Who's RunningTeddy Kennedy?

Black ResistanceNorth and South

0

SECCiON

EN ESPANOL

see page 1Ni

see pages 10-13

WORKERS

JULY, 1979 FORMERLY THE WORKER VOL II NO. 5

Detroit Unlroyal strikers hang tough. Bommarito and media blackout are no help.

Rubber strikers hang toughvs. Uniroyal, Guidelines

Blacked out of news medic

Eight thousand Uniroyal rubber workers are now onthe front lines of the workers* struggle. Their ordersto the front came as United Rubber Workers headPeter Bommarito announced that Uniroyal had rerneged on a 3-year agreement that would have raisedpay and benefits between 30%and 40%.

President Carter saw the Uniroyal contract battleas a time to draw the line and reassert his power tokeep workers* wages down. He's desperate becapsehis anti-inflation, anti-worker guidelines have failedso miserably.

A BONEHEAD STRATEGY

Carter and die rubber industry have the Uniroyalstrikers in a rou^ spot. The workers are mostupset about the bone-headed strategy Bommarito.

On February 12, he signed a no-strike agreementwith the industry's number 2 tire maker, Firestone.He claimed that this was to the union's advantagebecause the company agreed to stay out of the mutual aid agreement among the Big 4 (Goodyear,Firestone, Goodrich, and Uniroyal). But the mainbenefit goes to Firestone, which is scrambling tomake up for a massive recall of their defective"Firestone 500" radials.

BOTimarito then chose to strike only Uniroyal,

'disregarding the lesson of the victorious 141-daystrike of 1976. Thenthe unity of 60,000 URW membersshutdown much of the tire industry, putting a squeezeon the auto giants and winning the rubber workers*first cost of living plan. This contract brought payfrom $5.50 an hour to over $8.00 in three years.

Making matters worse has been the rapid growthof non-union tire operations in the South and Southwest. Twenty-five union plants have been shut downin the past decade. Fifty percent of Uniroyal* stire produption comes out of its new, unorganizedplant in Ardmore, Oklhoma. In fact, fully one halfof the rubber industry is now non-union.

Also complicating the rubber workers' fight is theeconomic weakness erf Uniroyal which could afford topay only 4p a share in-stockholder dividends lastyear. Uniroyal also has problems funding its pensionplan because there are 13,000 retired workers, compared to only 8,000 on the jobnow,Uniroyal has evenspurred rumors that it may shut down its 1909 vintageDetroit plant, which now employs 1,800.

Also looming is the threatofrecessionand reducedorders for tires. But the auto industry is not expectedto have across-the-board layoffs until after firstbig push for 1980 models after changeover next falland^winter.

Despite the odds, the Uniroyal workers are hangingtough. They know the company will begin to hurt

(com. on page 6)

Oil giants toblame for gasshortage

Gov't lends gougers a handWhen truck drivers get mad, tiiey have ways'

of making people sit up and take notice. They'vegot something to say about the price of gasoline and

. fuel, and they started saying it on the weel^end ofJune 2 and June 3. Owner-operators used their

rigs to blockade big truck stops near Chicago,<=^ouix City, Tulsa and a dozen other spots aroundthe country.

The movement grew in the days that followed;The CP channels crackled with discussions of tiietruckers plans and: their demands; ample suppliesof diesel fuel and at a price that will permit themto stay in business, more like 50(5 a gallon than the80p and up stations are charging now.

The truckers' stand is one everybody can sympathize with, because everybody is facing the sametwo pronged fuel crisis. In most of the country,big shortages still remain an immediate threat,not yet a reality, but everywhere gas prices aresoaring toward and even over the bucka gallon mark.People are mad, fighting mad. They want andneed gas. They need it to gettowork, to go shopping,to transport their kids, to visit friends. Instead ofdriving where they want, they are being taken fora ride by the big oil companies and the government.

THE PRICE BOOM

In New York City and Chicago, gas at somefilling stations is already over99.9(5 and plenty of other placesare right behind. The big oilmonopolies basically decided

(com. on page 14)

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2/WORKERS VOICE/July, 1979

LettersDear editor.

We want to bring to the attenticMiof everyone, in this country whichtalks about hu^n rights, the constantviolations against Mexicans. Thejudges cruelly condemn hundreds ofMexicans daily to 6 months inprison withcHit caring about how ourfamilies are going to suffer. Theydon't have other means of livingbat the husband who comes with the

hope of bettering the economic situation oi his family- and the realitywhich he finds is another, much,crueler cme.

We find judges who sentence cruelly, without caring that those whosuffer are in the majority children.They suffer misery and hungerwhile their parents serve sentencesof 6 months because they didn't havethe luck of being born on this sideof the border. Not because we

Mexicans can be scared with prisonbut because we believe that all the

citizens of this country have to payfor cRu: sustenance unjustly, both thepoor and the rich. We came to work,and not to be supported by others,but this is what they are doing whendiey have us in their jails.

I want to say Uiat we the Mexicansdon't take away your jobs, nor didwe come to stay here permantly,like others. And if some of us manageto find a good job, this governmentcomes out ahead because the majority

RR'aT l/NSClMAtBLE THg FOURai/E WORDS, rut arrERS INTrtC CtRCtCS, WHCN UNSCiWlgiED,SPELL the Answer.

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of us can't claim any benefits. What'sdeducted from every paycheck, likesocial security, all remains for thebenefit of this country. On thecontrary we are accused, we arepunished, we are told that we takejobs away from many citizens whodon't have work. But the truth isthat it would not be to the benefitctf anyone in this country to workfor so few dollars per day becauseeverything is so expensive.

Don't let yourselves be fooled bycapitalism. What th'ey want to dois to keep one separated from theother so that we never unite, butwe have to realize that in the UnitedStates and in Mexico the conditionsfor the working class are the sameand each day that goes by they getworse. I send you these words, andwe ask the support of all workersthat enjoy their liberty, since wefind ourselves in jail only for seekinga better life for our loved ones.We send you greetings from the jailof Pecos, Texas. We want this letterto be printed in English and Spanishbecause we want people to realizethat we are human beings like anybodyelse and that we don't want to bediscriminated against, like we arein these moments when the jails arefull of Mexicans. To all the workers

of the newspaper La Voz del Obreroour most cordial greetings from thejail of Pecos, Texas.

6

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Mobilize to denounceRIghf-fo-Llfers I

19^9 will go down in the records as the year people started fighting back inearnest to defend women's right to abortions. Tens of thousands took to thestreets on March 31 in New York (above) and almost 20 other cities. Thenext step is to confront the reactionary anti-abortion forces directiy.-OnJune- 23 busloads oi men and women from around the country will convergeon Cincinnati, Ohio, to protest the national convention ^ the so-calledright-to-lifers scheduled for that day. Many women's organization haveendorsed the march and rally which is being coordinated by the Reproductive

wRights National Network.

Garment strikeshuts small NYC shop

First blow In union drive?

NYC - It was not a very big strike.Twenty workers In the middle of NewYork City, out for 7 weeks,^ut theworkers at R&F Corp. in the city'sGarment Center stuck together, andtheir action might be the start of areal organizing push. After 7 hardweeks, there was one less non-unionshop around.

The garment center is really twocenters. One is unionized, mainly inthe International Lady's GarmentWorkers Union (ILGWU), Nearly100,000 workers are packed into a1-square mile area in the heart oftown. But mixed right in is a thrivingnon-union garment industry. In particular, union cutters have been hardhit by non-union "cut-up" shops.These have grown to be a good 50%of all cutting rooms,

. The ILGWU has by and large satby while the non-union force grew uparound it. They have lost over100,000 union jobs in the past decade.The union leadership can blame itall on imports, but the truth is thatnon-union shops are everywhere inNew York, many within a block of theunion headq.uarters. And most of thestrikes that the ILG runs are nothing

more than a couple of unionemployeespicketing a place while work goes onas usual.

R&F was diilerent. The workersthemselves did the picketing. It was100%-effective for 7 weeks, with nowork at all going on inside.

By the middle^ of the strike, onething became clear. R&F was notgoingto re-open as a non-union shop. Theworkers were 100% united that theywould either win big or win small,but not lose. Winning big would meangetting the union into R&F. Winningsmall would mean driving him out ofbusiness, with the workers seekingunion jobs elsewhere with tlie helpof the union. The bosses' big threatto close down if there was any organizing was met head on.

After 7 weeks, R&F shut down. Theunion arranged for a union shop to openup in its place, which now employssome of the R&F strikers. Othershave found union jobs and still otliersnon union jobs. But even this is notseen as a defeat. There are plenty oflousy jobs out there like R&F was.But now there are a few less. And

forcing R&F out of business can bea lesson to other non-union bossesand a call to their garment workers.

f VIET VETS STAND UP ^CHICAGO — The week of May 28to June 3 was declared Vietnam

Veterans Week by President Carter. Rounds of applause and another"Thanks, guys" was offered butprecious little else. Nothing muchwas said about the 13% unemployment among Vietnam era veteransor the dwindling GI bill. No solutions to the real problems ofveterans were offered. Even whenthey were on the agenda, it was"the American public" which wasblamed for neglecting veterans —not the corporations and government who sent them to Viet Namin the first place.

The Vietnam Veterans Againstthe War in several Midwestern cities, however, used the opportunityto lay out how things are, like inChicago where VVAW leaderBar-

ry Homo spoke ata city-wide celebration attended by several thousand people and put forward thereal concerns of vets today. Likejobs and better VA hospital facilities, expanding the GI bill andtreatment for the deadly effectsof the chemical defolicnt AgentOrange, In other cities VVAWmarched in Memorial Day paradesto put forward their demands.

On June 2 VVAW members fromChicago, Milwaukee, Minneapolis,Hammond, Indiana and elsewherecame together to demonstrate inChicago. They spoke about the continuing struggle toget Vietnam veterans what theyrightfullydescrvc.Every vet who stepped up to theopen microphone reflected thecommon sentiment that governedthe day - "We can't forgive andwe won't forget."

July, 1979/WORKERS VOICE/3

Anti-nuke movement comes of ageOn May 6, the anti-nukes movement

in the United States came of age*Moi^ than 100,000 people poured intothe nation's capital on short noticeto demand that the government put astop to the menace q£ nuclear power.

The lead contingent in the shortmarch from the White House to the

steps of Congress was made up of2,000 Pennsylvanians who live nearthe Three Mile Island reactor. Carrying signs, like *T live in Harrisburg-Ask me how cheap nuclear power is!"tiiey showed the deep and urgentconcern felt by most of the protesters. At the same time there was

a current of excitement that keptgrowing as late-arriving busesswelled the crowd.

The march was overwhelminglymade up of young white men andwomen, especially college and highschool students. Most were notmem-

bers of any organizedanti-nukegroupand for many itwas their firstdemon-stratlon. They had been jolted intoaction by the Three Mile Island incident and they wanted to be heard.

The speakers at the rally were amlxed_bag. The best reception wentto rock musicians who have beenout

spoken against nukes, like JacksonBrowne, Joni Mitchell and John Sebastian.

Some of the most powerful speecheswere given by ordinary people whohave faced the menace radiation,like Susan Cassidy, a pregnant womanwho had to evacuate her honrie duringthe near disaster at Three Mile Island.Another was Orville Kelly who isdying of cancer. He was exposed toatomic fallout in the service as

part of U.S. Army experiments duringthe *50*s,

A DANGEROUS PROGRAM

Most of the speakers attacked thegreed of the utilities and the bigmonopolies and the complici^ of thegovernment is foisting nuclear poweron the country. Some of them,however, put forward a programguaranteed to derail the anti-nuclearmovement while it is still young. Both

Jersey Kowalski^ince the D.C. march (above), anti-nuke forces

have launched hundreds of local actions.

Ralph Nader and Tom Hayden madePresident Carter as an individual

their main targetand called for dumping him from office In 1980,

Neither Hayden nor Nader mentioned possible replacements for Carter. California Governor Jerry Browndidn't either, but it was not too hardto figure out who he had in mind.What he did do was call for everybody to rush home and write theirCongressmen to demand a moratorium on tiie construction of new

reactors.

As many in the crowd booed Brownas cheered him when he took the mike

(and some shouted "Where's Linda?")They either sensed or remembered,those who had been in the anti-warmovement, that to steer the struggle

into the "legitimate" channels of thepolitical system, to let politiciansbecome its spokesmen, would be todeprive it of its real power and potential.

That power is already having amajor effect. The day after the unexpectedly massive turnout at the

Washington demonstration, six of itsorganizers were hastily invited to theWhite House to talk with President

Carter and some of his top advisers.Jimmy pleaded with them to recognizethat they and he are on the same sideand that his administration is reallyconcerned with nuclear safety. However, he said, "it is simply notpossible" to shut down all the nuclearplants.

Indians, formers, anti-nuke forces unite vs. uranium mining

The Black Hills are not for sale IRAPID CITY, SD — A big battle isshaping up in the Black Hills of SouthDakota this summer. Native Ameri

cans of the Lakota (Sioux) tribe arejoining with local environmental activists and farmers and with anti-nuke

forces from around the country toform the BlackHills Alliance. They'reputting out a loud clear message:"The Black Hills Are Not For Sale!"

These Indian lands have been threat

ened ever since General George Armstrong Ouster took his troops intothe hills to open them up to a hordeof gold prospectors in 1874. He brokethe six year old Treaty of FortLaramie which guaranteed the areato the Lakota people forever. Thisstarted the war which led him to his

just desserts at the Little Big Horn.The situation today is remarkably

similar. This time ifs a uranium

rush and those out to plunder the landare not the Army and individual prospectors, but the federal governmentand corporate giants like Gulf Oil,Union Carbide, and the TennesseeValley Authority.

Lakota men and women, many ofthem active in the American Indian,Movement and Women of All Red

Nations (WARN), point, out that allthe claims staked by the corporationssince uranium was discovered in 1977have no validity.

Under the terms of an 1868 treatythe.Black Hills is acknowleged asthe sacred land of theu* people. Eventhe federal government has as muchas admitted it by offering the Lakota$17.5 million dollars to drop theirclaim, an offer which was turneddown.

The Lakota know from the expe

rience of other Native Americans that

the startup of large scale uraniummining will mean nothing but suffering. More than 90% of all uranium mining in the United States ison Indian land". In 1975 corporationspaid an average of 60(J a pound tothe Native Americans for uraniumwhich sold for over $30^ a pound.

IT IS POSSIBLE!

The stronger the anti-nuke movement becomes, the more "possible"it will turn out to be. The state ofpalifornia has already placed a moratorium on the construction of new

, nuclear plants. In mid-May, the Tennessee Valley Authority announcedthat it had suddenly discovered thatthere will be no need for four of the14 reactors It has under constructionand all work on them will be halted.

A jury awarded the family of nuclearmartyr Karen Silkwood $10,000,000for her death at the hands of theKerr-McGee uranium processingcompany.

More than a dozen reactors aroundthe country ar e now on shutdown forsafety checks and studies. Construction has been delayed on oven morefor the same reasons. The utilitiesthat own them, like Commonwealth

Edison in Illinois are screamingbloody murder about lost profits andthreatening massive brownouts tinssummer, demonstrating just how concerned about safety they really are.

The biggest victories svon by anti-nuke forces in the aftermath of theThree Mile Island incidentdidn'tevencome in the U.S. In West Germany,where the movement is older and moredeveloped, the government has decided that construction of tlie plannednuclear -waste recycling plant in thetown of Gorieben is "politically unfeasible." This effectively stops nuclear development tliere because noplant can legally be built unless tliereis an assured way to dispose of itswaste.

On May 6 in Washington, the anti-nuke movement in this country showedthat it has the potential to win victories like the one at Gorieben, Thewidespread regional demonstrationson June 2 and Sand the actions plannedin the Black Hills and elsewherein months to come will deal moresetbacks to the nuclear monopoliesand the government and further increase the ranks of the anti-nukeforces,

STOP THE. NUKES!

"NATIONAL SACRIFICE AREA"

Corporations have nearly non-existent taxes, few regulations and a poolof unemployed, non-unionized workers on the reservations. Recent

studies show that totally unsafe procedures have left over 90% of Nava-jo uranium miners-with cancer!

The Black Hills are slated to be

come a "national sacrifice area."

For the next thirty years they willbe raped by uranium mining andmilling, strip mining of coal andthe development of massive powergenei-ating plants to use the coal anduranium, r'

The Black Hills will become a

barren wasteland, and a deadly one.Already the town of Edgemont, SouthDakota, is host to three million tonsof sandy tailings, the waste left fromthe early stages of processing-theuranium ore. The tailings retain 85%of their original radioactivity and blowall over the area. Today the cancerrate there is twice that for any othercounty in the state and "geiger coun

ters go wild," one South Dakota'scientist reports.

The Black Hills Alliance is usingthese grim facts to mobilize amongwhite farmers and other area resi

dents, and overcome tensions betweenthem and the Lakota.

The power companies will requireover 2.5 million acre/feet of water a

(continued on page 14)

4/WORKERS VOICE/Jujy, 1979

Victories decisive where rank and file mobilized

Insurgents gain in steel electionwhy did the Inland Steel Company

look the other way when a unionLocal 1010 presidential candidate hadhis campaign slogans painted all overthe furnaces right inside the mill?

Because the campaigner was WallyHartman, a company union man, andhe was out to beat Black reform

candidate. Bill Andrews.In the April elections, it was the

McBride company unionists versusthe reformers vying for control ofthe 5,300 U9WA locals across the

country. The turnout was heavierthan usual. There was a lot at stake:the companies keep ti^t screws onthe workers with the no-strike agreement, and Lloyd McBride and hissell-out cronies maintain firm com

mand of the International and manylocals. The seven-year-old reformforces are unevenly developed fromlocal to local and have a tough fighton their hands to make their union

a fitting one.

VOTES CLOSE, CONTRADICTORY

The reformers held their ground,if somewhat shakily, in the local elections in their home base, Chicago-Gary District 31. It's the bi^stdistrict in the union, encompassingone-fourth of the nation's 350,000basic steel mill workers.

The votes were contradictory andin many cases close. The two biggestlocals in the district are still split:at 1010, Inland Steel, the reformforces maintained leadership in atight vote; at 1014, U.S. Steel GaryWorks the incumbent slate beat the

reformers badly.At 1026, Blaw Knox, die reformers

won in a close upset; at 6787, Bethlehem Steel's Burns Harbor, the reformers lost in an upset. Reformerslost at Local 1066, Gary Works, andwon at Local 12775, NIPSCO.

In a surprise vote at Local 65,

U.S. Steel's South Works in Chicago,militant unionist Alice Puerala beatthe Sadlowski-backed incumbent John

Chico andMcBride-backed Don Stazekfor president. Chico, a nominal reformer hooked into the DemocraticParty machine, rarely spote of dealing with the compan/sattacks and betrayed his promise for a rankandfUevote on the local contract, Alice Puerala, a 25-year veteran steel workerand the first woman to head a major steel local, was known as an effective griever and a long-time activist with a militant stance towardsU.S. steel.

The district-wide contradictoryvotii^ pattern was reflected withinLocal 65, wheYe, besides Puerala, theother nine executive board positionswent to McBride and independent candidates. And at Local 1033, RepublicSteel, Eugene,Pughsley,atoughBlackunionist, defeated an openly racistcandidate for Vice-President.

Outside District 31, reform forceswon and consolidated pockets of control. Their biggest victory was thelandslide at Local 1397, U.S. Steel'sHomestead Works. It was the firstmajor inroad into the Pittsburgh area,right in the backyard ofboth U.S. Steeland USWA headquarters.

They also made gains in St. Louis,McBride's home district, and maintained leadership in the MinnesotaIron Range (Local 1938) and Baltimore (Bethlehem Steel's SparrowsPoint Local^609).

While momentum is in the hands

of the reform forces, they're still ina standoff with the company unionists;A big reason for the close and contradictory nature of the latest localvotes was that many reform groups

don't have a steady presence, havephased in and out of existence and inmany cases coalesced only to serveas an election committee. Many didnot struggle to clarify the issues

facing workers in the plants or develop roots in the departments tobecome a viable force capable ofdealing with those issues.

RANK AND FILE MOVEMENT/REFORM COMMITTEES

The most important victory for therank and file was at Local 1397 atU.S. Steel's Homestead Works. TheRank and File slate captured all 10executive board positions by a marginof 2-1, from the entrenched gang thathas run the local for 30 years (see Mayissue of Workers Voice for details)

It's no coincidence that the mostdecisive vote count was at the local

with the most deeply rooted rank andfile movement. The Rank and FileCaucus was more than an election

committee. It ran on its record of

fighting the company, which it's beendoing since the day it was formed in1976. They identified issues at theplant, decided what could be done, andsharply hit back at every companyattack. Like the "Plant Plague" column in their newspaper, they nevershrank from naming namesand callingforemen and union hacks on the car

pet. By informing, relying onand mobilizing the workers, they showed theywere a viable force for dealing withthe company, as well as union mis-leaders.

Nowhere in District 31 is there a

reform movement as deeply rooted asat Homestead. Local 1010, the biggestUSWA local with 17,000 members,comes the closest. In a tight vote, the1010 Rank and File slate won all the

executive offices but one, and 15grievance positions, despite a toughbid for a comeback by the gang thatran the local till 1976. Bill Andrews,the only Black president of a largesteel local, had to outflank racist

New leaders fake on U.S. Steel

Right after the "1397 Rank and File" took control ofthe Hranestead local, U.S. Steel tried to showthe workerswho's boss. Steelworkers were sent home for having theirsleeves rolled up or given 10 days offfor lateness. In thepicture above, union members hit back by mass distributing the company's own warning slips for workers to usein "writing up their foremen." This plant gate action waspart of a press conference againstharassment in the mill

mi

since the election victory.The Rank and File has called in OSHA to follow up every

safety violation. One new griever was typical of the newteam, filing 20 grievances his first day. The organizationalso plans to help gear up for the campaign for the Rightto RatifyContracts which will be decided when 5,300 USWALocal Presidents meet in December.

strategies to hang on to his post.In a plant only 25% Black, he had toovercome widespread polarizationand gain enough white andChicano,aswell as Black, votes to win.

McBride forces pulled out all thestops to defeat him, including leafletswith racist cartoons of Andrews.And in a barely concealed appeal toracism, McBride backed two slatesto manipulate support away from Andrews. One slate was mostly white andheaded by Wally Hartman, and theother was mostly Black and Chicanohacks. Hartman (ala the slogans inside the mill) has been a companyunion man ever since he was VP un

der the old. Lopez gang till *76 anda do-nothing grievance manafter that.Most recently, he applied for a foreman position!

The 1010 Rank and File ran on tlte

record they built up over the pastthree years in office: keeping themembers informed, especiallythrough their newspaper; holdinga vote on the local contract - the

first such vote in the industry; improving the grievance system and using money for fighting grievancesinstead of for lost time for them

selves; putting the safety committeeinto action; getting the treasury outof debt; and participating in the campaign for the members' right to ratify the national contract. They supported striking iron ore miners,members of the USWA; coal miners?n strike against Inland, and mostrecently, the Newport News shipbuilders fighting for USWA recognition.

The Rank and File is a force

at Inland, but has some weaknessesthat help explain why the vote wasvery close-Andrews won by only 700votes out of 10,800. Rank and Fileaction for the most part starts at thetop and filters down from there. The

group hasn't fullymobilized the workers onadepartment-by-departmentbasis in its battles witli the company.

The local election returns reflected

the widely varied character of the opposition forces in the steel industry.At the other end of the spectrumfrom 1397 and eveh 1010 was 1014,

U.S. Steel's Gary Works.The reformers at 1014aredefinite

ly not a movement and barely evenan election committee. While the 1010Rank and File was putting out over20 leaflets with dozens of people handing them out, the 1014 slate, called theUnited Steelworkers, put out only afew. Those they printed had little tosay. There are issues facing Garyworkers: company harassment, abuseof job classification and description,wide disparity in incentive pay, company subconti'acting which weakensthe union, and internal union issueslike rampant favoritism and, abuse ofdues money. But the reform slatedidn't try to sharpen these issues andinform the membership of them. Keymembers of the slate were rarelyseen organizing.

When a large number of workers -

130 - turned out for a United Steelworkers meeting just a few weeksbefore the election, tliey were givennothing to do to helpl

The reform slate for executive positions was smashed by McBride'sman, incumbent Jack Parton, by 3-2.And they won only 1 grievance position, down from a total of 3 in thelast election.,

UNION BACKING ON THE JOB

Despite the standoff between the

^conf. on page 5)

Sabotage comes to lightMeany, McBride blockNewporf News support

The upper echelons of the UnitedSteel Workers Union and the AFL-CIO stabbed die key Newport NewsShip and Drydock strike in the back.

It was recently exposed that theysubverted support activities that werein the works to bolster the 3-monthlong strike.

According to Labor Notes, a newsletter covering the union reformmovement, the USWA cancelled alarge support meeting for the 800member unions of the Maryland/Washington AFL-CIO Council. Themeeting was initiated by tlie reformleadership of USWA Local 2609,Bethlehem Steel's Sparrows Point millin Baltimore, which won approvalfrom the state AFL-CIO President,Nicholas Forano.

After all the unions were asked to

the meeting, Forano cancelled out onorders from USWA District Director

Edward Plato. A new letter was sent

to all 800 unions calling off the meeting. Plato's boss Lloyd McBride pledignorance when called byLocal 2609*sPresident, Dave Wilson.

Wilson then managed to get a major press ccmference scheduled withthe co-sponsorship of the local AFL-CIO. This was then cancelled byAI^-CIO President George Meany.On top of this outrage, the Baltimore AFL-CIO president was toldnot to take any action in supportof Newport News unless asted toby the USWA InternatlOTal leadership.

This sabotage happened all over thecountry. For example, Joe Samargia,President of the USWA ircm rangeLocal 1938 and leader of the longest

major strike in USWA history, facedthe same kind of obstruction. In February, soon after the Newport Newsstrite began, he sent Steel WorkersPresident Lloyd BcBrlde a telegramasking that the Internaticmal officiallyencourage plant gate collections fromthroughout the union. The International's bland and belated responsewas to send locals a letter detailinghow donations should be sent, IF theywere collectedl

This sabotage from the top officialswas one important reason for the defeat of the key union recognition strikein the non-union South. And theirstrategy undercut the strike itself -from the first days of the walkoutthis winter when over 10,000 strikerswere told to let strike breakers crossthe picketlines, to the nonstop preaching of reliance on the courts, to thecall by union leaders for an unconditional return to work. Strike activists,who faced firings, intimidation, arrests, aiMl a brutal police riot, hadalready shown they were willing tofight the shipyard company harderdian that!

July, 1979/WORKEkS VOICE/5

Police attacks couldn't break Steams strike—it took an inside job.

UMW ABANDONSKY. UNION DRIVE

After 3 years on the picket lines,workers at Blue Diamond's mine inSteams, Kentucky were sold out inearly May. The United Mine WortersUnion international leadership abandoned the organizing drive when itagreed to a rigged union recognitionelection.

The UMW met with Blue Diamondand the National Labor RelationsBoard and decided on voter eligibility:110 scabs could vote along with only60 of the original 184 miners at BlueDiamond,

The vote was held on companygrounds May 3.Strikers weren'taboutto cross their own picket line to vote,and a court injunction kept out "un-approved" voters. The count washardly surprising: 110-0 for thecompany union, the Justus EmployeesAssociation.

That's how over 100 miners weresold down the Cumberland River bythe UMW. In the original union electionin 1976,Steams miners voted 127-57for the UMW. They were getting organized to fight the company, es

pecially for safety guarantees in theirdangerous work. Only weeks beforethe vote, a Blue Diamond-owned minein Scotia, Kentucky exploded twice,killing 26 men.

Despite the '76 vote, Blue Diamondrefused to bargain with the UMW,andthe miners struck again. They weresteadfast through three of the worstwinters in years. They fought scabsand jailings. They organized their 24-hour pickets from their bullet-riddledunion hall. Their wives formed theSteams Women's Club to help rallysupport.

They looked for inspiration to miners who had just won UMW representation in a fight-to-the-death strikeat the nearby Duke Power Companymine in Harlan County, Kentucky.

Harlan County could become a beachhead for the UMW in eastern Kentucky,

At present only 16% of the mines thereare organized. That's been the patternfor decades. But that figure is notabout to change if the UMWleadershipcontinues dumping militant minerslike it did at Steams.

_ STtti^estriker thanks McBride for the help.

Steel Postal amnesty fight still strong(cont from page 4)

reformers and cwnpany uniaiists inthe USWA, and the unevenness amongreform groups, there are signs ofmotion in the mills which could tipthe balance towards a rank and filemovement. The seeds of this movement were seen in the course c£ theelections , from the militant Local1397 to the scattered but strong rankand file organization that is developingon a department by departmentbasis.These grwips of activists mobilizedto publish newsletters, elect toughgrievers, deal withcanpany att?icks,and have grown more tightly kniton and off the job. Organized fermentin the coke plants forced the International to hold a coke workers conference earlier this year.

These groups have the potentialforeffectively fitting the companies aswell as transforming reform committees into a strong rank and file forcein the departments that will help theunion function on the shop floor • Andttiey also have big national tasks a-head: winning a decent contract in1980, which Involvesbuildingthecampaign for workers' rightto ratifycontracts big enoughtogetitpassedatthebasic steel local presidents' meetingin January.

Making union officials moveNEW YORK - Postal workers have

a special delivery message for theUS Postal Service: Amnesty for allfired postal workers now!

They're going to Washington in lateJune to demonstrate and present petitions with the signatures of morethan 30,000 amnesty supporters toPostmaster GeneralBolgerandPres-ident Carter.

The fight for amnesty has beenwaged since last summer. When 4000postal workers In New Jersey andSan Francisco stood In the frontranks against government v/age restraints and went on strike, the Postal Service singled out 200 andfired them. So far, under months ofpressure from workers, they havehired back 35, a few at a time.They're trying to set an exampleto clear away rank and file opposition as post office working conditions and contracts get worse andworse. Two hundred were fired, butall postal workers are the target.That's' why they're not going to tetup on their amnesty campaign untilevery last one is rehired.

Their latest fight is against a decision by a panel of arbitrators setup by the Postal Service and the

union, APWU. It was a railroad.Arbitrators heard testimony on the

firings only from management andpostal inspectors. Based on that, theyruled that the USPS was "mandated"to give the maximum penalty to anyone involved in a strike.

To fight this decision, postal workers are mobilizing a broad rangeof support. They're publicizing theruling among workers at the largemail centers and organizing for thedemonstration in Washington. Therank and file Postal Workers DefenseCommittee has been active throughout the campaign and is keeping theworkers informed through its newspaper P.O.W. (Post Office Worker),

New Defense Committee amnesty t-shirts are a hot Item—one worker atthe New Jersey Bulk Center sold60 In one day. In bold letters, thet-shirts demand "Support Fired Workers! AMNESTY NOW!" In the postoffices, even in the bulk center wherethere were lots of firings, manywear the shirts to work, and they'vebecome a symbol of defiance to man

agement. At'one center theyevenusedthem to harass efficiency experts.

Months of building amnesty supportamong postal workers in the NewYork-New Jersey region has produced broader results. The officialunion hierarchy of the New YorkMetro local of the APWU, includingits president, Biller, whobetrayed theworkers at the time of their strikelast summer, has since taken up theamnesty campaign.

Meanwhile, the APWUnational president Emmet Andrews and mostothers in the national leadership arecontinuing their sell-out policies andobstructing the amnesty fight. Thelatest skirmish came at the APWUNational Executive Board meeting inHouston in late April. During themeeting, word came in that the ar-

(continued on page 16)

6/WORKERS VQICE/Julv. 1979

When Chrysler announced in lateMay its plans to slow its agingDodge Main assembly- plant, 2,500auto worters took to the streets of

Hamtramck, Michigan. The cost-cutting move scheduled for nextyear will throw 5,000 Detroit-area

' workers on to the streets and sealthe fate 1,500 already on layoff.The Sunday, June 3 march from thelocal union hall to a Hamtramck

park drew hurvireds of Dodge Mainworkers includingdozens of skilledtradesmen who left work to attend

^the rally in coveralls,s Local union officials and poll-I^ticians addressed the crowd ofworkers, community people, andtheir families. None of the speak-

lers could crffer a plan for fittingr the shut down. The main solution

they had was to call for public

financing (rf Chrysler. When SteveYogich erf United Autoworkers Region 1 expressed a hint of militancy, the crowd responded enthusiastically. Seventy percent of tlieDodge Main workers arc Blackand a big percentage erf the restare Arabs.

Chrysler maintains it will absorb the 5,000 workers at otherDetroit area plants. They mentionthe Jefferson Avenue AssemblyPlant where the 1981 Volare andAspen models are being shiftedfrom Dodge Main and the WarrenTruck Plant where light ti'ucksfrom Jefferson Avenue will bemade. But they have said nothing

i^aboutthe 1,500 workersalreadyonlayoff.

The proposed shutdown comes atla time of crisis for Chrysler, the•fading number 3 auto maker.Chrysler reported losses (rf $58million in the firstquarterof 1979.They are saddled with too many ofthe full size models in these times

erf scarce,high-pricedgasolineandcoming recession. Chrysler liasalready sold its European operation to Puegeot-C itroen of France.They are short of capital to retool

^for down-sized fuel efficient ve-;hicles that come up to the new-pollution staiulards. Their diffi-' culties reflect the increasing mo

nopolization of the market by Fordand General Motors. CM presentlycontrols i^arly 60^ of sales.

The debt ridden number 3 auto

company lias hired the flamlxiyantformer Ford president Lee A.lococea (for $33,000 a week) tostreamline their troubled corporation. lococca, who can count thedeath-on-wheels Pinto as one of

his accomplishments, is busy firing advertising agencies and management personnel, devising marketing schemes, and planning newmodels. He has said he will try togain a cheaper contract than Fordand CM in tins yearns negotiations with the United Autoworkers,

lococca is the swaggering, cigarpuffing executive that Chryslerneeds, and the ruthless, cost-cutting capitalist that 6,500 DodgeMain workers and the thousand erfx^iers in Chrysler's empii-e arejg<)^ to haye

Auto workers eyeG.M.'s $3.51 billionContract fight heads toward Sept. 15When auto bargaining talks open in

July, it*ll be hot in the car plants.Auto workers have been sweating to

keep up with die relentless assemblylines and with the equally rough rateof inflation. They are in no moodto tighten their belts another notch,especially with this year's probabletarget. General Motors, growingobese with profits.

When the talks start in air conditioned comfort, auto workers will beletting the top union officials knowjust how hot they are—hot aboutfalling pay, forced overtime, the poverty of the retirees, production standards, job security, SUB guarantees,and threatened take aways in healthcoverage.

In union meetings and on the shopfloor, they've spoken their mind. Whenunion president Douglas Eraser refused to condemntheCarter7%guide-lines, a mood of discontent beganbrewing in the ranks. As other bigunions took stands closer to rank andfile pay demands, Eraser finally goton the anti-guidelines bandwagon.

At the Aprilpre-bargaining conven

Building auto unityas easy as ABC?

As the September 14 expiration begins to come into view, activity andorganization are only beginning. Themost significant efforts have comefrom the COLA on Pensions Commi-

tee, the main force behind the largedemonstration at the pre-bargainingconvention,,

Pete Kelly of the Independent Skilled Trades Councils initiated Auto-Workers for a Better Contract (ABC)to unite tradesmen and productionworkers for a more effective fight.In the past the trades have been moreorganized than the unskilled workers

in resisting sell out contracts. Thetradesmen have more leverage a-galnst the companies because theirskills are In demand. But becausethey are a minority in the union, theyhave gotten the shaft in the past fewcontracts.

Unfortunately the ABC coalltiongotbogged down in endless debates. Afterseveral months of internal hassling,ABC was not even able to organizefor the big COLA on pensions rally.A few small leftist sects were responsible for blocking the ABC coalition from developing plans for aco-ordinated contract campaign.

The Philadelphia Workers Organizing Committee: (PWOC) and someof its affiliated groups refused to u-nite with the priorities erf demandsactually coming to the fore in thisyear's battle. They insisted that af-flrmaUve acUon a central thrust

tion several thousand active and retired workers demonstrated for acost of living on pensions plan. Fraserwas forced to briefly join the marchers and later proclaim the demand thenumber one priority.

Wages to keep up with inflationis the mostwidespread demand. Sevenhundred and fifty thousand autoworkers find themselves depending onovertime pay just to keep up withdollar-a-galion gas, and escalatingmortgage rates.

Meanwhile General Motors has usedthe weeks-on-end of forced overtimetoamass .$3.51 billion in 1978 profits,the highest earnings of any industrialcorporation ever.

Their pay offer to the workers? A3% raise, the same as they've givenin every contract since 1950. Theyclaim this is all that workers' productivity goes up. But according toa" statement by Fraser at the SkilledTrades Conference productivity hasgone up over 24% in the last threeyears.

Union activists propose a 20% raisethe first year, wage reopeners the

Autoworkers

who slave for

Big 3 don'tintend to be

-shafted in

new contract.

of the organizing even though theyadmitted that it is not somethingthat will figure much in this year'snegotiations. They said it must beemphasized to educate white workersabout racism.

PWCjC's opponents In ABC pointedout that battles around stronger seniority rights, job postings, harassment, firings and affirmative actionhiring and advancement are morelikely to be successful in local contracts and shop struggles.

As PWOC continued to obstruct

ABC meetings with abstract debateand empty calls to unite around theirprincipals, it became clear to Kellyand other union officials and activists, many of whom are revolutionaries themselves, that ABC couldgo nowhere.

Kelly and the ISTC plan to workwith rank and file caucuses and locally based committees in a lessformal way as tlie deadline drawscloser and as local organizing provides die basis to unite common efforts.

The demise of ABC is unfortunatebecause co-ordinated efforts areclearly needed to unite the auto rankand file around the demands and tac-ics of this year's battle. The obvious lesson of this failure is that areal rank and file coalition can onlybe built on the basis of organizations, activists, and union officialsthat have deep ties in the strugglesin plants and unions.

Second anu third years, and a COLAplan that compensates for the entirecost of living rise. The present formula only makes up for 80% of inflation.

Many in the UAW are looking fora shortened work week to relievethe heavy work load and reverse thedecline in auto jobs. In the last contract they got some relief from thegrind of 60 and 70 hour weeks.They won 12 paid personal holidays.These "PPH days" are verypopular,but no substitute for voluntary overtime and a shorter work week atno loss in pay.

Automation, speed up, downsizing,and recession all pose big threats tojob security. Weldingand spray painting robots are already in operation,particularly at Chrysler. Plans to invest tens of billions in the 'SO'sallow for as much as 30% of theworkforce to be eliminated.

Union activists fear Fraser willtake any important moves towardvoluntary overtime and shortenedwork week off the bargaining tablevery quickly and settle for a couplemore "PPH days."

Every major contract so far thisyear has provoked some kind of strike.Sabotage by the union officlaldon andmaneuvering by the companies andgovernment have kept the walkoutssomewhat limited. In trucking thelockout/selective strike combinationkept the Teamster rank and file fromflexing their muscle. In rubber, thewalkout has only been at Uniroyal,

But if General Motors comes upwith a bargain basement offer, ortakeaways, GM workers are likelyto set up picket lines from Fremont,California to Tarrytown, New York.'

Rubber(continuedfrom page 1)

in four to six weeks. Losses in tJie3rd' and 4th quarter of 1979 willendanger its ability to attract investors and needed capital. A Worker'sVoice reporter spoke to strikers infront of the Detroit Uniroyal plant.None had any good words to say abouteither Carter or Bommarito. They'reproud of the long 1976 strike and resentful that the rest of the union was

n't pulled out tliis time too.Many gripe that tiie top leader

ship hasn't kept them informed ofwhat's happening, Whena cop roughedup one of the strikers for not letting a boss's car tlirough quick enough,the union hall and tlie bar across

the street emptied out and Detroitcops had to backpeddle quickly.

The strikers won a victory whena federal judge ruled that thegovern-rhent has no power to impose sanctions on companies that give workersmore than the guidelines. Uniroyalhas said no matter what tlie guidelines are, it will not pay out whatthe workers are demanding.

But there's more involved thanjust Uniroyal against tlie' strikers.Forty-seven thousand other workersare watching this fight very closely.If this pattern-setting settlement isa penny-pincher, the rest of the rubber industry may be crippled bystrikes.

Aside from an over-tlie-guidelinespay hike, the stikers ai'e demandinga cost of living escalator tliat covers 100% of inflation, sanctions against plant closings, industry pledgesto give preferential hiring to displaced URW members, non-interference in organizing drives, protectionof tlie pension funds, 25 and out,and no new productivity clauses. :

Since tlie strike began May 9th,news of it has been virtually blackedout by the big time media. Unfortunately the trade union movementhas yet to mobilize support for thiskey strike.

Behind the

KennedyboomUnion big shots among Bobby backersThe 1880 elections are more than

a year off, but the antics of variouspoliticians are already hewing headlines. The big news is the "DraftTeddy**movement ripping through theDemocratic Party.

Democratic professionals and politicians are worrletl that Carter, whoranks with nuclear meltdowns in thepopularity polls, will sink the Partyin the elections.

Certain forces in the labor move

ment, and among Black and Latinopublic figures and traditional liberals,see Kennedy as the key to shoringup their dwindling political influence.They hope to channel mass popular

discontent back into the system behind Kennedy.

THE BOOM AND TEDDY

Newsweek features his smilingface. Congressmen hold breakfastmeetings to discuss running him. Liberals in California and party regularsin Ohio are challenging the statemachines on his behalf.

A write -in campaign is underwayin New Hampshire for next year'sprimary. In Iowa, a stronghold of theboom. Machinist officials predict theKennedy delegates will beat Cartersupporters 3 to 1 in the Januaryparty caucuses.

Teddy is playing coy. While strenuously denying a presidential bid, hehas made only token efforts to stopthe groundswell. He told the* BostonGlobe that if Carter doesn'trunagain,he will toss his hat into the ring,

Teddy has tept himself in the publiceye by attackingCarter'sdomesticprograms although he fully supportsthe administration's foreign policy,especially the SALT agreement,

Teddy's latest bid has been to pushithrough a national health program,one ofCarter'smany unmet promises.

Teddy's backers like some of theadvantages he has overCarter. First,

he is a Kennedy. Millions have great-respect and affection for the family.The murders of JFK and Bobby elevated them from popular politicians toa more heroic stature. This has car

ried over to their younger brother,despite his shabby role in the death ofMary Jo Kopechne at Chappaquidick.

Also he has spent the last decadeas a senator. He has not faced the.

same problems as Carter. Its not easybeing the number one front man forthe wealthy ruling class ata time when

they have to crack down on the living standards of the majority to preserve their profits and system,

A California poll said that 53%there would vote Kennedy in theprimary, with Jerry Brown getting20% and Carter only 18%. Workers,minorities, and liberals all feelJimmy hasbetrayedthem--after theirvotes put him in office.

This situation has pushed a growingnumber of regular Democratic Partyhacks, who fear a 1980 disaster, intothe ranks oftheKennedyboosters.

THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS

The liberal opposition to Carterbegan to coalesce at the Democraticmid-term conventionlastfallinMem-

I^is. Labor delegates especially fromthe Autoworkers, Black and Latinopoliticians, and others staged a mini-revolt. Teddy Kennedy put himself atthe head of this trend, which fou^tfor a return to the social programs ofthe New Frontier and the Great

Society periods of the 1960's,• The brains behind this mini-revolt

came from a group called the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee. This is a split-off from the oldand now almost defunctSocialist Par

ty dedicated to working inside theDemocratic Party.

The idea of the Democratic Party,which is owned lock, stock and barrel

by the capitalist class, beinga vehicleto very gradually bring socialism tothe U.S. is laughable. What DSOCmeans by socialism, however, isnot the rule of the working class.

They're talking about state capitalism, like Britain or Sweden, wherethe government has more extensivesocial welfare programs and moredirect control over industry, thoughthe wealthy few still run society.

DSOC helped to draw up the "Democratic agenda," a program of reforms like the national health bill

for the opposition to rally around. Itssuccess at the convention helped DSOCmake gains in influence and membership, including such notable recruitsas California's Black CongressmanRon Dellums and MS magazine pub-Usher Gloria Steinem. Now DSOC

is all-out for a Kennedy candidacy.

LABOR LEADERS IN A BIND

The only top labor leader to openlysponsor the "Draft Teddy" movement is another DSOC member, William Winpisinger, president of thepowerful International Association ofMachinists. When asked recently whatCarter could do for the Americanpeople, he had a one word answer,"Die."

Other trade union big shots whohave a political outlook similar toWinpisinger's, like Jerry Wurf ofthe American Federation of State,County and Municipal Workers andDoug Fraser of the United AutoWorkers, are a lot more cautious.

A Winpisinger lieutenant who isheading the Iowa campaign. Bill Fen-ton, told the Workers Voice that theUAW and AFSCME have instructedlocal officials not to take part inthe meetings. He added that theyhave been coming anyway.

Carter was unable to deliver on

the common situs picketing and laborlaw reform bills. His weak efforts

Recession knocking on the doorRecent government statistics

leave little doubt that the economyis sliding repidly into a recession.While Carter administration economists are busy denying the obvious, private economists see thereal issue as how severe it willget.

Federal Reserve Board Chairman G. William Miller claims,"The good news is the economy isslowingand headingfor a period ofpause and consolidation."

Good news? Not for the people!Look at some of the records theeconcHny is setting.

April orders for home furnishings, major appliances, cars,trucks, machinery, and other durable goods tookthe sharpest plungein 11 years. The index of leadingindicators, a measure (rfeconomicgrowth, dropped 3.3% in April,an all-time record.

Miller tries to take credit forthe slowdown saying it' is dueto his tight money policies atFederal Reserve Bank. But themost immediate reason that business is slowing down is that theconsumer is spent out. Consumerdebt is staggering. People owe $1

trillion on mortgages alone, another record. They're putting lessin the bank than any year since'74,

When the common people can'tafford to buy anything, sure enoughthere's a slowdown on the way.

What might be a "period ofpause" to big business meansextended layoff for workers andbusiness failure for small capitalists.

The best way to see what "goodnews" a slowdown can be for thepeople is to look at the recession(rf 1974, the worst business dropsince the Great Depression,

July, 1979/WORKERS VOICE/7

on these hurt him with union officials who wanted the legislation tohelp bolster their failing influence andmembership rolls.

The AFL-CIO went all out toits members to elect Carter. Theytold workers Carter was not justanother crooked politician, but "thecandidate of the little man." ThenCarter made these union big shotslook like chumps by promptly breakingevery promise he made to labor.The 7% guidelines and stepped upsocial service .cut backs are two

-examples.Carter's attacks on the American

people are an integral part of a tighten up by. the big capitalists of theirdirect control over the government.In the process the AFL-CIO topcats

are being stripped of some of theinfluence they used to exercise inthe nation's governing circles. EvenGeorge Meany has been complainingirritably that Jimmy doesn't calland consult with him frequently, likeJFK and LBJ used to.

TEDDY CAN'T CUT IT

Despite tlieir reluctance to admitit publicly, there is no question thatthe majority of top union leaderswould prefer to have Kennedy asthe Democratic candidate in 1980,

Already many second level figuresand staff people are working in the"Draft Teddy" movement.

They see Kennedy as the charismatic figure who can channel disgruntled and restless workers backinto traditional politics, but the Kennedy boom may become more of aboomerang.

If Teddy refuses to run, the angerbuilt up against Carter may findother outlets. There is a lot of

sentiment among lower level unionofficials for starting a third partybased on the labor movement. When

anti-nuke scientist and activistBarryCommoner called for such a partyat a May 11 meeting of 300 Chicagoarea officials from thirty differentunions, he got a standing ovation.

And even if Kennedy does run andwin, it shouldn't take long for disillusionment to set in. One Congressman, Barber Conable, Jr., of NewYork,' expressed admiration at howwell Teddy has taken on tiie roleof spokesman for the common people.

"He is being extremely artful inhis positioning. I know the Kennedysand they are not all that liberal."

In office, Kennedy will face the sameproblems that Carter is facing - acrisis-ridden economy, a worldwidechallenge from the Kremlin, stirringsof rebellion among Blacks, students,workers and other sections of thepeople, demands from the wealthy thatcontending sections ofthe ruling classthat the crisis be resolved to eachof their best interests.

Then he'll wish he really meantit when he claimed he wasn't running..

In '74 eight million were thrownout of work and 3 million jobs werelost for good. Unemployment benefits, welfare payments, and so

cial services were slashed.The bosses pulled themselves

out of that recession by screwingthe workers. The slowdown markedthe shifting to overdrive in the-productivity push with its speed up,layoffs, j(A> combinations, and forced overtime.

How well did it do in fightinginflation? Nowhere near as wellas it did in shafting the people.Inflation has continued to rise ineach of the 6 recessions sinceworld War il.

8/WORKERS VOICE/July, 1979

People everywhereU.S. earns hatred backing reaction

Iranians say: Hands off our revolutionIn the last month, huge demonstra

tions have swept Iran protesting U.S.meddling in the Iranian revolution.The country is facing difficult tasksand decisions and there are sharpdifferences among the forces whopulledtogether to overthrow the Shah. Bothdie U.S. and rival superpower theSoviet Union, which hasalsobeentar-getted in the recent demonstrations,are looking to take advantage ofthe unsettled situation.

Anger at the U.S., long the Shah*smain backer, was triggered by aSenate resolution condemning the"summary executions" in Iran andby similar remarks from PresidentCarter. Iranians were particularlyoutraged that the resolution was sponsored by N.Y. Senator Jacob Javits.Secret documents seized from theShah's files had just been published,showing Javits' wife, Marion, wason the Shah's payroll to create anundercover Iran lobby to influenceCongress and the press.

There is also a strong suspic

ion that the United States is behinda mysterious terrorist group calledForghan. Claiming to be Islamicfighters, this outfit has assasinatedtop level officials of AyatoUah Khomeini's movement in a professionalmanner very reminiscent of SAVAKthe dreaded secret police under theShah.

A SUDDEN CONCERN

Why the sudden government andmedia concern about the human rightsof the 250 odd sadistic torturers andpaid henchmen of the old regimewho have been executed? The Senatenever passed any resolutions condemning the Shah's bloody tyranny andJimmy Carter never once spoke outabout the tens of thousands gunnedin the streets by his troops lastyear.

Obviously it has nothing to dowith human rights. The criticismsfrom the U.S. are intended to influence political developments in Iran.

(com. on page 16)

k

Demonstrators in Tehran burn effigy of Uncle Sam. Six pointed stars and hammer & sickle on U,S. flag show opposition to Israeli and Soviet meddling too.

U.S. pumps cash to Nicaraguan "Shah"The U.S.-dominated Internation

al M(Mietary Fund (IMF) has justlent Nicaragua'sbeseigeddictator,Anastasio Somoza, a helpinghand-a whopping $65 million loan. Justweeks later, on June 1, Nicaraguan guerrillas and civilianslaunched a major offensive aimedat Somoza's overthrow.

The IMF loan is Intended to re

plenish S(Mnoza's bankrupt treasury, nearly half of which goes tothe military. And right now, theNational Guard, Nicaragua's combined military-police, has itsgunspointed at the Nicaraguan people,who have been in constant rebel

lion against the hated Somoza foralmost a year. Once again theU.S. is propping up a tinhorn dictator facing doom at thehands (£ his people.

The U.S. has backed the Sc»nozafamily ever since it sent in theMarines and installed Anastasio's

father in power in the 1930*s.To this day it arms the NationalGuard and trains its commanders,including Somoza's son, on military bases in the U.S. The familycontrols a $500 million businessempire, while most Nicaraguanpeople live in dire poverty. TheU.S. has reaped many benefitsfrom this mineral -rich, strategically located ally.

Yet even though the U.S. wassending Somoza more aid than anyLatin American government in themid-1970's, the regime is now onits last legs.

From the Sandinista guerrillasin the countryside, to the workersand youth in the cities, Nicara-guans are fighting to get rid of theisolated Somoza ard the "Somo-

cismo" system.The June offensive has been

long expected. There is heavy

fighting now between the San-diniastas and National Guard inmany provincial cities throughoutthe country. The guerrillas on June5 liberated Leon, Nicaragua's second largest city, and keptthe nearby Guard garrison pinned down.The Sandinistas also now control

El Naranjo.Meanwhile the people of Nica

ragua launched a general strikeJune 4, -called by the Sandinistasand aimed at Somoza's overthrow.Stores, factories and transportation have been shut down by thehigh level of participation in thestrike. This is despite the fact

' that thousands of civilians have

been executed by the NationalGuard's "reign of terror."

Somoza*s system is crumblingunder him. In order to get the IMFloan, Somoza agreed to-economicmeasures that will come downhard

on the Nicaraguan people. He hasalready begun implementing theterms of the loan by devaluing theNicaraguan currency.

This led to immediate government sanctioned price increases.

Electricity and water rates aloneshot up 30%, The agreement alsocalls for holding down wages. Opposition to the new austerity measures is already fueling anti-government sentiment.

Last year, the U.S. governmentdid everything it could to keep theShah of Iran in power. It failedand its efforts earned it the hatred

of the Iranian and freedom-lovingpeople around the world.

Now the ruling class is, in thename of the American people,backing another greedy, vicioustyrant who has served them wellin the past. Once again they areheaded for miserable failure.

And Senate is set to do same in Rhodesia!This is exactly what former Rho-

desian Prime Minister Ian Smith hadin mind whenhesetuptherecentelec-tions there. The military, the police,under white settler control, but nowthere are Black faces in government,even at the top. They are there to breakthe international isolation of the regime and strengthen its hand againstthe Black guerrillas of the PatrioticFront.

On June 7, Jimmy Carter announcedhe would defy the Senate vote and keepthe sanctions on. Defending presentU.S. policy, he pointed out that sanctions "limit the ability of. outsidepowers, " meaning the USSR, "totake advantage of the situation insouthern Africa at the expense ofthe United States."

Unlike the conservative side of this

confrontation, Carter recognizes that

(com. on page 16)

The establishment of a Black figurehead to prettify the white minoritydomination in Rhodesia has triggereda big move in U.S. ruling circles to endeconomic sanctions against the outlawgovernment there. In the aftermathof the farcical "free elections" whichestablished an Uncle Tom^namedMuzorewa as Prime Minister, theUnited Slates Senate voted 75 to 19in favor of ending the sanctions.

Behind the move to recognize theMuzorewa government is an effort tomake a major shift in U.S. foreignpolicy in Africa. The vote was engineered by Senator Jesse Helms, whohas one of the shrewdest minds of the18th century. He is partofa reactionary trend which Wants the UnitedStates to form a close public alliancewith the racist apartheid regime inSouth Africa and give whatever aidis necessary to preserve white domination in the southern tip of Africa.

July. 1979/WORKERSVOICE/9

just want to be free'Is USSR friend of liberation?

S.E. Asian revolutionsface Viet Nam backstabbing

Across Southeast Asia, from thePhilippines to Burma, nationallibera-tion movements have been fightingfor years to free themselves fromthe yoks of oppression and foreigndomination. The Vietnamese government came to power in just such astruggle.

But today the rulers of Vietnamand their massive army-the fourthlargest in the world - are stabbingthe peoples of Asia in the back. Injust the last year Vietiam has:

"* Invaded neighboring DemocraticKampuchea (Cambodia), overthrownthe government and installed its ownpuppets in power;

* Stationed 200,000 troops in Kampuchea and its other neighbor, Laos,which it now dominates;

* Compelled Laos to signanagree-ment with the military government ofThailand (bordering both Kampucheaand Laos), providing for the suppression of the Thai guerrillas whohave waged a 14-year war for liberation;

* Set up a rival -'genuine ThaiCommunist Part>''* based in. Laos;

Condemned the New Peoples Army

in the Philippines for Its guerrillawar and its work with broad oppositionforces in the country;

* Sent Premier Pham Van Dong to

five Southeast Asian countries, announcing to the governments, and,thrbugh press conferences, to theworld, their opposition toeveryguerrilla movement in the area. The Premier went so far as to lay a wreathat the monument to British troopswho fought against Malaysian liberation forces in the '50s.

* Signed miMitary, political andeconomic pacts with the Soviet Unionthat significantly expand Moscow'sinfluence in the region.

DEPENDENCE ...

There isn't a single liberationstruggle in Southeast Asia that theVietnamese or their Soviet masterssupport. It wcmid run counter to theiraim <rf hegemony in the region. Andit would clash with Vietnam's strategyof reliance on the Soviet Union andSoutheast Asia's dependence on Hanoi,

Vietnam has turned to the Sovietsfor the supplies and airlifts thatwere essential in its aggression inKampuchea, just like the U.S. backedtheir (XippeCs in South Vietnam. Inreturn the Soviets get a politicaland military foothold in the mostpowerful country in the region.

On the assumption that foreign—mainly Soviet—aid would flow intothe country, Vietnamese leaders havenot decisively mobilized the pec^leduring their four years in power. Asa result, the economic situation isdisastrous. There are huge riceshortages, and in the cities a chickencosts two thirds ofan average month'swages.

The diversion of energy, resources,and cadre into occupying Laos andattacking Cambodia certainly doesn'thelp to develop Vietnam internally.Since the clashes with the Chinese in

February, it has exploited the situation by calling back 200,000 men intomilitary service. Putting the countryon a war footing may temporarilysolve a massive unemployment problem, but it won't get the Vietnameseout of the hole they're in.

OR INDEPENDENCE?

The national liberation struggles ofSoutheast Asia are taking a completelydifferent path. They practice self-reliance, turning to the n^ajorities inthe countryside while building broadunited fronts. In Thailand the frontincludes former parliamentary representatives and in the Philippines,Catholic clergymen.

The Thai People's Army and theNew People's Army in the Philippinescontinue to scoreadvancesonthemilitary front. Guerilla struggles aredeveloping in Burma and have a longhistory inMalaysia. The former Portuguese colony of East Timor is fighting hard against an invasion fromIndones^, and people's forces areactive in Indonesia itself.

These movements' insistence oncarrying out their own revolutions intheir own way is unacceptable to theVietnamese, even though all tliesemovements (except Burma) are fighting U.S. imperialism. This self reliance directly obstructs Vietnam'saims of controlling Soutlieast A'sia,

Vietnam has responded to this challenge with slander and outright intervention. Vietnam set up a group

of "authentic Kampuchean revolutionaries" just before invading and overthrowing the Kampucheangovernmentthis January. The recent establishment of a "genuine Thai CommunistParty" forewarns of Vietnam's intention to meddle in Thailand, whe^ethe guerrilla movementotherwisehasa solid chance of seizing power withina decade.

Through its press, Vietnam haspublically repudiated the SoutheastAsian national liberation movementsas "outlawed Beijing (Peking) mindedextremist organizations...(who) conduct armed attacks and terroristicand divisive operations, wantonly

massacring civilians and ransackingthe people's property."

Vietnam denounces these movements for "taking Mao Ze DongThought as their ideological fcmnda-tion and armed struggle as the onlymeans of securing power."

CHINA'S ROLE AND THE SOVIETS

In contrast to Vietnam, China continues to aid the liberation movements in Southeast Asia, Despitethe requirements of a foreign policy that involves uniting with the U.S.-supported governments in the areaagainst the Soviet threat, China hascontinued its longstanding supportfor the movements for liberation.Deng Xiao Bing (Teng Hsiao Ping)underscored this point' at a recentBangkok press conference, in thepresence the Thai ambassador

to China.

The Soviet Union, in keeping withthe position of its Hanoi sidekicks

does not support any of the Southeast Asian liberation movements, because none will becomo subservientto Moscow.

The Soviet thesis of "peaceful coexistence" with imperialism and re

fusal to support national liberationstruggles emerged in the I950*s and

60's. Since then they have taken thispolicy from the defensive to the offensive.

In Asia, the Soviets use Vietnam'sCam Ranh Bay as a temporary naval base, and are constructing yetanother Pacific naval base, enlarging a super airstrip in the southernmost of the four Japanese islands they occupy, dispatching Cubanpoliticos on a diplomatic swing a-round the region, and offering armsto both the Thai and Philippine governments to use against the revolutionary struggles in those areas.

Today national liberation struggleshave entered a new stage, facingSoviet, Vietnamese or Cuban intervention as well as that of the U.S.

Afghani rebels with Soviet whirlybird they downed.

Afghanistan rebelstarget SovietsIn April, Aleksei Yepishev, politi

cal commissar of the Soviet Armyand a key figure in the 1968 invasion of Czechoslavakia, flew into Afghanistan. Yepishev was not vacationing in the mountainous, Texas-sized Asian nation. He was there toprop upthepro-Moscow government ofNur Mohammed Taraki, which is losing a rapidly escalating civil warwith Islamic guerrillas.

The Khalqi Party, which Tarakiheads, seized control of the country-in a military coup, which they havesince dubbed a " socialist revolution",early in 1978. Opposition at first waslimited - the dictatorship of Mohammed Daud, also pro-Soviet, had donenothing for the desperately poor Afghani masses.

But Taraki instituted a series ofill-considered social reforms andbacked them with repressive laws.The government did not take into account local custom and tradition orthe fact that the small Khalqi Partyhad little firm supportamong the com-mw people. Ignoring or attacking re-li^on at a time of a nationalistic resurgence of Islamthroughout theMid-dle East was a fatal error.

Taraki also sold out the nationalinterests of the Af^ahi people, Soviet advisors were everywhere, running things openly and behind thescenes. Alienation from the government grew, even among patriotic intellectuals and leftists, as a resultof steps like the dumping of Afghanistan's traditional flag in favor of anew, red banner.

By late last fall, the traditional

ly independent mountain tribesmenwere in revolt against the government. This rebellion spread and became a direct threat to Taraki'srule. Tens of thousands fled government reprisals and became refugees in Pakistan.

During a mid-March uprising inHerat, the third largest city, largenumbers of soidiersand police deserted. On April 20 it escalated toarmedmutiny in tlic Jalalaba garrison nearthe Pakistan border.

Government offi<jials have tried tobacktrack. "Socialism" is seldommentioned and Taraki gets himselfphotographed praying in mosques,but it's too little, too late. Nearlyevery section of the population ishostile to the regime.

Taraki's main answer has been tolean on the U.S.S.R. even more.Yepishev's visit was followed by anairlift of T-60 tanks,MiG fighter-bombers, Ml24ro-:ket-armed coptersand over 2,000 Soviet "advisors" touse this hardware.

Russians have become a naturaltarget for the rebels. Over 200 havebeen reported killed so far. OtherEuropeans describe close calls in citystreets whenangrycrowdsarmedwithclubs and knives surrounded them onthe assumption they were Soviets.

The rulers of-the U.S.S.R. are ina real bind. They have committedthemselver to the defense of the faithful Taraki regime - losing controlof Af^anistan would be a practicaland prestige setback. But they worrythat the country may becoihe, inthe words of one Soviet diplomat,"our Viet Nam".

k:-'

lO/WORKERS VOICE/July. 1979

A new period begins for Black struggle25 years after 'Brown vs. Bd of Education'May 17, 25years ago, the U.S. government made a promise to Black people -

a promise (rf equality. On that day in 1954, the Supreme Court in the case ofBrown vs. Board of Education ruled that "separate but equal" was inherentlyUnequal.

25 years later, Black people are still not equal, let alone free. On the contrary, there Is a new mood of resistance and there are stirrings of a renewedliberation movement.

It's a mood and a movement rooted in the struggles of the '50s and '60s -the bitter battles in which Black people wrung from the system whatever gainsthey've made over the last 25 years. The Brown decision outlawed segregationbut it didn't end it It was the thousands who dared face dogs, waterhoses andhooded killers who tore down the racist JimCrow system and fueled the fire ofBlack pride and anger throughout the country. Watts went up in flames. Tanksrolled down the streets of Detroit after people with a vision of freedom ontheir minds and Black Power on their lips virtually took over the city. That'swhat it took to open up a few more opportunities.

They forced areluctantgovernmenttogoalong. When the ruling class couldn'tstop the 1963Civil Rights march, it tried to coopt and subvert it. When it couldn'tiscdate Malcolm and the Black Panthers, it wiped them <mt.

Black people never stopped fighting. But by 1972, the trend was for them totake their struggle inside the "legitimate channels". The government dangled afew morsels o£ bait - and then didn't leave people much alternative but to bite.Those who scorned the ruling class' enticements had to retreat - or face itsguns alone.

For the vast majority of people, however, the legitimate channels didn't work.Blacks stayed at the bottcon <rf the barrel and Black unemployment remainedtwice that whites. Since the latest round of economic crisis set in in 1973,illusions of progress have scattered to the winds. Blacks were busted out ofthe new jobs and skilled trades training programs they'd broken into, anddragged down by social service cuts. With the Bakke decisiwi in 1978, the highest,court in the land gave the official stamp of approval to the Ku Klux Klan crythat white people's civil rights were being violated. The Supreme Court calledit "reverse discrimination".

Today, 25 years after Brown vs. Board of Education, Black people are againconcluding that they have a big fight on their hands, a fight that goes way beyond the bounds o£ tee Democratic Party or tee Equal Employment OpportunityCommission or the courts. Each new outrage taps sentiments of "We're fed upand'we're not taking anymore." People want power— power to shape the'de«;cisions and decision-making institutions that affect their lives. They've seenthat as long as that power is in someone else's hands, it will be used against

i

\

them.

There are seeds of a new movement on the rise. The cops have always killedBlack people with impunity and Black people have always reacted with rage.But now there's something different. In the last 2 years in N.Y., Philadelphiaand Mississippi, movements triggered by particular cases of police brutalitydid not run their course and then die out. They continued. They broadened.They took on a whole range of issues. They brought back to life the spiritof a people standing up for their liberation.

These are the signs of what's to come. But right now, there are big questions confronting people who wanf to fight.

Leadership and organization - what the ruling class did not destroy at theend of tee '60s, it pulled into the system and is just now pushing out. How doesnew leadership and organization develop?

Program, strategy and tactics - the conditions people face today are different than the '50s and '60s and so are their deniands. How do you fight fordesegregation in cities where the student population has become overwhelminglyBlack? Or should ^the focus be on improving Black schools? How do you fightfor jobs in a shrinking economy? How do you fight crime when all the police dois vamp on your people but the level of community organization is often toolow to make self-defense a real alternative?

Black people have a valuable legacy to build on - the legacy of struggle,unity and pride from tee '50s and '60s. Many remember what it was like to bein Martin Luther King's freedom marches. Many remember how the BlackPower movement affected their lives. Black people don't have to go back inhistory to know "We are a people who fight tee system."

The '50s and '60s gave people a better education than they ever got in thepublic schools. One important lesson, hammered home in the '70s, stands out:sometimes you have to fight within the system, but don'fever rely on it becauseit will turn on you with a vengeance.

And finally, the struggles of the '50s and '60s won some gains, limited asthey are, that put Black people in a better position to fight today. The rulingclass was forced to acknowledge that Black people have rights - and people willnever let them forget it. More Blacks hold industrial jobs, union membershipand union office today. Those who got a decent, stable job, or the relatively fewwho became lawyers or doctors or elected officials, are not about to give upwhat they won. And tee many who never tasted these gains want them extended.

The ruling class points to these few advances, even as it attacks them, toprove the system works and discrimination is on the way cHit. If you're Black,you know that's a lie. In 400 years, let alone 25, the ruling class has nevergiven Black people anything but the chains of slavery. And in one form oranother. Black people have never stopped fighting to break those chains.

Philly votePhiladelphia - This is a Democratic

town, so the elections here are usuallydecided in tee Democratic primaries.This year Charles Bowser, a Blackcandidate, ran for Mayor. Bowserlost, but .tee thing Black ^voters willremember longest about the 1979 primary is that they weren't even allowedon the battlefield. Their vote was sto

len from them by broken voting machines and rigged tally sheets.

For 3 Saturdays in a row, over 2000Blacks turned out to meetings demand-

r

Arrest of everyone on this April 14 march didn't stop United League from shaking Okolona up.

Mississippi struggle heats upOKOLONA, MISS.— Deputy Hansel Rogers swore he would "kill me a nigger". Several protestors heard him sayit April 14 as he fired a shotgun blastinto tee air to stop the United Leaguefreedom march. On June 5, with teeUnited League going from one victoryto another, he made good on his threat.He pumped a .357 magnum bullet intotee head of 18 year old LeanderCarou-teers, a Black inmate of the Chicka-saw County jail.

"All we know right now," said Donald pack. League Coordinator forChickasaw County, shortly after theshooting, "is that a Black brother wasmurdered by a man who has been threatening and harrassing us all along."

But that was enou^ to pull over 500people into the streets June 9 to demand Roger's firing. It was one ofthe biggest local marches northern

Mississippi had ever seen; it torpedoed tee myth that Okolona- Blacks likethings tee- way they are; and as 0-kolona organizer Clint Standifer putit, "You could definitely say it turnedtee tide" in a year old battle.

County lawenforcementcouldn'tevenmake a respectable'show of force. Deputy Rogers was on suspension, thejailer was fired, and a number of otherdeputies had resigned. The "dogpen"that had been built behind the jail for.United League demonstrations in tlie

spring stood as a relic of the past.Even if police had been in a positionto use it, it wouldn't have held iialftee marchers.

Not too long ago, talk in UnitedLeague circles was about how tougha town tiny Okolona would be to crack.The League's boycott movement inTu-pelo first spread 10 miles south to

Okolona lastsummer,afteraBlackmanwas beaten half unconscious by the Klanand teen arrested as he fell on the.Sheriff's car asking for help. The Klangreeted League activity with an am-Uush of 8 League activists and teeburning of a Black-owned gas stationlast fall. The School Board respondedto a high school boycott by firingBlack teachers and expelling Blackstudents (see page 12).

This spring the United Leaguestepped up activity with daily picketing of local businesses and bi-weeklymarcnes, Picketers were arrested e-

very- day and so were entire marcheson April 14 and 28. But League President Skip Robinson expressed tee League's determination to persevere: "Itdoesn't matter how long it takes. Ifwe have to march for 6 years, if we

(continued on page 12)Black unemployment is still over

^ - y •' f-- • i-r.-^ '.-. »

N-- July, 1979/WORKERS VOICE/i;

m »

Five Black workersrip Weber*s lies

Expose widespread discrimination at Kaiser

is

Tt'I

On June 2, 300 people demonstrated in Chicago against the Weber suit.Similar actions took place in Washington, D.C., Oakland and other cities.Already plansare in the works for more demonstrations onthe dayafterthe Supreme Court hands down its decision.

GRAMERCY, LA. - John Doe hasworked at Kaiser Aluminum's Gram-ercy plant for 10 years. John Doe is-not his real name. At this point hedoesn't want it released publicly.But he's one of 5 Black workersputting their jobs on the line andrisking Ku Klux Klan retaliation tofile affidavits with the Supreme Courtaround the Weber case. They are asking that the case be sent back toFederal District Court without a rul

ing so they can testify about pastdiscrimination at Kaiser,

The High Court is due to hand downa decision sometime in June on theWeber case, which could cut theguts out of affirmative action hiringand promotion. If it does rule, it.will be without ever hearing from theparties who have the most at stakein the Weber suit -r Kaiser's Blackand female workers^

Most people* know something aboutBrian Weber. A number of major cor

porations and big-time law firmsback him and peddled his story all overthe country. He's the white workerwho was denied entrace to Kaiser'sipprenticeship program while certainBlacks with less seniority got in.Weber sued, claiming the Kaiser-USWA affirmative action plan, whichrequires 1 minority be admitted tothe program for each white-male,constituted "reverse discrimination.*-

But most people haven'theard aboutJC^jser's rampant past discrimination

steal unleashes Black angering a re-run of the May 15 vote. People had begun mobilizing for the elec-;ions as a way to continue the battlehey were waging in the streets - andhey were enraged by the Election;;!ommission*s underhanded response.Uter years erf being told, "If you don't/otc, don't complain," they werehear-ng "Don't complain ifyour vote doesn't;ount"

Election ni^t in Philadelphia wasJOTibody's idea of a bad joke. Blackyards wre plagued by broken voting

machines. In Raymond Rosen HousingProject, the largest Black voting division in the city, tally sheets registeredonly 5 votes apiece for Bowser andpopular City Council candidate JohnStreet! Street's name didn't evenappear on some ballots. Altogether1/4 of the machines had to be impounded after the election.

For Black people, this was the second time around in 7 months. Last

"November, Blacks spearheaded a bigmovement which voted down anamend-

a

ment that would have let racist MayorFrank Rizzo run for a third term.

Then irregularities were even morewidespread. For 8 years, Rizzo hadeffectively cut Blacks out of the political process with his iron grip on theDemocratic Party and Black peoplehad had enough.

People went Into tJie voting boodisthis time as part of a resurgence ofBlack struggle in Philly. The defense of MOVE, a mainly Black commune under attack by Rizzo, last

MEDIAN BLACK FAMILY

INCOME AS A PERCENT

OF WHITE - 1959-1977

Nort/j

NortJi 1^®^^ V.

Central

1959 1970 1977

twice the white rate, with jobs almost impossible to find for youths

The income gapbetweenBlackandwhite families is about the same as

in 1959. As the above graph shows,gains made by Blacks on the heels

^ of the upsurge of the '50s and '60s55. were short-lived. Now median Black5 family income is back down to 57%

of that of white families.2. Call that equality? It's hard tc

believe, but that's exactly what therich and powerful are trying to do.

which necessitates affirmative action

if it is to be remedied. John Doe,for example, tried to organize community people to fightthe Weber case.But Kaiser found out and put him onextra-tough jobs. That silenced himfor a while. But now he, and the 4other Blacks filing affidavits, havedecided they must get their story out.

♦John Doe works with an all-Blackcrew on the conveyer belt operation

in the yard. There are white workerson the belt too, but they all work onthe docks. They have less senioritythat the Blacks, but get all the overtime. John has a carpenter's certificate but could not get a carpenter's.job because Kaiser said it required5 years experience, John personallyknows white carpenters at the plantwho do not meet that qualification.

A few years back, John was firedlor Having a light with his cousinoff the job. It took him 6 months ofarbitration to get his job back, buthe never got back pay. John sees thisas one example of discriminatorydiscipline, where Blacks get fired forthings for which whites get a reprimand, if aiiything.

♦Clinton Wilkes had a similar experience. He had v/orked at Kaiserfor 5 years when he was fired in July1978. Wilkes had been trying to askhis supervisor why he was put on the

(continued on page 13)

spring developed into the Stop Rizzocampaign in tlie fall. Since then, abroad-based movement has been takingon issues like housing, police brutalityand African liberation support.

In the course of the battles likethese, people came up against theirown lack of political power. Developments like a City Council vote den>'-ing federal grants to low income housing drove the point home: as long assomeone else, particular!}' the Rizzomachine, ran the show, tlie peoplewould continue to get the shaft. NowBlacks are fighting to get their owncandidates into office as a way to geta voice in the decision-making process, as well as to consolidate thevictories they've won in the last 2years, and to create better conditionsto win more.

So on May 15, Black people gaveCharles Bowser 90% of their votesin hopes that electing a Black mayorwould give them more political clout.Among Blacks, voting for opponentWilliam Green wasn't even a question.Green, born into a machine family,couldn't do much to disguise where hissympathies lie. His campaign chest-was filled with contributions from thecity's biggest bankers and businessmenand he openly called for allocatingrehabilitation funds to downtown businesses at the expense of the neighborhoods. In the end, the Rizzo machinethrew Green its support.

But with Charles Bowser, there wasa lot more confusion. Bowser,aformerdeputy Mayor under machine politicianJames Tate, ran as the Black community's candidate. But beyond arguing thatpeople should put a Blackfaceinoffice,he never addressed the concern of thecommunity.

When community leader Milton Streetorganized a "move-in*' into abandonedhomes in a housing project, BowserIgnored it. When people fought todesegregate a South Philly pla/ground,

(continued on page IS)

12/WORKERSVOICE/July, 1979

i V)- ^ • V » > • ^ j- -

-•4 <• -^ - - r 'V • • *^ *• V- • - • "' •

"Integration without equality" protestedOKOLONA & CORINTH, MISS.—Thelast day o£ school in Okolona, likethe first, 96% ot the Black studentswere missing from hi^ school. Thefirst day they walked out; the lastday they went home in observance ofa United League picket line.

Earlier that same week 100 Black

parents, including members of theU-nited League and the NAACP, turnedout to a Corinth school board meetingto protest the selection of an all-white cheerleaders squad.

After desegregation suits and boycotts in the late *60s and early '70s,Black parents and students are nowfitting die ways local boards transferred the age-old paterns of whitesupremacy into the new school structure. United League President SkipRobinson calls it "integration without equality".

According to Lagrowne Pack, anex-teacher who was fired in one ctf

those early battles, only 10% of the

Klan terrorbeaten—2 weeksrunning

DECATUR, ALA. - The cops are trying to say 49 year old Curtis LeeRc^inson started the whole thing, thathe tried to kill Klansman David Kel-so at the TcMumy Lee Mines marchMay 26 and triggered a shoot-out between 100 Black demonstrators and

75 Klansmen.

In fact, the shooting started whenKlansmen attacked the demonstration,and, to their dismay, landed 2 membersin the hospital, one in serious condition. Three Blacks received superficial wounds. Far from protecting the

SCLC-led demonstration, police rushedheadlong to join the attack.

Black people in Decatur say they'resick of being trampled on and terrorized and the Hines case has become a

focus for their anger. Tommy LeeMines is a mentally retarded Blackman sentenced to 30 years in prisonfor 3 rapes he was mentally and pny-sically incapable of committing.

In the last 25 years, Decatur hasgrown from a small town with Blackssharecropping on the outskirts to anindustrial city of 45,000. Blacks haveentered the factories, but the localpower structure hasn't loosened itsdiscriminatory practices, or its reignof terror, one bit. OiUy one of thecity's 83 police is Black and evenstores with 90% Black customers havefew Black employees and no Blackmanagers.

Fearful of the Black ctMnmunity'sdemands for change. Bill Wilkinson'sInvisible Empire Knights faction ctfthe Klan has ccxne out strong in defense of the status quo. Some o£ theKlansmen who ai^iear at Mines demonstrations with shotguns, semi-automatic rifles and submachine guns arefrcmi Decatur. But many live in smalltowns along Highway 72 where they gather at intersections to drink beer andburn crosses. Black protests fprced theMayor to pass a law banning guns atHines demonstrations. Asked why police still failed toarrest Klansmen withweapons, he shrugged, "I guess theydcm't understand what ^e law means."

After the shootout, the Klan vowed /diere would be no more Black demonstrations. Ncmetheless, on June 9Decatur*s Blacks were joined bysupporters from around the countryto inarch 2,000 strong. People aredetermined that the Klan will notrise again.

Black children enrolled in first gradein Okolona graduate high school. "Ifyou're outspoken and Black, sooneror later you go," said Mr, Pack ofthe systematic suspension and ex-IHilsion of Black students. The schoolboard has also continued to displaceBlack teachers, so that a 60% Blackstudent body is now taught by a 15%Black faculty.

In Corinth, the cheerleaders issueis only the tip of the iceberg. Of 23teachers at Corinth High, only 2 areBlack: a coach and a career counselor. The student body is 25% Black."We don't learn as much from a whitetocher," said seniorReneeBoyd."Ifthey don't see you on the same sidethey are, look out because you'll bein a lower class next year,"

Renee is one of the few Blacks whowas allowed out of lower ranked classes into the levels where whites areconcentrated. She tells of Black students paddled and suspended for fight

I

ing with whites, while white students"cool ofC In the guidance counselor'soffice; of senior proms held in theall-white country club, "membersonly" allowed to attend; andofBlackskept from gradua«l?gby "mistakes"the front office discovers at the lastminute in the number of credits theyhad accumulated. "They think we're

Miss...(com. from page 10)

have to shut down this town, we'lldo it,"

The League's determination paid off.They beat all charges stemming fromthe mass arrests and are now in fed

eral court suing Okolona for $200,000for violation of 1st Amendment rights.May 19, the United League took tothe streets once again, and althoughChief of Police Travis Sullivan gaveRobinson some lip, there was nothing

not good for anything but ,sports,"adds Renee.

But, as team member Xavier Pra-tham told Principal Harold Smitli ata meeting called by Black students,Corinth High's Black football playerswill be withholding their servicesnext fall if they don't get any Black'cheerleaders.

he could do to stop the march. OnJune 2, Mayor Richard Stovall stoodby in grim silence as the LeaguemarcHed and rallied downtown, and thenleft some picketers behind as a reminder of its victory and the ongoingboycott.

Okolona has also lost federal schooland construction funds.

The battle is not over. Deputy Rogers still has his job and discriminatory education and employment practices have yet to be rectified. Butthe handwriting is on the wall forOkolona's city officials, who fidgetnervously everytiihe they hear thename "United League".

-,-5. -'^1

Marches of"over 1000 people have mourned slaying victims and demanded something be done.

Fear, anger grow asmore Black women die

BOSTON—Fear", sorrow and anger fillthe hearts and homos of Black families in Boston's inner city. Twelve women -11 Black and 1 white- have beenmurdered in the last 4 months, strangled, stabbed and two set on fire.

With the news of each new murderfear has heightened. But fear quicklyturns into anger in the face of callousindifference from police and city officials. After refusing to search forYvette Stimson, one of the early vic-tim.s, until 48 hours after her disappearance, and then arguing with theDJl, over whose responsibility the cas-se was, police have come undermounting attack with each newmurder.

One thousand Black people packed acommunity meeting Febr^ry 5 to lashout at Police Superintendent Earl Butzand Mayor Kevin White. Off this meeting, several Black women joined together to form CRISIS, a group tryingto build organization and unity in the

Black community to deal with the situ-a tion.

"There's an old ?aying," says CRISIS activist Marlene Stevens. "Whatcomes for me in the morning willcome for you in the night. Togetherwe'll put a stop to these murders."

Resides going door to door encouraging neighbors to look out for eachother, CRISIS has held demonstrationsccHTimemorating the slain women andfocusing the community's outrage atthe police and city officials. The first,1,000 strong, passed sites where someof the bodies were found. Others pic-ketted the State House and the Mayor's hone.

Other groups are organizing defenseteams to patrol the streets of theBlack community and community centers are (rffering self-defense courses.

In response to community pressure,the Mayor assigned 10 police officersfulltime to the cases. They set up an

office a few blocks from the Roxburjpolice station at the" YMCA, claimingthis would bring them closer to thecommunity. There's no love lost between the BlackpopulationandBoston'sPolice Department, with its record ofracist abuses. Many are suspiciousof its appeals for help and claims ofconcern.

Within a week of the opening of thenew office, Sandra Boulware's bodywas found burning in the lot right behind it.

As we go to press, the police havearrested 5 suspects. Unlike earlier cases, the most recent arrests occurredon heels of the murders. Many people are skeptical as to whether the police have picked up suspects on solid evidence or nvide the arrests to

quiet the community. The police refuse to divulge any information aboutthe suspects, claiming it will hurtthe court cases.

•• •. - •^•' , -v-j.,.

' #15^

iI

Many rank and file groups have taken a stend against Weber.

Weber'slies..

(com. from page 11}

worst job in the department everyday when people were supposed torotate. The supervisor refused totalk with him. So one day Wilkes wentinto his office. The supervisor, whohappened to be a relative of the localunion president, fired Wilkes, claiming the man had hit him. He eventually backed' off the story after witnesses testified to the contrary, butKaiser upheld the firing anyway.

*Rudi Gordon is one of the first

5 women to be hired at the Gramercy

plant. She started work in 1973 in thechemical coring department, lifting100 lb, sacks, Rudi is a small woman

but she stuck to the job until herunion rep got her transferred. Nowoman at Kaiser has enough seniorityto get into tne apprentice program,but Rudi did apply for a guard's job.Kaiser turned her down, saying sheneeded training in emergency careand fire protection. Rudi knows anumber of the male guards and saysthey have no such training.

Two of Rudi's women friends at

Kaiser ai^Ued for lab tech jobs.The company took the openings offthe board as soon as they put in bids.Several months later, when a whitemale was ready to apply, they putor« d" the jobs back up and gave itto him.

*KerneU Goudia put in 15 years

at Kaiser and got into the apprenticeprogram strictly on seniority. Ker-nell was on the union's Equal Employment Committee, so he saw alot of discrimination complaints. Hepaints a Catch-22 picture of what it's

like for a Black worker to get out ofthe Labor Pool and into the SkilledTrades. Supervisors decide whopasses the craft test - and 95 out of the100 supervisors at Kaiser are white.One Black journeyman carpenter with10 years experience was told to makea simple box for his test as full carpenter. His white supervisor flunkedhim.

At the same time, it's near impossible for a Black to get a supervisory •position because it I'equires a recommendation from the present supervisor. With the discriminatory discipline, the supervisor can usuallypoint to a bad record as an excuse.Kernell knows a Black worker in the

Coring Department with 10 years atKaiser who was rejected for supervisor in favor of a white worker withless seniority.

So white supervisors cankeeptheirown ranks white and through that,the skilled trades as well. When a

Black worker finally does get a craftrating, he's usually keptasa"spare"and put into a department whena whiteworker is absent and bumped outwhen the white worker returns, •

♦Kaiser claims it's gone out of itsway to recruit Blacks. But Dinnell

Herbert, who filed the fifth affidavit,disagrees. He's lived in the Gramercyarea all his life and never once saw

a Kaiser "Help Wanted" ad in thenewspaper. The way to get a job atKaiser, says fferbert, is to knowsomeone on the inside. Since the

majority of Kaiser workers are white,Blacks are at a definite disadvantage.Herbert, who has 6 years experienceas a welder, applied to Kaiser foryears. The company continually toldhim he "did not have enough skills,"even when a Black supervisor advised him of an opening for a welderthat suited his qualifications.

Philly voteangers Qlocks...

(com. from page J!)

Bowser was silent. When cutsinover-tlme hit the Sanitation Department,Bowser blamed the worsening serviceon lazy workers.

Midway through the campaign, Thatcher Longstreth, President of theChamber of Commerce, and John Bunting, head of First Pennsylvania Bank,decided that the Black communitycouldn't run a campaign on its own.So they asked their friends to givemoney to both Bowser and Green. Instead of denouncing this as tlie patronizing insult that it was, Bowser wasthrilled. Next thing his supportersknew, he was uptown getting his picture taken with his arms around Jos

hua Eilberg, noted Rizzo supporter under indictment for influence peddling.

According to official rehtrns, Bowser

lost by 37,000 votes,denied die demand for

but BowSer is taking his case to courtand Black activists are circulating a

petition protesting the vote fraud. Thereis talk of running a tlurd party candidate in November.

Black people did, however, m.ikesignificant gains in the City Councilprimaries. Besides nominating 3 progressive at-largc Council candidates,they lianded John Street, Milton's brother, an overwhelming victory in hisward. Finishing first in a field of ID,Street ran on a platform of continuingthe stru^les he and his brother havebeen leading. "Put me in office so lcan get paid for what I'm doing now"was the message Street put out - andthe reason Black people in Philly puthim over die top.

The city hasa new election

July, 1979/WORKERS VOICE/13

Hanging judge facesrecali in Milwaukee

Judge Christ T. Seraphim. That'sa holy-sounding name. ButthisChristis a devil ofa law and order Milwaukeejudge who's got himself in a hell ofa mess.

This man, who passes judgementon sex offenders, was recently exposed for five separate "counts" ofmaking indecent advances atdifferentyoung women. The first woman toblow the wHistle onMllwaukee's mostnotorious hanging judge was riding thecourthouse elevator when the juristbegan nibbling on her ear and gaveher an unwanted French kiss.

The' man who imposes the strictest sentences in tlie city for pettycriminals got deeper into troubleas new exposures revealed that he

received a big discount on a new carfrom a dealership that he gave asuspended sentence to in 1970.

The exposures were whatthepeopleneeded to kick offa recall .campaign.The People's Committee to Oust.Ser^aphim, called together by the Milwaukee Organizationof BlackUnity,drew50 activists to its first meeting.The broad-based effort will focus ona two monthcampaign togather 79,000signatures needed to get a recallele-ction. Thegroupgathered5,000 namesat one big street festival and has begun mapping out plans for an extensive canvassing effort.

The campaign is tremendously popular, especially in the Blackcommunity, because Seraphim has been thepublic figure most associated withfascist courtroom methods and heavyhanded repression for the past 19years.

When Milwaukee was ablaze withBlack rebellion and anti-war activitya decade ago, Seraphim performed avaluable role for the establishment.His methods are still useful to them,

but he is becoming too thoroughlyhated.

Its common for him to berate defendants and attorneys alike. He'sbeen known to decide the length of asentence by how many pigeons aresitting on the ledge outside his court.He once gave a gu^30 days merely

V

for giving a Black power salute on apicket line. He personally cut thestripes off the sleeveofa VietnamVetwhom he considered to be a disgrace to the uniform.

His harsh and unpredictable movesihave made him the target of the vast]majority of defendants' requests fora change of judge. As a result hiscase load is light enough for him topursue a full schedule of degenerateextra curricular activities.

As the Dump Seraphim movementhas picked up steam, thepowerstructure tried to smooth overthe unpleasant affair. The Milwaukee Journal,which first broke the stories of hisarrogance-run-wild has commentedthat recall is too drastic a move.The chief judge has re-assigned himto family court in an effort to quietthe critics. (Seraphim's also behindin his own alimony payments!)

But, what may have begun as amedia attack, designed to pull himdown a peg and tlien be forgotten,has gone far beyond a squabble inMilwaukee's ruling ranks.

The recall campaign won the endorsement of Milwaukee's secondlargest union, the 5,500 member A. 0,Smith workers' DALU 19806. Civillibertarians. DemocraticPartyactiv-ists, and community organizers havejoined the effort. Two State Representatives are draftingabillto impeachhim. The city's Judicial Committeeand the FBI have been forced toinvestigate him for the "unreportedgifts" from tlie car dealership.

Seraphim counter-attacked by making much of a murder and rape casein which the attacker was a defendantwhose high bail had been reducedby another judge. Seraphim had originally set the bail at $30,000.

But his law and order theme doesn't go very far to erase the people'smemory ofhisowncrimesandabuses.There's a lot of sentiment for gettingback at this man who symbolizes arrogance and power over people.

Besides, what business does a sexfiend have presiding over familycourt?

Blacks rally todefend fighting judgeKoch, cops lash out

NEW YORK CITY - As the newspapers later admitted. Judge BruceWright had made a legally sound decision. Yet Mayor Koch and the Police BenevolentAssociation(PBA) wereout'to hang him for it. That's whathappens when you're a Black judge whodoesn't like to see the law usedagainstyour people.

But in demonstration after demon

stration people rallied to his defense.1,000 turned out April 17 to a rallynear City Hall called by Reverend Herbert Daughtry and the Brocjklyn-basedBlack United Front, 200 gathered thenext day at a press conference calledby the Legal Committee to SupportWright. Since then, almost cycry Blackorganization iri the city has done something to back the 60 year old judge.

The controversy started when Wrightreleased Jerome Singleton, chargedwith attempted murder of a decoy cop,without bail. Wriglit's, loiown as a stiffsentencer- when a person is found guil

ty of a crime, but he's always feltusing excessive bail as a form ofpunishment is unjust and unconstitutional. In fact, his example over thelast 10 years has shaken up bail proceedings in^M.Y.C.

In the Singleton cascy all the evidence -or lack of it- pointed to onemore instance of Uie cops picking upanyone in the vicinity of a crime who-happened to be Black. Nor was thereanything to suggest that Singleton, amarried college student witli no previous record, would not return for trial.In fact, Singleton did show when calledto appear in court.

Immediately after the ruling, SamDemilla, head of the PBA, told thepress that Wright had turned a "copslasher" loose. The PBA dredged upits old nickname for Wright: "Turn'Em Lbose Bruce". And Mayor EdKoch denounced the rulingas "bizarre"and "personally disturbing", and an-

(cont. on page 16)

14/WORKERSVOICE/July, 1979

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Oil giants to blamefor gas shortage • •(cont. from page t)

they had a green light to jackup prices after Carter announcedthat he was removing controls onthe price of crude oil from U.S.wells. Oil company executives nowopenly call for S1.50/gallon gas.

Prices at the pump are "far

larger than can be explained bythe increases in domestic andimported crude petroleum pricesalone." This is the conclusionof no less an authority than thepresident's Council On Wage andPrice Stabillty(which spends mostof its time helping employershold down contract settlements).

THE SHORTAGE

These outrageous price hikeshave stuck for one simple reason-blackmail. In California, wherethe shortage has been most severe, people feel that even $1,50a gallon would be a lesser evilthan 50 car lines, 5 hour waits,7 gallon limits and rationing plans.And they are bitterly certain thatwhen the price does get that high,the shortage will evaporate.

No one doubts that Exxon,Mobil and their buddies are systematically keeping crude on ice,running refineries at lower thancapacity, and lying like crazy.Why shouldn't they? The President gave them the high sign ata May press conference in Iowa,saying the country needs "a few

demonstrable shortages" of gasoline for his policies of austerity,deregulation and price hikes togetover.

There's lots of proof comingto light that this shortage hasbeen stage-managed by the oilcompanies, using as a cover thereal tightening in world petroleumsupplies since the Iranian revolution heated up last fall.

The Congressional ResearchService, the Government Accounting Office and the CIA have eachproduced reports showing thatthere is no shortfall in world

production or American importslarge enough to account for thepresent situation. The International Energy Agency reports that"U.S. imports in February werethe highest in U.S. history.

MORE THAN A STICKUP

The current shortage andprice hikes are more than justa bold stickup--the oil mob isbringing its whole operation into.the '80s. The age of plentiful,low cost energy In the U.S.,which was the product of marauding global corporations backedup by Marine landings and CIAcoups, is no more. With theirdomination of oil producing countries weakened, the oil monopoliesno longer have complete freedomto dictate prices and productionrates.

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To strengthen _ their position,in the world market, they have toincrease domestic production. Thegovernment approves of this approach to cut the balance of payments deficit now plaguing theeconomy and because heavy dependence on foreign sources couldmean disaster in case of war with_the U.S.S.R.

The rub is that the oil companies won't increase domesticproduction without lots of capitalto invest in the project and unless their profits are guaranteed.Hence the current gas crunch andthe demand for $1,50 gasoline,

blaming THE LITTLE GUY

To set up this new systemOh the backs of the American

people, the ruling class tries toclaim it's the people who causedthe crunch. Prices must rise®hd austerity be imposed becausethe consumer is a greedy, self-centered energy hog who. has to

'Black Hillsfrom page 3)

year wWch will lower the water table,^nd pollute streams and rivers, cut'^ting ranches off from essential watersupplies. Tourism, a major sourceof non-farm income in the region,will vanish.

The Alliance has called for a National Gathering of the People andWalk Through the Black Hills on July7 to 9. The weekend will include aconcert and rally featuring anti-nukeentertainers like Jackson Browne andBonnie Raitt, a twenty mile marchfrom Rapid City to Nemo, wheredynamiting is going on despite amoratorium on new mining activity.

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be forced to do right.But it wasn't America's

working people whosystematicallycrippled public transit. It wasbig corporations like General Motors, which bought the Los Angeles interurban system and let itdie. , .

It wasn't working people whopushed big powerful gas guzzlers.It was the gas and auto comi^a"^nies, so much so that foreign firmscaptured over 15% of the U.S. nuir-ket by providing small, sound* economical autos.

It wasn't workers who boastedto the world what a good thingit is that 40% of all the energyproduced each year is comsumedby the U.S., which has less than5% of the population. It wasTricky Dick Nixon himself.

It will not be easy to makethe American people foot the billwhen they didn't run it up. Thetrlick drivers are showing theway. Make the oil comi^nies suffer - we don't intend' to .pay!

and a day of workshops on hoiv tocontinue and build the struggle. Theyare aiming for a massive offensiveto take place in the spring of 1980.

Local affiliates of the Black HillsAlliance have sprung upinMinnesota,Wisconsin and the West Coast. Themembers are younganti-nuke fighterswho see a chance to "stop the poisonat its source" and want to unite withthe Native American struggle. Theyare predicting that thousands of supporters will pour into South Dakota inJuly to let the government and theenergy monopolies know that tlie BlackHills are not for sale.

Students hit the bricks againNukes, Black Studies, draft key Issues

Dozens of college campuses werehit by student demonstrations thisspring. As the last school year ofthe 1970*s drew to a close, it wasevident that the media-heralded death

of campus activism as the hands ofstudent apathy and selfishness is farfrom real.

To dozens of college administrators, some scenes were frighteninglyreminiscent of the 1960's, Black stu

dents paraded through Harvard Yardand 80 chained themselves inside the

Amherst, Mass, administration building. Blacks and other minority students are fighting to defend admissions, remedial and ethnic studiesprograms won in the late *60* s and,early *70*s. Administrators everywhere have taken the Bakke deci

sion as a green light to step up theirundercutting of those programs.

Political fallout from the near-

disaster at the Three Mile IslandNuclear Reactor was pr(^bly the biggest factor in this spring's upsurge.Tens of thousands of students were

drawn into the anti-nuke movement,and many learned a lesson they wouldnot soon forget about corporate profitdrives and government hypocracy.

The International situationdrewat-

tention, too. Years of work by dedicated activists have made oppositionto apartheid in South Africa a strongcurrent on campus. Efforts to forceadministrations and trustees to sellstock holdings in companies which do

Black students at Rutgers rally.

business with the white settler regimethere made headway at major schoolslike Michigan State and Minnesotaand small ones like Lawrence andHampshire Colleges.

The growing danger of war between the two superpowers, the U.S.and the Soviet Union, was broughthome sharply when Congressionalmoves to restore the draft hit the

news. Thousands of students hit thebricks in protest.

Feel a draft?Protesters say: "Hell no, we won't go"

event of a big war ana as a Hrst steptowards a draft, necesscry to solvelong-term personnel shortages.

Reserves face the biggest shortages. Scenarios of European war predict 500,000 American casualtieswithin six weeks. The Army wantsa reserve pool of 729,000 to meetthis possibility. Right now it hasonly 182,000. Nor could the forcesto continue the war be mobilized with

the .SSS inactive.

The All-Volunteer Force just isn'tproviding enough cannon fodder. Allbranches of the military missed theirrecruiting goals in 1978. The Navywas worst off, reaching only 85%,Nor will recruiting women eliminatethe problem - the Army recruitedonly 72% of its female goal in thefirst half of fis

cal 1979.

This is in

spite of an intensely aggressive recruitingcampaign.

There is al

ready one recruiter for ev

ery 9.4 enlist-able 18-year-old males, andan average of$1,000 is spentto lure every recruit.

The All-Vol-.

unteer Force al

so suffers from

a shortage ofwhat the brass

consider to be

well qualifiedand trustworthysoldiers. In 1978

B

A decade ago, the Vietnam warconfronted students both morally an^personally. They had to decide whether to fight in a war and perhapsend up in a coffin, and they had toconsider if that war was worth allthe coffins it was producing.

There is no issue today, evennukes,which has the immediacy and impacton students that Viet Nam did. In the

broadest sense, however, the kind ofquestions facing students haven'tchanged that much since; What kindof a world are we going out into?How can we lead a life that has apurpose to it? In time of growingstruggle these questions are posedeven more sharply, spurring studentsinto action and deepening their understanding and commitment.

The following reports on thisspring's campus clashes were submitted by Workers Voice bureaus:

* Amherst, Massachusetts, lateApril. An 8-day occupation of theadministration building shook thecampus up. Divestment of SouthAfrica-related stocks has been afocus of struggle at U. Mass, forthree years. This year Black students came to the fore with a programcalling for a voice in the selectionof deans, no cuts in Black orientationweek and the hiring of more Blackfaculty members. Threats of suspension and civil charges against Blackstudents who chained themselves in

the building only fueled support for

40% of the recruits were Black, hardly reliable in the event of an Africanintervention. Forty percent of all re

cruits don't finish their first tour, andthe Navy's absentee and desertionrates are the highest in its history.In a recent Navy study of new recruits, 50% weren't sure or disagreedthat free enterprise is the best economic system.

WHAT'S TO COME? ,

There are currently no less thaneight bills in Congress dealing withthe draft, registration, compulsivenational service, or all three. Registration could be back this year, orwithin a few years. The draft isprobably further off. Women willprobably have to register. Possiblyonly 18-year-olds will have to register, leaving out older youths moreinfluenced by the Viet Nam era. Therewill be few, if any, deferments.

Meanwhile, Carter is asking fora larger SSS budget and is upgradingthe SSS from "deep standby" status

,>Hi WAY

Feeling chilled by a draft? If you'rea teenager, you should be. May 10ththe House Armed Services Committee

supported a bill to require registration (rf all 18-year-old males with theSelective Service System (SSS) starting in 1981.

Over 500 demonstrators protestedthe bill April 3D with a resounding'*Hell no, we won't go" on the capi-tol steps. Dozens of other actionsaround the country have hit the proposal. What's behind the stepped-upmilitarization by this country'srulers?

GLOBAL PRESSURES

The U.S. is in an increasinglydesperate scramble to protect itsworld-wide turf from its Soviet ri

vals and liberation struggles. Withpuppet regimes teetering more andmore at the edge of a cliff, the U.S.may have to play a more direct rolethroughout its empire.

The Soviets are the main reason

the U.S. -has started beating its wardrums. With recent expansionistmoves across the globe, notablyAfrica and Asia, the USSR has become the biggest military danger toU.S. interests overseas, Soviet mili

tary build-up in recent years has been{hen(Hnenal. From 1964-78, theirconventional forces increased by 21%.In North Central Europe, 20,500Warsaw Pact tanks face the 7,000 ofNATO.

WHY DRAFT? WHY REGISTRATION?

U.S. imperialism's militarystrength isn't keeping pace with theworld situation. Registration isneeded for quicker mobilization in the QExrim fimr

July, 1979/WORKERS VOICE/15

the action,

* Chicago, May 22. Two thousandU. of Chicago students greeted WorldBank president Robert McNamarawith chants of "We Won't Forget"and "No Prize to the Butcher."A special University committee hadselected him for a $25,000 award for"great international achievemenL"McNamara's role as the principalarchitect of the Viet Nam war in the'60's when he was LBJ's DefenseSecretary has not been forgotten.Thirteen department heads and hundreds of faculty signed letters disassociating themselves from theprize. Many joined the students inthe demonstration, during which 25were arrested.

* Kent, Ohio, May 4. Over 1,000Kent State students took part in anindoor rally to commemorate the victims of the 1970 National Guard

shooting which left 4 students dead.The administration and the studentnewspaper sabotaged and attacked theMay 4 Task Force, which organizedthe event. They claimed that there isno longer anything at stake - aftera seven-year struggle a gym has beenerected to obliterate the site of the

murders and the state awarded a largesettlement to the parents of the shooting victims.

Kent students didn't buy it. At therally they cheered speakers who attacked the attempted revival of thedraft, pointing out that the battlesof 1970 are anything but dead history. One member of the Revolutionary Student Brigade, which playeda leading role in the Task Force,said, "If you think this was big,wait till next year, the tenth anniversary!"

to regular standby and has quietlybegun appointing standby S5'S directors in each of the 50 states.

The military machine is extremelyconcerned about public reaction toregistration; this could greatly affect how fast they move. Said aPentagon report:

"Major resistance to registrationcould adversely affect voluntary enlistments and seriously aggravate all-volunteer force recruiting difficulties .... if unopposed, registrationcould help recruiting and strengthenthe U.S. military posture."

Their concern is well founded. Mayfirst saw demonstrations against thedraft and registration across thecountry, many drawing hundreds ofyoung people. The movement hasalso begun developing in high schools,Including several inMadison, Wisconsin. A recent Harris poll showed thata majority of youths aged 18-26 are

•against a draft or registration. According to government figures, over100,000 people deserted or evadedthe draft during the Viet Nam era.

ImilitaryM0N5TfR

NEEDS more

16/WORKERS VOICE/July, 1979

Philly driver stabbed1,500 attend wake; demand protection

Philadelphia bus drivers drove withtheir headlights on in memory ofCharles Kolbik, a union brother whowas stabbed to death by a crazedpassenger on May 13. Fifteen hundredattended his wake, busloads comingfrom each barn.

The members erf Transit Workers

Union local 234 wanted to stop workout <rf respect for Kolbik and in protest against the dangers of workingin one of the country's most dangerous transit systems.

The union president conferred withMayor Rizzo and held a TV pressconference assuring all drivers thatthe police had agreed to make spotchecks of busses.

'^Spot checks? What does that dowhen a thug is coming at you witha knife?" was the typical driver'sresponse. The union members couldsee another sell out in the works.They had won allocation of money for2 way radios three years ago, andstill the radios aren't installed.

Drivers began meeting to forces<»ne action. The top union leadershipwas not really interested in protect

ing the men. When a driver, accusederf murder for protecting himself a-gainst an attacker, needed legal defense; the leaders offered him theunion lawyer—for a slightfee, $3,000.

The meetings united more driversthan any issue has in years. Out-crfroffice officials, a wives auxiliary,and union members from every barn

came to the meetings chaired bymembers of Driving Force, a rankand file organization within the local.

Driving Force was fresh fromspearheading a fight that won the re-hiring of 43 maintainance workers.The forty-three were fired for theftbecause the company computer hadoverpaid them.

Driving Force decided to invitesome former union leaders to the

meetings, even though some of themhad been sell outs while in office.By including these guys the wholecolaition was broadened. The formercrfficials brought in their contacts.Other drivers were more willingto join the effort when they sawhow many different types of peoplewere involved.

The wives auxiliary made severalpress statements, calling for measures to protect their husbands.

The most popular demand is fora plexiglass booth to enclose thedriver's seat. The wives have giventhe company until July 13 to respond.If they get no action, they'll set upa picket line that could triggera wildcat.

Under all this heat, the companyanswered a demand Driving Forcemade a year ago when another transitworker was killed. Now, they'll offera $1,000 reward to anyone who comesto the aid of a driver being attacked.

The drivers will keep on fightingfor as long as it takes to get offPhilly's "endangered species list."

Fighting judge ...(cont. from page 13)

nounced a Judicial Commission inves

tigation of Wright's actions. When thejudge's 10 year term expires at theend of the year, Koch vowed to wei^the "No Bail" decision in decidingwhether to reappoint him.

"I'll tell you why there's so muchnoise about this," Wright responded,"It's because it's a police officer thafsinvolved." Later he added, "There'smurder among N.Y.'s finest. Policehave a license to hunt down Blacks and

kill them with impunity."The "Wri^t is Right" campaign

has become a focus for people's outran at the cops. Police murders ofBlacKS have occurred with alarmingregularity — and have consistentlysparked large scale protests. In thefirst 3 months of 1979, police brutality charges in N.Y. jumped 17%,

What's more, Wright is one of thefew Black figures with political clout

Rhodesia(cont. from page 8}

the white minority governments are indeep trouble. Open support for theseregimes means the eventual loss ofU.S. investments and influence in southern Africa when they fall, and bigtrouble in the rest of Africa right now.

His problem is that the liberalposition, with Ambassador totheU.N.Andy Young as its principal spokesman, has been a failure. The U.S.talks a lot about majority rule andthe need to deal with the liberationmovements, but it is unwilling tobreak with the white racist regimesor even force them to make real concessions. As a result the governmenthas been losing credibility in Africaand the conservatives are exploitingdie policy's lack of results.

Need mcwiey? Need guns? want 20to 30 thousand Cuban troops to speed

that people see as their own. MayorKoch iced most of the Black political establishment out of his adminis

tration, and in any case, people feelthat too many Black politicos forgotthe grass-roots long ago.

Finally, Wright has become the target of the same forces that Blacksin N.Y.G. are fighting around a wholerange of issues: hospital closings, welfare* cuts, unemployment, as well as -police brutality. A few months ear- •lier, an angry audience ran Koch outof a community meeting in Harlem.People are in no mood to toleratehis attempts to oust Wright.

"I guess I'll have to get an honestjob," said Wright when questioned a-bout the possibility of losing his position on ^e bench. Koch would love tocut Bruce loose but he might not beable to do it in the face of the out

pouring of support for "the people'sjudge".

up liberation a little? The Kremlinwill be glad to oblige—and to presentthe bill later.

The conservative push couldn'tcome at a better time for *='outh

Africa's rulers. They are building afederation in which Muzorewa's government and a similar puppet outfitthey are setting up in Namibia(South-west Africa).

They have dropped all pretense ofcompromise and are setting up fora hopless, bloody stand in defenseof white minority domination. Helmsand company want to line the U,^'.up behind this.

The USSR isdeligiitedwiththe prospect of such a shift.'Already, pro-Western African leaders are lookingwith more interest at Soviet offers

of help.The liberation forces in Zimbabwe

(Rhodesia) and Namibia are conducting their own struggle with their ownforces, and doing their best to avoiddependence on any outside power. A

/MARCH ON P.O. DEATH TRAPNEW YORK - On May 9, close to1,000 angry postal workers demonstrated in front of Manhattan'smain post office to protest unsafeworking conditions at the soon-to-be-opened 'Morgan Station. Theprotest was called by the New YorkMetro local of the APWU.

Postal management has actuallyrefused to permit inspectors fromthe government's OccupationalSafety and Health Administration(OSHA) into the $70 million facility!The demonstration demanded a full

OSHA inspection before any mailmove through Morgan, a first step,workers say, but not tlie finalone to insure a safe work place.

At Morgan, machines are unsafein design and are jammed so closetogether that the heat will make

Iran (cont. from page 8)

The State Department is trying tore-establish a network of agents andallies based on hidden SAVAK and

armed forces personnel and those ingovernment, business and intellectualcircles who favor Western-style government and a capitalist economicstructure.

These forces are well representedin the weak Provisional Government

of Prime Minister Bazargan. Baz-argan has repeatedly called for theIslamic Revolutionary courts to stopthe trials of all but the worst mass

murderers. He wants the country toreturn quickly toa state of "normalcy*where business can prosper once

again in the oilfields and factories.He is eager to lure back foreigntechnicians and engineers, who won'treturn until things are more stable. .

Ayatollah Khomeini points out thatthe numi^r of traitors, torturers,thugs and thieves executed is verylow by comparison witli most revolutions. Should those who made life

a hell on earth for the Iranian peoplefor so many years go unpunished?

At the same time, Khomeini admitsthat the activities of the Islamic

courts have not been without short

comings. In May he called for limiting executions and the removal of "irresponsible elements" in the courtsafter big protests when the sons of apopular Ayatollah in Teheran werearrested for leftist activities.

Differences between tlie Provisional Government and the Islamic

Revolutionary Council arc also deepening over the shape of the futuregovernment of the country. Theentire Board of Directors of the

government run National Iranian OilCompany just resigned to protest theIslamic leaders new plans.

Instead of an elected assembly todebate and draw up a new constitution, Khomeini is having a smallcommittee draft one, which will besubmitted to a public Yes or No vote.He himself may run for president.Although Khomeini clearly feels theneed to strengthen the Islamic path,there is little doubt thatthemeasures

he proposes could win the support ofthree quarters of the Iranian people.

Turmoil also continues among

shift in American policy to normalrelations, trade and aid to the racistsettler governments will strengthenthe enemies of freedom and make thepath of self-reliance harder to stickto. In any case, such a shift will insure that come victory, the people ofZimbabwe will have the same loathingfor the U.S. that the people of IranandNicaragua do. As Patriotic Frontleader Robert Mugabe pointedly asks,"Will it be possible to establish harmonious relations with a United States

that will have wagedaneconomicwar,if not a literal war, against you?"

work around them dangerous - notto mention intolerable. Congressional hearings sparked by unionprotests have found that fire safetyat Morgan is terrible and ventilation is totally inadequate.

The demonstrators, who alsocarried signs demanding amnesty,marched from the Main PO toMorgan to demand that it be openedfor inspection. When Metro President Mo Biller tried to go in witha TV news crew, he was stoppedsecurity guards and PO management.

The union has instructed its

members not to work any mail atMorgan until it gets a clean billof health. Postal workers have con

densed this into a simple slogan:

"Not safe. No work."

Iran's minority nationalities. Demands by the Arab inhabitants ofKhuzistan province, center of the oiland shipping industries, for self-government sparked a near civil war inMay. Fighting lasted almost a weekbefore an agreement was signed between Arab leaders and the provincial chief.

The present situation has revolutionary forces in Iran walking atightrope. Groups like the People'sFedaye have supported the juststruggles of tlie minority nationalitiesfor autonomy' and united with workers,women, students and others fightingfor concessions from the Bazargangovernment and the Islamic Revolutionary Council. Although they havewon increased respect and followingin these battles, they still run thedanger of pushing the revolution farther and faster than the people'sunderstanding and the situation warrant. To do so would create turmoil

without advancuig the cause of themasses of people.

Turmoil is the goal of one self-styled "communist" group, theXudehParty. After sitting out the Anti-Shah struggle , they have suddenlygeared up to serve as the main handof the USSR^in the country. Theirmethods are shifty. Even as theyhail Khomeini and the Islamic revolution in their publications, Uiey stirup dissension wherever possible.

For example, they have denouncedthe autonomy stru^les of the minorities, but many of the Kurdish andArab activists who clashed with thecentral government pack boast latemodel Soviet weapons. The TudehParty unites with all attacks on theU.S. , but paints the USSR as thenatural friend of the Iranian revolution. Some friend! The Soviets

have smuggled cash, arms andadvis-ors to the Tudeh Party so it canmake an all-out bid for power in theevent the current situation decaysinto chaos.

The scheming of the two superpowers just underlines the importanceof the big demonstrations against U.S.and other foreign meddling. TheIranian people have a tense situationto deal with as they work to consolidate their revolution, and such intervention can only worsen things.

P.O'0 (cont. from page 5)bitration board was refusingtoaccepta brief written by lawyers for thefired postal workers. At this pointBiller and APWU Mailhandler VP

Kenny Leiner (himself a fired worker) called on the NEB to rejectthe original deal that set up thepanel. APWU President Andrews ledthe roll call to vote them down.

Postal workers are now taking thePostal .Service and the union to court

over the arbitration ruling.

Huelga de ropas cierra pequeno taller en N.YPrimer goipe en

campona pro-union?NUEVA YORK - Ne es una huelgagrande. 20 obreros en el centre deNueva York, en huelga per 7 semanas.Pero los obreros de la CorporacicmR&F en el centrode aguga se unieron ysus acciones puedeen ser el principiode un nuevo esfuerzo para organizarel cenfro. Despues de7 semanas duras,hay una factorla menos sin union.

El centre de aguja es en verdad doscentres. Uno tiene uniones, principal-

025SECCION

HISPANICA

ments la ILGWU. Casi 100,000 obrerosconcentrados en una milla en el cen-tro de la ciudad, Pero, a traves delcentrQ, hay talleres sin union. Loscortadores de la union, particular-piente, had perdido trabajosalasfab-ficas sin union. Ahora, esas hacensolamente el 50%de este tipode taller.

La union no ha hecho casi nadamieritras que las fabricas sinunionhancrecido a traves del centre. De hecho,el ex-director del local 10 de loscortadores fue un dueno secrete de

Unas de las fabricas sin union. Elbotado de su posicion per la presionde los obreros, peros sus politicas

no salieron con el.

Ahora el ILGWU esta bajo presiondeorganizar. Ellos han perdido 100,000trabajos en el ano pasado. El lider-ato de la union le hecha la culpa alos importes, pero la verdad es quelos talleres sin union existen en todaspartes de la ciudad, muchas de ellasen la calle. donde esta cituada laoficina de la union.

Muchas de las huelgas de la ILGWUno son nada mas que un punado deempleados de la union haciendopiquet-es afuera de un taller meintras quetodo los empleados siguen trabajandoadentro.

R&F fue diferente. Los obrerosmismo hicieron los piquetes, y fueronefectivos 100%, por 7 semanas, sinnadie trabajando adentro. El jefe veniatodas las mananas, y cada dia todolo •que podia hacer era seritarse yesperar al dia slguiente.Todoelespir-ito estaba afuera. Los obreros de R&Fdif'ondieron la noticia de su huelgapor medio de un volante distribuidbpor los cortadores y tambien hablaroncon otros grupos de obreros de aguja,

A lo largo de la huelga habia unhecho claro. La compania R&F no iba

(\ease pagina 4)

JULIO, J 979

DEL QBREROANTERIORMENTE EL OBRERO VOL II NO. 5

Petroleros gigante culpables porDictador Nicaraguesenoeerco ruino

EEUU apoyaa Somoza

El Fondo Monetario Inter-

nacional (FMI), dominado porlos EEUU, acaba de darle unamano al asediadodlctador An-

astasio Somoza un prestamode $65 millones.

Solamente unas semanas

mas tarde en el 1 de Junio

guerilleros y cludadanos Ni-caraguenses Iniciaron unaofensiva mayor con la metade derrotar a Somoza.

El prestamo abastecera la tesor-eria bancarrota de Somoza, de cualcasi la mitad va a la Guardia Nacio-

nal. Y en este momento la Guardia.

el cuerpo militar y policiaco deNicaragm tiene sus armas apuntadascontra el pueblo Nicaraguense,quehaestado en constante rebellion contrael odiadoS(Hnoza,por casi un ano.Denuevo los EEUU esta tratando der espaldar un dictador detestado en-frentando la justicia del pueblo.

El ultimo prestgimodel FMIademasprepare el camino para otroprestamode $40 millon de la Associacion deSeguro de Credito Federal, parte delbanco de Exporter e Importer de losEEUU.

Los EEUU ha respaldado a lafami-.lia Somoza desde que envio los 'Marines' e instalo al padre deAnastasiocomo presidente en 1930. Hasta estedia arma la Guardia Nacional y en-trena sus comandantes, incluso elhijo de Somoza, en bases militaresen los EEUU. La famllia controlacasi todos los rasgos de la economladel pais, mientras la mayoria delpueblo Nicaraguense vive enpobresa,los EEUU ha ganado mucha ventajasde este aliado rico en minerales ylocado estrateglcamente.

Mas, aun que los EEUU le estaba

Guerilleros jovenes apuntan

armas contra

mandando a Somoza mas ayuda que acualquier otro gobierno Latino Americano en los 1970's, el regimen estaen sus ultimas horas.

De los guerilleros Sandinistas en

el campo, a los obreros y la juventuden las ciudades, los Nicaraguenses .estan luchando para derrotar al ais-

lado Somoza y al Somocismo.

La ofensiva del 3 de Junio se ha

bia expectado. Hay batallas reciasentre los Sandinistas y la GuardiaNacional en ciudades provincialesatraves del pais. El 5 de Junio losguerilleros liberaron a Leon la se-gunda mas grande ciudad en Nlcar-gua y mantuvieron la guarnicion enestado de sitio. Los Sandinistas tam

bien controlan a Narango.Mientras tanto el pueblo Nicara

guense lanzo una huelga general el 4de Junio llamada por los Sandinistas con la meta de derrotar a So

moza. Tiendas, factories, y el trans-porte han parado a causa del altonivel de participacion en la huelga,A pesar del hecho que miles decludadanos han sido ejecutado por el

...la dictadura de Somoza, arriba^

"reino de terror" de la GuardiaNacional.

El ^mocismo seestadesrumbandobajo los pies del dictador. Parapoder adquirir el prestamo del FMIpara comenzar a pagar $1.8 millonesen deudas del gobierno, Somoza acce-dio a dedidas economicas cuyo efec-to sera muy pesado para el puebloNicaraguense. Ya ha comcnzado aimplementar los terminos del prestamo, devaluando el dinero Nicaraguense.

El resultado fue inmediatos alzosde precios, sancionados por el gobierno. Las tasas de electricidad yagua solamente subieron 30%. Elacuerdo ademas requiere que lossalarios se mantengan bajo. Opo-sicion a las nuevas medldas de aus-

teridad ya han comenzado a alientarsentimiento contra el gobierno.

El ano pasado, el gobierno de losEEUU hizo todo en su poder paramantener al Sha de Iran en poder,Fallo y sus esfuerzos le ganaron elodio del pueblo Persico y de todoslos que soportan la libertadalrededordel mundo,

Ahora los capltalistas estan, anombre del pueblo americano, res-paldando a otro codicioso, viciosotirante que ha sido buen sirviente deellos en el pasado. Denuevo estanencaminado hacia otro fracaso mis

erable.

Gobierno asisteal robo

Cuando los camioneros se enfurecen,tienen maneras de forzar a la gentea prestarle atencion. Ellos tienen algoque decir sobre los precios de gaso-lina y petroleo, y comenzaron a decir-lo durante el fin de semana del 2 y 3de Junio. Camioneros—duenos se sus

propios vehiculos los usaron para blo-quear las estaciones de camionesgrandes cerca de Chicago, Souix City,Tulsa, y una dozena de otros sitiosa traves del pais.

El movimiento credo en los dias si-

guientes. Los canales de "CB" llenosde discusiones sobre los planes de loscamioneros y sus demandas: ampliascantidades de petroleo a un precio quele permita permacecer operando, 50(ipor galon en vez de los 80d o mas quelas estaciones estan cobrando ahora.

La posicion de los camioneros es unacon quien todos pueden simpatizar;porque todos estan enfrentando la

misma crisis dua. En la mayor partedel pais escasezes continuan siendouna amenaza inmediata, pero no unarealidad, pero en todas partes preciosde gasolina estan volando hacia lamarca de un dolar por galon.

La gente esta enfurecida, listo para 'iluchar. Quieren y necesitan gas. Lonecesitan para ir a trabajar, ir decompra, transportar a sus ninos, yvisitar a sus amigos. Ahor estan cay-endo victimas del atraco de |ascompanias de petroleo y el gobierno.

EXPLOSION DE PRECIOS

En Nueva York y Chicago, gasolinasin plomo en algunas estaciones yaesta a mas de 99.90 porgalonymuchosotros lugares la situaciones similar.Las companias de petroleo decidieron,dfespues que Carter anuncio que iba aquitar los controles de precio sobrepetroleo producido en los EEUU, quetenian la luz verde para aumentar losprecios. Ejecutivos de las companias

(vease pagina 4)

2/VOZ DEL OBRERO/Julio, 1979

CartaQueremos hacer del conocimfento

de todos,<- en este pais que se haplade derechos humanos, las constantesvilaciones que en contra de todos losMexicanos se cometen a diario. Yaq ue los juezes que condenan cruel-mente a cientos de Mexicanos diari-

amente a 6 meses de prision sinimportarles lo que nuestras familiassufran. Ya que no tienen otros me-dios para sostenerse mas que la es-peranza del marido que viene con laesperanza de mejorar la sltuacioneconomica de su hogar y la realidadque se encuentra es otra muy cruel,

Ya queencontramosjuezesquecondenan cruelmente, sin importarlesque los qite sufren en su majoria sonninos. Ellos sufren raiseria yhambremientras sus padres cumplen sen-tencias de 6 meses por no tener lasuerte de nacer de este lado. No porque a nosotros los mexicanos se nos

asuste con la prision sino por quecreemos que todos los ciudadanos deeste pais tienen que pagar nuestrosostenimiento injustamente, pobresy ricos, Nosotros vinimos a traba-jar, no a que nos mantengan, porqueesto es lo que estan haciendo, porquenos tienen en sus carceles de ante-mano.

Yo les quiero decir que nosotroslos mexicanos ni les quitamos lo"trabajos, ni venimos a quedarnos*permanentemente aqui, Ysilc^ramosalgunos de nosotros tener un buentrabajo, este gobierno esta ganandoporque la majoria no puede reclamar

Lo que se quita de cada cheque, comoseguro social, todo se queda parabeneficio de este pais. Al'contrariose nos acusa, se nos castlga, se nosdice que les quitamos sus trabajosa muchos ciudadanos que no tienentrabajo. Pero la verdad es que a nin-guno de esta nacion le comvendriatrabajar por unos cuantos dolares pordia ya que todo esta muy caro.

t: ,

HUELGA DE CAMPE5INOSEN QUINTO MESUFW desafiado a organizarobreros indocumentadosLa Union de losCampesinosUnidos

esta entrando su quinto mes de unahuelga amarga en contra de losduenosen California y un tiempo critico ens u historia.

En enero, el (UFW) comenzo suhuelga por salarios a la par conotros (rf>reros y condiciones de tra

bajo decentes en el Valle Imperialde California. Los duenos respond-ieron con golpeaduras, balas, y elasesinato de uno de los huelguistas—el asesino salio libre,

Cuando la huelga se extendio haciael norte en abril, los duenos inten-sificaron sus esfuerzos para que-

• VOZ DEL OBRERO es publicado por Jefatura de Obreros •• Revoluclonarios. Agradecemos letras, observaciones y •• criticas. Escribaa P.O. Box6819, MainPost Office,Chicaeo, t• IL. 60607. ® •

Snbscribase• Mande su cheque a;

• Voz del Obrero

S P.O. Box 6819I Main Post Office• Chicago, III. 60607J Nombre8 Direccion%—i

No se dejen enganar por el Capi-talismo. Lo que quleren es tenernosseparados uno del otro para quenunca nos unamos, pero debemoscomprender que en los Estados Uni-dos y en Mexico las condicionespara la clase obrera es la mismay cada dia que pasa va empeoran-dose mas y mas. Yo les mando estaspalabras .y les pedimos su. apoyo atodos los trabajadores que gosan desu libertad. Ya que nosotros nos en-contramos en prision nomas por bus-

car una vida mejor para nuestros

HOLFilToVo euAtlORA

Uiui

..plifreao

$4.00 porano

8

8

seres queridos. Les mandamos salu-

dos desde la carcel de Pecos Texas.Queremos que. esta carta se hagaen Ingles y Espanol por que quere-"mos que se den cuenta que nosotrossomos humanos como cualquier persona y que no queremos ser aes-

crimlnados en contra, como lo somosen estos momentos que se encuen-tran las carceles llenasdeMexicanos. —Para todos los trabajadores del peri- 'odico La Voz Del Obrero nuestrosmas cordiales saludos desde la cancel de Pecos, Texas.

brarlS. Estan brganizando la impor-tacion de obreros indocumentados engrandes numeros para recoger laco-secha. Muchos de los obreros Mexicanos no ollen de la huelga hastaqueestan cientos de millas de sus casasy cientos de dolares en deudas a loscontratantes que lo hantransportados

El PresidentedelUFWCesarChav-

ez reacciono pidiendo que el serviciode Inmigracion y Naturalizacion de-portara a los obreros indocument

ados, unaaccionquehacausadomuchodebate dentro de la union y entresus partidarios. Los oficiales de la

UFW ban ido hasta el punto de darlelos nombres y las direcciones de o-breros que ellos sospechan de notener documentos a la Migra. AunqueLa Migra hace el papel de una fu-erza de policia para losduenbsyhas-ta Chavez admite que ello.s hacen cum-plir con las leyes selectivamente, encontra de los huelguistas y no losesquiroles.

Una organizacion de campesinosdeArizona esta empujando a la UFW aque pare de demandar la deportacionde los^indocumentados, y que los organize en vez, El Porjecto de Or

ganizar del Condado de Maricopa(MCOP) noto en una carta a la UFW:"Mientras los obreros con documen

tos y los obreros indocumentados es-ten divididos los duenos podran usarun grupo contra el otro."

MCOP ha organizadoloindocumentados con exito, 'ganando" una batallaLmportante de contrato en el ranchogrande Arizona Goldmar Citrus acomienzos del ano.

La carta delMCOP continue: "Usaruna agencia represiva como la Pat-rulla de Frontera, que esta maltra-tando y asesinando nuestro pueblo, noes la solucion a el problema de es- •quiroles...la solucion es organizar lagente como nosotros hacemos con

cualquier esquirol que viene a tratarde romper nuestras huelgas."

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El Salvador-Estallando, como uhaserie de petardos, cada explosioncoincidiendo parcialmente y unien-dose a la paroxima, una serie deluchas han traido este pals al bordede una isurreccion popular. Nopodiendo sofocar el movlmiento conmatanzas el govierno ha declaradoun estado de sitio.

Mas pequena y mas espasa popu-lada de las naclones del area ElS alvador ha tenido una larga hlst-oria de fermento de obreros y camp-esinos. La nueva ola, sin embargoas distingida per su ritmo y feroz-

V

»*'

JuUo» 1979/VOZ DEL OBRERO/3

LUCHAS SACUDE EL SALVADOR46 anos de dictadura militar, le da aun punado de la populacion (las ca-torces familias) control de 85% de latierra cultivable. Para la mayoriade las populacion esto ha resultadoen una tasa de desempleo de 20%entre la populacion de edad de tra-bajo, subempleo de 50%; y una tasade mortalidad de Infantes de 50%

Estas condiciones han proveido unterreno favorable para el desarrollode varias organizaclones revolucio-narias arraigadas en la clase obreray entre los campesinos.

Mas grande de esta es el BPR,con 30,000 mlenbros, y las Fuerzasd e Liberacion Popular - FaribundoMarti con cual el BPR tienes lazosestrechos. Su estrategia llama poruna guerra prolongada popular," ba-sada en una alianza de obreros ycampesinos para derrocar el regimen corriente de General CarlosRomero.

El aumento del BPR refleja ex-tenso sentimiento contra el gobierno.Comenzando como una organizacionde campesinos se ha desarrollado enuna coalicion de dos sindicatos decampesinos, un comite de 33 unionesindustriales, la union de maestrosmas grande del pais, y grupos estu-diantiles de universidades y de es-cuelas secundarias.

Los sucesos en El Sah'ador sonparte de una ola de lucha desplegan-dose de Guatemala a Panama, queesta afiojando el agarron del imper-ialismo ' yankee' sobre 1a region.Para el pueblo Salvadoreno significacondiciones mas favorables para po-ner alto a la explotacion y control

imperialista que ahora enfrentan.

Vocera~~delBloc PopularRevolucionario

denuncia

dictadura.

Idad.*E1 5 de Mayo miembros del

Bloque Popular Revolucionario to-maron las embajadas de Francia yCosta Rica demandando la libertad

para 5 lidercs cncarcclados por elgobierno. El gobierno fue forzadoa liberar a 2 pretendiendo que notenia a los otros 3. Grupos de opo

sicion acusaron que habian sido ase-sinados en la carcel.

*8 de Mayo, 150 partidarios bcu-paron el Catedral MetropoUtano,Cuando 200 otros atentaron entrar lapolicia abrio fuego, asesinando a 23e hiriendo a mas de 70.

♦11 de Mayo, el intento del gobierno de haogar el movimiento en lasangre del pueblo tiene el resultadocontrario. Desafiando el ejerclto yla policia secreta 20,000 obreros ycampesinos desfilan en el funeral delas victimas, salmodiandolemas contra el govierno y cargando los 23atauds de las victimas 3 mUlas hastael cementerio. El mismo dia laembajada Venezolana es ocupada.,

*22 de Mayo, 150 manifestantesintentando abastecer la embajadaVenezolana con comida sonamctrall-ados por los mono 14 mueren y otros20 caen heridos.

*23 de Mayo en represalia por lamatanza'guerilleros matan el Minis-tro de Educacion en una emboscada.

*23 de Mayo, el gobierno declaraun estado de emergencia por 30 diassuspendiendo todos los derechoscon-stitucionales, incluso libertad deprensa, y 'habeas corpus'.

El RPR ocupo las embajadas Fran-*cesa y Venezolana hasta el primerode Junio cuando cambiaron los' re-hcnes por salvoconducto y asilio enMexico.

Estas acciones y batallas diariasentre el ejercito y guerilieros ar-mados en ambos areas rurales ybarrios bajos de San Salvador handejado a mas de 80 muertos y porlo mono 100 heridos desde el primero de Mayo.

Los alzos en violencia, secuestros,y huelgas sobre los ultimos dos anosreflejan las asperas condicioneseco-nomicas y sociales enfrentadas porel pueblo Salvadoreno. Un sistemade agricultura fuedal, respaldado por

Luchas Borinqueiias golpeon plan pro-estalidadinformacion del Guardian

A la vez quel Gobernadorde PuertoRico esta viajando a Nueva York paraparticipar en el desfile de San Juanuna nueva ola de manifestaciones

estan golpeando sus planes a favorde estatidad.

La cumbre de esta ola es la lucha

por el pueblo do Vieques para botara la Marina de la isla Puertorriquena,una batalla que esta cobrando ayudaamplia de varias fuerzas y partidos.

Pcro para Barcclo Vieques noes elunico obstaculo a sus planes dehacerPuerto Rico el 51 estadodelosEEUU.

En una \-ariedad de cuestiones - los

cuatros prisioncros politicos Nacion-alistas, represion de militantes desindicato, corrupclon del gobiernolas politicas de Barcelo lo handejadoextremadamente aislado.

El caso de los cuatros prisonerosNationalistas sirve de ejemplo, en-carcelados en los EEL'U por mas de25 anos a causa de sus ataques pro-independencia contra el Congresodelos EFUU y Blair House. Todas lasfuerzas mayores en la isla, inclusolos ultimos cuatros gobernadores dePuerto Rico, han demandado-libertadpara los cuatro.

Barcelo, sin embargo, le escribioal Presidente Jimmy Carter en En-ero y pidio que Carter rechasara unapeticion pendiente por perdon.

En reaccion, mas do 5000personasdemonstraron el 28 de Enerq demandando la libertad do los cuatro ycon-

denando el 'Corazon de piedra deBarcelo'. Solamente unos cuantos

dias mas tarde el Presidente Carterperdono a Patty Hearst enfureclendoaun mas a los patriotas Puertorri-quenos.

La obstLnacion de Romero Barcclo

sobre los nacionalistas no es uninci-dente aislado. Solamente unas cuan-

tas semanas anterior ocurrlo el incidents de 'los dos himnos ybanderas',

Puerto Rico habia sido nombrado

como el sitio para los Huegos PanAmericanos cn Julio, una competicion

importante de desporte internacional.Barcelo anuncio .sus planes de volarla bandera Americana a lo largo delos huegos a I lado de la banderaPuertorriquena, y usar el 'StarSpan-gled Banner' en adicion al himnonacional Pueriorriqueno, 'La Borin-quena'. -

Ei ultimo acontecimjento en esta

lucha vino durante la pelea de boxearentre Wilfredo Benitez y Palomoinoen Enero. De acuerdo con losdeseos

del gobierno cl'Star Spangled Banner'fue cantada en esta ocasion, y mediahora de chiflas, siseos, e insultosresultaron. El proximo dia, Barceloanuncio que solamente la bandera y elhimno Puertorriqueno seria usado enlos huegos Pan Americanos, peroqueel organizaria una recepcion y cele-bracion especial de estado en cual labandera amerlcana seria usada.

En adicion a sus acciones anti-

patrioticas, Barcelo ha sido'aisladopor sus politicas reprcsivas.

Un gran jurado investigando lascircumstancias circundante los ase-

sinatos del 25 de Julio del verano

pasado de dos Jovenes pro-indepen-dencia en Cerro Maraviila, y unpleito introducido por los relatives delos jovenes, cncontro el gobierno deBarcelo responsable directamentepor las niuertes.

EI corriente juicio para fraguar aljefe de sindicato Miguel Cabreracomo asesino es otro ejemplo de laestrategia del regimen para intimldarlos movimientosdeindependenciaydeobreros. Las acciones de Barcelo

tienen la meta de comhatir y con-tener la creciente militancia del movimiento de obreros Puertorriqueno,reflejado en la reciente reelecion de-4-a-l de Luis Lausell, miembro delComite Central del PSP, a sus pues-to de presidente de la union de

Residente de Vieques arestado por protestar bombardeo de la isla

obreros de electricidad, UTIER.La credibilidad del gobierno ade-

mas ha sido danada por revelacionesde corrupcion en altos niveles del

gobierno. 'El asunto de Guillemard'implicando el amigo intimo de Barcelo, Andres Guillemard, revelo eluso.por Guillemard de su posicion enun banco del gobierno para, llevara cabo negocios beneflciosos a una

compania de cual el es dueno. Unsolo trato le dio $250,000 en ganan-cias a la compania.

Estos sucesos han socavados losesfuerzos de Barcelo de pintar laestatidad como en el interes delpueblo Puertorriqueno, exponiendoloen vez como un lacayo vendido de losEEUU dispueH(r a vender el futurode su pals.

4/VOZ DEL OBRERO/Julio. 1979

Vietnam tradono la revoludonen Asia surena

camino completemente diferente alde Vietnam. En vez de mirar haciapoderes extranjeros, ellos confian ensi mismo. Ellos miran hacia el campo,donde vive la mayoria del pueblo.Al mismo tiempo hanconstruidofrerl-tes unidos amplio incluiendo ex-rep-re sentantes de parlimento en Thailand y miembros de la Iglesia Cat-olica eh las Filipinas.

El Ejercito Popular Tailanes y elNuevo Ejercito Popular de las Filipinas sigue ganando victorias en elfrente militar, mientras guerras deguerilla se van desarrollando enBurma y tienen una larga historiaen Malasia. La ex-colonia Portugesede Timor del Este esta luchando

arduamente contra la invasion de Indonesia, y fuerzas populares estanactivas en la misma Indonesia,

Hoy en dia luchas de liberacionnacional han entrado una nueva etapa,enfrentandose contra in^ervencion Sovietica, Vietnamese, yCubanaencimade la de los EEUU. Los Vietnameseshan pisoteao el famoso lema de HoChi Minli, "Nada es tan preciosocomo la independencia y libertad."

A tra\-es de Asia Surena, do lasFilipinas a Burma, movimientos deliberacion nacionalhanestadoluchan-do poranospor liberacion de la opres-ion y dominacion extranjera. Elgobierno Vietnames vino al podera traves de este tipo de lucha.

Pero hoy los gobernantes de Viet-Mm y su ejercito—el cuarto mas„grande en el mundo esta apunalandglos pueblos de Asia en la espalda.Solamente en el ultimo ano Vietnamha:

♦Invadido a Kampuchea Democrat-ica (Camboya), derrocando el gobierno y instalando sus titeres como losnuevos gobernantes.

*Estacionado 200,000 tropas enKampuchea y su- otro vecino, Laos,que domina ahora.

*For2ado a Laos a firmar un •

acuerdo con el gobierno militar deThailand (contlguo a ambos^ Kampuchea y Laos), sobre la supresiondelos guerilleros en Thailand, que hanlibrado una guerra de 14 anos porliberacion.

♦Organizado un "genuino PartidoComunista Tailanes" basadoenLaos.

♦Condenadoel Nuevo EjercitoPop-ular en las Filipinas por su guerrade guerillas y su unidad con fuerzasde oposicion amplias de el pais.

♦Enviado a su Primer Ministro

Pham Van Dong a cinco paises deAsia Surena, anunciandoalosgobier-nos, y a traves de conferencias deprensas, al mundo suoposicionatodos

los mo/imientos de liberacion en elarea. F1 Primer Ministro hasta pusounr. guirnalda sobre el monumentoa tropas Inglesas que pelearon contrafuerzas de liberacion en Malaysiaen los 1950*s.

Firmado pactos militares, politico,y economicos con la Union Sovieticaque agrandan significantemente lainfluencia de Moscu en la region.

DEPENDENCIA....

Mo hay ninguna lucha de liberacionen Asia ^urena que los Vietnamese0 sus pati'ones la Union Sovieticasoportan. iriera on contra de sumetade hegernonia en la region. Y choca-ria con su estrategia de dapbndenciaen It- Union Sovietica y por turnoaumentax- la dependencia en Hanoi-de otras naciones de Asia Surena.

Vietnam sehapuestodecisivamenteen el bloc Sovietico convirtiendoseen el pais mas poblado en el. Ellosignoran el papel de la URSS comoun poder imperialista e insiste queMoscu ha "hecho grandos contrib-iones a" los esfuerzos revolucionarios

de otras naciones.*' Vietnam se ha

dirigido hacia los Sovieticos comoproveedor de los abastecimientosne-cesarios para su agresion contraKampuchea, igual que los EEUU res-paldaron sus titeres en Indochina.Por su parte los Sovieticos gananinfluencia sobre unos de los paisesmas grandes y poderososenla region.

Obreros en centro de agua en Nueva York estan comenzando a organizar.

Huelga deropas . . .

(viene de pagina I)a abrir sin union. Los obreros estabanunidos 100% que si no ganaban unavictoria grande iban a ganar una victoria pequena, pero no iban a perder.Ganar grande significaria organizaruna union en R&F. Una victoria pequena seria forzar a R&F a cerraiel taller, con los obreros buscandotrabajos en otros lugares con la alluda

de la union. La an^enaza de los jefesde cerrar la fabrica si trataran deorganizar una union fue enfrentada,

Despues de7semanas, R&Fse cerro.La union asistio a un taller con uniona situarse en el mismo sitio, queahora emplea a algunos de los obreros de R&F, Otros han encontradctrabajos de union y aun otros hanencontrado trabajos en talleres sinunion. Perd aun esto no es visto comouna derrota. Hav cantidadps de traba

jos malo en el centro como R&F. Peroahora hay unos cuantos meno. Y elhecho que forzaron a R&F a cerrarpuede ser una lecclon a otros duenosde talleres sin union y una llamada asus obreros.

Basada en la asuncion que ayuda"extranjera-principalmente - *?oviet-ica--iba a entrar al pais en grandescantidades, los lideres Vietnamesesno han mobilizado a su pueblo de-cisibamente en sus cuatros anos en

poder. A consequencla, la situacioneconomica es un desastre. Hay grandes escasezes de arroz, articulos decomida como polios cuestan 2/3 delsalario average de un mes. El des -vio de energia y recursos materialesy humanos no alludan a desarrollara Vietnam. Desde las batallas con

China en Febrero, Vietnam a apro-vechado d,- la siftiacion para llamara 200,000 hombres a servicio militar. Militarizando al pais no sacaraa los lideres Vietnameses de. la in-

certidumbre en que estan.

0 INDEPENDENCIA?

Las luchas de liberacion nacionalen Asia .Surena estan tomando un

Pefroleros giganteculpable ...fviene de pagina I)estan llamando publicamente por pre-cios de S1.50 por galon de gasolina,

Precios en las estaciones son ex-trenaadamente mas altos que los au-mentos en los precios del petroleodomestico e importado.* Esta es la conclusion del Consejo del Presidentesobre la Establidad de Precios y .•Salaries (que pasa la mayor parte desu tiempo alludando a los duenos amantener los salaries bajos.)

Estos ultrajantes aumentos en precios han side aceptado ^r solamenteun razon - chantaje. En California,donde la escasez ha side mas extrema

la gente piensa que $1.50 por galonseria mejor que las lineas de 50autos,limites de 7 galones, dilaciones de 5horas, y racionamiento cada otrodia, Yellos estan amargamente ciertos quecuando el precio suba a esa canti-dad, la escasez desaparecira.

Nadie duda que Exxon, Mobil, estanacaparando petroleo, corriendo las refineries bajo capacidad, y mintiendo alpublico. Y por que no? El Presidentele dio permiso disimuladamente en unaconferencia de prensa en Mayo, cuandodijo que el pais necesita "unas cuan-tas escasezes demonstratlvas" degasolina para alludar a vender suspoliticas de austeridad, deregulacion, yaumentos de precios.

' Hay en cantidad de evidencia que laescasezes artificial, creada por lascompanias usando como escusa unverdadero deficit en las provisionesdepetroleo alrededor del mundo desdela revolucion en Iran el otono pasado.El ."^^rvicio de Investigacion del Con-greso, la Oficina de Cuentas del Gobierno, y el CIA han todos publicadorqportes qpe muestran que el deficiteh la produccion mondial oenimportesAmericanos no es suficiente para pro-

ducir la presente situacion. La AgenciaInternacional de Energia reporta que

los "importes de los EEUU en Febrerohan sido los mas altos en la historia delos EEUU."

MA9 QUE UN ATRACO

La escasez corriente y los aumentosde precios son masque unroboaudaz—la mafia de petroleoestamodernizandosus operaciones, ajustandolas a lascondiciones de los 1980's. El era deabundante, barata energia en los EEUU,que fue un resultado de corporaciones

mundiales merodeas respaldadas porinvasiones de los 'Marines' y golpesde estados del CIA, se ha terminado.Con la disminucion de sudominacionde

los paises petroleros, los monopoliosde petroleo carecen de la libertadabsolute para dictar precios y tasasde produccion.

Para fortalezer su posicion en elmercado mundial, ellos han tenidoque aumentarsuproduccionmundial.Elgobierno esta de acuerdo con esta sol-ucion al balance de comercio internacional. que plaga a la economia y por-que alta dependencia en recursos extranjeros seria desastroso en caso deguerra con la Union jovietica.

El problema es que las companiasde petroleo no aumentaran producciondomestica sin grandes cantidades clecapital para investir en el projecto ya menos que sus ganancias sean gar-antizadas. Por tanto, la crisis de gasolina y la demanda por $1.50 por galon.

CULPANDO A LA GENTE COMUN

Para establecer este nuevo sistema

sobre las espaldas del puelbo amer-

icano, los capitalistastratande pretender que es el pueblo que a causado laescasez. Los precios tienen que subiry la austeridad tiene que ser impues-ta porque el consumidor es un codic-ioso, egocentrico, gloton que tiene queser forzado a conservar.

Pero el puebloAmericanotrabajadorno sonlosquedesbarataronsistematic-amente el transporte publico. Fueronlas grandes corporaciones como General Motors, que compraronel sistemade transporte publico en Los Angelesy lo dejaron morir. No fueron la gentetrabajadora que vendieron los autosgrandes. Fueron las companias deautoy petroleo, un resultado fue que lascompanias extranjeras capturaron 15%del mercado en los EEUU proveiendopequenos y economicos autos. Nofueronlos obreros que alardearon al mundoque 40% de toda la.energia producidaen el mundo es consumida por losEEUU, que tiene meno de 15%de la pop-ulacion, Fue el mismo Nixon.

No sera facil forzar al puebloamer-icano pagar la cuenta cuando ellos nocausaron el problema. Los caminerosestan ensenandonos la solucion.'^ufrir?—de ninguna manera! Que pagen lascompanias de petroleo.