1117509 ethnic relations essay

7/27/2019 1117509 Ethnic Relations Essay

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UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAMUndergraduate Division

School of Government & Society (College of Social Sciences)

STUDENT ID No. (srn): 1117509

PROGRAMME OF STUDY: Sociology

YEAR OF STUDY: 2

MODULE TITLE: Ethnic Relations in Britain

MODULE BANNER CODE:

CLASS TEACHERS NAME: Clive Harris (Legend)

SUBMISSION DATE: 1/08/2012

ASSIGNMENT TITLE: Assess Zygmunt Bauman's (1989) claim that the Holocaust was a rare,

yet significant and reliable test of the hidden possibilities of modernity

(Please Note -Module information required above can be found in your Module Handbook)

Penalties:

University policy requires that a penalty be imposed of 5 marks to be deducted from theactual mark achieved for each working day the assignment is late until 0 is reached. Thereis a strict deadline of 11:59pm on day of submission. A further 5 marks will bededucted for every 11:59pm deadline that is missed. Any written assessment thatexceeds the stated word limit by more than 10% will receive a 5 mark deduction.

Extensions & Plagiarism Information:


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(Soc 203, 1117509) Assess Zygmunt Bauman's (1989) claim that the Holocaust was a rare,

yet significant and reliable test of the hidden possibilities of modernity

The holocaust represents one of the darkest moments in modern European history.

Conventional wisdom has narrated it as a deviation, an aberration, an atavistic

abomination. In Modernity and the Holocaust, Bauman seeks to turn such wisdoms on

their head. He posits that such explanations not only fail to adequately explain what

occurred in Nazi Germany, but that the events which culminated in mass extermination on

an industrial scale, exemplify some deeply modern traits. This denial, he argues, serves to

hide the 'janus face' of modernity, whereby the horrors of this occurrence become

excused not as the product of modernity, but its failure. Rather than interpret this brief as

the task of assessing whether Bauman's overall thesis is correct in all of its assertions, this

paper will take on the more narrow task of assessing whether Bauman is correct: existing

within the canon of modernity 'hidden possibilities' lie, which make the abhorrence of the

events of the holocaust not a deviation from the modern, but rather embodying some

quintessentially modern characteristics. In so doing, some contact will necessarily be made

with 'modernity'. Rather than provide an all-encompassing definition against which to test

Baumans contention, it will be alluded to both through his explications, and

supplementary examples, such as liberty. What will become apparent from this endeavouris a revealing understanding of less savoury possibilities, arguably hidden, that exist in

every modern society.

In assessing the statement that the Holocaust "was a rare yet significant and reliable test

of the hidden possibilities of modernity" (Bauman, 1989:12), we must understand his

intended meaning. This assertion encapsulates the core thesis of the book; that the

Holocaust is a product of modernity. However, it can be interpreted in various ways; the

first, weak (Fine and Hirsch, 2001:190) reading can be gleaned from the statement

modern civilization was not the Holocaust's sufficient condition; it was, however, most

certainly its necessary condition (Bauman 1993: 13). This interpretation counters

conventional wisdom of Nazism as 'anti-modern', emphasising that both in theory and

practice, distinctly modern forces were at work (Fine and Hirsch, 2001). Fine and Hirsch

explain the 'strong' interpretation as the dynamics of modernity push towards genocide,

that there is nothing in modernity which pulls away from genocide, that even when

genocide is not actual, its potentiality is ever-present (ibid:190). However, later there will

be argued another means by which to interpret Bauman, less modest than the weak


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interpretation and less sensational than the strong, which here will be argued is Baumans

position. This novel interpretation of Bauman is more nuanced and accommodating, and

less open to destructive criticism.

For Bauman, the relationship between modernity and what he suggests is a new, modern

genocide seen in the Holocaust, is made possible when two ordinary and common

(1989:xiii) products of modernity intersect, and that fortunately it is only this meeting

which has thus far, proved uncommon and rare (Bauman, 1989). These two modern

inventions can be summed up as social engineering and instrumental rationality. Social

engineering should be understood as the quest to create the good society, aided by

science, the primacy to be seen inthe assertion the Holocaust was [a] by-product of the

modern drive to a fully designed, fully controlled world (1989: 93). In the bureaucracy,

Bauman (1989:) identifies the principle vehicle instrumental rationality by which the

creation of the new, good society will be undertaken.

The attempt to control the world more fully can be seen as emerging from the

Enlightenment notion of the natural world being something to be conquered, to benefit

man in aid ofprogress (Evans, 2005). Taken a step further, the engineering of the natural

world could be adapted onto the social world. A belief in the perfectibility of man can beseen in the work of Rousseau (Boucher, 2009) and was a key characteristic of the

Enlightenment movement (Bauman, 1989). The engineering of society was seen as a

means by which to facilitate increasing perfectibility through the rationalisation of society.

Utilising the metaphorical imagery of the garden, Bauman, shows how in creating the

perfect, harmonious garden, inconsonant features would be removed or destroyed. The

purpose of this analogy, as Fine and Hirsh elucidate:

In this scenario, the gardener sees the elements of nature instrumentally, in terms

of how they effect him and may be affected by him, rather than as things

endowed with intrinsic value of which he is guardian

Fine and Hirsch, 2001:185

Being perceived as a weed in these grounds would have ominous implications. In

understanding what could constitute a weed in this figurative garden, Bauman next

draws our attention to some other deeply modern components...


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Central to explaining how the notion of a good, rationally designed society could become

entangled in modern genocide, Bauman (1989) identifies a key strand of modernity

racism. Bauman (1989) expounds the view shared widely that racism is characterised by its

essentialism that certain racially defined groups have intrinsic qualities, or defects, and

that these cannot be altered, effectively rendering some weeds. Rozat and Bartra (1980),

in explaining the modern notion of race as a product of modern science, lend support for

Baumans belief that modernity made racism possible (Bauman, 1989:61). From the

various forms of scientific racism whose aim was to prove white superiority and in the

case of Germany, the inferiority of Jews (Mosse, 1978), one can identify influences on Nazi

ideology and policy, such as Gobineau; whose notion of a struggle for racial superiority

and use of the term Aryan are most striking (Bay, 2008; Mosse, 1978). Moreover Keyes

(2006) argues that Nazi Germany was the most committed nation to the ideology of racial

science, further enforcing the substantive relationship between racism and the Nazi social

engineering policies. The state played the role of gardener, weeds were identified

through racial science and through the technical rationality of bureaucratic apparatuses,

the garden was remade. This reading supports Bauman contention that social engineering,

in the Nazis case, racial purity, is a key component.

Returning to Baumans first product the redesign of society, a clear path can be seen toBaumans vehicle. Mannheim explains: the problem *for Democracy]. . . of a planned

society mainly consists in avoiding bureaucratic absolutism (quoted in Mazower,

1999:207). Bauman himself argues, the collapse or non-emergence (1989:111) of

pluralist political democracy, which could act as a mitigating safeguard was absolutely vital

in facilitating the subsequent events. If we take Mannheims assertion as valid, we see

support for Baumans theory the Nazi design precipitated bureaucratic absolutism,

which aided in creating conditions which nullified an essential structural safeguard against

authoritarianism, which we now shall see, enabled further implementation of the Nazi

design.

Having addressed the theorybehind Baumanian genocide, we will now view itspraxis,

identifying instrumental rationality present in science and key to Baumans argument

located in the modern rational bureaucracy. Baumans critique ofthe bureaucratic

organisational model is ostensibly Weberian, seeing bureaucracy as a generalised

condition of modernity. This view can be seen in Ritzers (2000) The McDonaldisation of

Society, serving to drive home the persuasive nature of this understanding of modernity.


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For both Bauman and Weber, the notion of the bureaucracy extended beyond the narrow

understanding of state run, public services, but rather, the model by which all

organisations operate. The reason this approach became so prevalent can be glimpsed in

the following:

"The decisive reason for the advance of bureaucratic organization has always

been its purely technical superiority over any other form of organization"

(Weber, 1978:973)

Weber was not alone in his assertion, with the scientific school of management and the

work of Henri Fayol displaying the spirit of the time. Fayols hierarchical unity of command

model gives insight into the top-down autocratic approach typical of rational bureaucracy

(Wren et al, 2002). This we shall see, is of critical importance to Bauman. Every action

becomes rationalised through the separation of tasks, with orders assuming a top down,

autocratic style, with orders filtering down the chain of command (Lewin, 1939). This

serves to stymie individual creativity and autonomy, and for Bauman (1989) even agency

itself. In so doing, individuals become locked in an ethically blind, Weberian iron cage,

whereby the controlling systems of bureaucratic efficiency trap the individual within their

internal logic, leading to humans devoid of humanity, or as Weber put it:

specialists without spirit, sensualists without heart; this nullity imagines that it

has attained a level of civilization never before achieved

Weber, 1998 :182.

This is certainly the case for Bauman (1989), who argues the functional dissection and

separation of tasks (Bauman, 1989:100), produceddistancing (Ibid:26) of the task from

its purpose, and consequently, the task or means, became an end unto itself. As Franken

(2012:37) puts it: In this modern model, there is no room for personal morality you do

your job, and you do it well. This is important for Bauman, he argues distancing aids to

create conditions akin to a moral sleeping pill (Bauman, 1989:26). The other critical

feature Bauman identifies is the substitution of moral responsibility for technical

responsibility, which is made possible through task separation. For Bauman (1989), moral

responsibility became outsourced; as orders filtered their way down the chain of

command, responsibility would ascend to the top.


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Having considered the silencing effects of bureaucracy on individual moral autonomy, it is

worth noting the Baumanian position on morality, which departs from more orthodox

sociological accounts. Bauman's conception of morality appears a derivation of Rousseau's

contention that morality is an essentially pre-social condition or a form of human nature,

which had been compromised by modern society (Bauman, 1989). For Rousseau; it is

through the corrupting effects of private property (Boucher, 2009) and for Bauman; by the

morality-eschewing processes implemented through application of instrumental

rationality. If we ignore the problematic of an ostensibly post-modern commentator

seeking refuge in essentialist explanations, we might consider alternative sociological

accounts of morality, as seen in Durkheim, to be of particular interest. In so doing, we can

assess whether such a position undermines Baumans assertion, that the Holocaust

represents a test of modernitys hidden possibilities.

In Durkheims view, morality emerges from the moral milieu of social life, that social

structures were all in a sense, moral structures (Fenton, 1984, Giddens, 1971; 1978). For

Durkheim, in modern times the traditional, mechanical solidarity which fostered moral

behaviour becomes eroded by the primary tendency of increasingly complex and

bureaucratic, modern societies toward the progressive emancipation of the individual

from the subordination to the conscience collective (Giddens, 1971:101). What interestsus here is how Durkheim foretold moralitys erosion as occupational division increased

with organic solidaritys emergence (for a detailed explanation of Durkheims thought, see

Morrison, 2006). This can be seen in Baumans (1989) arguments concerning bureaucracy,

allied to the modern rise of occupational specialisation had led to a loss of individual

morality, with technical, bureaucratic responsibility replacing personal responsibility.

What is hoped from this elaboration, is that an alternative standpoint on moral origin

could still be accommodated by the general thrust of Baumans (1989) argument, as both

show modernising forces which had the effect of compromising moral structures, and for

Bauman (1989), a loss of agency.

This leads us on to another feature of modernity which Bauman is familiar human

agency. In The Individualised Society, Bauman (2001) identifies the core feature of

modernity is individualisation, whereby the individual becomes freed from the fixed,

inherited determinations of their social character. Put another way, central to modernity is

the surfacing of free will, or human agency, which he attributes to the Enlightenment

movement, which we see is very similar to Durkheims explanation; that emancipation


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from the conscience collective the structures which socialise the individual is central to

modernity (Giddens, 1971). The notion of human agency, is inextricably bound up in the

notion of liberty, or freedom, and indeed is prevalent in the canon of Enlightenment

literature, which can be characterised by the words of Thomas Jefferson in the American

Constitution, a document which should be seen as deeply rooted in the traditions of the

Enlightenment:

all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with

certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of

Happiness

Jefferson et al, 1776

However within the Enlightenment, Fine and Hirsch (2001) find grounds for a refutation of

Baumans thesis. They argue that in the emergence of Humanism we find a very modern

trait which drives us away from racism and the genocide that their strong interpretation

suggests is inevitable (Ibid), leading to its dismissal. Returning to Durkheim, we find an

alternative reading of the same features: Durkheim linked the moral individualism that

emerges in organically solidary or instrumentally rational modern societies, to the

same Enlightenment traditions that Fine and Hirsch allude - humanism (Giddens, 1972).

Considering the apparent compatibility present in many of the thoughts of Bauman and

Durkheim, we find in Durkheims explanation compelling grounds on which to question

Fine and Hirschs assertion. Considering Bauman is acutely aware of the primacy of

individualisation to modernity, it is asserted here that Bauman, in the multitudinous

elements contained within the canon of modernity saw the inherent tensions many of

these offered. With that thought in mind, we shall briefly address another quintessentially

modern concept liberty, to demonstrate its myriad possibilities, in the hope it is

understood as a microcosm, which writ large gives real insight into the constitution of

modernity.

Liberty should be seen as synonymous with modernity. From Hobbes (2007:77) the

absence of external impediments to the infamous forced to be free (Rousseau 2008: ), it

can be seen as a deep facet of the Enlightenment. However, this concept of liberty should

not be taken as objective and neutral. In his influential essay Berlin characterised the

various forms of liberty (for a discussion of these freedoms see Swift, 2006) as either
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positive or negative (Berlin 2002). The liberty of interest to this assessment, ispositive

liberty, whichBerlin characterises as a view which prioritises an idealised transformative

abstraction for what freedom and society shouldbe, and can be seen in Rousseaus

general will and the notion of being forced to be free, in the Fascism of Germany racial

purity and in Soviet Russia communist utopia (Berlin, 2002; Boucher, 2009; Curtis,

Swift, 2005). The fundamental danger for Berlin was that such a view could justify any

means in achieving its ends (Berlin, 2002). This notion of positive liberty perfectly

summarises Baumans interpretation of genocides design the drive toward the good

society (1989: 92).

OKane reasonably questions whether it was sponsored terror of the totalitarian state

which is more responsible for *the+ most massive moral failureof the century (Bergen

1998:ix). In so doing, OKane (2006) points to commentators such as Friedrich and

Brzeziski, and Arendt, who attribute the notion of genocide to the rise of totalitarianism,

itself argued to be a retrograde concept (OKane, 2006). Another view of totalitarianism

evinced by Talmons (1952) influential work, might lead to a reconsideration of OKanes

position. In similar fashion to Popper, Talmon traces the genesis of nationalism and

totalitarianism to Rousseaus, The Social Contract (Boucher, 2009; Talmon, 1952). If we

take this assertion to be correct, then we are left in the paradoxical position of claimingthat the holocaust, a thoroughly modern product, to simultaneously be anti-modern.

Moreover its relative, nationalism, is based upon the very modern notion of the nation.

Casting aside the philosophical consequences of this paradox, one is still left questioning

the validity of OKanes position.

Returning to Arendt, while her earlier study of totalitarianism offered a Kantian, radical

evil explanation (Arendt, 1961), her later work, based upon the trial of Nazi bureaucrat

Adolf Eichman tellingly demonstrates a reconsideration compatible with the Baumanian

explanation. Witnessing Eichmans trial led to her consider what she termed thebanality

of evil an unthinking, mundane complicity seen in Eichmans protestations that he was

simply behaving as a good bureaucrat ought (Arendt, 1963), displays similarity to

Baumans morality-quashing effects. It is reflective of Baumans own case study example

SS Commander Ohlendorf, who stated: I surrender my moral conscience to the fact I was

a soldier, and therefore a cog in a relatively low position of a great machine (Bauman,

1989: 22). Through the words of Herman, we see how this banal evil was a product of the

aforemention rationalising processes, whose effect was to normalise the unthinkable


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(Herman, 1995:97) to manufacture consent (Chomsky and Herman, 1988). One can see

how it suggests Arendts banality of evilwas the by-product of Baumans moral sleeping

pill.

Finally, a consideration of the notion of consent is now addressed, drawing on the work of

Frankfurt scholars. Bauman (1989), in explaining how it was public indifference rather than

widespread anti-Semitism that morally inoculated Germanys citizens, highlights the

modern condition, the centralization of coercion (1989:96); of state monopoly over the

apparatuses of coercion. Echoing Foucault (1991) he argues society has hidden its

violence, portraying itself as the holy battle of humanity against barbarism (1989:96).

The effect is the modes of violence and coercion become legitimising tools in the

validation of the states agenda in the eyes of its subjects. While this can be seen to be the

case in Germanys extensive use of propaganda, Bauman argues it is so for all modern

civilization. In critical theory we find support for this position. Adorno and Horkheimer

(1973) identify the culture industry as being a normalising force quelling the capacity of

those spellbound through the control of the individual consciousness (Ibid). This has the

effect of engineering a false consciousness which has bought out the masses.

Marcuse, in very similar fashion, explains the human condition becomes one-dimensionalised, undermining his/her capacity for critical thought and dissent (1963).

Bearing the above in mind, one could argue that a reifying process was implemented in

Germany, facilitating indifference to the plight of Jews, enacted through a Gramscian

cultural hegemony that the centralisation of coercion made possible. The outcome, was in

effect, an example of Baumans sleeping pill, fostering indifference, inaction or simply,

moral ambivalence. These notions, carry a similar theme to Arendts unthinking. This

interpretation is useful for a reinterpretation of Baumans notion of the moral-vacuum

that existed. The moral indifference can be seen as inaction. This assertion can be seen in

Burkes aphorism The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil, is for good men to

stand by and do nothing (Quoted in Palmer, 2003:316). Before concluding, another

pertinent example of the sentiments of Burkes saying can be seen in the words ofGerman

pastor Martin Niemollers First they came poem(seehttp://www.ushmm.org/)

By taking onboard the thought of the Frankfurt Scholars, and contemplate the dangers of

our time, seen in Arendt (1963), a new reading of Modernity and the Holocaust is made

possible. This reading goes much further than Fine and Hirschs (2001) weak
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interpretation, consistent with much of Baumans content, yet is similar but less

vulnerable, than their strong interpretation. Bauman, (1989) makes the analogy between

couples whose experience of kidnap led them to see an ugly side in their spouse, leading

to separation. This suggests individuals themselves have hidden possibilities. In the same

sense, an important message of Arendts (1963) later work can be seen: that we allhave

an Eichman inside us (Bergen, 1998). In the same way, Bauman makes this assertion on a

societal as well as individual level. These didacticisms, can be seen in the reading of

Bauman as

All modern societies are janus faced; inside all is the potential for a holocaust.

Modernity itself offers the capacity, and the means to prevent a genocide; its key

constituents are without moral value. It is in their wielding that they undertake

outcomes seen as good or evil. They simply facilitate it to new extremes.

In this alternative reading, we clearly see the presence of hidden possibilities. Bauman

offers a frightening account, but one which cannot be ignored.


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