Sharma 1

Shubhangi Sharma

Prof. Shormishtha Panja

M.A English (Final)

10 November 2014

When God wipes her off his list

“I said my stomach hurt and curled up on a bench to watch as

my brothers enjoyed their childhood”, recounts Jyoti Kumari, a

resident of south Delhi’s Prehladpur area, who was a

basketball player in the school team till she hit puberty. In

India, most women face unwanted and illogical inhibitions

associated with menstruation. Kumari’s statement highlights

that the physiological process also affects the mental

condition of a girl owing to various social and cultural

beliefs that are associated with menstruation and gives rise

to norms and taboos. The countless number of taboos associated

with menstruation alienates a woman socially and leaves her

desolated and unwanted. The notion attached to menstrual blood

being ‘impure’ seems to be the root of all prevalent

superstitions.

Historian Veena Das foregrounds the possible relationship

between the cycle and nature while highlighting the notion of

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fertility as the connecting factor. “[It is] the female body

that makes the notion of regularity of nature available to

mankind. For the Hindus, it is the regular periodicity of

menstruation that is the guarantee of the regularity of

nature. Thus, the word ‘rtu’ stands for both seasons and the

menstrual cycle. Similarly the word for the woman’s menstrual

cycle and the moon’s cycle is the same, showing that the

rhythms of the body and the rhythms of the cosmos are in

harmony.”1 Janet Chawla supports Das’s interpretation and

asserts that,” [e]mblematic of the generative natural world and

cosmic rhythms, woman’s physiology… function[s] as a pre-

patriarchal gynocentric ordering principle which was both

symbolic and matrifocal.”2 The auspiciousness associated with

blood and the colour red is a marker of fertility and

positivity in most Hindu cultural practices whereas, the

potent menstrual blood is seen as degrading and polluting.

Some people may say that the idea behind separating women from

family and kitchen is to make women relaxed during the

observance of menstruation than the uncleanliness or

unholiness. However, ideal practices to be undertaken during

the time of menstruation as stated in Manusmriti are in no way

supportive for women. According to the dharmsastrakaras (law

1 Veena Das, ‘Feminity and the Orientation to the Body’ in Karuna Chanana (ed.), Socialisation, Education and Women, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1988. 2 Chawla, Janet. "The Mythic Origins of the Menstrual Taboo in the Rig Veda. “Economic and Political Weekly 29.43 (1994): n. pag. Print.

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makers) like Manu, Yajnavalkya and Vasistha, impurity

associated with miscarriage and menstruation should publicly

restrict the behaviour of women. Rishi Vasistha explained

menstruation in terms of a sin committed by Indra by slaying

Vrtra(a learned brahmana) whose guilt was taken up by women.

In return for the favour, Indra gave them the boon to obtain

offspring in the ‘proper’ season. Beliefs like these give

divine sanction to menstrual taboos in Indian society.

“Vasistha [also] says that a woman in her courses is

impure during three days and nights and during that

period , she shall not apply collyrium to her eyes , nor

anoint her body, nor bathe in water ; she shall sleep on

ground ;she shall not sleep in daytime , nor touch the

fire, nor make a rope , nor clean her teeth, nor eat

meat, nor look at planets, nor smile, nor busy herself

with household affairs, nor run and shall drink out of a

large vessel , or out of her joined hands ,or out of a

copper vessel .”3

As Chandra foregrounds in the above quotation,

dharmasastrakaras tried to be the advocates of patriarchal

social order that expected women to remain doubly subordinated

while menstruating, in a society where women are already

treated as lower order beings. These lawmakers also justified

3 Chandra, Vinita. "Gender Dynamics within the Household." Gender Relations in Early India. N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. 95

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their views on child marriage and made the two topics

inseparable as,

“… [I]n the Dharmasutra of Gautama it is prescribed that

the girl should be given in marriage at puberty and she

is only allowed to remain virgin until her third

menstruation…[i]f a person does not give away a maiden

when she has reached her twelfth year, his Pitrs

(ancestors) will have to drink every month her menstrual

discharge. The parents and also the eldest brother go to

hell on seeing an unmarried girl becoming

Rajasvala.”(Chawla)

The symbolic generative power of blood is seen as a threat to

the patriarchal family due to such instructions. It is because

of such abhorrent prescriptions from Hindu law books that

illogical notions and prejudices regarding menstruation got

solidified and legitimized. Chandra asserts that “[m]enstrual

taboos have been interpreted as institutionalised ways in

which males in primitive societies discriminate against

women.”

Not just Hinduism but most religions in India and in the rest

of the world regard menstruation as not just a physiological

phenomenon but attach ideas of impurity or disability to it.

“The notion that menstruation is impure and that the menstrual

woman is a pollutant, and thus dangerous, is nearly universal.

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Blood appears to be the object of a set of emotionally tinged

ideas in all known human societies. It stands for death,

murder, life-giving force or kinship.”4 In Jainism, “Women are

not considered capable of salvation due to their menstrual

cycle, their inherent nature and because they are advised to

wear clothing (which will hinder any opportunity of

salvation)”5. Similarly in Islam, menstruation is regarded as a

contaminating disease and it is advised to leave the woman

alone. Some Christian denominations, including many

authorities of the Eastern Orthodox Church, also regard

menstruating women unclean and menstruating woman are not

allowed going to a sacred place. “Anything a menstruating

woman touches is unclean (Bible Leviticus 12:1-5). Woman are

also regarded as defective and misbegotten (Summa Theologica,

Q92, art. 1, Reply Obj)”. An interesting observation from the

survey that Mishra conducted among various Nepali women is

quoted in her article as,

“Anu, a 16-year-old girl from Kathmandu notes and laughs,

I knew the rules of exclusion long before I came to know

about the physiological aspects of menstruation. I knew

the rule of exclusion because I was the part of the

4 Mishra, Mira. "Changing Experience and Interpretation of Menarche by Generation." Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology- VI (2014): n. pag. Web. 5 Duwadi, Eak Prasad. "Portrayal of Women in Major World Religions." N.p., June 2013. Web.

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family and society that gave importance to menstrual

exclusion.”

Mishra highlights that “[t]he words untouchable and exclusion

are used to refer menstruation and associated exclusionary

practices.”

On the other hand, in some cultures of south India menarche is

celebrated and welcomed by the whole family as a sign of

fertility and a girl’s coming of age is not seen as a sign of

remorse or shame.

“[A]fter emerging from seclusion the young woman [is]

bathed, dressed in bridal finery, and garlanded with

flowers. Aesthetic renderings of a young woman kicking an

Ashoka tree imply that it is her shakti which cause the

tree to bloom. In tantric rituals, which probably have

their origins in tribal and folk cultures, menstrual

blood was one of the offerings made to the

goddess.”(Chawla)

Sikhism, according to writers like Eak Prasad Duwadi, does not

consider menstruating women impure and the process pose no

obstacle in the path to salvation. “Only people with God in

their mind are considered pure, which is independent of the

condition of one’s clothing or physical body cycles.”

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However, the superstitions linked to the subject of

menstruation appear to be more or less objective in the Indian

society. The psychological effect of such a treatment on young

girls is worth paying attention to. It not only inhibits

social mobility but also instils a feeling of inferiority and

shame in women, regardless of their age. The kind of attitude

meted out to women makes them feel inferior and constrained in

terms of expression of freedom, equality and sexuality. “Being

segregated and told they are ‘impure’ and must avoid certain

behaviours, restricted in their interaction with men, not

allowed to touch religious texts or food or go into the

kitchen, not allowed to visit holy places, and having to cover

themselves fully, all make young adolescent girls feel

inferior.”6 Taboo-behaviours related to the subject hinders the

possibility of proper knowledge about the process in young

minds and often generates feelings of fear and apprehension.

“Menarche is not discussed in relation to fertility and having

babies because of the fear that young women would become

conscious of their sexuality” (Garg, Sharma, Sahay). These

restrictions also affect the possibility of proper discussion

over the subject of sanitation and hygiene.

According to a survey conducted by AC Nielsen research agency

in 2010, only 12 percent of the 355 million menstruating women

6 Garg, Suneela, Nandini Sharma, and Ragini Sahay. "Socio-cultural Aspects of Menstruation in an Urban Slum in Delhi, India." N.p., n.d. Web. <http://www.rhm-elsevier.com/article/S0968-8080(01)90004-7/pdf>.

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use sanitary napkins. Such a condition hints at the stigma

associated with buying, using and disposing sanitary napkins

which requires women to admit and own up to the fact that they

are menstruating. As a result of such inhibiting ideas, some

women still use paper, sand, ash or even leaves instead of

sanitary napkins!

Ages have gone by with women having to conform to such norms

which are still widely prevalent in the Indian society.

“Gradual weakening of theological belief or the belief on god,

and the emergence of rationality, marked specifically by

industrialization and the institution of the market, has

globally reduced the intensity of menstrual taboos. There is

much debate on the social aspects of menstruation as well”

(Garg, Sharma, Sahay). Illogical practices related to

menstruation have not went unnoticed by feminist groups and

some liberal individuals who are working towards busting all

sorts of myths related to menstruation and the phenomenon’s

association with impurity. Recently launched programmes and

awareness campaigns are aimed to provide much needed knowledge

about the issue of female sexuality and physiology.

Individual initiatives made by the creators of

Menstrupedia.com and those made by A. Muruganatham (pioneer of

affordable sanitary napkin making company called Jayashree

industries) to clear the air about taboos related to

menstruation range from identifying the areas that require

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immediate attention to working towards solving individual

issues. The patriarchal policy of suppression of female

sexuality by keeping everything related to menstruation hidden

from the public eye is targeted by the campaigns to de-

stigmatize the natural process of menstruation.

Patriarchal constructions control a woman’s sexuality by

converting a biological event to a cultural one. In the essay,

“Anthropological explorations in gender: Intersecting Fields”,

Leela Dube emphasises the role of menstruation as the factor

that determines if a woman is ready to marry and be a mother.

The role of menstruation is limited in a way that it is only

associated with a woman’s capability to marry and reproduce.

She also highlights that although a girl becomes ready to

reproduce at the onset of puberty but she is denied the

authority to do so because of the patriarchal control of her

sexuality by putting various socio-cultural restrictions.

Women are not allowed to own up to their sexuality or talk

about menstruation in public, all in the name of culture.

While tracing the roots of Capitalism, one ends up

scrutinising the institution of marriage to conclude that the

barter of women between families gave rise to the idea of

control over the ‘weaker sex’ and thus Patriarchy’s foundation

was laid. The deeply intertwined nature of the two discourses

is targeted to be debunked by various social organisations

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working with sanitary napkin manufacturers to spread the idea

of ‘shame-free’ disposal of menstrual napkins.

The deep internalisation of the suppressive norms and

practices by the “subaltern”, to use Gayatri Spivak’s term,

pose great obstacle to the possibility of successful de-

mystification of the menstrual taboos. Garg, Sharma and Sahay

have stated that the results of their survey highlight the

hesitation and resistance of the women from the middle and

upper age groups towards certain superstitious practices. A

documentary by Anandana Kapur called “Blood on my Hands”

explores sanitary napkins and tampon advertisements as not

only furthering their capitalist agenda but also concretising

the myths associated with menstruation. She states, “No

advertisement will show a man buying sanitary napkins for his

wife or girlfriend. Though, in reality, this is not always the

case… [d]on’t make it a moral issue. The spot on a skirt

should not be a spot on character.”7

Taboos originating from the lawbooks or Shastras shape gender

relations in a way that puts women into weaker position.

Vinita Chandra asserts that “[t]he entire dharmshastric

discourse is aimed at the preservation and perpetuation of

‘Brahminical patriarchy’, where maintainence of gender

hierarchy was actually a corollary to the maintenance of varna

7 Kumar, Anuj. "Din behind the Hush." The Hindu. N.p., 21 Mar. 2008. Web.

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hierarchy.” Janet Chawla supports this observation and states

that

“…the elemental and numinous power of the feminine/female

is nominated symbolized, appropriated – managed and

controlled. Vedic gender categories of primal female

power are constructed. Those able to be controlled are

designated as sacred – Vac (the word), and ‘Aditi’

(patriarchal motherhood). Those more difficult to manage

are demonized- Nritti (death), Danu and Diti (mothers of

the aboriginal peoples) or raped, Ushas (independent

cosmological feminine).”

The site of the female body is seen as a microcosm of society

and is governed by various Ideological State Apparatuses

(ISA), to use Louis Althusser’s coinage. Clearly, the

religious ISA, propagated by the dharmsatrkaras, is largely

responsible for the genesis of the taboo related to

menstruation in India which attempts to nullify the

reproductive and sexual powers of a woman by dispelling it to

oblivion or obscurity. Chandra states that menstrual taboos

that claim intercourse with a menstruating woman is polluting

for men, play a significant role in creating a gendered

society by promoting physical separation between sexes.

Therefore, such seclusion aids male dominance and exclusion of

women.

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Religion in India has always been a discourse that easily

creeps into other realms, ranging from politics to academics

to entertainment. For a democratic and supposedly ‘secular’

country like India the need of the hour is to segregate

religion from any other realm of life and ensure that religion

is not used to further personal agenda. Mythic and non-

sensical cultural norms act as significant hindrances on the

road to development and modernity. To use a phrase by Aditi

Gupta (co-founder of Menstrupedia.com), present condition of

the society calls for an attitude that is “period positive”.

No. of words-2418

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Works Cited

Veena Das, ‘Feminity and the Orientation to the Body’ in

Karuna Chanana (ed.), Socialisation, Education and Women,

Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1988.

Chawla, Janet. "The Mythic Origins of the Menstrual Taboo in

the Rig Veda. “Economic and Political Weekly 29.43 (1994): n.

Chandra, Vinita. "Gender Dynamics within the Household."

Gender Relations in Early India

Mishra, Mira. "Changing Experience and Interpretation of

Menarche by Generation." Himalayan Journal of Sociology &

Antropology- VI (2014): n. pag. Web.

Duwadi, Eak Prasad. "Portrayal of Women in Major World

Religions." N.p., June 2013. Web.

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Garg, Suneela, Nandini Sharma, and Ragini Sahay. "Socio-

cultural Aspects of Menstruation in an Urban Slum in Delhi,

India." N.p., n.d. Web. <http://www.rhm-

elsevier.com/article/S0968-8080(01)90004-7/pdf>.

Kumar, Anuj. "Din behind the Hush." The Hindu. N.p., 21 Mar.

2008. Web.