1 mistakes or deliberate violations? a study into the …73 (lloyd’s register rail 2007). the most...
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1
Mistakes or Deliberate Violations? A Study into the Origins of Rule Breaking at 1
Pedestrian Train Crossings 2
3
James Freeman and Andry Rakotonirainy 4
Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety – Queensland (CARRS-Q) 5
Queensland University of Technology 6
Abstract 7
Train pedestrian collisions are the most likely to result in severe injuries and fatalities 8
when compared to other types of rail crossing accidents. However, there is currently scant 9
research that has examined the origins of pedestrians’ rule breaking at level crossings. As a 10
result, this study examined the origins of pedestrians’ rule breaking behaviour at crossings, 11
with particular emphasis directed towards examining the factors associated with making 12
errors versus deliberation violations. A total of 636 individuals volunteered to participate in 13
the study and completed either an online or paper version of the questionnaire. Quantitative 14
analysis of the data revealed that knowledge regarding crossing rules was high, although up 15
to 18% of level crossing users were either unsure or did not know (in some circumstances) 16
when it was legal to cross at a level crossing. Furthermore, 156 participants (24.52%) 17
reported having intentionally violated the rules at level crossings and 3.46% (n = 22) of the 18
sample had previously made a mistake at a crossing. In regards to rule violators, males 19
(particularly minors) were more likely to report breaking rules, and the most frequent 20
occurrence was after the train had passed rather than before it arrives. Regression analysis 21
revealed that males who frequently use pedestrian crossings and report higher sensation 22
seeking traits are most likely to break the rules. This research provides evidence that 23
pedestrians are more likely to deliberately violate rules (rather than make errors) at crossings 24
and it illuminates high risk groups. This paper will further outline the study findings in 25
regards to the development of countermeasures as well as provide direction for future 26
research efforts in this area. 27
2
28
Keywords: Trains, pedestrian level crossings, deliberation violations, mistakes. 29 30
Address for Correspondence: James Freeman. Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety, 31
Institute of Health and Biological, Innovation, K Block, 130 Victoria Rd Kelvin Grove 32
Campus, Kelvin Grove 4059 Queensland University of Technology, Australia. Ph: +61 7 33
31384677; Fax: +61 7 3138 0111; Email: [email protected] 34
35
1. Introduction 36
Collisions between trains and pedestrians are the most likely to result in rail-related 37
fatalities (Federal Railroad Administration 2006; Nelson 2008; Sochon, 2008), as only one 38
third of pedestrians survive these collisions (Lobb, Harre & Terry, 2003). This statistic is also 39
much higher than train motor vehicle collisions (Australian Transport Safety Bureau 2004). 40
Within Australia, there were 392 rail accidents (involving pedestrians) that resulted in 41
fatalities between January 2001 and December 2010, excluding suicides (Australian Transport 42
Safety Bureau 2011). An earlier study reported that pedestrians (excluding suicides) 43
comprise 66% of all fatalities at crossings (Australian Transport Safety Bureau 2004). 44
Furthermore, in regards to serious injuries, researchers examined data between 2003 and 2007 45
and reported 51 people on average were hospitalised each year due to train-pedestrian 46
collisions in Australia (Henley & Harrison 2009). Given the significant personal, social and 47
emotional burden of such collisions, understanding the origins of such events is of primary 48
importance. 49
50
1.1 Errors versus Deliberate Violations 51
One of the central unanswered questions relating to collisions between trains and 52
pedestrians is whether they result from pedestrians making errors or deliberating violating 53
crossing rules. In regards to this question, the largest body of research to date has focused on 54
3
train vehicle collisions. This research has generally indicated that drivers are likely to 55
inadvertently engage in risky behaviours as a result of not detecting crossings, failing to 56
notice approaching trains and misjudging the risk of approaching trains (Australian Transport 57
Safety Bureau 2002; CRC 2010; Wallace 2008). These may broadly be conceptualised as 58
human error, and may result from various cognitive factors including inattention, distraction, 59
poor knowledge, misjudgment and limited sight distance (Freeman et al., 2013). In fact, 60
failure to detect warning signals (or understand their meaning) has previously been calculated 61
to account for nearly half of all fatal level crossing crashes in Australia (ATSB Statistical Unit 62
2002). Additionally, poor knowledge of level crossing procedures and/or road rules has also 63
gained attention within the field, as researchers have proposed that road users have poor 64
knowledge of train speeds as well as the ability to slow quickly (if needed) to avoid an 65
accident (Richards & Heathington 1990). Researchers have hypothesised that pedestrians 66
may also have poor knowledge regarding the penalties associated with breaching crossing 67
rules (Wallace 2008), although little research has been conducted into this area. One of the 68
few studies to focus on pedestrians’ knowledge of penalties revealed that almost half of a 69
sampled group did not believe or were unaware that it was illegal to cross when a train was 70
approaching (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). The same Victorian study reported that 18% of the 71
sample reported unintentionally being caught on train tracks when a train was approaching 72
(Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). The most common reason reported for this outcome was not 73
being aware of the train approaching or a second train approaching. 74
75
The issue of the presence (and awareness) of a second train shortly after the first has 76
passed is receiving increasing focus within the literature. An American study calculated that 77
18% of pedestrian accidents were related to the presence of a second train (Federal Railroad 78
Administration 2008; Illinois Commerce Commission 2005). The above mentioned Victorian 79
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study reported that 16% of the sample would at least sometimes cross (and violate warning 80
signals) after one train had passed (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). The authors also examined 81
Victorian coroners’ reports of pedestrian level crossing fatalities which revealed that the 82
presence of a second train was often mentioned (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). Furthermore, 83
poor knowledge (and/or under estimation) of train speeds has also been proposed to be a 84
contributing factor (CRC 2010). For example, an earlier review of 18 pedestrian fatalities 85
between 2002 and 2004 revealed that misjudgment was a primary factor in 8 cases, and a 86
further 6 pedestrians were under the influence of alcohol or drugs (Australian Transport 87
Safety Bureau 2004). 88
89
While it has been hypothesised that road users are more likely to make errors 90
(compared to violations) at crossings, the reverse has been proposed for pedestrians (CRC 91
2010; Freeman et al., 2013). For example, pedestrians ignoring warning signs has been 92
reported as a contributor in some United States studies (Federal Railroad Administration 93
2008; Illinois Commerce Commission 2005). One of the few Australian studies to focus on 94
the issue reported that 31% of a sample of pedestrians admitted crossing the tracks even when 95
they knew a train was approaching (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). The most common reason 96
reported for such behaviour was being in a hurry. Another study that examined both vehicle 97
drivers and pedestrians reported that pedestrians are more likely to speed up and cross the 98
tracks when a train is approaching (Beanland, 2013). A review of rail literature 99
commissioned by the Coopeartive Research Centre (CRC) for Rail Innovation (2010) found 100
that a small group of studies reported that the origins of pedestrians’ behaviour (involving 101
violating traffic or level crossing rules) was due to maximizing convenience (Daff & 102
Cramphorn, 2006; Federal Railroads Administration 2008; Lobb 2006; Lobb, Harre & 103
Sudendorf 2001). It has yet to be confirmed whether pedestrians make calculated risks, 104
5
although it has been hypothesised that some weigh the perceived safety of a route against the 105
time and effort that would be required to use it (Lobb, 2006). Additionally, researchers have 106
suggested that risky crossing behaviour may be reinforced if individuals consistently engage 107
in such behaviour and avoid the negative consequences (CRC 2010; Davey et al. 2008). This 108
phenomenon is otherwise known as “punishment avoidance.” Preliminary research has also 109
found that violations are more likely to occur in the presence of pedestrians (Khattak & Luo 110
2011). 111
112
1.2 High Risk Groups and Factors 113
An analysis of the individual characteristics associated with fatalities and serious 114
injuries at level crossings reveals some groups are at a disproportionate risk of being struck by 115
a train. These groups are: (a) males, (b) school children and other young persons, (c) people 116
with disabilities as well as (d) older pedestrians (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). However, 117
comprehensive information about why these groups remain at-risk has yet to be obtained 118
(CRC 2010). Nevertheless, what is known is that males are consistently over-represented in 119
both vehicle and pedestrian incidents at level crossings (CRC 2010; Henley & Harrison 120
2009). For example, previous Australian research calculated that 84% of train-pedestrian 121
fatalities involved males (Australian Transport Safety Bureau 2004), which is also reflected in 122
train-vehicle collisions e.g., 80% (Australian Transport Safety Bureau 2002). A European 123
study also reported males are over represented in train-pedestrian fatalities (Silla & Luoma 124
2012). 125
Secondly, school children have also been identified to be at an increased risk at level 126
crossings (Khattak & Luno 2011; Lobb et al. 2003; Spicer 2008). A video surveillance study 127
of crossing behaviours in Nebraska revealed that children approximately 8 years of age 128
accounted for a disproportionate amount of gate-violations (25%) compared to older 129
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pedestrians and cyclists (Khattak & Luno 2011). An earlier New Zealand study reported that 130
50% of train-pedestrian fatalities and 40% of injuries involved persons aged between 10 and 131
19 (New Zealand Health Information Service, 1999, cited in Lobb et al. 2003). However, and 132
similar to above, there is limited research into the origins of why school children are at an 133
increased risk (CRC 2010). Nevertheless, these might include poor scanning behaviours, 134
underdeveloped cognitive and risk perception abilities as well as impulsiveness (CRC 2010). 135
In regards to scanning behaviours, one of the only studies in the area reported pedestrians 136
aged between 12 and 17 years had the poorest scanning behaviours at crossings (McPherson 137
& Daff 2005). This is consistent with what is known within the broader developmental 138
neuroscience field that indicates adolescences are most likely to make risky decisions (Albert 139
& Steinberg 2011). More specifically, underdeveloped perceptual/cognitive skills (Congiu et 140
al. 2008) divided attention combined with poor scanning (Dunbar, Lewis & Hill 2001), and 141
limited crossing experience (Connelly et al. 1998) have all been proposed to contribute to 142
younger persons increased risk. Additionally, intentional risk taking has also been 143
hypothesized to be a significant contributing factor (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007), although 144
consistent with broader knowledge in the field, it remains unclear why this group are at an 145
increased risk of being struck by a train (Freeman et al., 2013). 146
147
In addition to males and younger groups, people with physical disabilities (or mobility 148
aids) and older pedestrians are at an increased risk of being struck by a train. This may stem 149
from a number of reasons, including: (a) getting mobility aids stuck in train tracks (b) being 150
vulnerable to uneven or poorly maintained surfaces and (c) slower crossing speeds (CRC 151
2010; McPherson & Daff 2004). However similar to above, little is currently known 152
regarding the exact risks for this group’s increased vulnerability at pedestrian crossings. 153
154
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Taken together a number of outstanding questions remain regarding the origins of 155
pedestrians’ behaviours at level crossings, which has clear implications for the development 156
of effective evidence-based interventions. Due to this lack of research, the present study aims 157
to examine the etiology of pedestrian’s crossing behaviour (in a large sample) through 158
quantitative analysis. The three main areas of focus are examining: (a) whether pedestrians 159
are more likely to make deliberate violations versus errors at crossings, (b) whether these 160
factors are consistent across age groups and (c) what other factors increase the likelihood of 161
breaking crossing rules. 162
163
2. Method 164
2.1 Participants 165
A total of 636 individuals volunteered to participate in the study (in the Brisbane 166
region) comprising of 119 minors (<18 years), 460 younger adults (18 – 59 years) and 57 167
older adults (60+ years). The mean age of the sample was 34.94 (range 10 to 82) years. 168
Males constituted 56.6% (n = 360) of the sample while 43.4% (n = 276) were females. For 169
the younger adults, 56.50% (n = 260) had obtained a tertiary degree, and another 19.34% (n = 170
89) had completed year 12. For the older adults, 58.9% (n = 33) had obtained a tertiary 171
degree, 12.5% (n = 7) had completed year 12. The most frequent reported income brackets 172
for the younger adult group was $52,000-$83,999 p.a. (27.9%, n = 121) followed by the 173
>$84,000 p.a. bracket (22.9%, n = 99). For the older adult group, the most frequent income 174
bracket was $13,000-$31,199 p.a. (31.4%, n = 16) with 19.6% (n = 10) participants earning 175
below this level and 31.4% (n = 16) earning above this level. In regards to detection, 10 176
participants had previously been fined for breaking the rules at a pedestrian level crossing. 177
178
2.2. Materials and Procedure 179
8
A questionnaire was developed (and piloted with 20 participants) which contained 180
questions on demographics and level crossing usage, knowledge and experiences with level 181
crossings, frequency of making deliberate violations and mistakes as well as reasons for 182
making violations and errors. The Brief Sensation Seeking Scale (BSSS) developed by 183
Hoyle, Stephenson, Palmgreen, Lorch & Donhew (2002) was also utilised to measure the 184
extent of sensation seeking propensities, particularly among the younger group. 185
186
2.3 Procedure 187
The minors were recruited from two high schools in the Brisbane metropolitan area 188
situated in close proximity to a level crossing. Two procedures were utilised. The 189
questionnaire was completed via pen and paper at schools. Participants were provided with a 190
movie voucher. The younger adult and older adult groups were recruited via a radio interview 191
promoting the study, newspaper and online advertisements, and disseminating flyers at level 192
crossings as well as snowballing techniques. All adult participants completed an online 193
questionnaire and were given a $20 Coles-Myer voucher. Both versions of the questionnaire 194
were identical, with some irrelevant demographic questions omitted from the minors’ version 195
of the questionnaire (e.g. current employment status, yearly income and highest level of 196
education.) 197
198
3. Results 199
3.1 Level Crossing Usage 200
In terms of usage, the minor group were proportionately the most frequent users of 201
level crossings with 10.92% (n = 13) using crossings daily and 23.52% (n = 28) using 202
crossings weekly. In contrast, for the younger adult group, 5.43% (n = 25) reported using 203
crossings daily and 10.00% (n = 46) used crossings weekly or less often. For the older adult 204
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group, no participants used level crossings on a daily basis, but 42.10% (n = 24) used the 205
crossings weekly or monthly. The usage frequency for the different age groups is shown in 206
Table 1. 207
208
209
Table 1. Frequency of Level Crossing Usage 210
Age Group Daily Weekly Monthly Less than
Monthly
Minors 10.92% (n = 13) 26.89% (n = 32) 21.01% (n = 25) 41.17% (n = 49)
Younger Adults 5.65% (n = 26) 15.43% (n = 71) 17.83% (n = 82) 61.08% (n = 281)
Older Adults 0.00% (n = 0) 19.30% (n = 11) 22.81% (n = 13) 57.90% (n = 33)
211
3.2 Knowledge and Experience 212
A series of questions focused on participants’ knowledge and experiences at 213
pedestrian crossings. Participants responded “yes”, “no” or “unsure” as to whether they 214
believed it was legal to cross a level crossing in the presence of: (a) a bell sounding, (b) lights 215
flashing and (c) when the automatic gates were closed. In the current context, a bell may 216
sound (and/or lights flash) before automatic gates close at active sites in the sampled area. 217
Overall, rule knowledge was high, with the lowest percentage of correct answers being for 218
crossing when the bell is sounding (combined percentage 82.28%). For all three rules the 219
age group with the greatest percentage of participants answering correctly were the older 220
adults. For the individual groups, younger participants were least likely to report accurate 221
knowledge regarding lights flashing (75.63%) and crossing after the gates are closed 222
(75.63%). However, and from a different perspective, the results indicate that between 10% 223
to 18% of level crossing users (in the current sample) were either unsure or did not know (in 224
some circumstances) when it was legal to cross a level crossing. The percentages of correct 225
answers overall and for individual age groups are shown in Table 2. None of the differences 226
between age groups were statistically significant. 227
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Table 2. Percentage of Participants Answering Crossing Rule Questions Correctly 228
Age Group Bell Sounding Light Flashing Gate Closed
Minors 76.47% (n = 91) 75.63% (n = 90) 75.63% (n = 90)
Younger Adults 83.47% (n = 384) 87.61% (n = 403) 88.48% (n = 407)
Older Adults 92.90% (n = 52) 93.0% (n = 53) 93.0% (n = 53)
Overall 82.28% (n = 527) 85.85% (n = 546) 86.47% (n = 550)
229
3.3 Deliberate Violations 230
A central aim of the study was to investigate the frequency of making deliberate 231
violations at pedestrian crossings versus making mistakes. As a result, participants were 232
asked if they had ever crossed at a railway pedestrian crossing when the lights were flashing, 233
the gate was closed, deliberately ignored warning signal, made a mistake at a level crossing 234
or been fined for breaking the rules at a level crossing. Responses were in a yes or no 235
format. For any of the intentional violation questions (e.g., lights flashing, gates closed or 236
deliberately ignored a signal), 156 participants (24.52%) reported having intentionally 237
violated the rules at level crossings in at least one of these ways. Participants were provided 238
with an opportunity to explain the reasons for their behaviour, with the overwhelming 239
majority indicating they were “in a rush” or “running late.” Males were significantly more 240
likely to break the rules compared to females (111 versus 45), X2 (2, N = 636) = 18.32, p = 241
.000. The age group with the highest incidence of intentional rule breaking was minors 242
(35.3%, n = 42). However, for the younger adult group, 23.0% (n = 106) and 14.0% (n = 8) 243
of the older adult group had also intentionally broken the rules. Percentage and frequency 244
scores for the intentional violations can be seen in Table 3. A chi-square analysis conducted 245
between the intentional violation rates across the ages determined there was a statistically 246
significant difference, X2 (2, N = 636) = 11.38, p = .003. A corresponding question regarding 247
crossing when the lights were flashing (measured on a 7 point likert scale) revealed that the 248
11
participants were statistically more likely to violate the rules after the train has passed (M = 249
2.32) versus before the train has passed (M = 1.71) [ t (636) = -10.65, p < .001]. 250
251
3.4 Errors 252
In contrast, errors were not as common an occurrence. More specifically, only 3.46% 253
(n = 22) of participants reported this experience. Similar to the violation data, there was 254
proportional variation in the incidence of mistakes between the age groups with the highest 255
percentage of minors making mistakes (5.0%, n = 6) followed by older adults (5.2%, n = 3) 256
and lastly younger adults (2.8%, n = 13). In regards to crossing after the train had passed, 17 257
participants (2.67%) reported crossing after a train had passed and not realised a second train 258
was approaching. Due to the small numbers involved, statistical analyses could not be 259
undertaken to determine if these differences were statistically significant or expected by 260
chance. However, participants who made deliberate violations were also more likely to make 261
errors at level crossings X2 (2, N = 636) = 11.09, p = .002. The prevalence of deliberate 262
violations and mistakes made between the three age groups are shown below, in Table 3. 263
264
Additionally, intentions to break crossing rules again in the next six months were 265
measured on a 7 point likert scale (1 = likely to 7 = unlikely). While the mean of 6.63 (SD = 266
1.16) indicates the sample were generally not likely to violate crossing rules, a closer 267
examination of the data revealed that males were statistically more likely than females t (636) 268
= -5.07, p < .000 and minors were more likely than the combined group of adults t (636) = -269
4.52, p < .000. Consistent with previous research that has indicated past behaviour is a good 270
predictor of future behaviour (Freeman & Watson, 2006), those who admitted breaking 271
crossing rules in the past, were more likely to indicate a willingness to engage in similar 272
behaviour in the future (M = 5.91 versus M = 6.86; t (636) = -9.55, p < .000). 273
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274
Table 3. Incidence of Deliberate Violations and Errors between the Age Groups 275
Age Group Deliberate Violations Errors
Minors 35.3% (n = 42) 5.0% (n = 6)
Younger Adults 23.0% (n = 106) 2.80% (n = 13)
Older Adults 14.0% (n = 8) 5.20% (n = 3)
Overall 24.52% (n = 156) 3.46% (n = 22)
276
3.5 Sensation Seeking 277
To determine if reported violation behaviours were related to sensation seeking 278
(particularly among the younger cohort), the Brief Sensation Seeking Scale (BSSS) (Hoyle, 279
Stephenson, Palmgreen, Lorch & Donhew, 2002) was utilised. For the current study, 280
sensation seeking was considered to be “the need for varied, novel, and complex sensations 281
and the willingness to take physical and social risks for the sake of such experiences” 282
(Zuckerman, 1979, p.10). The BSSS is an 8-item scale which evaluates an individual’s 283
propensity to seek these sensations and experiences. Consistent with previous research 284
(Martins et al., 2008), minors recorded the highest sensation seeking scores, followed by 285
younger adults and older adults. The mean scores for minors was also comparable with 286
previous BSSS-based research (Hoyle et al., 2002). Not surprisingly, minors reported 287
significantly higher BSSS scores compared to adults (M = 3.05 versus M = 2.62, correlation r 288
= -.20**), although it may be suggested the difference is minimal in practical terms, t (636) = 289
5.29, p < .000. Furthermore, a similar finding was identified between BSSS scores and those 290
who did violate the rules (M = 2.96) and those who did not (M = 2.60), t (636) = 5.01, p < 291
.000. 292
293
To determine the predictors of violating crossing rules, a logistic regression was 294
performed to investigate the predictive role of age, gender, frequency of crossing usage, 295
crossing rule knowledge and sensation seeking to the outcome variable of breaking the rules. 296
13
Given the relatively small proportion of the sample who acknowledged breaking the rules, 297
those who admitted a deliberate violation or an error were combined to form the dependent 298
variable. Frequency of crossing usage was recoded into: (a) daily/almost daily, (b) weekly, 299
(c) monthly, (d) less than monthly. Crossing rule knowledge was divided into those who 300
answered all three questions correctly versus those who did not (82.1% versus 17.9%). Table 301
4 displays the regression coefficients, Wald statistics, odds ratios (OR), and 95% confidence 302
intervals. 303
304
The overall model was a significant predictor of the outcome variable (χ2(8) = 60.331, 305
p = .000). Taken together, 13.6% of the estimated total variance was accounted for in the 306
model and 77.4% of the sample was correctly classified. In regards to significant predictors, 307
three items were found to be significant predictors of crashes: gender (Wald = 7.938, p < .05); 308
Usage frequency (Monthly Wald = 19.259, p < .001 & Daily Wald = 5.286, p < .001) and 309
sensation seeking (Wald = 11.315 , p < .001). As a result, being male, using crossings more 310
frequently and reporting higher sensation seeking propensities were significant predictors of 311
breaking crossing rules. An additional regression analysis that only included deliberate 312
violators (and not errors) revealed the same predictive variables. 313
314
315
316
317
318
Table 4. Predictors of Breaking Crossing Rules 319
320
95% Confidence
14
interval for OR
Independent variables
B
S.E.
Wald
OR
Lower
Upper
Age -.003 .006 .195 .997 .985 1.010
Gender -.595 .221 7.938* .551 .364 .834
Usage Frequency (<monthly) 21.85
Usage Frequency (monthly) 1.180 .269 19.259** 3.253 1.921 5.510
Usage Frequency (weekly) .47 .304 2.384 1.600 .881 2.904
Usage Frequency (daily) .839 .365 5.286* 2.315 1.132 4.734
Knowledge .407 .240 2.876 1.503 .939 2.407
Sensation seeking
Model Chi-Square 60.331** (df = 7)
-.456 .136 11.315* .634 .486 .827
321
Note: *p < .05, **p < .001; OR = Odds Ratio; 322
4. Discussion 323
Currently, a number of outstanding questions remain regarding the origins of 324
pedestrians’ behaviours at level crossings as research has traditionally focused on motorists’ 325
behaviour. The present research aimed to examine: (a) whether pedestrians are more likely to 326
make deliberate violations versus errors at crossings, (b) whether these factors are consistent 327
across age groups and (c) what factors increase the likelihood of breaking crossing rules. 328
Firstly, participants generally exhibited a high level of level crossing rule knowledge in 329
regards to the presence of: (a) a bell sounding, (b) lights flashing and (c) automatic gates 330
closing. In regards to the latter, it is currently possible for pedestrians to push open closed 331
gates at active crossings in the Brisbane region, although a trial of “locking gates” is soon to 332
be implemented. Regardless of the wider implementation of this initiative, it is encouraging 333
that the sample generally recognised the inappropriateness of attempting to open gates that are 334
15
closed. Within the wider rail safety arena, research has demonstrated that the effective 335
positioning and use of barriers can reduce trespassing onto railway tracks (Silla, 2009). 336
However, from a different perspective, it may be considered somewhat surprising that up to 337
18% of the sample were either unsure or did not know (in some circumstances) when it was 338
legal to cross at a level crossing. This is consistent with one of the few studies in the area that 339
revealed almost half of an Australian-sampled group did not believe or were unaware that it 340
was illegal to cross when a train was approaching (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). This has 341
implications for the development of awareness/education schemes, particularly given the 342
tremendous amount of research that has demonstrated injury prevention education is an 343
important and effective tool to reduce injuries and fatalities (Crandall, Zarzaur & Tinkoff, 344
2013). However, it is noted that preliminary education-based campaigns have not proven 345
extremely effective (Lobb et al., 2001; Lobb et al., 2003; Shonfeld & Musumeci, 2003), 346
although this may be due to other deleterious effects on safety discussed below e.g., sensation 347
seeking propensities. 348
349
Secondly, and in regards to a central question of this program of research, participants 350
were more likely to report deliberately breaking the rules compared to making errors (24.52% 351
versus 3.46%). That is, almost a quarter of the sample admitted previously breaking crossing 352
rules at one time. This study is one of the first to confirm the hypothesis that pedestrians at 353
level crossings are more likely to ignore warning signals rather than make mistakes (CRC, 354
2010; Freeman et al., 2013). A corresponding preliminary analysis revealed that the reason 355
for this behaviour was most closely associated with being “in a rush” or “running late”, 356
which supports one of the only studies to examine this issue (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007). 357
Further research is now required to determine whether pedestrians make calculated risks 358
before crossing or if such behaviour is more impulsive, as well as what interventions would 359
16
be most effective in reducing the likelihood of engaging in such behaviours e.g., barriers, 360
enforcement or education-based signs. 361
362
Thirdly, further analysis revealed that those most likely to engage in such behaviours 363
were males, particularly, younger males. More specifically, a comparative age analysis also 364
revealed that minors (e.g., under 18) were statistically more likely to report intentionally 365
violating the rules compared to younger and older adults. This finding again supports the 366
assertion that males, including school children, constitute a significant high risk pedestrian 367
group (Lloyd’s Register Rail 2007), which is evidenced in their overrepresentation in 368
recorded incidents at level crossings (Australian Transport Safety Bureau 2002; CRC 2010; 369
Henley & Harrison 2009). In regards to school children, this group has been proposed to be 370
at an increased risk for a number of reasons, including poor scanning behaviours, 371
underdeveloped cognitive and risk perception abilities as well as impulsiveness (CRC 2010). 372
While a corresponding examination of scanning and cognitive abilities was not possible in the 373
current study, a complementary analysis of sensation seeking traits revealed this factor to be 374
predictive of crossing violations, as was as frequency of crossing usage. In regards to the 375
former, developmental neuroscience has consistently indicated that adolescence are more 376
likely to make risky decision (Albert & Steinberg 2011), and/or take physical and social risks 377
for the sake of experience (Zuckerman, 1979a). In fact, sensation seeking has been shown to 378
be a predictor of a wide array of problem behaviours (Zuckerman, 1994), and now, risk taking 379
at pedestrian level crossing may yet prove to fall into this category. Sensation seeking has 380
also been shown to be higher in males (Hoyle et al., 2002), which may suggest why a 381
disproportionate percentage of males reported rule violation in the current study. Research 382
has indicated that individuals high in sensation seeking are drawn to high risk activities 383
(Hoyle et al., 2000) as this group underestimate the risks associated with such behaviours 384
17
(Hoyle et al., 2002). Furthermore, risk estimates have been hypothesized to be negatively 385
associated with novel activities (Zuckerman, 1979b), although this may not necessarily be the 386
case for the current context given that more frequent crossing usage was predictive of 387
breaking the rules. Rather, high sensation seekers may be more likely (than low sensation 388
seekers) to both try (and repeat) a wide array of risky activities (Hoyle et al., 2002). If further 389
research proves this to be the case, than a challenge remains as to the development of 390
effective countermeasures that can negate (or prohibit) the expression of high sensation 391
seekers’ behaviours, particularly among minors. Future applied research may yet demonstrate 392
this can be achieved through incapacitation and/or deterrent based interventions that either 393
prohibit or deter offending behaviours. 394
395
A final theme to emerge from the current study was that participants who reported 396
violating crossing rules were more likely to use crossings regularly. This is in contrast to an 397
earlier hypothesis that younger persons’ increased risk is attributable to limited crossing 398
experience (Connelly et al. 1998). From a different perspective, the current finding is 399
consistent with sensation seeking research which has indicated that high sensation seekers are 400
more likely to engage in risky behaviours, and then afterwards, diminish the level of risk 401
associated with the behaviour (Hoyle et al., 2002). Yet another alternative perspective 402
emerges from the deterrence-based literature, which has illuminated the powerful effects of 403
“punishment avoidance” (Freeman & Watson, 2006; Paternoster & Piquero, 1995). More 404
specifically, an increasing body of literature has demonstrated that committing an offence and 405
avoiding detection (and subsequent punishment) is a strong predictor of repeating the 406
behaviour in the future (Freeman & Watson, 2006). In the current circumstances, and given 407
the low probability of actually be apprehended for a pedestrian crossing offence, violators 408
may be prone to repeat the behaviour out of habit and/or due to reduced perceived threat of 409
18
any associated consequences. Although this hypothesis will need to be tested through in 410
future studies. Further research is also required to determine whether pedestrians make 411
calculated risks (Lobb, 2006), or if such behaviour is impulsive and/or instinctual. In regards 412
to calculated risks, it is noteworthy that the current sample was more likely to violate the rules 413
after (rather than before) a train has passed. This is the first study to examine this issue and 414
the finding warrants further research into the risks associated with being hit by a second train. 415
Preliminary research into risks associated with a second train passing at a crossing has 416
revealed an increase in accidents (Federal Railroad Administration 2008; Illinois Commerce 417
Commission 2005; Lloyd’s Register Rail, 2007). 418
419
The study’s limitations should be borne in mind when interpreting the results. Firstly, 420
participants were not randomly selected, and as a result, questions remain regarding the 421
representativeness of the sample. Secondly, the study only contains self-reported data, and as 422
such, there may be some discrepancy between stated behaviour and actual events, particularly 423
when responses focus on aberrant behaviours. Thirdly, a large proportion of the sample did 424
not regularly use pedestrian crossings e.g., less than monthly. 425
426
5. Conclusions 427
Despite such limitations, the study findings indicate that pedestrians are more likely to 428
deliberately violate crossing rules (compared to making errors) and a sizeable proportion of 429
the sample reported this behaviour e.g., a quarter. The results provide support for a renewed 430
focus on understanding the origins of pedestrian level crossing behaviour as well as 431
developing effective tailored countermeasures. Such a focus can only assist in the pursuit to 432
reduce the burden associated with train-pedestrian collisions. 433
434
19
Acknowledgements: The authors are grateful to the CRC for Rail Innovation (established 435
and supported under the Australian Government's Cooperative Research Centres program) for 436
the funding of this research. Project No. R2.120: Understanding Pedestrian Behaviour at 437
Level Crossings 438
439
20
440
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