What L2 phenomena reveal about What L2 phenomena reveal about phonological cognitionphonological cognition

Bert Vaux, UWMBert Vaux, UWM

NAPhC 4NAPhC 4

May 13, 2006May 13, 2006

“He sees the world simply, without all your complicated facts”“He sees the world simply, without all your complicated facts”

Bill O’Reilly

OverviewOverview

Focus on comparison of leading theories (DP : OT) What each predicts to be possible and impossible How these predictions compare to the data

Results of comparison SLP facts are inconsistent with the predictions of

canonical OT and Constraint Demotion algorithms SLP facts support a derivational model driven by

generalization formation (rules), a la Kiparsky and Menn 1977

Emergence of UG principles is equally problematic for both OT and DP

Scientific SLA: research Scientific SLA: research questionsquestions

theory

data

Top-down: what does each theory predict to be possible and impossible?

Bottom-up: what are the central linguistic phenomena that any theory must account for?

Focus on OT. Why?Focus on OT. Why? Incorporation of markedness (Eckman

2004) TETU/ Hidden rankings (Broselow et al. 1998, 2004,

Davidson 2002, Uffmann 2004, etc.) Explicit learning theory available for

exploitation CDA/GLA

Strong testable predictions made by canonical OT (= Kager 1999)

Explanation for cross-linguistic differences previously thought to be arbitrary Treatment of θ (Lombardi 2003, Eckman 2004)

OT on SLAOT on SLA “We assume that second language

acquisition involves creation of a new grammar, using the same resources as first language acquisition (though other cognitive strategies may be used as well). One major difference, however, is that the initial state of second language acquisition is the final state of first language acquisition” (Pater and Tessier 2005)

M/F-based learning No opacity, derived environment, or avoidance effects that don’t appear in L1

or L2 wouldn’t make sense to spontaneously invoke constraint conjunction, Null

Parse, sympathy constraints, etc. Consistency

Consistent cross-linguistic treatment of a given phenomenon, e.g. resolution of theta

same constraints as characterize natural languages, so *D/_# will always be dealt with via devoicing, etc.

No levels no level-based effects, since there are no levels unnatural processes will not be imported into L2, because they are

morphologically conditioned (according to Lombardi, Steriade, etc.) Markedness

IL effects will result from either hidden UG rankings in L1, or from intermediate degrees of constraint demotion/promotion; NOT from reversion to UG rankings when already superseded by L1 rankings

markedness-based changes will conform to universal markedness hierarchy neutralizations will be in direction of unmarked member of opposition Natural/unmarked patterns will be easier to learn

Predictions of canonical OTPredictions of canonical OT

Contra M/F-based learning: Nonderived environment blocking Opacity Avoidance

Contra Consistency: Optionality and variation Convention vs. automaticity Final devoicing

Contra No levels: Level-based interference Unnatural interference

Contra Markedness: Cases where IL phenomenon NL, TL Unnatural patterns not harder to learn

Some central SLP phenomenaSome central SLP phenomena

Nonderived Environment BlockingNonderived Environment Blocking

Eckman and Iverson 1995 et seqq.: Suppression of s-palatalization in Korean acq of English Suppression of spirantization in Spanish acq of English

Kiparsky and Menn 1987:47—derived environment effect in acq of Greek Polish devoicing and raising with loanwords

snop (not *snup) but pagoda → pagut, toga → tuk Standard OT treatment of NDEB: constraint conjunction (Łubowicz 1999)

Smolensky: only postulate CC as warranted by PLD DEC is problem for:

OT claim that grammars only differ in constraint ranking OT’s rejection of generalizations/rules—DEC in SLA is clearly a generalization kicking in, not a constraint

conjunction spontaneously appearing

Opacity in SLPOpacity in SLP Counterfeeding chain shift substitution

Cho and Lee 2001, Idsardi 2002 on opacity in Korean acq of English sin → sjin + thin → sin

same is found in L1 (Dinnsen, O’Connor, and Gierut 2001) opaque substitution = contrast maintenance + ordering, not

sympathy, turbidity, targeted constraints, etc. Smolensky: only postulate constraint conjunction as warranted by PLD

Idsardi 2002: “this spontaneous chain shift…does not reflect properties of their original L1 grammar, the target L2 grammar, or of Universal Grammar…only by employing persistent rules can we correctly create the conditions for chain-shift; persistence of constraints and constraint rankings into the L2 does not correctly induce the chain-shifting behavior”

Counterbleeding repairs Weinberger 1987:412—Mandarin learners of English who apply final

epenthesis before final C-cluster simplification, e.g. <and> [aenә] Counterfeeding and counterbleeding in toy L2 acq…

Vaux, Nevins, Dye, and Keren (ongoing) Learners exposed to PLD providing evidence for

two generalizations: V Ø / _ V s š / _ i

How do these interact in absence of evidence for interaction in PLD?

DES, SO…

Opacity in toy L2 acqOpacity in toy L2 acq

KOP KOPI KOPO KOPO

SATA SATI SATO

Predictions of canonical DP for NES, BASA Possible systems

{neši, basi, nešo, baso} (CF+CB) [SP >> VD] {neši, baši, neso, baso} (transparent) [VD >> SP] {neši, baši, nešo, bašo} (CB) [VD&SP cycl., either order]

Impossible systems Any set including [nesi] {neši, baši, nešo, baso}, {neši, baši, neso, bašo}, {neši,

basi, neso, baso}, {neši, basi, nešo, bašo}, {neši, basi, neso, bašo}

Predictions of canonical OT Nothing with basi (CF), bašo (CB), nešo (CB)

Preliminary results

Opacity in toy L2 acqOpacity in toy L2 acq

Preliminary results

Opacity in toy L2 acqOpacity in toy L2 acq

form # of Ss DP predicts? OT predicts?

nešo 1/8, 1/12 x

basi 8/12 x

AvoidanceAvoidance speakers sometimes avoid complex L2 configurations

even if their L1 has them Laufer and Eliasson 37, Jordens 1977, Kellerman 1977, 1978,

1986 Celce-Murcia 1977:

child learning English and French simultaneously avoided words containing fricatives in one language by using the word from the other language, e.g. couteau for knife

Well-documented in L1 phonological acquisition and disorders also cleft palate speech, lisp…

Standard OT treatment of avoidance: Null Parse Wrongly predicts phonologically empty output, rather than

contentful output that crashes see Orgun and Sprouse 1999, Nevins and Vaux 2004 for

further discussion and exemplification

Optionality and variationOptionality and variationOverview

How animals deal with ambiguityVariable differential substitution Implications for generalization

formation vs. constraint demotionVariable repair of *Coda/voi

Ambiguity and animal wug testsAmbiguity and animal wug tests

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ConsistencyConsistency Lombardi 2003: repair of L2 {θ, ð} predictable from structure of

L1 system /s, z/: Japanese, France French, German… /t, d/: Russian, Quebecois, Hungarian, Sinhalese… Cf. Ritchie 1968, Nemser 1971, Hancin-Bhatt 1994, Weinberger 1997)

Actual facts: intra-lingual/individual variation in L1 and L2 acq multiple L1 substitutes for unfamiliar/difficult L2 sound (Hammarberg 1990)

Polish replacement of θ, ð by [s, z] [t, d] or [f, v] (Gussmann 1984:31) Japanese, German, and Turkish speakers vary in what they hear θ, ð as (Hancin-

Bhatt 1994) Calabrese uses f/v, whereas other Italians use t/d (Flege, Munro, and MacKay 1996)

(cf. Cockney vs. New York; Archibald 1998:102) Unschooled French speakers use [t] (Berger 1951); beginners use [f], intermediate

learners use [t] (Wenk 1979); Quebecois use [t], France uses [s] (Archibald 1998:102)

Korean variation between tense [s'] and tense [t'] (think = ssink ~ ttink) (Oh 2002) Austrian learners of English vary between f ~ s ~ š ~ dental s ~ “lenisized” θ

(Wieden 1997:232) Cf. L1:

English L1 acq θ [f] in stages IV-VII; ð [d] or [v] in stages V-VII (Wenk 1979, Grunwell 1982)

θ [f] ~ [s], e.g. Susie’s think sink ~ fink (Vihman and Greenlee 1987) Conclusion: ambiguity resolved by arbitrary choice (convention)

Variation is a problem for Variation is a problem for constraint demotion algorithmsconstraint demotion algorithms

“inconsistent data, such as variation in the ambient language, causes RCD to choke” McCarthy 2002:204-5 Cf. Hayes 2000 Intra-individual variability in L2 production

Tropf 1987:174—multiple renditions of German nicht ‘not’ in a one-hour session with a Spanish speaker learning German: 31, 25, 4, 4, 4, 2, 2, 1, 1

Similar findings in L1 acq Hayes’ alternative (strictness bands) predicts that only

adjacent constraints can be involved in optionality Problem: Pierrehumbert’s hovacity data

Dealing with coda [voice]Dealing with coda [voice]

Overview IL final devoicing as TETU?L1 vs. L2 strategies for dealing with

coda [voice]Sources and mechanisms of devoicing

Devoicing as TETU?Devoicing as TETU? From Uffmann 2004:

2 guiding principles:1. Initial state = L1 ranking2. L2 learners may also assume default M >> F

Ranking for lgs that don’t allow codas *Coda/voi, *Coda >> Faith

Ranking for lgs that allow contrastive voicing in codas Faith >> *Coda/voi, *Coda

Demotion of *Coda below Faith based on TL evidence *Coda/voi >> Faith >> *Coda [NB requires ignoring evidence for voiced codas]

To get Hungarian-English phenomenon (IL devoicing despite both NL and TL having voice contrast in codas), Uffmann proposes L2 learners assume default M >> F until they receive evidence to the contrary Problem: contravenes OT assumption that L2 learners start with

L1 ranking (Pater 2005, etc.)

L1: claimed to only use devoicing The “too many solutions problem” (Lombardi 1995, Kager

1999, Steriade 2001, McCarthy 2002…) Lombardi: MaxOns, *Lar, MaxVoi Steriade: P-map

[McCarthy 2002: targeted constraints can get deletion repair, and therefore shouldn’t be part of OT]

Kiparsky 2004: blocking also used (Konni, Meccan Arabic) L2: epenthesis and deletion attested

Deletion Chinese: Anderson 1983, Xu 2004

Epenthesis Brazilian Portuguese: Major 1987; Korean: Kang 2003, Iverson and

Lee 2004; Vietnamese: Nguyen and Ingram 2004; Chinese: Eckman 1981, Xu 2004

Also found in L1 acq (Major 2001)

L1 vs. L2 strategies for coda [voice]L1 vs. L2 strategies for coda [voice]

Problems with OT analysis of final devoicingProblems with OT analysis of final devoicing L1 prediction doesn’t fall out nicely

from constraint inventory; requires conspiracy of several constraints

*Coda/voi-less system (Lombardi 2000, Beckman 2004) misses key articulatory motivation by avoiding (cf. Smith et al. 2005)

Lombardi’s scheme should hold for NC as well, but doesn’t (Myers 2002)

Lombardi can’t get word-initial neutralization, like in English and Lac Simon

L1 prediction falsified by L2 data Not clear why devoicing should be

easier to learn than contrast L2 devoicing may not be emergent

UG effect: English has devoicing (Haggard 1978,

Ladefoged 1982, Pierrehumbert and Talkin 1992, Smith 1997)

May be articulatory phonetic problem “L2 speakers…may not have developed

adequate voicing control abilities” (Smith et al. 2005)

English-Hungarian case requires reversion to UG ranking, not hidden rankings

LevelsLevels Only low-level automatic L1 rules can cause

interference (Linell 1979, Rubach 1980, 1984, Broselow 1984, Singh and Ford 1987, Eckman and Iverson 1995) Morphologically-conditioned processes do not cause

interference Problem 1: incoherent in monostratal model Problem 2: interference from processes treated as

morphologically-conditioned in OT (McCarthy 1997, Steriade 2001, Picard 2002, Lombardi 2003) r-insertion in RP pronunciation of L2 French, German, Spanish

(Wells 1982) J’étais déjà[r] ici, ich bin ja[r] fertig, viva[r] España

n-insertion in Korean (H. Kim 1999) [lukεnñuәsεlph] ‘look at yourself’

Cases where hidden rankings aren’t involved Idsardi’s 2002 spontaneous chain shift Hungarian-English final devoicing (?) Japanese antepenultimate mora accentuation (?) Hungarian gemination after stressed vowel (?)

Cases where novel marked configurations are produced, violating markedness hierarchy Russian č Odd neutralizations in L1 acq:

Child with dental click for all coronal continuants (Bedore et al. 1994) Child with ingressives for all postvocalic stops (Gierut and Champion

2000) 4;8 subject, Jason, produces [pfw] “to represent nearly all word-initial

liquid clusters, as well as initial labial fricatives” (Edwards 1996:153) Amahl’s word-initial engma and voiceless sonorants (Smith 1973:4) child with s in onset, x in coda (Gierut 1993)

L2: Yuchun’s production of [ü] for [i] in English UG, phonology, etc. NB she doesn’t just do it after j

Cases where IL phenomenon Cases where IL phenomenon NL, TL NL, TL

Learning unnatural patternsLearning unnatural patterns CDA predicts that natural patterns will be

easier to learn than unnatural ones, because they require fewer departures from UG ranking. Support from Pater’s 2005 study?

On the other hand, if learning involves formulating rules and their difficulty is computed on the basis of their formal structure, then unnatural patterns should be equally learnable. Supported in studies by Pycha et al. 2003, Morrison

2005, and Seidl & Buckley (forthcoming)

ConclusionsConclusions Classic OT predictions disconfirmed by SLP data

contra M/F-based learning: NDEB, opacity, avoidance contra Consistency: variation, convention contra No levels: Level-based interference, Unnatural interference contra Markedness: Cases where IL phenomenon NL, TL; Unnatural patterns not harder to learn

Universal markedness/UG plays a role in SLA final devoicing, cluster simplification… Not well captured in OT; SLA requires reference to UG system

overridden by L1 and to phenomena not in L1/L2/UG-CON Conversely, language allows a broader range of possibilities than is

countenanced in OT strategies to deal with devoicing, unnatural rules…

Acquisition is generalization-driven and potentially variable supported by DEC effects, conventionalized segmental

substitutions, which V to delete in hiatus, deneutralization… Cf. Kiparsky and Menn’s 1977 model, which involves active

hypothesis formation and testing on the part of the child, and Fey and Gandour 1979, vs. Stampe’s and OT’s, which are closer to behaviorist stimulus-response

For variation, cf. Macken and Ferguson’s flexible learning model that allows for variation, contrary to earlier deterministic models that had predictable L1L2 transfer

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