment p rocess . The e lmina t ion of pover ty and i l l i t e r a c y a r e s t a t e d

goa l s of developed a s wel l a s developing coun t r i e s . Th is focus

is necessary t o c o r r e c t b i a s a g a i n s t educa t ing women o r uncondi-

t i . o n a l l y s e l e c t i n g males over females when a cho ice had t o be

made, even when t h e females demonstrated more c a p a b i l i t y

(UNESCO, United Nations G/Conf. 66/BP/13, 1975).

Resou:ce i s a c r u c i a l f a c t o r i n educa t iona l development on

and t h e ideology which t h e f u n c t i o n and d e l i v e r y i s based. The

emphasis on i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y of educa t ion i n t echno log ica l s o c i e t y

i s a complete r e v e r s a l of r ecen t h i s t o r y when t h e educated

person was a luxury r a t h e r t han a n e c e s s i t y and educa t ion pre-

pared people f o r d i g n i f i e d l e i s u r e r a t h e r t han produc t ive work

(Drucker, 1961, 15-16). Furthermore, it has been p ro j ec t ed

t h a t i n i n d u s t r i a l and democratic s o c i e t y i n t h e yea r 2000,

educa t ion w i l l be t h e main ins t rument of upward m o b i l i t y and

l a c k of educa t ion o r f a i l u r e t o do wel l i n o n e ' s educa t ion

t h e p r i n c i p a l cause of downward m o b i l i t y (Havighurs t , 1961: 120).

The l a t t e r might be an overs ta tement b u t few w i l l doubt t h e

importance of educa t ion i n contemporary s o c i e t y .

I n developing c o u n t r i e s , acknowledging t h e importance of

educa t ion is a f i r s t s t e p , p lann ing and organ iz ing t h e type of

educa t iona l s e r v i c e t h a t w i l l b e s t s a t i s f y the needs of a

p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y a r e t h e c r i t i c a l i s s u e s , e s p e c i a l l y when an

educa t iona l system a l r e a d y e x i s t s . The Caribbean has faced

such a dilemma. The c o l o n i a l regime e s t a b l i s h e d an educa t iona l

system t h a t was not only i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e needs o f t h e a rea ,

i t was a l s o e l i t i s t and s e x i s t i n i t s ideology and p r a c t i c e and

funct ioned t o mainta in c l a s s b a r r i e r s (Lowenthal, 1972: 118-123).

Educat ional reforms s t a r t i n g i n t h e 1950 's focused p r i m a r i l y

on t h e h lghe r l e v e l s -- secondary and u n i v e r s i t y . The per iod

s i n c e t hen , has witnessed an unprecedented expansion of educa t iona l

f a c i l i t i e s and a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e d e l i v e r y of educa t iona l

s e r v i c e s . The r eo rgan iza t i on of secondary schools i n Jamaica

ended t h e t o t a l monopoly on educa t ion by t he upper c l a s s e s . Th is

r e s u l t e d i n t h e expansion of t h e middle c l a s s e s and a l s o changed

t h e c o l o r composition of t h a t c l a s s . The es tab l i shment of a

u n i v e r s i t y system a l s o gave acces s t o educa t ion a t t h a t l e v e l t o

peaple who could not a f f o r d t r a i n i n g abroad. t h e

The r e o r g a n i z a t i o n and expansion of educa t iona l system,

however, d i d no t e r a d i c a t e t he sex b i a s e s incorpora ted i n t o i t

du r ing t he c o l o n i a l pe r iod a s i t had some success i n d e a l i n g

wi th r a c e , c o l o r and t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t , c l a s s . Sex d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ,

a s e lsewhere , was r e i n f o r c e d by educat ion. Segregated f a c i l i t i e s

emphasized sex d i f f e r e n c e s a t t h e secondary l e v e l a l though a

b a s i c academic curr iculum served a l l secondary schools . Men

and women up t o t h e secondary l e v e l had t h e same academic

t r a i n i n g . Ecorlomic f a c t o r s r a t h e r t h a n ove r t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n on

t h e b a s i s of sex in f luenced t h e s e l e c t i o n of women. Women some-

t imes had pre fe rence over men, bu t u s u a l l y , women got t r a i n e d

a s nu r se s , s e c r e t a r i e s , o r primary school t e a c h e r s ( t e a c h i n g i s

not sex-typed bu t is overwhelmingly female) . Men had been

l a r g e l y s e l e c t e d f o r u n i v e r s i t y and voca t iona l / t e chn ica l t r a i n i n g .

A p i c t o r i a l r e p o r t i l l u s t r a t i n g occupa t iona l r o l e s i n Tr in idad

and Tobago i n 1960, showed s i x t e e n d i f f e r e n t occupa t ions , on ly

f o u r d i sp layed p i c t u r e s of female occupa t ions , and t h e s e were:

nu r se , a i r h o s t e s s , t y p i s t and seamst ress -- a l l t r a d i t i o n a l sex-

typed fen,ale occupat ions . F i f t e e n y e a r s l a t e r , t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n

i n t echn ica l / voca t iona l schools showssimilar p a t t e r n s . O f t h e

over f i f t y courses of s t udy o f f e r e d , women were s t i l l t h e over-

whelming ma jo r i t y on ly i n t hose a r e a s of s t u d i e s which r ep re sen t ed

t h e t r a d i t i o n a l sex-typed r o l e s f o r women.

There is evidence of movement toward g r e a t e r e q u i t y a t t h e

u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l . Between 1964-66, women were e q u a l l y represen ted

i n t h e Arts and Humanities bu t under-represented i n t h e s c i ences

and technology. Since 1973 women have en te red t he n a t u r a l

s c i e n c e s and a g r i c u l t u r e and have gained ascendency i n t h e a r t s

and s o c i a l s c i ences bu t t h e y a r e h a r d l y r ep re sen t ed i n technology

(Tr in idad and Tobago, Annual S t a t i s t i c a l D iges t , 1976/77).

I n Jamaica i n 1970's t h e male/female r e g i s t r a t i o n i n t h e

u n i v e r s i t y was 2 : l i n f a v o r of males d e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t more

females were g radua t ing from h igh schools . The p r o j e c t i o n s were,

t h e n , t h a t females would be on p a r o r i n t h e m a j o r i t y by t he

l a t e 70 's (Gordon, 1974: 27). A r e c e n t r e p o r t 4 ( v e r b a l )

revea led t h a t women a r e i n t h e ma jo r i t y i n t he a r t s , s o c i a l and

n a t u r a l s c i ences and on p a r wi th men i n t he p r o f e s s i o n s -- law a

and medicine. This i d s i g n i f i c a n t i n c r e a s e , s i n c e i n l 9 G O

women represen ted on ly 18 p e r cen t of t h e l i c e n s e d phys i c i ans

and about 8 p e r cen t o f t h e lawyers (Handbook of Jamaica, 1972:

T h i s ve rba l informat ion was given by Maureen Warner-Lewis, Sen ior Lec tu re r , U W I , Mona, Jamaica, i n a panel d i s c u s s i o n , "Caribbean Cur ren ts : Changes i n Cul tu re and P o 1 i t i c s " a t Hampshire Col lege , Amherst, Massachusetts , A p r i l 24, 1981.

S e x i s t t r a i n i n g and ideology c r e a t e d some exc lus ive occups-

t i o n a l a r e a s f o r men and f o r women, b u t men g e t t h e e l i t e r o l e s .

An example of sex h i e r a r c h y i s the Min i s t ry of Agr i cu l tu r e i n

Jamaica i n 1962: Of t he one hundred and seventy-two p o s i t i o n s

l i s t e d i n t h e administrative/executive and t e c h n i c a l c a t e g o r i e s ,

women occupied on ly f o u r of t hose p o s i t i o n s and a t t h e lowest

l e v e l of t h e h i e r a r c h y (Handbook of Jamaica, 1972). S i m i l a r l y ,

i n t h e Min i s t ry of Education males dominated t h e occupa t iona l

h i e r a r c h y i n an occupa t iona l a r ea t h a t is predominantly female.

I n 1974, t h e sex composition of t h e s e h ighe r l e v e l p o s i t i o n s were:

Chief and P r i n c i p a l Education O f f i c e r s 9 a l l males

Sen ior Education O f f i c e r

Education O f f i c e r

13 10 males 3 females

3 25 males 9 f ema le s ,

Of t h e s e n i o r educa t ion o f f i c e r s , two ou t of t h e t h r e e women

had u n i v e r s i t y degrees compared wi th two ou t of t h e t e n men and

t h r e e o u t of n ine women (t iducation O f f i c e r s ) compared wi th f o u r

ou t of twenty-five men. Education o f f i c e r s a r e u s u a l l y drawn

from elementary school p r i n c i p a l s . That r a t i o is 7:4 male t o

female p r i n c i p a l s . Th is may cont inue i n d e f i n i t e l y u n l e s s women

demand t h a t t h e i r s e n i o r i t y and educa t ion be t aken i n t o account

and not t h e i r sex. They must prove t h a t t hey can dominate an

occupa t iona l a r e a a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y a s wel l a s numerical ly .

If t h e educa t iona l t r e n d s noted a t t h e u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l

c r y s t a l l i z e , women w i l l soon achieve educa t iona l p a r i t y wi th

men. But , w i l l t h a t p a r i t y be transformed i n t o occupat ion and

decision-making pos i t ions ' ? There is no evidence anywhere t o

i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s w i l l occur.

The d i s c u s s i o n , s o f a r , ha s concen t ra ted on t h a t smal l

s e c t o r of t h e popula t ion represen ted by post-primary educat ion.

A l a r g e p a r t of t h e popula t ion of women have no t even completed

t h e s t i p i l a t e d number of yea r s of elementary educa t ion t h a t had

been a v a i l a b l e t o them. They a r e l i k e l y t o be semi-sk i l l ed

o r u n s k i l l e d and unrepresented by unions. Some a r e s e l f -

employed i n marginal economic a c t i v i t i e s a l though they provide

v i t a l s e r v i c e s i n some a r e a s . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , i n so f a r t h a t

it has occurred i n t h e Caribbean, ha s f a i l e d t o i nco rpo ra t e I

a l a r g e number of women, and men, i n t o t h e economic mainstream.

It i s now t h e s o c i e t i e s ' avowed t a s k t o i nco rpo ra t e women,

e s p e c i a l l y , i n t o t h e development process . L i t e r a c y programs

(Jamaica) s e l f - h e l p p r o j e c t s , counse l ing and o t h e r forms of

a s s i s t a n c e a r e d i r e c t e d a t such people. Do t h e s e e f f o r t s s a t i s f y

t h e c r i t e r i a of development'! They a r e s t e p s i n t h e r i g h t d i r e c t i o n .

Development i s a p rocess and f o r c o u n t r i e s w i th dependent

economies, t h e p rog re s s i s slow.

Labor Force

The par t i c i p a t i o n of women i n t h e l a b o r f o r c e i s u s u a l l y

high b u t v a r i a b l e . The i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n r a t e i s lower t han

males, they have h igher r a t e s of unemployment, and lower median

income. O f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s do not always r e p r e s e n t t h e t o t a l i t y

of women's economic a c t i v i t i e s : employment o u t s i d e t h e home i s

o f t e n considered t h e on ly form of employment when, i n f a c t ,

some women supplement f ami ly income through a v a r i e t y of economic

a c t i v i t i e s ( Josephs , 1480: 144 ). The g r e a t e r absence of women

from t h e l a b o r f o r c e should not be i n t e r p r e t e d a s complementary i

d i v i s i o n of labor between the sexes but viewed a s the l i m i t a t i o n

i n the capaci ty of the l abor force t o absorb t h e ava i l ab le

labor pc 31.

Unemployment has increased among females i n Jamaica t o

37.7 per cent (October) 1978 an increase from 34.8 per cent (Apr i l )

1977 and from 30.9 pe r cent ( ~ ~ r i l ) 1976. Unemployment increased

among men a l s o but a t a much slower r a t e and i t - s t i l l s tands

a t l e s s than half of the women's r a t e . The o v e r a l l employment

r a t e f o r women i s 41.3 percent (males 48.1 pe rcen t ) , 1978.

(Labor Force, Jamaica, Department of S t a t i s t i c s , 1978). I n

Trinidad and Tobago the unemployment r a t e has been dec l in ing

va r i ab ly s ince 1973. The 1977 (December) r a t e i s 17 per c e n t ,

t he lowest s ince 1973. The comparable r a t e f o r males i s 11 per

cent during the same per iod , a dec l ine of 3 per cent s ince 1973

( ~ n n u a l S t a t i s t i c a l Digest , 1976/77, Trinidad and Tobago, p. 85).

Women may vo lun ta r i ly leave the l abor force: t h i s is usua l ly

done f o r family reasons and the reason f requent ly c i t e d f o r

women's f a i l u r e t o advance occupationally. A study of female

labor fo rce p a r t i c i p a t i o n and f e r t i l i t y i n Jamica (Powell, 1976:

335-258) indicated t h a t women i n s t a b l e unions (31.6 percent

married o r 41.9 per cent common-law) had lower l e v e l s of l abor

force p a r t i c i p a t i o n than women not l i v i n g with pa r tne r s (70.2

per c e n t ) followed by women separated from husbands(66.6 per c e n t )

s ing le women (64.8 percent) . The l i k e l y conclusion i s t h a t s t a b l e

unions depress women's economic a c t i v i t i e s . Since t h e r e is no

o the r da ta ava i l ab le t6 c l a r i f y o the r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , it is

d i f f i c u l t t o p ro jec t about the women leaving the l abor force.

Powel l ' s c l u e t h a t young women leave before t hey have c h i l d r e n

sugges t s t h a t , f o r Jamaicans, non-par t ic ipa t ion i s r e l a t e d t o

job ca t ego ry , t he lower t h e job s t a t u s , t he l e s s a t t r a c t i v e

t h e lab01 f o r c e except f o r those who depend on t h e i r own income.

Unlike North American women who u s u a l l y i n t e r r u p t c a r e e r s du r ing

t h e ch i ld -bear ing / rear ing y e a r s , Jamaican women may e n t e r t h e

l a b o r f o r c e permanently. The i r occupat ional advancement should

no t be impaired by c a r e e r i n t e r r u p t i o n s .

S t ruc tu red i n e q u a l i t y is emphasized most s t r o n g l y by income

d i s p a r i t i e s . Such d i s p a r i t i e s a r e not always t h e consequence

of d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of t r a i n i n g , a b i l i t y o r experience. Income

d i f f e r e n t i a l s a r e e i t h e r masked by job c a t e g o r i e s o r b l a t a n t l y

d i sc r imina to ry . For example, lower s t a t u s h o s p i t a l workers i n

Jamaica, "maidd'and "por ters : have d i f f e r e n t s a l a r y s c a l e s wi th

p o r t e r s (males) having t h e h ighe r s c a l e . Yet, i n terms of

a c t u a l hours worked, t he maids pu t i n longer per iods of con-

s i s t e n t work s i m i l a r t o t h e p a t t e r n of t h e i r upper s t a t u s

workers, nurses. P o r t e r 3 work t ends t o fo l low t h e p a t t e r n of

d o c t o r s i n t h e h o s p i t a l , t hey work when they a r e c a l l e d f o r

s p e c i f i c t a sks . H i s t o r i c a l l y , s a l a r y d i f f e r e n t i a l s have been

sanct ioned and s p e c i f i c hours of work and r a t e of pay s t i p u l a t e d d'e u

f o r males and females (Colonia l Report , 1956: , I , , , 9 : 1 t , A ) . Women

were excluded from some work c a t e g o r i e s , u s u a l l y t he more l u c r a t i v e ,

and the re seemed no reasonable explana t ion f o r t h e d i f f e r e n c e s

i n hours worked o r why women i n communications rece ived h ighe r

incomes than males. There i s a kind of a r b i t r a r i n e s s i n t h e

income d i f f e r e n c e s but t h e deva lua t ion and i n f e r i o r i z a t i o n of

women's work has long r e in fo rced s t e r eo typed images of women

a s l e s s capable t han men. It was found t h a t low s t a t u s male

employees i n Barbados do not f e e l t h r ea t ened by t h e i r women who

have i n d u s t r i a l white c o l l a r jobs because ". . .almost any job

occupied by a male i n Barbados w i l l pay him more t han an e q u a l l y

s k i l l e d job i n i n d u s t r y w i l l pay h i s spouse" ( S t o f f l e , 1977: 276).

" P r o t e c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n f o r women aggrava tes t h e d i s c r i m i n a t i o n

p r a c t i c e d a g a i n s t them i n market economies. The laws phrased

i n terms 3f p r o t e c t i n g t h e 'weak and de fense l e s s ' c r y s t a l l i z e a

sense of i n f e r i o r i t y " ( I L O Studies, Repor t , 1921). The law

regulating t h e employment of women i n Jamaica, 1942, rese rved

t o t h e M i n i s t e r of Labor, t h e r i g h t t o r e s t r i c t t he employment

of women i n any i n d u s t r y o r a c t i v i t y ; p r o h i b i t o r r e g u l a t e

employment a f t e r o r before c h i l d b i r t h and the gene ra l cond i t i ons

under which they may work. N i & t work was p r o h i b i t e d except f o r

wor,len I n h e a l t h c a r e s e r v i c e , en te r ta inment i n d u s t r y ,

managerial p o s i t i o n o r i11 i n d u s t r i e s which handle produce sub-

jected t o r ap id d e t e r i o r a t i o n (Cumper, 1972: 96-97). The

persona l c i rcumstances o r p r e f e r ences of t h e women were no t

considered. T ranspo r t a t i on , a c r u c i a l problem i n many a r e a s of

Jamaica, may be more convenient f o r n igh t work thar? those hours

considered s u i t a b l e f o r women.

S i m i l a r l y i n 1974 when t h e government e s t a b l i s h e d a minimum

wage law aimed a t t h e most exp lo i t ed group i n t he s o c i e t y ,

t h e household domestic worker, t h e twenty-dol lar minimum p e r

week was c r ee t ed with ou t rage by employers. Th is law may have

had two o l ~ p o s i t e e f f e c t s : i t may have c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e

inc reased unemployment among women while i t improved t h e economic

s t a t u s of those who r e t a i n e d t h e i r jobs. An a d d i t i o n a l i nc rea se

of f o u r d o l l a r s t o t h e minimum wage may a l s o have c o n t r i b u t e d t o

t h e s l i g l - t l y h ighe r income f o r females over males between 1976-77

( ~ a b o r Force , Jamaica, 1978).

A t t i t u d e s and assumptions about women's r o l e s c r e a t e f u r t h e r

r e s t r i c t i o n s , even when t h e woman is t r a i n e d f o r t h e job.

The ~ r o b l e m of women who e n t e r o c c u ~ a t i o n a l a r e a s t r a d i t i o n a l l y

reserved f o r males and t h e i r a b i l i t y t o f u n c t i o n i n such r o l e s

p r o f e s s i o n a l l y is i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e fo l l owina

excerp t from an in te rv iew i n 1974 i n Jamaica w i th a s e c r e t a r y

i n a para-governmental agency.

Express ing skep t ic i sm about t h e new occupa t iona l r o l e s f o r

women, she commented:

I wonder about job o p p o r t u n i t i e s , f o r a l though a woman does something l i k e mechanical eng ineer ing , w i l l she be a b l e t o f i n d employment i n t h e f i e l d ? W i l l employers be w i l l i n g t o d i s r e g a r d sex a s a b a s i s f o r h i r i n g , because, I know where I work, t h j . s i s n ' t done. There a r e c e r t a i n jobs t h e y w i l l not o f f e r women (Gordon 1974: 27-28).

She exp la ined t h a t t hey would not employ women f o r f i e l d work

because i t involved exper imentat ion a t n i g h t s and spending days

i n t he f i e l d under l e s s t h a n i d e a l cond i t i ons . One would assume

t h a t a course of t r a i n i n g i n a g r i c u l t u r e would acqua in t t h e

woman with t h e requirements o f the job but she was not asked

whether she i s prepared f o r such cond i t i ons " t h e r e is t h e gene ra l a

f e e l i n g t h a t such cond i t i ons a r e no t s u i t e d t o woman,plus t h e

f a c t t h a t t hey assume she w i l l g e t married and h e r husband

w i l l o b j e c t t o t h e job demands." According t o t h i s r e p o r t ,

30

t he womerr were never asked t o choose. True, t h e one woman

who a t tempted t he job d id not s t a y long because she found

t h e job too s o l i t a r y (Gordon, 1974: 27-28). S t i l l , women's

e r ~ r o l l l \ e n t i n a g r i c u l t u r a l s c i ence has increased s i g n i f i c a n t l y ,

and it seems t h a t t h e y w i l l have t o f i n d t h e means t o overcome

t h e nega t ive a s p e c t s of t h e job i n s t e a d of emphasizing them

t o d e t e r women. Phys ica l unpleasant work i s not t h e on ly t ype

men f e e l t h a t women a r e not s u i t e d f o r . A male r e p o r t i n g on

t he perlarmance of r ecen t u n i v e r s i t y g radua tes i n a job

s i t u a t i o n which, fo rma l ly , r e c r u i t e d male c i v i l s e r v a n t s

from t h e ranks i n t o those p o s i t i o n s claimed:

"They a l low t h e i r emotions t o g e t i n t h e way." He denied

t h a t t h e y were incompetent , t h e y were j u s t t oo emotional t o

develop the detachment necessary t o probe peop le ' s t a x s t a t u s .

I t must not be overlooked t h a t i n both t h e s e s i t u a t i o n s men

a r e d e a l i n g with women a s equa l s i n a way they have never been

accustomed t o -- a s equa ls . Women have i n t ruded i n t o men's

world. Lvzn i f it i s not n i ce f o r women t o c a r r y a sp ray

can on h e r back and she is l i k e l y t o be a t t acked i f she i s

on h e r own, t h e cha l lenge t hey p re sen t is p o s s i b l y g r e a t e r

than any o t h e r cons ide ra t i on . Women a s wel l a s men expressed

re luctar ice t o have female supe rv i so r s ; t hey do not want t o

dea l w i t h women's emotionalism (Gordon, 1974: 32).

Women r ece ive t h e same b a s i c educat ion a s men bu t some

d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n begins a t t h e middle l e v e l which r e i n f o r c e s

d i f f e r e n t c a r e e r l i n e s f o r men and women. There i s evidence

of movement toward e q u a l i z a t i o n a t t h e u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l both

i n numbers and i n t h e course of s t u d i e s pursued. Educa t iona l ly

t h e Caribbean is moving i n t h e d i r e c t i o n of p a r i t y . Czcupa-

t i o n a l l y , t h e r e i s r e s i s t a n c e t o women's e n t r y i n t r a d i t i o n a l

male jobs , e s p e c i a l l y when they e n t e r t he occupat ions on t h e

his of educa t iona l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s i n s t e a d of promotion

through t h e ranks. The concen t r a t i on of males i n t e c h n i c a l /

voca t iona l schools and t h e marginal r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of females

i n d i c a t e t h a t men w i l l con t inue t o have t h e advantage i n t h e

s k i l l e d t r a d e s which a r e t h e l u c r a t i v e a r e a s of employment.

Women a r e advancing occupa t iona l ly , i f not a t t h e same r a t e

wi th men. I n Jamaica, females a r e t h e p r i n c i p a l employees

i n government. The C i v i l Se rv i ce , once a h igh s t a t u s employ-

ment a r e a , has l o s t s t a t u s a s t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r expanded

and men could f i n d more l u c r a t i v e jobs i n t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r .

The p a t t e r n has beenllfemale successiorll where males have

abd ica t ed ,no t a s a conscious appointment of women on t h e b a s i s

of q u a l i f i c a t i o n (Gordon, 1974: 27 ). The C i v i l Se rv i ce

has been s e x i s t , not a l lowing marr ied women t o work, o r on ly

if it d i d no t i n t e r f e r e with t h e i r performance. I r o n i c a l l y ,

a female eaployee would not be dismissed i f she had an

" i l l e g i t i m a t e " ch i ld .

While women a r e an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e l a b o r f o r c e ,

t h e i n d i c a t i o n s a r e t h a t t hey do no t y e t r ece ive t h e same

r e t ~ r n s on educa t ion o r time investments a s men. Disc r imina tory

h i r i n g and promotion a r e i n d i c a t e d r a t h e r t h a n q u a l i f i c a t i o n ,

e s p e c i a l l y a t t h e upper l e v e l s .

Women and Developnlent of Equal S t a t u s

The Caribbean c o u n t r i e s have adopted some of t h e United

Nations recommendations and e s t a b l i s h e d mechanisms t o improve

t h e s t a t u s of women. Those recommendations inc lude both p u b l i c

and p r i v a t e e f f o r t s and some o r g a n i z a t i o n a l base f o r t h e el imina-

t i o n of s t r u c t u r e d i n e q u a l i t y i s i n evidence. Barbados (1974)

had a Nat ional Organizat ion of Women o r i e n t e d toward t he broad

spectrum of a c t i v i t i e s and r e g u l a t i o n s a f f e c t i n g women's l i v e s .

Jamaica had an Ad Hoc Advisory Committee on Women i n t h e M i n i s t r y

of Youth and Community Development focus ing on genera l develop-

ment and planning. This committee was rep laced by t h e Women's

Bureau which assumed a much wider range of f u n c t i o n s ,

Tr inidad and Tobago o r i g i n a l l y focused on

employment and t h e Women's Bureau is l o c a t e d i n t h e Min i s t ry

of Labor and S o c i a l S e c u r i t y (United Nations ST/EAS/SER/.B/7,

1975).

I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e Women's Bureaus, both Barbados and

Tr in idad and ?'obago have done s t u d i e s on t h e s t a t u s of women

through n a t j o n a l commissions e s t a b l i s h e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e women's

s t a t u s i n v i t a l a r e a s -- economics, law, educa t ion , e t c .

Women have i n i t i a t e d some of t h e s e s t u d i e s through s o c i a l organi-

z a t i o n s o r p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . They have assumed

a c t i v i s t s r o l e s on beha l f of women. These a c t i v i t i e s suppor t

t h e s ta tement made by t h e coo rd ina to r of The Women and Develop-

ment Unit t h a t : the Caribben has s h i f t e d from women's programs

p r i m a r i l y concerned wiih women i n t h e i r time-honoured and

t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e a s mother and homemaker t o t h e i r r o l e i n

t h e development p rocess a t t h e n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l l e v e l s

(Peggy Ant robus , Sunday Chronic le , January 20, 1980).

Yet , t h e problems f a c i n g women i n t h e 1980's a r e not

un re l a t ed t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s , a t t i t u d e s , amb igu i t i e s , and

paradoxes t h a t have represen ted t h e t o t a l i t y of t h e i r h i s t o r i e s .

Women themselves , have c o n t r i b u t e d t o gender r o l e re inforcement

through t h e i r s t r o n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with t h e mother r o l e s and

de-emphaslc on a l l o t h e r s o c i a l r o l e s . B io log i ca l d i f f e r e n c e s

con t inue t o i n f e r i o r i z e women's p o s i t i o n i n t h e Caribbean

and, i t seems, t h a t a s long a s women cont inue t o g ive second

p l ace t o a l l o t h e r s o c i a l r o l e s , t h e y w i l l never achieve s o c i a l

e q u a l i t y . The s ta tement of t h e d i r e c t o r of t h e Jamaica L ib ra ry

Se rv i ce is an example:

If t h e r e has t o be a cho ice between fami ly and profess i .on, i t would be f o r the f ami ly .... I know I can run a l i b r a r y s e r v i c e ; I ' v e done it f o r 17 years . But my family i s my g r e a t e s t challeng?. I must g ive my c h i l d r e n a sense of va lues and main ta in a sense of va lue f o r myself. A p a r t of my c a r e e r i s see ing my c h i l d r e n grow t o become good c i t i z e n s (Quoted i n Tuesday Magazine, August 1973: 7) .

Other women I n r e spons ib l e p o s i t i o n s have expressed s i m i l a r

sen t iments even when they confessed t h a t they d id not f i n d t h e

prospect of f u l l - t i m e home-making a t t r a c t i v e (Gordon, 1974: 3 3 ) .

This a t t i t u d e , however, i s no t l i m i t e d t o middle-c lass women.

A s tudy of working-class women i n Jamaica ( ~ u r a n t - G o n z a l e s ,

1976: 201) r evea l ed s t r o n g emphasis on t h e mother r o l e :

Women's economic a s wel l a s "good muma" r o l e s a r e ad.mired l o c a l l y -- t h e l a t t e r t ranscends l o c a l i t y , wea l th , educa t ion , r a c i a l o r i g i n and co lor .

And one should not ignore c l a s s .

Gonzales concluded t h a t t he mother r o l e i s h i g h l y valued

because of l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r success i n o t h e r f i e l d s

and t h a t m c c e s s a s a mother is rewarded, it g i v e s h igh s t a t u s

a s t h e primary s o c i a l r o l e of women. If t h i s i s t r u e f o r working-

c l a s s women, t h e same cannot be s a i d f o r middle-c lass women who

have h igh s t a t u s occupa t ions bu t w i l l i n g t o emphasize mothering

a s t h e i r primary r o l e .

Even .;omen i n t r a d i t i o n a l male occupat ions g e t "feminized"

by o t h e r women. A r e p o r t e r , a woman, p r o f i l i n g Jamaica ' s f i r s t

Queen's Counsel under t h e subheading, " B r i l l i a n t Ca ree r , " made

t h e fo l lowing comments:

... Mrs. M i l l e r enl ivened t h e long and f r e q u e n t l y d u l l proceedings by h e r charm, d i g n i t y , and s h a f t s of w i t . It was obvious t h a t t h e B r i t i s h b a r r i s t e r s appear ing oppos i t e h e r i n t h e ca se were i n t r i g u e d and f a c i n a t e d by t h e young women Q. C : , When t h e case was decided i n f avo r of t h e Jamalca government, i t almost seemed t h a t t hey were happy about l o s i n g t o so charming an opponent (Jamaica Weekly Gleaner, ( N . A . , January 27, 1976: 2).

One word, "profess ional ism" could have been s u b s t i t u t e d f o r a l l

t hose "feminine" words which, i n f a c t , suggested t h a t charm,

d i g n i t y and s h a f t s of wit r a t h e r t han sys temat ic p r e s e n t a t i o n

of evidence and p r o f e s s i o n a l handl ing of t h e case brought

v i c t o r y t o h e r c l i e n t . The r e p o r t e r unconsciously re- inforced

sexism s i n c e t h e r e was obviously no i n t e n t t o devalue t h i s

woman's achievement. She cont inued with t he ques t i on rese rved

f o r females:"did h e r husband and fami ly g e t i n t h e way of h e r

c a r e e r ? " P r e d i c t a b l y , t h e response was "when t h e r e i s c o n f l i c t ,

I pu t t h e c h i l d r e n f i r s t . " While i n d i v i d u a l s should have t h e

p r i v i l e g e t o s e t t h e parameters of t h e i r p ro fe s s iona l l i v e s , women

have no t y e t demanded t h i s a s a r i g h t .

Child r e a r i n g is b a s i c a l l y a f ema le ' s job; d i s c i p l i n i n g

t h e c h i l d r e n is o f t e n t he on ly male c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e

s o c i a l i z i n g process of ch i ld r en . Change i n f ami ly r e l a t i o n s

must i n c l ~ i e r o l e s f o r males i n domestic a c t i v i t i e s , Women

have monopolized fami ly r o l e s , t h u s excluding t h e . a l r e a d y

r e l u c t a n t males. Th is behavior may have i t s h i s t o r i c a l

precedent bu t c u r r e n t p a t t e r n s of male/female behavior r e v e a l -

d i s t a n c e between the sexes which makes companionship and sha r ing

impossible (Lowenthal, 1972: 106; Henry and Wilson, 1975:

168-169).

The development of t he f a t h e r r o l e i s e s s e n t i a l t o e q u a l i z i n g

the sexes so t h a t men, t o o , can develop t h e q u a l i t i e s of empathy

and gen t l enes s which a r e , supposedly, female c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

arid i d e a l f o r n u t r i a n t r o l e s . Men must a l s o develop t h e

t o l e r a n c e and de te rmina t ion t h a t a r e needed f o r t h e t e d i o u s

jobs which a r e necessary t o s o c i e t y but d i s c r i m i n a t o r i l y de l ega t ed

t o women.

The uncondi t iona l acceptance of mothering and o t h e r subord ina te

r o l e s have c l e a r e d t h e way f o r male dominance, Women a r e d i s -

t r u s t f u l of each o t h e r and, not i n f r e q u e n t l y , a woman w i l l exclaim:

"I d o n ' t keep women f r i e n d s . " They do not keep men f r i e n d s

e i t h e r because , t r a d i t i o n a l l y , men s o c i a l i z e with o t h e r men

while women a r e depr ived of t h e f r i e n d s h i p of both men and

o t h e r women (Henry and Wilson, 1975: 168-9; Lowenthal, 1972: 106).

Adult women a r e t h e most i s o l a t e d people i n t h e s o c i e t y and

p o s s i b l y , t h e reason why theyover-emphasize t h e mother r o l e .

Th is over-emphasis on t h e "mother r o l e " i s a c o n t r a d i c t i o n of t h e

many necessary

s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s of women, e s p e c i a l l y economic a c t i v i t i s s . An

ideology i s needed t o o r i e n t norms, va lues and b e l i e f s t o t h e

r e a l i t i e s and context of Caribbean women's l i v e s . Women must

c r e a t e t h i s ideology a s one woman ind i ca t ed :

If you s a y t h i s i s a male-dominated impos i t ion i n a day and age when educat ion i s f a i r l y a v a i l a b l e t o men and women throughout t h e Caribbean, then I ques t ion t h e assumption.... How does a woman s e e h e r s e l f ? It i s a male dominated s o c i e t y because women l e t men r u l e them.... When you ask about t h e s t a t u s of women, i l m not s u r e t h e Caribbean is one of t h e t e r - r i t o r i e s t h a t women, i f t hey knew what t h e y wanted, c o u l d n ' t g e t i t , I d o n ' t know b u t a few p l a c e s , where women a s a group have s a t down and s t u d i e d t h e laws of t h e coun t ry a s t h e y a f f e c t women and ch i ld r en . (Th i s was done i n Jamaica). But t hey have t o s tudy t h e law first and have women who understand what t hey mean. We t a l k about churches i n t h i s system. You never hea r of a s t udy group i n a church t ak ing s o c i a l and economic ques t i ons i n t o cons ide ra t i on and then involv ing the community i n some a c t i o n program, I am not t a l k i n g about some expe r t r ead ing a s tudy paper ; I am t a l k i n g about t h e kind of t h i n g t h a t could invo lve women i n s ee ing t h a t t h e y know what it means when she has no f a t h e r r e g i s t e r e d f o r h e r c h i l d , and what it means f o r t h e c h i l d ' s f u t u r e . I ' v e heard of none of t h e s e groups and it is t h e f a u l t of women l i k e me and o t h e r s .... What we r e a l l y need t o ask i s , a r e the t h i n g s r e a l l y a f f e c t i n g t b e s t a t u s of women unchangeable o r have t h e y never been challenged'? (Barrow, 1973)

The cha l lenge t o e x i s t i n g b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s must show

awareness of t h e wider s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and economic con tex t .

There i s t h e awareness of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and e x t e r n a l

manipulati-on of t h e p o l i t i c a l p rocess which can and have sabotaged

t h e p lann ing of development s t r a t e g i e s t h a t meet t h e s p e c i f i c

needs of t h e s o c i e t y . .The s ta tement " c a p i t a l i s t e x p l o i t men

and men e x p l o i t women" (Kathleen Drayton, 1975) sugges t s an

awareness of a h i e r a r c h y i n t h e oppress ive s t r u c t u r e , t h a t men

themselves a r e v i c t ims , who must a l s o be l i b e r a t e d i f women a r e

t o be l i b e r a t e d .

Comparing t h e Women's movement i n t h e

developed c o u n t r i e s wi th t h e Caribbean exper ience , t h e fo i l owin5

comment was made: . White women i n the l i b e r a t i o n movement come from in exper ience where t hey were pampered and s t i l l

have l i t t l e t o do with t h e i r own houses. The i r educa t ion i s used t o a s s i s t t h e i r husbands i n c l imbing t h e s o c i a l h ie ra rchy . For most Caribbean working women Lwho do p r a c t i c a l l y eve ry th ing i n t h e i r h o m e d t h e on ly kind of l i b e r a t i o n i s from t h e c l u t c h e s of whi te economi-c, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l domination (Sis. Asha, 1975).

The dilemma 2xpressed i n t h e s ta tement i s comparable t o t h e

problems of Black American women i n i d e n t i f y i n g wi th t h e

women's movement (Deckard, 1975: 361-364). While women recognized

sexua l oppress ion , t hey a r e a l s o aware of r a c i a l oppress ion i n

which t hey sha re wi th Black men. The dilemma of sex and r a c e

a r e double burdens Black women sha re r e g a r d l e s s of where t hey

a r e l o c a t e d i n a world economic system. Caribbean c o u n t r i e s

a r e p a r t of t h e world economic system c h a r a c t e r i z e d by dependency.

A s predominantly Black c o u n t r i e s t h e problems of racism

e x p l o i t a t i o n a l d a l l t h e o t h e r nega t ive s a s s o c i a t e d with economic

underdevelopment a r e embodied i n t h e development of women.

The i n s t i t u t i o n a l r eo rgan iza t i on necessary irivolves recommitment

of r e sou rces and the es tab l i shment of new p r i o r i t i e s . The

governments have taken s t e p s towards e r a d i c a t i n g t h e s t r u c t u r a l

b a s i s of i n e q u a l i t y and women have played important r o l e s i n

i n i t a t i n g and implementing o t h e r a c t i o n s . These, however, a r e

mere p re ludes t o what needs t o be done:

( 1 ) The mob i l i za t i on and educa t ion of women t o assume

l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s i n the s o c i e t y comparable t o t h e i r

c o n t r i b u t i o n .

Women v o t e , pay t a x e s , engage i n independent economic

a c t i v i t i e s , have t h e primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r r a i s i n g c h i l d r z n ,

a r e a c t i v e i n church and o t h e r s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and have

comparable educa t ions wi th men. The b a s i s f o r e q u a l i t y e x i s t s .

The a t t i t u d e s and behavior of men and women need t o be r e -

o r i e n t e d , S ince men's ideology has c r e a t e d t h e unequal s t r u c t u r e s ,

women have t h e r e s p o r l s i b i l i t y t o c r e a t e a counte r ideology t h a t

w i l l d e f i n e women both i d e a l l y and i n t h e con tex t of t h e i r s o c i a l

r e a l i t i e s . The warning a g a i n s t t h e "me t o o syndrome" which would

achieve s t a t u s p o s i t i o n f o r few women and pe rpe tua t e t h e s t r u c t u r e

of i n e q u a l i t y (June Nash above) is r e i t e r a t e d by G lo r i a Josephs I

(1980: 143-161) who is concerned about c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s among

women and t h e p o s s i b l e nega t ive consequences f o r a s o c i a l

r e v o l u t i o n which w i l l l i b e r a t e t h e s o c i e t y from t h e impact of

r a c i a l , sexua l and economic oppress ion.

(2) Governmental promotion of women's r i g h t s p o l i t i c a l l y ,

economically, e d u c a t i o n a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y through

l e g i s l a t i v e and demonstra t ive a c t i o n s .

Caribbean p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s have t he p ropens i t y f o r

adopt ing democratic i d e a l s : The acceptance of t h e United Nat ions

Dec l a r a t i on on Disc r imina t ion a g a i n s t women and t h e t a k i n g

of " app rop r i a t e measures" t o a b o l i s h laws, customs, r e g u l a t i o n s

and p r a c t i c e s which a r e d i s c r i m i n a t o r y a g a i n s t women i s an example. A s

i n d i c a t e d e a r l i e r , t h e governments e s t a b l i s h e d such mechanisms

t h a t could i d e n t i f y d i s c r imina t ion . The r e v i s i o n of f ami ly

laws t o b r i n g e q u i t y t o women and c h i l d r e n i s a c a s e i n po in t .

The government and t h e p o l i t i c a l system g e n e r a l l y a r e

dominated by men who haveriot undergone metamorphosis i n s o c i a l

a t t i t u d e s and behavior toward women.5 The i r a c t i o n on behalf

of women w i l l be l i m i t e d by t h e i ~ percep t ion of women and

women's r o l e s i n t h e s o c i e t i e s . Cuba, t h e one s o c i a l i s t

count ry i~ t h e Caribbean r eg ion , has not succeeded i n incorpora t -

i n g women i n t o t h e p o l i t i c a l decision-making process (Cole , 1980:

1'75-4). There is t a c i t agreement t h a t t h e e x e r c i s e of power

is men's r o l e . There a r e no t s u f f i c i e n t women i n power p o s i t i o n s

t o i n f luence p o l i c y r e l a t i n g t o women's e q u a l i t y .

Women a r e t h e " c u t t i n g edge" i n removing t h e s t r u c t u r a l

b a r r i e r s t o t h e i r i n e q u a l i t y . On a c lass -by-c lass b a s i s ,

women a r e the equal of men i n most a r ea s . The c o n t r a d i c t i o n s

between t h e r o l e s women perform and t h e i r concept ion of what

a r e t h e i r primary r o l e s , can be e l imina t ed when women have

t o eva lua t e themselves on a mu l t i p l e r o l e b a s i s -- a s mother,

wife o r l o v e r , worker, p o l i t i c i a n -- o r any o t h e r s o c i a l r o l e

t hey occupy. The a t t i t u d e s of women a r e c r u c i a l and t h e b u i l d i n g

of suppor t a c r o s s c l a s s l i n e s i s e s s e n t i a l .

I n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s a r e endur ing and r e s i s t a n t t o

change. The h i s t o r y of t h e Caribbean has c r e a t e d c o n d i t i o n s

which make s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s l e s s r e s i s t a n t

t o change. Even with good i n t e n t i o n s , however, implementation

of change i s d i f f i c u l t . The economic r e s t r i c t i o n s on p o l i t i c a l

and s o c i a l a c t i o n have not been d i scussed , however, t h a t con tex t

is understood. The advancement of females toward s o c i a l e q u a l i t y

wi th males w i l l , a s J e s s e Bernard ( 1968: 14 ) sugges ted ,

t ake away pri1: i leges from men, Ilowever, i t has t h e p o t e n t i a l

' Note t h e Prime Minister of Barbados' a t t i t u d e toward Barbadian women w i t h " fore ign" husbands above,

f o r developing more coopera t ive r o l e s between men and women, based

on s o c i a l and economic r e a l i t i e s , not on ideology t h a t i s no t

on ly no longer r e l e v a n t bu t a l s o d e s t r u c t i v e .

Appendix

Employment ca tegory Wage

Male Female

A p r ~ i c u l t u r a l (Sugar) 9/6 7/0

Yublic U t i l i t i e s 132/8

E l e c t r i c i ~ . ~ ~ Serviceman 117/4

Linesman 106/5 - Laborers 74/1 - Plumbers 80/8 -

Hours

8 h r s . p e r day

It

48 h r s . p e r week

Manufacturing

Vegetable Products 68/3 48/11 44 & 39 h r s . r e s p e c t i v e l y Confect ionary 66/1 48/0 46 & 39 " II

Carbonated Beveragesl05/0 62/6 44 & 43 " I I

Chemical Products 76/11 56/4 46 & 47 " II

Transpo r t a t i on and Communication

Bus ope ra to r s* 100/6 * 55 h r s . paw. Conductors 68/9 67/2 54 & 53 r e s p e c t i v e l y Telephone workers + 85/? 105/1 45 & 44 r e s p e c t i v e l y Cable workers + 145/11 155/6 44 & 39 I I

Commerce Cle rks

Source: Colon ia l Repor t , 1956, London, H.M. S t a t i o n e r y O f f i c e , p 12-13.

* Bus o p e r a t o r i s no longe r an a l l male ca t ego ry t I could not determine t h e reason f o r t h e s a l a r y d i f f e r e n t i a l i n

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