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WAI632
'WAI674 WAI632
MAORI, THE CROWN AND THE NORTHERN WAIROA
DISTRICT - ATE ROROA PERSPECTIVE
Garry Hooker
MARCH 2000
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LIST OF CONTENT
Introduction
Section 1 - Maori Origins and Traditional History
Section 2 - Modern Tribes of the Northern Wairoa
Section 3 - Te Kopuru/Aratapu Block
Section 4 - Tikinui Block
Section 5 - Pouto 2 Block
Section 6 - Tokatoka and Whakahara Blocks
Appendix 1 -Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa Whakapapa
Bibliography
Endnotes
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Map of Muriwhenua to Maunganui Bluff migration trail
Map of Kaihu valley fighting by Haumoewarangi
Map of generalised Northern Wairoa tribal boundaries
Map of Parore's 1875 Northern Wairoa hegemony
Map of Northern Wairoa land blocks Pouto to Dargaville
Plan of Tinne's Kaihu estate
Ugar's 1842 sketch map of Te Kopuru block
1842 plan of Te Kopuru block boundaries
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PAGE
2
6
61
75
109
125
137
161
·165
171
FACING
18
23
66
69
70
73
88
89
Reconstructed map of Te Kopuru block & the Makaka & Aratapu streams 90
1924 Official plan ofTe Kopuru block
Illustration of TOkatoka maunga
95
138
2
INTRODUCTION
My name is Garry Hooker. By descent I am a member of the Te Roroa tribe
which customarily holds mana whenua over the coastal strip from Hokianga
South Head (Arai-te-uru) to the Northern Wairoa river and over land on both
banks of that river. Historically, Te Roroa has stood alone and from time to
time affiliated to each of the Nga Puhi and Ngati Whatua tribal confederations.
I currently act as secretary for Te Roroa and claim manager ofWAI 38. My
earlier background was in the fields of investments and trusts.
Although I hold no formal qualifications in History, I have studied the oral
histories, place names and whakapapa ofTai Tokerau for 30 years.
Particularly, I have written for The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography,
collaborated with the later A.W. Reed in his book Supplement to Place Names
of New Zealand and undertaken Northern Wairoa research work for the Office
of Treaty Settlements. In the Te Roroa claim WAI 38, where I was a claimant
researcher and witness, I was acknowledged by the tribunal as Te Roroa's
tribal historian.
This report is a response to directions of the Waitangi Tribunal for me to
complete a historical report encompassing:
(a) A general Te Roroa perspective on Kaipara Maori traditional history
and tribal relationships.
(b) ATe Roroa response to evidence submitted in the tribunal's current
Kaipara inquiry affecting Te Roroa customary and historic interests.
(c) An analysis ofTe Roroa's customary interests at Te Kopuru/Aratapu
and Tokatoka, and any relevant actions or inaction's of the Crown in
respect thereto.
Although touching on other 19th century areas by way of explanatory
background, this report focuses on relationships between Maori and the
Crown and amongst Maori themselves in the Northern Wairoa or North
Kaipara region. For the purposes of this report, that region is defined as the
3
Northern Wairoa catchment from Tangiteroria to Pouto, but excluding the
Kaihu and Mangakahia valleys which customarily were regarded as separate
areas. As remarked upon by Wright 1996:61, from Pouto northwards
customarily was known as the Wairoa, rather than the Kaipara, region. With
local body reorganisation the place name Kaipara - which originally applied to
the area around Helensville - was extended into the Northern Wairoa district.
This report is divided into six sections viz:
1. Maori origins and traditional history.
2. Modern tribes of the Northern Wairoa district.
3. Te Kopuru/Aratapu block.
4. Tikinui block.
5. Pouto 2 block.
6. Tokatoka and Whakahara blocks.
It is accompanied by a whakapapa (Appendix 1) of the Ngati Whiu and Ngati
Kawa hapus ofTe Roroa whose oral history is so bound up with the region.
The first section of this report briefly looks at the earliest known inhabitants of
the Northern Wairoa and Hokianga districts i.e. the Ngai Tuputupuwhenua
people and their successors Ngati Rangi. It is followed by an examination of
traditional evidence relating to a probable mid 16th century land migration by
tupuna of modern Kaipara tribes from Muriwhenua through Hokianga,
Waipoua/Maunganui and Kaihu to South Kaipara - and the evolution of those
tribes. That evidence, which indicates continuing processes of fusion and
fission amongst the tribes, is fundamentally different to Pakeha concepts of
groups such as Ngati Whatua tuturu as a static, monolithic entity, which has
endured, unchanged for centuries.
In the second section I attempt to provide an introduction to the origins, areas
of influence and inter-tribal relationships of the modern Northern Wairoa
tribes. In so doing, I not only have had recourse to mid 19th century
descriptions by tupuna as to the groups they recognised as tribes, but have
accepted those descriptions when whakapapa clearly indicates that members
of those groups do not constitute a single genealogical descent ramage from
an eponymous tupuna. On that basis I have had no difficulty in accepting
groups such as Te Uri 0 Hau - comprising Te Uri 0 Hau tuturu (descended
from Hakiputatomuri), Ngai Tahu (a remnant of Ngai Tahuhu descended from
Tahuhu-nui-o-rangi), Ngati Kura (descended from Kuramangotini of Ngati
Awa) , Ngati Tahinga (from the Raglan tupuna Tahinga) and others - as an
4
iwi. In simple terms, my approach has been that if a group does not constitute
a single genealogical descent ramage (e.g. whanau or hapu), it must be a
tribe (iwi).
Although the second section relies upon a synthesis of evidence from various
tribal sources, it does not pretend to be an exhaustive study of 19th century
inter-tribal relationships, of which, no doubt, other witnesses will present
evidence to this tribunal. In fact, all I have endeavoured to do is to provide
snapshots of relationships at particular points of time.
The third section addresses the oral history of the Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa
hapus ofTe Roroa respecting Te Kopuru block, the block's subsequent
confiscation by the Crown and the history of later Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa
protest. Despite exhaustive research, I have unearthed no documentary
evidence as to a Te Uri 0 Hau customary interest in the land. Neither, prior to
1917, have I discovered any evidence of Te Uri 0 Hau protest over the loss of
Te Kopuru block. My evidence and accompanying whakapapa (for which see
Appendix 1 hereof) do not support Mr. Stirling's view, as earlier given in
evidence to this tribunal, that Te Uri 0 Hau held mana whenua to Te Kopuru
block.
The fourth section deals with the role of the Native Land Court, as a Crown
agent, in defeating Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa customary interests in Tikinui block
and in failing to protect Maori heritage e.g. the urupa Te Kuri 2 block, which
was part of the original Tikinui block.
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In the fifth section I focus upon evidence as to whether the Land Court
hearing into relative beneficial interests of Pouto 2 block - which awarded
non-resident owners such as Tiopira Kinaki of Te Roroa significantly reduced
shareholdings, was a fair hearing.
5
The sixth, and final, section examines the Whakahara and Tokatoka block
purchases by the Crown, adequacy of consideration, the absence of provision
for reserves and the protection of cultural heritage and the failure of the
Crown to facilitate rights of repurchase as requested by Maori, including Te
Roroa. In an endeavour to present a comprehensive account of the
complexities and interlocking nature of both transactions, it unfortunately has
not been possible to avoid traversing certain evidence already provided by
other witnesses.
This reports needs to be considered against the background provided by the
research of Barry Rigby, Paul Hamer & Rose Daamen "Rangahaua Whanui
District 1 Auckland" Report (1996); David Armstrong "Te Uri 0 Hau and the
Crown 1860-1960' (WAI 271 A2); Bruce Stirling "The Lands ofTe Uri 0 Hau
o Te Wahapu 0 Kaipara" (WAI 271 A3-A5), Tony Walzl "Land Issues Within
the Otamatea Area 1839-1950" (WAI 674 A21); Moira Jackson "Desecration
of Taonga by Andrea Reischek" (WA1674 A8) and Paul Thomas "The Crown
and Maori in the Northern Wairoa 1840-1865" (1999) - all of which I have
found to be most helpful.
I acknowledge, with thanks and gratitude, commentary by Dr. Barry Rigby on
an earlier draft of this document and the latitude afforded me in terms of its
completion. Although this report has been discussed with kaumatua and kuia,
responsibility for its contents - and any errors of fact and interpretation -
remains solely with the author.
He Whakatauki
Te toto 0 te tangata, he kai,
Te oranga 0 te tangata, he whenua.
Food supplies the blood of man,
His welfare depends on the land.
6
SECTION 1
MAORI ORIGINS AND TRADITIONAL HISTORY
1.1 Ngai Tuputupuwhenua or Te Tini 0 Kui or Te Kekehu
As related by Paora Tuhaere and others: "My ancestor was
Tumutumuwhenua. This man came from the interior of the earth. He was not
of this world." 1
The autochthons Tuputupuwhenua, alias Tumutumuwhenua (literally, a sprout
from the land) and his wife Hinekui undoubtedly are the earliest known
ancestors associated with the Kaipara and Hokianga districts. The pair,
whose descendants variously were referred to as Ngai Tuputupuwhenua or
Te Tini 0 Kui or Te Kekehu are widely known throughout Polynesia and
consequently probably need to be recognised as personifications of early
forgotten tupuna rather than as actual people. 2
Known to both the Ngati Whatuaand Nga Puhi tribal confederations,
Tuputupuwhenua is particularly associated with the Hokianga district during
the lifetime of the tupuna Kupe.
According to Aperahama Taonui, "Kupe was the man who arrived in this land.
He came to seek Tuputupuwhenua. He searched everywhere but could not
find him in the south. He found him in Hokianga. Does Hokianga then belong
to Kupe?"
"He Tuputupuwhenua lives underground with his wife Kui. When a person is
asleep he will see Tuputupuwhenua appearing underground and the person
who finds difficulty in sleeping will say, "The land will be deserted". The
meaning of this phrase "a deserted land" is that the people will die in battle or
by an epidemic. Now If a person decides to build a house he obtains a grass
stalk, pulls it up and pushes It into the ground to feed a small insect. Should
he catch a small insect with a ridged back that is Kui. That grass is very
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sacred because it was offered to her to eat. She is the real indigenous person
of this land".
"Nukutawhiti came from overseas with his brother in law Ruanui. Mamari was
their canoe, which met Kupe who told Nukutawhiti that Tuputupuwhenua was
at Hokianga. When Nukutawhiti entered the harbour, Tuputupuwhenua
submerged and went underground". 3
At Hokianga the Tuputupuwhenua people and the newcomers soon came into
conflict:
In the words of the well-known Te Rarawa chief Re Te Tai, "He (i.e.
Nukutawhiti) and his people followed the shoreline to Te Pouahi where he
built a whare called Te Pouahi. He went to seek for good things for a feast to
commemorate the event So he began an incantation and a man arose from
out of the ground. There were two of them, Tuputupuwhenua was one and
Tuakainga, son of the first named. Nuku snared them with a noose catching
Tuputupuwhenua. Tuakainga escaped. Tupu was decapitated and his body
hung on a pole. Nuku began another incantation which has since been used
as the pihe, a death dirge". 4
Variant versions of the cause of the fighting between Ngai Tuputupuwhenua
and NUkutawhiti's people involve the unauthorised taking of water by the
newcomers from a lake near Whanui, North Hokianga.
An unknown author's account relates, ''Two men stayed at the mouth of the
Hokianga, one woman one man, two children, one female, one male. They
lived above where Niua lived. They stayed there and became thirsty. They
told their children to go fetch some water for them. The children went, they
came to the top of a sandhill and saw a lake. They said it was water. They
did not know that one of Kupe's pets was at that lake and that it had grown
into a taniwha. The male of the children went to dip into the water. Suddenly,
he was swallowed by the sand. The child was lost beneath it. The girl ran
away crying out as she went. These are the words of her cry:
"The enemy. The enemy".
The parents heard those words. The man said to the woman:
"Where are the men? Kupe said that there were no men in this land". When
the girl arrived she told that her brother was dead". 5
8
According to J.J. Fergusson ofWhirinaki, Hokianga, "Shortly after Nuku had
located himself on the north bank of Hokianga he sent his youngest daughter
Kekeoro to the well to fetch water and during the time she was lifting water
she got treacherously murdered by the Tuputupuwhenua. Nuku went to see
what had happened and to his surprise found his daughter dead and three
tupus close by whom gave Nuku battle. Nuku killed one of them and the other
two leaped into the lagoon and got away." 6
A further Nga Puhi story attributes Nukutawhiti's death to his bathing in the
tapu water of the Tuputupuwhenua people:
" - and this grandson (Nukutawhiti) sailed away from this land to these islands
where he found the people of Tuputupuwhenua who were the original
possessors of these islands. These people had also been seen by Kupe at
the Reinga".
"Nukutawhiti took up his abode on shore and his offspring took the daughters
of Tuputupuwhenua to wife and these people became one people with the
Nga Puhi and Nukutawhiti went and bathed in the sacred water where the
Tuputupuwhenua bathed and he became a lunatic and he went and lived at
Motuwhanawhana on the east side of the entrance to the Oriria, a back water
of the Hokianga, and there he died". 7
Later, as related by H.M. Tawhai, Ngai Tuputupuwhenua were blamed by
Nukutawhiti's great grandson Hikuiti for muddying the waters of the Hokianga
harbour and were successfully fought against by Hikuiti. 8
As a corporate group, Ngai Tuputupuwhenua gradually retreated to their
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heartland of South Hokianga where their principal kainga were Omapere,
Waimamaku, Waipoua, Maunganui Bluff and Ripiro. At Waipoua
Tuputupuwhenua is said to have grown from the ground. During the lifetimes
of Rahiri's parents Ngai Tuputupuwhenua were displaced from Omapere and
Waimamaku by Ngati Kahu, the descendants of Tumoana of the waka
Tinana. It was then that Motuhuru, the yellow rock at Wairau, Waimamaku
was adopted as a boundary mark between Ngati Kahu to the north and Ngai
Tuputupuwhenua to the south. 9
At Waipoua and Maunganui Bluff Ngai Tuputupuwhenua intermarried with
the adjoining Ngati Rangi tribe, of mixed Ngai Tuputupuwhenua and Ngati
Awa descent, from whom Te Roroa tribe and others descend. Rev Hauraki
Paora, the Kaipara Wesleyan minister, spoke of the descendants of the
tupuna Tuputupuwhenua (Tumutumuwhenua) as follows:
9
"All the children of these forefathers the Roroa tribe, the remainders and
Tiopira Kinaki the head man ever live among them, now they come out in the
roots of Rangiwhatuma, son of Ngaengae grandson of Tumutumuwhenua the
great". 10
Ngai Tuputupuwhenua also occupied Ripiro, that kaimoana-rich area
stretching from Maunganui Bluff in the north to Pouto in the south. They are
said however to have been conquered at Pouto by Tangaroa and Te Iho-o-te
rangi of the waka Takitumu. There Tangaroa made a sacrifice for his victory,
the place being named Moetarau which remains a wahitapu to this day. 11
1.2 Ngati Rangi
A great iwi of the Ngati Awa tribal confederation, Ngati Rangi or Ngai Te
Rangi at one stage - although perhaps not contemporaneously - held
extensive territories throughout Tai Tokerau. Some of those possessions
presumably were derived from Ngai Tuputupuwhenua. They possessed the
Kaihu valley, north of the Northern Wairoa district, and held land interests on
both banks of the Northern Wairoa river extending to the Kaipara harbour.
10
They had mana whenua to Ounuwhao, north of Dargaville, to Tangowahine,
Tangihua, Whatitiri, Whangarei, Kawakawa, Paihia, Kerikeri and the inland
Bay of Islands district ofTaiamai. Additionally, they dwelt in the upper
Mangakahia valley about Tautoro - in that fertile district traditionally known as
Hikurangi. 12
Noted particularly for their ancient, heavenly lineage and for their occult
powers, Ngati Rangi are recorded by Hare Hongi (H M Stowell) as the uri of
the eponymous tupuna Te Rangiheketini from Tautoro. Te Rangiheketini is
given as an eleventh generation descendant of Tuputupuwhenua, said to be
33 generations removed from Hare HongL In other accounts however the
eponymous tupuna of Ngati Rangi is named as Ranginui. 13
The tribe's attributes are acknowledged in the following whakatauki (sayings):
"Ko Ngati Rangi ko te angaanga tito iho I te rangi" - Ngati Rangi the head knot
plumed from the very heavens. 14
"Ehara a Nga Puhi nui he purupuru, he taka, kapatau ko Ngati Rangi ko te titi,
ko te aporei, ko te ata purupuru marie, ko te angaanga tito iho I te rangi" - Nga
Puhi are of no account, they are caulking which will fall off. But Ngati Rangi is
the adorned one, the principal, the safe and strong caulking, the head, which
shines down from heaven. 15
"Ko te uri 0 Rangi e kore te mango e tunua ki te ahi" - In the presence of the
descendants of Rangi shark should not be roasted, meaning that once the
odour from the shark reached the nostrils of Ngati Rangi they would cause
the shark roaster to die. 16
"Ko Ngati Rangi whakapaeahi" - Ngati Rangi reciters of Whakapaeahi karakia
(probably karakia in relation to the above whakatauki). 17
Notwithstanding suggestions that Ngati Awa ki Tai Tokerau originated in
Whakatane or Taranaki, there seemingly is no reliable Tai Tokerau sourced
(
information connected with their origins. A general pattern of Ngati Awa
migrations from the north into Kaipara however is indicated by Kaipara
tradition: 18
11
One tradition indicated by Hemi Parata of Te Uri 0 Hau was that, "When
Ihenga" (of te waka Te Arawa) was at Pouto, Te Ati Awa were at Kaihu. They
were the original inhabitants of Kaipara. They came from the north, so I have
heard, then continued south finally settling at Taranaki". 19
Another tradition related by Te Hemara Tauhia was that, "The Ngati Awa first
lived up north, driven thence by Nga Puhi they came to Hauturu" (Little Barrier
Island). 20
Finally, according to Heta Paikea of Te Uri 0 Hau, "These lands" (Kaipara
lands) "originally belonged to Ngati Awa". I heard from the elders that Ngati
Awa were the people who had "tae wawe mai" (arrived here first). I cannot
say that they were before the arrival of the canoes from Hawaiki. Nga Puhi
raupatud those people - so also did Ngati Whatua. Other people raupatud
them further south. They were cleared out of these parts by Nga Puhi and
Ngati Whatua. I do not know the name of the rangatira of Nga Puhi. Tua was
the rangatira of Ngati Whatua. The name Ngati Whatua is derived from him.
He came by Takitumu canoe. I cannot say positively but I think Ngati Awa
were here before that canoe arrived". 21
A similar Hokianga to Kaihu to Kaipara migration pattern is suggested by
Hokianga tradition, which also associates both Toi and his descendant
Awanui with the Hokianga district. Additionally, a Ngati Awa migration pattern
from Kaitaia to Hokianga to Kaipara is documented in Te Aupouri tradition. 22
As Smith has recorded, at various times virtually the whole of Tai Tokerau
was occupied by Ngati Awa. Although Smith speculated that Ngati Awa
invaded Tai Tokerau from the central north island and remained in the
northern region for only about 6 generations, the extent of the Ngati Awa
occupation and the thousands of pa that people left behind them testify to a
12
far longer occupation. In fact, the totality ofTai Tokerau evidence, including
the likelihood that all current Tai Tokerau iwi grew out of Ngati Awa, points to
the latter as tangata whenua of Tai Tokerau. 23
1.3 Nga Heke ki Muriwhenua - The Migrations from Muriwhenua
Although traditions of probably a mid 16th century migration by the tupuna of
Ngati Whatua and others from Muriwhenua to the Northern Kaipara or Wairoa
district are well known, it is easy to overlook that that migration merely was
the culmination of centuries of earlier contact between the two regions. Both
regions had hosted the Tuputupuwhenua or Tini-o-Kui or Kekehu people and
the Mahuhu-ki-te-rangi migrants, whose Hawaiki probably was the Te
Kao/Parengarenga area.
Both regions had been linked, albeit briefly, by the southerly overland
migrations of the Ngai Tamatea tupuna, Kahungunu and Tohe. 24
WHAKAPAPA1
Nga Uri 0 Tohe (Refer Te Roroa Report 1992 : 359)
Tohe (no Ngai Tamatea ki Muriwhenua) 1 _____ _
1 1 1 1
Tikiwharawhara 2 Raninikura (w) 1 (Tupuna 0 Ngati Maanu ki Karetu, Bay of Islands)
1
Rerewa 1 1 ______ -
1 1 1 1
Manumanu 1 Rangitauwawaro 1 1 1 1
1 1 1
TEROROAIWI
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13
From the circumstance of the latter's proposed visit to his daughter
Raninikura, the wife of Kauwhata of Ngati Rangi ki Ounuwhao north of
Dargaville, we know that Ngati Rangi then were living in the Northern Wairoa
district. On the basis of whakapapa, which suggests that Tohe lived three
generations prior to the Nga Puhi tupuna Rahiri, it seems likely that Ngati
Rangi, were in occupation of the Northern Wairoa district very early in the
16th century. 25
The overland migration out of Muriwhenua by the ancestors of Ngati Whatua
and others, ostensibly to seek utu for the death of Taureka, is associated in
Te Roroa tradition with the participating Ngai Tamatea brothers Manumanu 1
and Rangitauwawaro. The brothers, great grandsons of the tupuna Tohe,
seemingly lived during the lifetime of the Nga Puhi tupuna Rahiri. At that
period, through the expulsion of elements of Ngati Awa from Hokianga, Nga
Puhi tupuna were actively engaged in creating a separate Nga Puhi identity
and hegemony for themselves. 26
That the kaupapa of the migrating party was colonisation rather than revenge
seems well established by tradition which refers to the ope as a huge army of
many thousands - nga mano tini. It is said to have migrated down the
Takahue valley into North Hokianga - fighting as it went. Skirting Lake
Omapere, it conquered the Upper Waihou valley where it left behind a party of
Ngati Miru people who eventually became tupuna of Tamati Waka Nene and
Eru Patuone. At Taheke, Hokianga it secured an important strategic entry
into South Hokianga by taking that land upon which it left a group of Ngai
Tamatea people who in time became the ancestors of Tutaerua, the hotly
pursued wife of Tupoto of Nga Puhi. At Whirinaki, Hokianga further fighting
was broken off and a peace-making effected through the marriage of the Ngai
Tamatea woman Tikaatarangi, Tohe's great granddaughter, to Rahiri's
younger brother Maui. Eventually that couple became the grandparents (or
great grandparents) of the far-famed Waimirirangi, whose mana and influence
were such that she often was referred to as the queen of Nga Puhi. 27
It is not until the taua reached Motutoa, Pakanae, South Hokianga however-
14
where it attacked the Panitehe pa of Rahiri's son Kaharau - that we learn
more of the party's composition. According to land court evidence of Piri Teira
(Billy Taylor) and Iraia Kuao of Nga Puhi, the party generally was a large taua (
composed of Ngati Awa, Ngai Tahu and Ngati Miru under the leadership of
Numia. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to identify Numia in
whakapapa. Hone Makarini from Whirinaki also refers to participation by
other unnamed tribes under Numia and Manaia which, given the undoubted
involvement of Ngai Tamatea and Nga Ririki peoples in the ope, seems likely.
Although Smith states that the taua was composed of Te Rarawa, that tribe
had not assumed that corporate identity at that time. 28
Notwithstanding that the Nga Puhi narratives dramatically relate that recently
married Kaharau initially was more interested in dallying with his Ngai
Tuputupuwhenua wives but eventually confronted and overthrew the war
party, it is noteworthy that those same stories recount that shortly afterwards
Kaharau - following the path of his kite Tuoronuku (the land demon) -
abandoned Pakanae for Kaikohe. His migration seemingly recognised the
presence of a new force in the South Hokianga area. 29 (
WHAKAPAPA2
Descent of Kaharau's wives Kaiawhi and Houtaringa from Ngai
Tuputupuwhenua
Tumutumuwhenua 1 1
Ngaengae 1 1
Tarepo 1 1
Maearoa 1 _______ _
1 1 Pepetaha Peperoto
1 1 1 1
Ruawheke Maruanuku 1 1
Oruaiwaho 1 ______ -
1 1 Kaiawhi Houtaringa
15
"Kei Ngati Whatua tenei Te Roroa katoa e noho atu nei i roto 0 Hokianga a
Te Roroa". (This is with Ngati Whatua and Te Roroa. All those who remained
within Hokianga are ofTe Roroa.) 30
From Pakanae the taua moved on to Omapere, South Hokianga where,
according to Rev Maori Marsden, the tangata whenua Ngati Kahu had
retreated to Waimamaku. At the latter place Ngati Kahu, the perpetrators of
the kohuru of Taureka, were defeated, their Wairau kainga falling into the
hands of the taua. The Ngati Kahu remnant fled from Waimamaku to
Whang ape and Herekino, triggering further dispossession:
"Our ancestors' place was originally Hokianga. A break up took place and
Houmeaiti and his people went to the north, to Whang ape and Herekino. The
Ngati Awa and other tribes were in possession of Herekino when Houmeaiti
16
went there. Houpure and Houmeaiti his brother, fought Ngati Awa, and drove
them away and took possession of the land. Houpure got all the land north of
Ahipara. Houmeaiti got the land from Ahipara to Hokianga". 31
The following composite whakapapa from the papers ofWaka Te Huia, a
contributor to White's Ancient History of the Maori, indicates that Houpure and
Houmeaiti, famous tupuna amongst Te Rarawa, were contemporaries of
Kaharau's father Rahiri:
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WHAKAPAPA3
Houpure and Houmeaiti as contemporaries of Rahiri
Waka : Tinana I
Waka : Ruakaramea I I 1 I 1 I 1
Moehuri I 1
Ureparaoa 1 1
Tumoana Tonga 1 1
~I -- 1 1 Kahutianui = Parata Tamahotu = Waiehu
Waka : Mamari 1 1 1 1
Ruanui - a - Tane ___ 1_--: 1
Marotehuia I
Ruatapu 1 1
Pehiriri 1 1
Whakatau 1 1
Tamarau
1 I
Papaarangi I I
Hawe 1 1
Tokotu
17
Ngati Awa I Nga Puhi 1
Awa 1 I
Awa I 1
Awanui 1 I
Rakeitapunui 1 1
Tamakitera 1 1
Puhimoanariki 1
_____ 1 1
I (NGA PUHI IWI)
1 1 Tamamoko =
1 1 1---------1
1 TeAute (w)
Houpure Houmeaiti
Waiora 1
1 I
Whakaruru (w)
Te Hau 1 1 1
= Rahiri 1
Kaharau
18
The taua rested at Waimamaku and then pushed on to Kawerua, that pretty
rock-strewn and kaimoana -rich bay north of Waipoua. From there it made its
way to the lush Waipoua valley and, ultimately, to Maunganui Bluff. At (
Waikara north of Maunganui Bluff, where Kaharau had married his Ngai
Tuputupuwhenua wives, tangata whenua are said to have made a stand.
However, peace was soon made between the parties once the related Ngai
Tamatea people identified themselves. The ope then crossed over to
Manuwhetai, south of Maunganui Bluff, from where it separated into various
parties occupying portions ofWaipoualMaunganui.
Later a party of Ngai Tamatea under Rangitauwawaro, who had married a
Waimamaku Ngati Kahu woman, returned to Waimamaku taking up
occupation of the conquered land. An additional link between the taua and
Waimamaku is provided by Ngakuru Pene Haare of Kaihu who recorded that
a remnant of the Ngati Awa and Ngati Miru taua, which attacked Kaharau's
pa, remained at Waimamaku. 32
It was during the lifetimes of the immigrant Ngai Tamatea leaders Manumanu (
1 and his teina Rangitauwawaro that occurred an event, which was to have a
lasting effect on their people. The former's eldest son Manumanu 2 was killed
at Taumarere, Kawakawa assisting his mother's Ngati Rangi people in a fight
against Ngai Tahuhu tribe. At the tangihanga Manumanu 2's body was laid
out on a kahikatea log. When manuhiri (visitors) came to the tangi they
commented upon the length of the corpse, exclaiming:
"Te Roroa 0 te tangata rei te kahikatea" - the tallness of the man is that of the
kahikatea.
Subsequently Manumanu 2's koiwi (bones) were brought back to Waipoua
and there interred. To commemorate his death, his father's and uncle's mixed
Ngai Tamatea/Ngai Tuputupuwhenua/Ngati Rangi/Ngati Kahu people adopted
the name Te Roroa. 33
But the people of Pepetaha, Manumanu 2's youngest brother, had fallen out
(
Herekino Harbour
Hokianga Harbour
... Maunganui ~ Bluff •
• Kaitaia
• Awaroa
..... A~ "'~ ,.,
"
.Tutamoe
'. '. '.
'\~ .. '. '. " "
PunakiterEi
'. " ~.
" " '" • Maungataniwha
\" • f • •
,/ .Omahuta
,j£"'/
,l,l
• i .Umawera • •
.Kaikohe
.Tautoro
The Muriwhenua to Maunganui Bluff Migration Trail
with Ngai Tamatea and lived apart from the new group south of Maunganui
Bluff around the famous mussel rock named Patapata. Consequently,
Pepetaha's people continued to use the name Ngati Rangi.
19
According to Paraone Hemana that division occurred in the lifetime of
Manumanu 2's other brother Ngaengae and Tarepo: " - from them there was a
wehenga (division)." Descendants of Nainai called Te Roroa of Nga Puhi.
Descendants of Tarepo were called Ngati Whatua. It was in later times that
many hapu names originated e.g Te Taou, Ngati Whatua, Uri 0 Hau and
Ngati Rongo". 34 Clearly the people could not then have formed two
groupings, respectively called Te Roroa and Ngati Whatua, when, as Paraone
relates, the name Ngati Whatua originated much later. In my view, what
Paraone is saying is that the Te Roroa grouping was separate to the grouping
(largely Ngati Rangi derived) which became ancestral to Ngati Whatua tuturu.
At the time of that division Te Roroa largely were living at Waimamaku,
Waipoua and Maunganui Bluff. Their pa at Waipoua were Kaitieke,
Rangipuawhe and Katianui, while on Maunganui Bluff they had defensive
positions at Taputapuatea, Kowhiotu and Tuituirangi. 35
(
(
W'HAAAPAPA 4
Te Roroa split from groups al1ces~1'i1 to the Kaipam tribes
Ngai Tl.Iputupuwllenua & Ngati Rang! ki Waipoua I
Ngai Tamatea kJ Muriwtt.an1J.!ll I i
! I I I I
I ~ _"" ~ _I
1 I
Maearoa ::; Manumaou 1 Rangitauwawam ::: Tal,lrangi {w; l (TE ROROA MIl) I
(IE ROROA MIl) I {no Ngali l<8hu ki Walmamakl.l)
_____ ~-.I , "-I J I I I I
Mamlmanu:2 Ngaengae Pepel.atm (Killed at KawakilllNa) I I
I . _! , I i I I! I f I I I Ranglwhatuma Marohl RuawtJeke I I I I I I J I I 1 ____ . I I ! I i II I
flO issue T e Roroa line colltinue-s Ngati Rangi line ancestraf Waipoua and Maunganlli . to Kaipara !wi coll~nues
Maunganui 3Il
I I I I I I I I i I I I I I I
1a ROflMllioo COillinues Waimamakl.! and Souli1 HnlOOnga
20
21
1.4 The Northerners Advance into the Kaihu Valley
For three generations the Muriwhenua emigrants lived in separate parties at (
Maunganui Bluff, Waipoua and Waimamaku, seemingly not crossing over into
the lush and desirable Kaihu valley until the marriage of Muriwhenua
descendant Tutaki to the woman Kahurau of Ngati Rangi. Their dispersed
residences no doubt reflected their differing tribal origins, the feuds which had
existed amongst them at Muriwhenua and the further division amongst them
following the death of Manumanu 1. Kahurau, whose ancestral rights are said
to have extended to the Kaipara harbour, undoubtedly had mana to Moe-a-
Toa (Bayly's Beach) and Tikitiki on Kaihu 1 block, as well as at Aoroa block on
the Northern Wairoa river, where she lived with her tauiwi husband. 37
In Tutaki's lifetime we first learn from an account of Paora Tuhaere's of the
existence of the Nga Ririki people amongst the progenitors of the Te Taou, Te
Uri 0 Hau, Ngati Rongo and Ngati Whatua tribes:
"The original home of these tribes the Ngati Whatua, Te Taou, Te Uri 0 Hau, (
otherwise the Nga Ririki (Nga Riki) was Muriwhenua. This indeed was the
cause that they came hither - an act of murder by Ngati-moe-mate-a-ika
whereby Nga Ririki suffered. Thereupon came hither these tribes to obtain
revenge for that murder. Some tribes living at Hokianga were fought against
and defeated."
"Having thus come hither they settled down at Maunganui and lived there
permanently. They then began to slay the tribes there who were
exterminated. They then lived in separate parties there. Some were at
Maunganui, some at Kaihu and some at the Wairoa."
"Maunganui was the pa which stood between these tribes the Nga Ririki,
Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau, Te Roroa, Ngati Pou and Ngati Rongo. Te
Roroa and Ngati Pou spread out as far as Waikara and Waimamaku to
Hokianga. The Nga Ririki were at Kaihu, Ngai Tutaki at Ripiro, the Ngati
Rongo at Motuwheteke and Te Wairoa, Te Uri 0 Hau at Pouto."
22
"The reason why these tribes attacked one another was a quarrel about food.
Nga Riki were a tribe which cultivated the kumara, the taro and the uwhi
(yam?). Now Ngati Rongo, Ngai Tutaki and Te Uri 0 Hau were a fern-root
eating people. The Uri 0 Hau were not aware that the Nga Ririki grew
kumaras."
"Now Papapounamu desired to go to Kaihu. Arrived there he saw the
kumara, taro, uwhi, the roroi (kumara pulped) and kao (kumara steamed and
dried). The man eat thereof and thought of the goodness of the foods they
lived upon. This idea became firmly fixed in his heart. Returned to his home
at Pouto, he spoke to his younger brother about the abundance of food.
Haumoewarangi said "Never mind, oh elder brother, why run after the food of
the feet of Tukaheke. Just leave things to be gathered up into crates of
Kahikatoa" (a proverb).
"After this the Uri 0 Hau dug up the crops and began to kill the people. This
was an act of treachery. Te Nganaia of Nga Ririki was killed. There upon
followed a great war. Te Uri 0 Hau were defeated. Then it was that Toutara
perished, being pierced by a spear which struck her on the breast. Hence the
name Te Taou". 38
Leaving aside the anachronisms of this highly condensed account of Paora
Tuhaere's - the tribes of Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau, and Ngati Rongo not
then having come into existence and Te Roroa not then having commenced
marrying into Ngati Pou ki Taiamai - it is apparent that the narrative draws a
clear distinction between the northern Nga Ririki people, who possessed the
kumara, and the Pouto people, who did not. The narrative poses questions,
which I am unable to answer, as to why Haumoewarangi's people did not
have the kumara. Given the Pouto traditional associations with the kumara
bearing Mahuhu-ki-te-rangi waka and Ihenga of Nga Oho on the one hand
and the usually accepted explanation that the kumara-bearing Nga Ririki was
a division of Nga Oho on the other hand, the then absence of kumara at
Pouto is puzzling.
23
A more detailed and less telescoped account of these tumultuous times is
provided by the Rev Hauraki Paora who calls Haumoewarangi's eldest brother
Houtara. The latter had visited Te Nganaia of Nga Ririki at Kaihu whose
daughters Tohakirangi and Whakaotirangi had married Ngati Rangi chiefs of
Kaihu. There he had observed the Nga Ririki superior foods, reporting his
observations to his younger brother. Haumoewarangi then determined upon
a treacherous surprise attack, killing many of Te Nganaia's people and seizing
their Kaihu whenua and possessions. 39
It is said that Haumoewarangi took all the land from Korariwhero on Kaihu 1
block to the southern boundary of Maunganui block. That includes almost the
whole Kaihu valley. At Houkotuku, in the vicinity of Taita, Kaihu, he planted a
white heron's feather, which he removed from his tapu head, as a tohu (sign)
that he had taken that land - and named the place after that act. He and his
whanau then settled in the Maropiu area, some two miles north of Mamaranui,
Kaihu, taking up occupation ofTaumatini and Te Kawau pas. From there they
set out to drive the Ngati Rangi/Nga Ririki remnant away by damming the
Kaihu stream and flooding their cultivations. 40
Te Nganaia and his sons Apuhanga and Unaho had escaped
Haumoewarangi's attack. Eventually refugee Te Nganaia's fires were
observed at Tutamoe, where he had been hiding in the forest, by his enemies.
Descending upon him in the dark, Hau's people surprised and killed Te
Nganaia while he was soundly snoring inside his dog skin cloak. Eventually
he was interred at Opanaki, Kaihu, the urupa Te Nganaia being named after
him. His sons went to Ngati Rangi and Te Roroa at Maunganui Bluff for
assistance and there married Ngati Rangi women.
Maheu, the Ngati Rangi and Te Roroa warrior chief, later arose with 140 men
to avenge Te Nganaia's death. His party encountered Hau's army of 340
warriors at Te Pare, Ripiro, defeating them. Rangitawhakarere, said to be
interred in the ancient urupa Rangikapohia at Kaihu, fell in Hau's party slain
by a toki (axe) - hence the name adopted by his descendants Ngati Toki of
the Mangakahia valley.
(
(
Maunganui Bluff Manuwhetai
Palapata
Tasman Sea
Omamari
Moremunui
Taumatatinl Pa
Baylys Beach (Moeatoa)
Locations of Kaihu Valley fighting by Haumoewarangi
N
A
To DargaviUe -----.
24
After this Maheu, doubtless expecting reprisals, abandoned Maunganui in the
course of which he and his elder brother Rangituke buried their aged father,
the noted Te Roroa tohunga Pinea, alive. Pinea too old and infirm to travel
and hence a hindrance to his people, was buried up to the neck at the back of
his whare at Manuwhetai, Maunganui Bluff. Maheu returned to the Ngati
Rangi kainga at Tautoro, Hikurangi, while his elder brother Rangituke, his
sisters Whakaorakimatangi, Whakahaerea and Patokatoka, with their people,
emigrated to join their relatives at Araparera, South Kaipara.
When Matuahoaho and Kauteawha, the sons of Tohakirangi and
Whakaotirangi had reached men's estate they were apprised by their mothers
of the death of their grandfather Te Nganaia and urged to obtain utu. To
provoke a quarrel, they killed at Ripiro a man named Umamakau, a relative of
Haumoewarangi. In retaliation, Hau's people besieged the Opanaki, Kaihu pa
of Matuahoaho and Kauteawha, but were defeated with great loss. Toutara, a
Nga Ririki chief living with the people of Haumoewarangi at Oruapo, Northern
Wairoa, was killed by Kauteawha through a thrust to the breast and eventually
followed Rangitewhakarere to internment in Rangikapohia urupa. As a
consequence, his descendants, one of whom was Hakiriri's wife
Urukahakaha, later adopted the name Te Taou. Kauteawha also killed
Papapounamu, Hau's brother, and a great many other chiefs. 41
Amongst the slain in this battle, which seems to have transpired shortly after
Haumoewarangi's death at South Kaipara, was Kairewa a Whirinaki, South
Hokianga chief. With his Te Whanau Rape people - a thoroughly Ngati Awa
appellation - Kairewa had come to Kaihu to assist Ngati Rangi and Te Roroa
against Hau. Prompted by the hunger of utu for the deaths of his relatives
who had been killed at Hokianga by a Kaipara taua under a chief named
Kukupa, Kairewa was speared in the heart by Toutara. Consequently his
people adopted the name Ngati Manawa. 42
The Roroa chief Toa, a noted warrior, then arose from his pa at Puketapu,
Waihopai, Maunganui Bluff to finalise the fighting against Hau's people and
their Nga Ririki supporters. Regaining the Kaihu pas Te Kawau and
(
(
Taumatini, he pursued the survivors to the Northern Wairoa river, where
Maungaraho pa on Whakahara block and Tokatoka pa also fell to him. He
then returned to Kaihu. Shortly after, the Nga Ririki and Ngati Miru people
under Hakiriri, Tumupakihi and others, in the wakas Te Potae 0 Wahieroa
and Te Wharau, abandoned the Kaihu and Northern Wairoa areas for South
Kaipara. 43
25
WHAKAPAPA5
Nga Uri 0 Te Nganaia of Nga Ririki
Te Nganaia (no Nga Ririki) I
~
I �----------------------~I--------------------~I~-------I
Tohakirangi (w) = Ngati Rangi man Whakaotirangi (w) = Ngati Rangi man Puhanga Unaho 1 I I 1 1 I ,.------ 1 I -------I I
Whakaotirangi 2 (w) Matuahoaho Whaakirangi (w) Kauteawha 1 1
~I-------------- -----------------1 I I
Rangahaua (w) = Tumupakihi (no Nga Oho) Tarapakihi = Pawhero (w) (no Nga Ririki) I I I I
Wahaakiaki *Hukatere = Toukararae (w) (no Nga Oho) 1
I Tuperiri (the conqueror at Auckland) 44
26
WHAKAPAPA6
The Origin one Taou Iwi
Toutara (no Nga Ririki) Haumoewarangi = Waihekeao (TE TAOU IWI) 1
1 1 Uamatahatahakau Makawae (w)· = Marua (no Nga Ririki)
1 1 1 1
*Naonao Tapiripiri = Waitawhiti (w) 1 1 1 1
Urukahakaha = *Hakiriri 1 1 "'-1 --- -------------1
Muriwhakaroto = Te Koura Atiakura 1 1 1 1
Ringatahi = Rahu Tiheru 1 1 1 1
Wharewhara = Te Urupa Tarahau = Koangi 1 1 1 1
Te Otene (Kikokiko) Waerakau 1 1
P Kawharu 45
~
27
WHAKAPAPA7
Nga Ririki Migrants to South Kaipara
Haumoewarangi = Waihekeao (w) I I
~
Marua 1 (t1) (no Nga Ririki) (Ngati Marua)
= Makawe (w) = Tauroto (t2) (no Nga Ririki)
I I
Tapiripiri = Waitawhiti (w) Koromatua (t1) =
I I
I I = Tarapakihi (t3)
I I Pawhero (w) = Te Aki (t2) 11 ___ -_--
I I I :-1 - ------1
I I I I
*Hakiriri = Urukahakaha Whakatere (w) (no Nga Ririki) I -later Te Taou I
I *Atiakura
I 1 1 1 _____ -
1 1 1----1 I I
*Tikiwhakataha *Pani
1 1 I I
*Tete
NB. An asterisk indicates the names of traditional participants in the invasion of South Kaipara.
1 1 1
1 1 I
*Hukatere = Toukararae (w) 1 (no Nga Oho) 1 I
Tuperiri 46
28
29
1.5 The Death ofTutaki
Although an account of this event already has been presented to this tribunal
by Wiremu Wright ofTe Uri 0 Hau (Wright 1996:31-34), additional detail is
provided in the following account which also displays aTe Roroa perspective.
As has been related, Tutaki was the husband of the Ngati Rangi woman
Kahurau and the father of Haumoewarangi's second wife Waihekeao. Upon a
visit to probably his Ngai Tamatea relatives at Waimamaku, South Hokianga,
Tutaki had a dispute with the Ngati Pou chief Tuiti, who fell on a stone and
seriously hurt himself.
Tuiti was the half brother of Kairewa, killed at Kaihu by Nga Ririki and
Haumoewarangi's people, and there obviously was some ill feeling between
the two Chiefs.
Following that event Toronge, Tuiti's classificatory nephew, arose to seek utu
for the insult rendered to his uncle.
~
WHAKAPAPA8
Descent of Tuiti and Kairewa
Kauae (w1) (no Ngati Pou ki Whangapedaughter of Reitu)
= Tupoto
1 1 1
~----------------------I----I I 1 1 1
= 1 1 1
1
1
30
Tawakeiti (w2) (no Ngati Pou ki Whangape -daughter of Reitu)
Tuiti = Marohawhea (w) (no Ngati Pou) Miruiti (w) Korokoro Kairewa = Waimirirangi (w) (no Ngai Tamatea) 1 1 1 1
Rangihana = Kuiawai (w) (no Ngati Ue) I
~----_I------------------I 1
1
1
1 1 1----1
1 1 Tamatea Haereitera (w) = Toronge
1 1 1--------------1 1 1
Te Whareumu = Huia (w) (no Te Roroa) Tarahape = Kie (w) (no Te Roroa) Waipinerangi (w) = Te Taonga 47 More
31
Upon visiting the Ahipara war leader Tamaariki, Toronge was given a strategy
of arranging an ambuscade of Tutaki's people. Ngati Pou, probably under the
direction of the master carver Kohuru of Ngai Tu hapu, then built a whare
manuhiri (carved visitors' house) named variously as Te Rakau-a-Tu,
Tutangimamae or Nga Rakau-a-tu-ka-tangimamae and invited Tutaki's people
to come and aid them against a pretended enemy.
Tutaki's people then arose from Kaihu, journeying by way of Omamari along
the beach to Waimamaku. At the latter place, part of the taua was welcomed
at Kukutaepa pa, the pa of the Ngati Pou chief Tarahape, where stood the
whare manuhiri. The remainder of the taua went to Kaiparaheka, the pa of
Tarahape's elder brother Te Whareumu.
Once Tutaki and his people were assembled in the whare manuhiri, Tamatea,
the son of Kairewa, and Ngati Pou produced their hidden weapons turning on
their unarmed guests until there was not a survivor left. Thus fell Tutaki. 48
Tamatea then set off for Kaiparaheka pa only to find there that the slaughter
of the manuhiri had not commenced. "Kahore ano I patua no atia te kararehe
mo to koutou nei manuhiri? Kua maru ke te kararehe mo taku ope" - Have
you not commenced killing the dogs for your guests? He said. My dogs have
long been killed for my party. Then commenced the slaughter of the
Kaiparaheka pa manuhiri by Tamatea in which he was joined by the tangata
whenua of the pa.
This kohuru is remembered as Te Rore-piko-wawe-a-Tamatea - Tamatea's
quickly sprung snare. It commemorates utu for both Kairewa and Tuiti. At
that time Toronge uttered his whakatauki:
"Tutaki ki runga te kete toheroa, ka wehe Toronge ki raro, te kahawai te
whitia". The meaning of this cryptic saying is that although Toronge had not
the strength by himself to open the kit of toheroa (Tutaki's people) from above
- or avenge his relative himself - with the aid of the northerner Tamaariki, he.·
succeeded by an entry from below to catch the kahawai (chiefs). 49
The Ngati Pou successes were not welcomed by Waitarehu, the wife of the
Te Roroa chief Toa, who was concerned that her brothers in law, Te
Whareumu and Tarahape were seizing the mana of her ancestral land at
Waimamaku. She therefore prevailed upon Toa, who then was living at
Waipoua, to organise a taua against Ngati Pou. In time a large taua ofTe
Roroa, Ngati Rangi, Nga Ririki and others marched upon Waimamaku.
Amongst the taua was the famed Tainui toa Kawharu. 50
32
The taua apparently first attacked Kaiparaheka pa under Te Whareumu,
which fell to them. From his nearby pa of Kukutaepa echoed Tarahape's
poroporoaki to his elder brother: "Haere ra e tama ra. Ko koe I te po, ko ahau
apopo" - Farewell 0 son. It is thy turn tonight, mine tomorrow. At dawn the
taua attacked Kukutaepa pa, which also succumbed. Thus fell the Ngati Pou
brothers Te Whareumu and Tarahape in the battle still remembered as Rau
Kumara, kumara basket, because the dead were piled up like kumara in a
basket.
The victorious taua then dismantled the carvings from the whare manuhiri,
bearing them off to Kaihu. In the lifetime of Tutaki's great grandson
Tumupakihi the carvings were removed to Aotea, South Kaipara and from
there to Otakanini pa. At the latter place they formed part of a whare karakia
(house of incantations) for Ngati Whatua tuturu. During the musket wars the
carvings were hidden in Te Hihi creek, from where some of them later were
recovered and deposited in Auckland museum.
A monster represented on the carvings is the Mirakihau, an invisible taniwha
which arose from the sea to devour the vital parts of human beings. As those
monsters typify the unquenchable desire for revenge which eats into the mind,
they also symbolised Ngati Pou's determination to wreck vengeance upon
their guests. 51
In modern times a myth has evolved that the house Tutangimamae was
carved for Rangltaumarewa, a Ngati Awa chief who enticed the Pouto maiden
Te Hana to elope with him to Okahukura, South Kaipara. A whakawe, or
(
(
33
doorjamb, from the whare - described as one of the great taonga of Maori Art
and wrongly attributed to Ngati Whatua tuturu - is referred to in that context in
Te Maori 1984:188.
As Wright 1996:34 notes, it is said that Tutaki was interred at Oteono, Ripiro.
Possibly his victorious people brought his koiwi to Ripiro.
1.6 The Whanau of Haumoewarangi
Given his dominant position in the traditional histories of many of the Kaipara
tribes, it is somewhat surprising to learn that very little is on record regarding
the origins and formative years of the tupuna Haumoewarangi, whose name
according to one account means "wind that stops in the space of heaven". 52
The son of Te Aweaweoterangi (alias (Whakaoko) and his wife Rawhakitua
hineao, nothing is known of his father's tribal origins, although a connection
with the waka Takitumu is suggested by some whakapapa and expressly
stated by Rev Hauraki Paora. His mother's origins, which are more widely
known, are associated with Nga Puhi. Disagreement exists however whether
her father Tangaroawhakamanamana was a brother or son of the Nga Puhi
founder Rahiri.
Basically, Nga Puhi informants, who from time to time have claimed Ngati
Whatua as part of Nga Puhi Nui Tonu, have asserted a descent from Rahiri,
while non Nga Puhi informants hold that Tangaroawhakamanamana was
Rahiri's tuakana (elder brother).
WHAKAPAPA9
Tangaroa 1 1
Maikirangiatera 1 1
Maikirangiatepo 1
1 Rakataha
1 1
Te Rangipahura 1 1
Te Ihioterangi 1 1
Rangitawhakarere 1 1
Te Ihooterangi 1 1
Rangitawhakarere 1 1
Aweaweoterangi 1 1
Haumoewarangi 54
Aweaweoterangi = Hineao
Rahiri 1 1
Tangaroa 1 1
. 1
1 Haumoewharangi 55
Rawhakitua Hineao = Te Aweawe 1 1 ______________________ __
1 1 1 1
Te Ihooterangi 1 1
TeAweawe 1 1
Haumoewarangi 53
Haumoewarangi Moerangaranga (te ingoa 0 tenei iwi 0 Te Uri 0 Hau) 56 (uri with Nga PUhi)
34
(
(
WHAKAPAPA 9 (continued)
Rahiri = Whakaru (sic) 1 1 _____ _
1 1 1 1
Kaharau Tangangaroawhakamanama
1 1
Rahiri
1 1
Tangaroa 1 1
Rawhakitua 60
1 1
Hineao 1 1
Hau 57
1 1
Tangangaroawhakamanama 1 1
Rawhakitua 1 1
Moerangaranga 58
1 1
Rahiri
1 1
Tangaroa
1 1
Rahiri 59
35
WHAKAPAPA 9 (continued)
I I
Tangaroa
I I
Rawhakitua
I I
Whakaoko 61
I I
I I
Rahiri
Tangangaroawhakamanama
I I
Rawhakitua I I
Moerangaranga 62
I I
Rahiri
36
Despite Percy Smith's unfounded speculation that "Haumaiwharangi" was a
pure Ngati Whatua, presumably from the north, indications are that the latter's
tupuna were associated with Pouto, where possibly Haumoewarangi was
born. His maternal grandfather Tangaroawhakamanamana is said to have
lived there in the pa named after him, while his paternal great grandfather (?)
Te Ihooterangi and his friend Tangaroa, both alleged voyagers on the waka
Takitumu, are stated to have taken Pouto from the Kekehu or
Tuputupuwhenua people.
Additionally, Haumoewarangi's father Te Aweaweoterangi lived at Pouto and
it was from that base that Hau mounted his attack against Kaihu.
Undoubtedly however it is Hau's lack of knowledge of the kumara, which
suggests the non-participation of his tupuna in the probable mid 16th century
heke from Muriwhenua. 63
(
(
37
As related by Tamati Whakatara of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa hapus ofTe
Roroa, Haumoewarangi also occupied Mahuta pa south of Dargaville to which
he bore his second wife Waihekeao and in so doing triggered a desired war
against Ngati Rangi - and possibly Nga Ririki. Accounts of that warfare, a
likely precursor to Haumoewarangi's attack against Kaihu, suggest that,
pending their defeat by Hau, Ngati Rangi under Waihekeao's first husband
Mahanga held mana to Horehore and Whakahara blocks on the east bank of
the Northern Wairoa river. According to the oral record, Ngati Rangi then also
held Tokatoka block. 64
Although it is widely accepted that Haumoewarangi and Waihekeao had
seven children viz Makawe (w), Whiti, Rongo, Mauku (w), Ruinga (w), Weka
and Hakiputatomuri, there is a particular lack of sUbstance to Percy Smith's
supposition that each child founded a hapu of Ngati Whatua. Not only was
the corporate name of Ngati Whatua not then in existence, but Smith's
informant, Hauraki Paora, in naming groups descended from those children
did not name the tribal affiliations of those groups. 65
And of those groups three out of the seven named i.e. Ngati Whiti, Ngati
Ruinga and Ngati Weka never seem to have achieved enduring corporate
status. Certainly, no land rights were claimed from them as corporate groups.
For the purpose of establishing those tribal groups to which Haumoewarangi
and his people allied themselves, it is useful to look briefly at the lives of Hau's
children and some of his descendants, as known to us. Those relationships
not only suggest a general pattern of exogamous marriages, but also leave an
impression that at that period tribal groups were far smaller than those of the
early 20th century.
Makawe, the eldest of Hau's children, seems to have largely lived and died at
Kaihu. By her two marriages she married into the immigrant Nga Ririki
people. Probably her marriages reflect similar political imperatives as the
marriage of her brother Rongo. Her descendants continued to live at Kaihu
until the death of Haumoewarangi, following which they emigrated to South
Kaipara. Many of her grandchildren participated in the raupatu of South
Kaipara. 66
38
Rongo, said by some to have been the eldest son, married after his father's
conquest of Kaihu, Tarawamoa ofTe Roroa and Ngati Rangi. Their marriage
was intended to be he maungarongo, a peace-making union, between (
opposing groups. The couple lived variously at Taumatini pa, Maropiu, Kaihu,
Maunganui Bluff, Motuwheteke pa, Oruapo, Northern Wairoa and
Ngarerekura pa, Tikinui, Northern Wairoa. In old age Rongo, who is said to
have been interred in Te Kuri 2 block, was treacherously slain at
Motuwheteke pa by a Nga Puhi taua under Hereure and Te Waha, which bore
off his granddaughter Pare to Hokianga. 67
Rongo's only child Moerangaranga was taken to wife by Ngawhetu, son ofthe
great Te Kawerau chief Maki and went to live with her husband's tribe at
Mangawhai, Mahurangi and other places in South Kaipara. Upon Ngawhetu's
death in battle, Moerangaranga was taken to wife by her cousin and son in
law Pokopokowhititera, who was concerned to see that her Northern Wairoa
lands remained within the whanau. At the time Pokopokowhititera already
was married to Taumutu, the daughter of Moerangaranga and Ngawhetu. In
due course Moerangaranga and Ngawhetu's children took the name of Ngati (
Rongo to distinguish themselves from the other children of Maki, who
continued the autonomous Kaipara tribe ofTe Kawerau tuturu. There were
ancient Nga Oho connections between the two groups. 68
By her marriage to Ngawhetu, Moerangaranga had five children viz Tira
Waikato (w), Taumutu (w), Pare (w), Tauhia and Korotai. Tira-Waikato, the
eldest, married in South Kaipara Mahanga, a noted Ngati Te Ata wanderer
and warrior from Whaingaroa (Raglan), of whom the whakatauki is "Ko
Mahanga whakarere kai, whakarere waka, whakarere wahine", - Mahanga
forsaker of foods, canoes and women. His father was Tuheitia, the brother in
law of Tahinga of Ngati Tahinga. In time Mahanga returned to Whaingaroa,
but Te Hira his only child by Tira-Waikato continued to live at Araparera,
South Kaipara in his pa Te Mouhara. Upon Te Hira migrating to occupy his
mother's lands at the Northern Wairoa, he married Tokaiakina of the Ngati
Whiu and Ngati Kawa people. His Northern Wairoa uri continued to use those
names to distinguish themselves from their Ngati Rongo kin at Kaipara. 69
WHAKAPAPA 10
Ngati Rongo lwi
Haumoewarangi = Waihekeao (w) (no Ngati Rangi) 1 1
Rongo = Tarawamoa (w) (no Te Roroa and Ngati Rangi) (NGATI RONGO IWI)I
1 ______________ __
1
Ngawhetu (t1) (no Te Kawerau) = 1
Moerangaranga (w)
1
1 Tira-Waikato (w) = Mahanga (t1) = Ripiro (t2) (SEE NEXT PAGE)
1 1
Taumutu (w) = Pokopokowhititera (SEE WHAKAPAPA 11)
1 1
Pare (w) = Hereure (t1) = Te Waha (t2)
= Pokopokowhititera (t2) (no Te Uri 0 Hau)
1
1 Tauhia = Te Henga (w)
1 1
Korotai = Waitana (w)
39
WHAKAPAPA 10 (continued)
Ngati Rongo Iwi
Mahanga (ti) (no Ngati Te Ata) = Tira - Waikato (w) =
1 1
~ 40
Ripiro (t2)
1 1
Te Hira = Tokaiakina (w) (no Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa) Te Whaita alias Murupaenga = Maiao (w) (no Te Uri 0 Hau)
1 1 1 1 1 I 1
1
~----------------~-----------------II----------1 1
1 I 1
Whetu = Tauterekura (w) Ahiwera (w) = Tuaea (no Nga Puhi) I I 1
_________________ � ____________ _
1 Ranginui
I 1
Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa line continues at
1 1
1 1
1
1 1 North Wairoa Pewa Te Urungatapu (w) = Taipaka (no Ngati Whatua)
1
.----------------------_1 1 1
Mereana Te Anini (w) = Kahutuanui (no Te Uri 0 Hau)
1
.----------_1----1
1 1
Te Hemara Tauhia (no Ngati Rongo)
1 Makareta (w) = Arama Karaka Haututu
(no Te Uri 0 Hau) 70
Murupaenga-nui = Tangirere (w) 1
1
1 1
Kahu = Otai (w)
I ----------1 1
1 Henare Rawhiti (no Ngati Rongo)
WHAKAPAPA 11
Ngati Whatua Iwi & Te Mangamata Hapu
Taumutu (w) (no Ngati Rongo iwi) = Pokopokowhititera (no Te Uri 0 Hau)
I I
Koieie (w) (NGATI WHATUA IWI) = Waiwhata
(no Ngati Tahinga)
I I
Tirau (w) = Ngatokorua
(no Ngati Tahinga)
I I
Maiao (w) = TeWhaita
(no Ngati Rongo)
I I
Ruarangi = Hinekitewhakatere
I I
Te Tinana - Nui (TE MANGAMATA HAPU) 71
41
42
It is Tira-Waikato's issue by Ripiro and the uri of her brothers Tauhia and
Korotai who have maintained the tribal name Ngati Rongo. The descendants
of Pare largely have merged into the Hokianga Te Popoto people, while (
Taumutu's uri - with the exception of her daughter Maiao who married back
into Ngati Rongo - have evolved into Ngati Whatua iwi and Te Mangamata
hapu.
It is not known why Koieie, the daughter of Taumutu and Pokopokowhititera
and granddaughter of Moerangaranga, adopted the name Ngati Whatua. All
we have is a bare statement of the Ngati Whatua chief Te Keene Tangaroa
that it is from Koieie that that tribe takes its origin. 72
Koieie and her Ngati Tahinga husband Waiwhata dwelt in the strong pa
Otakanini, South Kaipara, which had fallen to the Te Taou leader Hakiriri upon
his invasion of South Kaipara. Celebrated for their bravery, Koieie's people
often were at war with Te Taou iwi in the South Kaipara region.
A woman of indomitable will and courage, Koieie attended a number of battles (
of her son Tauhia, a renowned toa. At one such battle, she celebrated her
son's victory by climbing a hill named Pukekowhiwhi and shouting out: "Kei te
whetu au e! Kei te marama" - I am as the stars, as the moon! 73
Upon his marriage to his mother-in-law Moerangaranga, Pokopokowhititera
had the following children who lived with him at the Northern Wairoa:
WHAKAPAPA 12
Children of Pokopokowhititera & Moerangaranga
Moerangaranga (w) = Pokopokowhititera
I Marinotere (w) = Arero
I I
Poutapuaka 74
I Rangahau
43
Haumoewarangi and Waihekeao's second daughter Mauku married the Ngati
Rangi chief Paharakeke, whose home was at Tangihua, Northern Wairoa.
The couple migrated to Oruawharo, Kaipara, where Ngati Rangi, then much
mixed up with Ngai Tahuhu, also held lands. It was at Matawhero pa,
Oruawharo that their children were born. Their son Whiti, who eventually
became the tupuna of Ngati Kauae (Kauwae) hapu of Ngati Mauku, married
Kama (w) of Ngati Tahinga ki Oruawharo. It was their son Te Atuahaere
whose possessions at Pouto became coveted by Haumoewarangi's son
Hakiputatomuri following his father's death. As related by Wright, in
apparently a family dispute (he whanau riri), the latter killed his cousin Te
Atuahaere, seizing the Ngati Mauku Pouto land. 75
In time Ngati Mauku and Ngati Tahinga both largely became absorbed into Te
Uri 0 Hau iwi. That process later was heightened by the marriage of the
woman Te Kiriwhakairo of Ngati Rangi, Te Roroa, Ngati Kahu and Ngati
Mauku to the Uri 0 Hau fighting chief Ranginui.
WHAKAPAPA 13
Mauku (w) = Paharakeke (no Ngati Rangi) I I
Whiti = Tuwhakaohorangi (w) I I
Kupa I I
Te Kainga = Paihawa I I
Te Kiriwhakairo (w) 76
'~
WHAKAPAPA 13 (continued)
Manumanu 1 (TE ROROA lWl) = Maearoa (w) I
Ngaengae I I
Matohi = Whakahaerea (w)
I I
Pinea = Takutaiakura (w) I I
Rangituke = Aoroa (w) I I
Waitea
I I
Paihawa = Te Kainga I I
Te Kiriwhakairo (w) = Ranginui (Te Uri 0 Hau)
I I
Te Hekeua = Whakakahu (w)
I I
Paikea Te Hekeua 77
44
45
Mr. Wright's evidence already has dealt with what is known of
Haumoewarangi's son Hakiputatomuri and it is not proposed to repeat that
evidence here. It is notable however that, unlike the known marriages of his
brothers and sisters, Hakiputatomuri married his first cousin Kuiateao. The
usual pattern of exogamous marriages largely seems to have been
maintained by his children - with Whitirawatea taking a wife from amongst
Ngati Tahinga and Pokopokowhititera marrying Te Kawerau, Ngati Rongo and
Ngati Kura women. The Kaipara branch of the latter people, the descendants
of Kuramangotini, seem to have been an old Ngati Awa group, with former
Whangaroa associations, who became absorbed into Te Uri 0 Hau iwi.
Kaiwhare, the wife ofWhitirawatea, was the sister ofTe Huhunu of Ngati
Tahinga, remembered for causing the South Kaipara death of the famous
Tainui toa Kawharu. As Te Huhunu was born at Whaingaroa, both brother
and sister may have returned to Kaipara. Alternatively, Whitirawatea, of
whose deeds tradition curiously is silent, may have lived with his wife's people
at Raglan. Notably, the hapu name Ngati Kaiwhare is commemorative of
Kaiwhare, not her husband. 78
Although Wright relates that the name Te Uri 0 Hau was adopted by
Hakiputatomuri following his father's death and is applicable to all Hau's
descendants 79, accounts are conflicting. Notwithstanding general agreement
that the name Te Uri 0 Hau commemorates Haumoewarangi:
"Haumoewarangi is the tupu (sprout) for all Te Uri 0 Hau". 80
"The Uri 0 Hau proper are from Haumoewarangi". 81
Perceptions vary as to the application of the name:
"The putake (root) ofTe Uri 0 Hau was Haumaiwarangi. He had several
children but that name irid (rested) upon the descendants of his son Haki
only". 82
"The name Te Uri 0 Hau is the ingoa nui over Ngati Mauku, Ngati Kauwae,
Ngati Kaiwhare, Ngati Kura, Ngai Tahu and Ngati Te Hana. These hapus of
Te Uri 0 Hau own the lands on Kaipara harbour at Oruawharo, Otamatea,
Arapaoa and crossing over to Pouto". 83
46
"The name Te Uri 0 Hau applied to Hakiputatomuri. He was Mauku's brother.
That name Te Uri 0 Hau did not eke (rest upon) either Mauku or Makawe." 84
Given that Haki's sisters Makawe and Mauku married into other iwi, it must be
doubtful whether the name Te Uri 0 Hau ever applied to them and their
descendants. Similarly, if that name ever rested upon Rongo and his
descendants, it must have been displaced in his grandchildren's lifetime
through adoption of the name of Ngati Rongo. Perhaps more importantly, in
cases such as Tikinui and Pouto 2 blocks before the Native Land Court, Te
Uri 0 Hau only recognised claims under Hakiputatomuri as conferring rights to
those lands. As will be seen in the section of this report dealing with Pouto 2
block however the rights or otherwise of Ngati Whatua tuturu - as
descendants of Hakiputatomuri - to be included amongst Te Uri 0 Hau ki
Pouto were not recognised by the latter people during that case.
Finally, in my view, the use of the term Te Uri 0 Hau as an ingoa nui reflects a
later outgrowth of the term and should not be confused with the original
coverage of the name.
It is, of course, a matter of Te Uri 0 Hau tino rangatiratanga and honour to be
able to advance its own accounts and interpretations of its own origins to this
tribunal. As with other claimant groups affected by these proceedings, this
witness respects that rig hI.
1.7 Te Tipunga, Te Puwaitanga
The Evolution from the Muriwhenua Immigrants of the Modern
Kaipara Tribes
At this stage it may be useful to summarise critical evidence relating to the
(
(
(
composition and evolution of the social structures of the Muriwhenua
immigrants and affected peoples:
47
1. The immigrants comprised collaborating members of several
Muriwhenua Ngati Awa tribes, some of which earlier had fought against
each other.
2. They were members of a large taua intent upon colonisation.
3. They conquered at Hokianga, occupying Waimamaku, Kawerua,
Waipoua and Maunganui Bluff. They forced some of the displaced
Ngati Kahu ki Hokianga to move against other Ngati Awa tribes at
Whang ape and Herekino.
4. Upon reaching Maunganui Bluff, they commenced living in separate
parties.
5. They intermarried with local tangata whenua, Ngati Kahu at
Waimamaku, Ngai Tuputupuwhenua and Ngati Rangi at
Waipoua/Maunganui Bluff and Ngati Rangi at Kaihu.
6. Ngai Tamatea iwi remained at Waimamaku, Waipoua, Maunganui
Bluff, Kaihu and the Northern Wairoa.
7. A portion ofTe Roroa/Ngati Kahu migrated under the Te Roroa chief
Rangituke from Maunganui Bluff to South Kaipara. That branch
intermarried with Ngati Rangi and Ngati Mauku ki Oruawharo and
ultimately with Te Uri 0 Hau iwi.
8. Nga Ririki iwi, following fighting with Haumoewarangi, moved on to
South Kaipara. Representatives of other Ngati Awa iwi, such as Ngati
Miru, also migrated with Nga Ririki.
9. The migrating tribal groups underwent processes of fusion and fission
in probably the following sequence:
(i) At Waipoua/Maunganui Bluff and Waimamaku, Ngai Tamatea
and portions of Ngai Tuputupuwhenua/Ngati Rangi/Ngati Kahu
evolved into Te Roroa tribe.
48
(ii) At South Kaipara Nga Ririki, Ngati Rangi and associated people
evolved into Te Taou tribe.
(iii) At the Northern Wairoa Hakiputatomuri's people and their
adherents evolved into Te Uri 0 Hau iwi.
(iv) At South Kaipara the grandchildren of Rongo and a portion of Te
Kawerau iwi evolved into Ngati Rongo tribe.
(v) At South Kaipara Koieie, the daughter of Taumutu of Ngati
Renge and Pekopokowhititera ofTe Uri 0 Hau and her people
(
adopted the tribal name of Ngati Whatua. (
49
WHAKAPAPA 14
The Evolution of the Kaipara Tribes
Ngai Tuputupuwhenua and Ngati Rangi ki Waipoua/Maunganui Bluff Ngai Tamatea ki Muriwhenua ~ ____________ I I I I I I I
Maearoa (w) = Manumanu 1 (TE ROROA IWI) Rangitauwawaro (TE ROROA IWI) = Taurangi (w) (no Ngati Kahu) I (Te Roroa ki Waimamaku line continues) I
~I ---- ------------------------------------------1 Ngaengae Pepetaha (Te Roroa ki Waipoua, Maunganui Bluff, Kaihu and Northern Wairoa lines continue) (Ngati Rangi line continues)
I I I I I
Rangiwhatuma Matohi Ruawheke I I I I I I I -----I
Ikataora Pinea = Takutaiakura (w) Mamaranui Kahurau (w) = Tutaki Te Henga (w) = Tamatuao I I I I __ I I I I I I I I I
Toa Rangituke Tarawamoa (w) = Rongo Maheu Mahanga (t1) = Waihekeao = Haumoewarangi (t2) I
~I-----------------------~I----------~I------I
Makawe (w) = Marua (t1) Tarawamoa (w) = Rongo Hakiputatomuri = Kuiateao (w) (no Nga Ririki) (no Te Roroa) (NGATI RONGO IWI) (TE URI 0 HAU) (no Ngati Te Hana)
(continued next page)
'-
~
WHAKAPAPA 14 (continued)
The Evolution of the Kaipara Tribes
Toutara
Mahanga (t1) = Waihekeao (w) = Haumoewarangi (t2)
1 1
�--------------------------~----------I
1 1 Makawe (w) = Marua (t1) Tarawamoa (w) = Rongo Hakiputatomuri = Kuiateao (w)
50
(no Nga Ririki) (TE TAOU IWI)
I(no Nga Ririki) (no Te Roroa) 1 (NGATI RONGO IWI) (TE URI 0 1 (no Ngati Te Hana)
I 1
Uamutahataha I 1 1 1
Naonao = Mihouira (w) 1
1 1
1 I HAU IWI) I 1 1 1 __ _ 1 I 1
Tapiripiri = Waitawhiti (w) Moerangaranga (w) = Ngawhetu (no Te Kawerau) 1
I I I 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 Taumutu (w2) = Pokopokowhititera
,---_1 1 ------------------------_1 I
1 1 1 Koieie (w) (NGATI WHATUA IWI) 85 = Waiwhata (no Ngati Tahinga) Urukahakaha (w) = Hakiriri
51
The chronological evolution of the present tribal successors to the
Muriwhenua immigrants affords some corroboration of John White's statement
in the 1860s that Ngati Whatua is a hapu ofTe Roroa. Certainly, whakapapa
indicates that Ngati Whatua grew out ofTe Roroa - as well as from Ngati
Rongo and Te Uri 0 Hau. 86
It is apparent that as the Ngai Tamatea and related people moved down the
Kaihu valley and into the Northern Wairoa area, they carried with them - in
time-honoured Polynesian fashion - their cultural treasures and markers which
they deposited in their new homes. Thus did they manage to localise and
keep old history alive. Perhaps the most awe-inspiring of those treasures was
the folk memory of the rakau tupua (demon log) Rangiriri, which became
relocalised in the Northern Wairoa river from its old homeland of
Whatuwhiwhi, Doubtless Bay. Accustomed to move up the Northern Wairoa
river against the ebb tide, when Rangiriri had a kawau (shag) perched on its
back it was an unfailing omen of the pending death of an important Ngai
Tamatea descended rangatira. 87
It also is apparent that historically Te Taou, Ngati Whatua, Ngati Rongo, Te
Uri 0 Hau and Te Roroa were regarded by the tupuna as tribes - although in
some instances of relative tribal influence or in reference to part of a tribal
group the term hapu also was used.
In 1873, for instance, Paora Tuhaere referred to:
nAil the tribes of Te Taou, Ngati Whatua, Ngati Rongo, Te Uri 0 Hau and Te
Roroa - n.
And in 1879 he spoke of:
00 _ his own tribes Te Taou, Te Uri 0 Hau, Te Roroa and Ngati Whatuan. 86
Notably, unlike today when Ngati Whatua tuturu alone is erroneoulSly
regarded by some as the tribe, with the other constituent members of the
52
Ngati Whatua confederation being hapu - Paora clearly identifies all members
of the Ngati Whatua confederation on the same level. Likewise, in 1875 Land
Purchase officer J W Preece seems to have regarded Te Roroa, Ngati
Whatua and Te Uri a Hau on the same level as Nga Puhi. He referred to " - a
dispute between the Roroa, Ngati Whatua and Uri a Hau tribes on the one
side and Parore Te Awha and the Ngapuhi on the other". 89
Those perceptions were displayed by other government officials who, up to
about 1880, usually referred to the "Ngati Whatua tribes" or "the Kaipara
tribes". In 1857 William White adverted to "the Ngati Whatua tribes,
comprehending the whole of the natives from the South Head of Hokianga to
Manukau on the western coast and from Pakiri to Thames on the eastern
coast" in which he not only clearly was referring to the Ngati Whatua tribal
confederation, but to confederation boundaries quite dissimilar to those
currently asserted by Ngati Whatua Runanga. 90
The minutes of the Tai Tokerau Maori Land Court provide a significant corpus
of evidence that in the first decade of operation of the Native Land Court
members ofTe Uri a Hau,Te Roroa, Te Taou, Ngati Whatua and Ngati
Rongo usually referred to their groups as tribes. For instance, Te Uri a Hau
tribe was referred to as such by Wiremu Tipene, Paikea Te Hekeua, A K
Haututu, Pairama Ngutahi, Paora Tuhaere, Te Keene Tangaroa, Te Hemara
Tauhia, Pirika Ngai and Pouaka Parere. Specific references to Te Roroa tribe
were made by Ruka Takamoana, Tiopira Kinaki, Te Rore Taoho, Hapakuku
Moetara, Te Pana Ngakuru, Te Manu and Pirika Ngai, while Te Taou tribe
was described as such by Wiremu Tautari, Tairua Te Ruke, Matine
Murupaenga, Te atene Kikokiko, Waka Tuaea, Ngawake Tautari and Pouaka
Parere. References to Ngati Whatua tribe were made by Reupena Waitai,
Pirika Ngai, Pouaka Parore, Te Keene Tangaroa, and Te Hemara Tauhia,
while Ngati Rongo tribe also was described as such by Reupena Waitai. 91
Later confusion however resulted when those tribes were encouraged to form
loose confederations. From initially being regarded as the Ngati Whatua
tribes, in time all constituent members were called the Ngati Whatua tribe.
53
As recorded by Ballara, a process of subsuming small iwi into a larger iwi
identity was actively pursued in the latter part of the 19th century - presumably
on the basis of convenience - by government and the Native Land Court.
That process is particularly evident from the records of the Tai Tokerau
District Maori Land Court from the late 1870s and was still alive in 1900s.
That year an explanation by Heta Paikea of Te Uri 0 Hau respecting his tribal
affiliations to Ngati Rongo, Te Uri 0 Hau and Ngati Whatua attracted the
following rejoinder from a land court judge:
"Court said that it had already explained to him that in this case Ngati Whatua
was used as the 'ingoa nui' on one side as Nga Puhi was on the others". 92
The confederated nature of the Ngati Whatua tribes has been accurately
described by the late Maurice Alemann :
"In Pakeha terms of thinking Ngatiwhatua is an "iwi" composed of "hapu" and
"whanau". This is an oversimplification of the relationship between tribal
groups, at least in the area under review.
"To start with the diverse tribal groups of Ngatiwhatua do not trace their
ancestry monolithically from one ancestor or from one canoe. In various
times, and in various circumstances, those tribal groups have been allied, or
fought against each other, and have never formed one solid and massive
tribal entity.
"Te Otene Kikokiko - a Ngati Whatua chief - stated in 1869 before the Native
Land Court (on title investigation of Ruarangihaere) : "One branch of my
people were called Ngatiwhatua, the ancestors of Te Taou are distinct from
that of Ngatiwhatua - foreign tribes would call us all Ngatiwhatua, but we
ourselves know the distinction". 93
Although there is no doubt that the present Ngati Whatua coalition - as
represented by Te Runanga a Ngati Whatua - is as much a tribal
confederation as are Hauraki, Tainui, Te Arawa, Ngati Awa, Nga Puhi and
54
others, that position is not reflected in Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whatua Act 1988
which refers to the confederation as a single tribe and includes the objective
of bringing the assets of its members under a single, centralised control.
Accordingly, in the view of this witness, the Act - which also confines runanga
membership to the descendants of the tupuna Haumoewarangi - does not
reflect the realities of the Ngati Whatua confederation.
If the Act was intended to deal with the interests of Ngati Whatua tuturu,
membership should have been confined to the descendants of Koieie, rather
than Haumoewarangi. The latter, in any event, is more widely recognised as
the tupuna ofTe Uri 0 Hau.
Current Ngati Whatua Runanga membership criteria would suggest that the
runanga lacks a statutory mandate to speak and act for the Kaipara iwi of Te
Taou and Te Kawerau, as well as the following Northern Wairoa and Kaihu iwi
who generally do not whakapapa to Haumoewarangi:
(
Te Roroa, Te Rarawa (Ripia, Naumai and Kapehu maraes, Northern Wairoa (
and Tama Te Ua Ua marae, Kaihu), Nga Puhi (Oturei and Taita maraes,
Northern Wairoa) and Te Ati Awa (Ahikiwi marae, Northern Wairoa).
On descent grounds, most members of the above maraes enrolled with Ngati
Whatua Runanga appear to lack a legal basis for that enrollment.
By resolving at its Runanga Poupou hui of 23 February 1993 to proceed with
runanga elections without requiring proof of descent from the tupuna
Haumoewarangi, the runanga may have demonstrated a lack of commitment
to resolving that problem. 94
To all accounts the above confusion was not conveyed to the Waitangi
Tribunal in the Railways Land case (WAI 264). The projection in those
proceedings of Ngati Whatua as a single tribe - rather than a loose
confederation of tribes - must have encouraged a tribunal view of some tribal
over-right in the Auckland district (Tribunal decision p 5) exercisable by Ngati
(
(
55
Whatua Runanga. And yet John White in his Maori Customs and
Superstitions lectures of 1861 was adamant that historically Ngati Whatua
(alias Nga Oho) ki Auckland retained an exclusive and independent authority
over all their conquered Auckland lands - permitting no interference by their
parent tribe of Te Roroa. On that basis, it is difficult to see how Ngati Whatua
Runanga could have claimed an interest in the area. 95
It is, of course, a truism that tribal confederations only survive for as long as
they are able to satisfy the interests of constituent members. In 1992,
probably some 450 years after its Ngai Tamatea tupuna migrated from
Muriwhenua, Te Roroa - which has only a handful of members who
whakapapa to Haumoewarangi and at least half its membership with collateral
links to the Nga Puhi tribal confederation - determined that its interests lay in
reverting to its historical, independent iwi status. Consequently, as from that
time, Te Roroa has stood apart from the Ngati Whatua and Nga Puhi tribal
confederations, each of which it has supported at various moments in its
history.
1.8 The Battle of Te Ika-a-Ranganui
Nga mate tini, nga tangiroa
(The many dead, the long lamentations)
Although the outcome of this last major conflict between the Ngati Whatua
and Nga Puhi tribal confederations is well known, what is perhaps not so
commonly understood is the sequence of events leading up to, and the effects
of, the battle.
According to Smith, Hongi Hika deciding to aid the Ngati Maanu chiefTe
Whareumu in seeking utu for the death of his uncle Koriwhai - killed possibly
five years earlier by Ngati Whatua at Kohuroa (or Koheroa) between
Mahurangi and Pakiri - assembled a war party. Revenge for Nga Puhi who fell
at the Kaihu battle of Moremunui circa 1807 and other defeats also motivated
Nga Puhi.
56
A slightly different perspective was provided by Kamariera Wharepapa of Nga
Puhi to the Native Land Court in 1875: "There was much fighting between
Nga Puhi and Te Roroa and Ngati Whatua. At Moremunui the Nga Puhi were
beaten. Nga Puhi lost many chiefs and the others were very strong. Hongi
was a boy at the time. He longed to avenge the death of his matua who fell at
Moremunui. Parore continued to live on the land. Te Whareumu wanted
payment for Taurawhero who had been killed by Te Roroa. He went to Kawiti
who agreed to help him. When Hongi heard he determined to join them to get
payment for Moremunui. The result was the later defeat of the Ngati Whatua
allies atTe Ika-a-Ranganui" (Kaipara Minute Book 3/149).
In terms of Smith's version, Hongi's taua proceeded down the Mangakahia
valley accompanied by the Roroa chief Te Hihi-o-tote, elder brother of Parore
Te Awha. Probably desiring to protect his Te Roroa relatives, Te Hihi-o-tote
hastened ahead of the war party, obtained a mere heirloom of the Roroa tribe
and, upon returning, presented that heirloom to Hongi as a peace offering.
The taua, avoiding Te Roroa territory, then returned to Kaikohe and Waimate
North determined to attack Kaipara from another direction. 96
However, according to accounts of the Uriroroi and Te Roroa peoples, Hongi
arrived in the Northern Wairoa district with the express purpose of effecting
peace with Te Roroa/Ngati Whatua.
The Uriroroi account by Hori Rewi is as follows:
"In the days of Hauhunga, Nga Puhi and Ngati Whatua agreed to make peace
and they all met at Te Kopuru (Northern Wairoa). Hongi Hika was the chief of
Nga Puhi. Te Whareumu was at the Bay of Islands and he thought if the
peace was made his matua would not be avenged.
I I
Koriwhai
I I
Arahi I I
Whareumu"
(
(
"Koriwhai had been slain at Omaha. Whareumu then came to Tangihua to
Mareikura and there started killing Ngai Tahuhu. The survivors fled to Te
Kopuru and said Te Whareumu has slain many of them. Blood (had been)
carried to the peace making and both sides retired". 97
A briefer account was provided by Parore Te Awha of Te Roroa and Nga
Puhi:
57
'We lived at Waipoua and the war party of Hongi Hika came to Kaihu and we
came along the beach to Te Kopuru and peace was made there with the Ngati
Whatua. Hongi Hika then returned and we went back to our place
Waipoua." 98
Whether peace at Te Kopuru was effected or not - or perhaps more likely
made and then broken - Hongi undoubtedly returned to the Bay of Islands
only to find that Te Whareumu had assembled a taua and set out for
Mangawhai. No doubt being obliged, in pursuit of mana, to do the same,
Hongi's party departed after Te Whareumu.
To all accounts Te Whareumu's people were encamped at Mangawhai heads
for some time awaiting reinforcements. The delay not only permitted Hongi to
overtake Te Whareumu, but also enabled the Uri 0 Hau, Ngati Rongo, Ngati
Whatua, Te Taou and Ngai Tahu tribes to organise their opposition.
Notwithstanding Smith's assertion that Te Roroa iwi fought with Ngati Whatua,
Te Uri 0 Hau and allies at the battle, Te Roroa traditions maintain that,
consequent upon the peace making with Hongi Hika, the tribe did not. Only
two Te Roroa men, who were living with Te Uri 0 Hau at the time, are said to
have participated in the battle. 99
Given the Nga Puhi superiority in musket power, when the two opposing
forces eventually met on the field of war the outcome was inevitable. Assailed
by a wall of bullets, Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau and allies fell in heaps. The
Ngai Tahu tribe, which suffered particuh;~rly high casualties, was almost
exterminated.
S8
The effects of this sanguinary affair are far from simple. Although it later was
claimed by Parore and Tirarau that they and Nga Puhi conquered at Te Ika-a
Ranganui, was that so?
Firstly, it needs to be appreciated that the purpose of the battle of Te Ika-a
Ranganui was to obtain utu. The battle was not directed at land taking. 100
Secondly, the Nga Puhi victory was not reinforced by occupation, crucial in
terms of Maori custom for the establishment of a right by conquest. As stated
by Wiremu Henare before the Native Land Court:
"Nga Puhi did not raupatu the land. After killing people they returned to their
homes".
Occupation as a mandatory component of raupatu has been stressed by John
White:
"The right to lands taken by conquest rests solely on the conquering party
actually occupying the taken district, to the utter exclusion of its original
owners or other tribes". 101
Although in cultural terms Te Ika-a-Ranganui merely provided rangatira such
as Tirarau and Parore with spring boards to dominate, manipulate and
whakaiti (belittle) Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau and allies in the control of
resources, the effects of that battle were markedly different in proceedings
before the Native Land Court. Much of Te Roroa's tribal estate, for instance,
was awarded by the Court to Parore on the erroneous basis that he and Nga
Puhi had "conquered" Te Roroa at Te Ika-a-Ranganui. That the events of Te
Ika-a-Ranganui, even if amounting to raupatu, could be transposed to
different people and different lands huge distances away, apparently did not
strike the Court as incongruous. Neither, apparently, did the Court consider it
strange that not a single Kaipara land title was claimed pursuant to, the
events ofTe Ika-a-Ranganui and that Tirarau and Parore asserted Te Ika-a
Ranganui raupatu claims well away from that battlefield. As a consequence,
(
59
Paikea also was wrongly excluded by the Court from sharing in Te Parawhau
lands.
As remarked upon by the Waitangi Tribunal in its Te Roroa Report pp 79-80,
Parore's "conquest" take against his own tribe Te Roroa is likely to have been
advanced to bolster his weak occupational rights to the Waipoua/Maunganui
district.
It is uncertain whether Tirarau and Parore were present at Te Ika-a-Ranganui.
As Hemi Parata ofTe Uri 0 Hau declared to the Native Land Court:
"I am not "ata marama" (quite clear) as to whether or not Tirarau and Parore
actually took part in the fight at Ikaaranganui". 102
Taurau Kukupa, Tirarau's half brother and not the most consistent of
witnesses, claimed both to have been living with Parore at Waipoua at the
time of the battle and to have returned with Parore from the battle. His later
evidence merely repeated that at the time ofTe Ika-a-Ranganui he was living
at Waipoua - in which event he is unlikely to have participated at the battle.
However, the initial delay while Te Whareumu was awaiting reinforcements,
may have been sufficient to permit the arrival of people from Waipoua to the
scene of the battle. 103
Parore himself never claimed to have been a participant at Te Ika-a
Ranganui, relating only that he returned to Waipoua after the Te Roroa peace
meeting with Hongi aITe Kopuru. During the 1863 arbitration hearings of the
Mangakahia dispute with Matiu Te Aranui , neither Parore nor Tirarau
asserted claims in the Northern Wairoa district and further afield under an
alleged Nga Puhi raupatu. They both then claimed under take tupuna from
the Te Roroa tupuna Taramainuku - incorrectly called of Ngati Whatua.
Twelve years later, in an account riddled with misrepresentation and plain
error, Parore apparently asserted an overlordship to Te Roroa territory, not on
the basis of a Nga Puhi raupatu at Te Ika-a-Ranganui, but upon the authority
60
of Hongi Hika who had been killed by Te Roroa! 104
Despite Smith's statement as to Tirarau's presence at the battle, the evidence
is just as uncertain with Taurau Kukupa identifying Tirarau as a participant,
while A K Haututu of Te Uri 0 Hau insisted that he was not. 105
The monolithic Nga Puhi/Ngati Whatua axis described by Smith at Te Ika-a
Ranganui certainly is at variance with dispersal patterns after the battle which
reflect loyalties and relationships to smaller tribal units of the victors. For
instance after the battle Te Whareumu of Ngati Maanu came and escorted
Ngati Rongo survivors to the Bay of Islands, Moetara of Ngati Korokoro
fetched Te Waiaruhe hapu ofTe Uri 0 Hau to the South Hokianga kainga of
Pakanae, Parore came and escorted Ngati Apa (an old Ngati Awa remnant) to
Kaihu, Te Keha of Ngati Toki took Ngati Whatua tuturu to Mangakahia, Paikea
brought some of his Te Uri 0 Hau kinsmen to Te Parawhau at the Northern
Wairoa, while Muriwai fetched Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa of the Northern
Wairoadistrict to Utakura, Hokianga. 106
(
I ,
61
SECTION 2
2.1 Nga Iwi Hou 0 Wairoa - Modern Tribes of Northern Wairoa
Unquestionably the dominant force in the Northern Wairoa district over much
of the early 19th century was the Parawhau tribe under Tirarau Kukupa. A
mixed people of Ngai Tahuhu and Nga Puhi descent, Te Parawhau tuturu
held extensive territories from the upper Northern Wairoa area, including part
of the lower Mangakahia valley, to Whangarei.
On the Northern Wairoa river they held mana whenua from approximately
Tangowahine on the west bank of the river - and from the junction of the
Manganui stream on that river's east bank - northwards. Their interests in the
lower Mangakahia valley are said to have run to Oue.
Within those boundaries was a shared interest, probably derived from the old
Ngati Rangi tribe, with Te Uri 0 Hau and Ngati Toki (Nga PUhi) in Maungaru
block east of the Tangowahine valley.
There also were lands in the vicinity ofTangihua south ofTangiteroria, said
not to have passed to Te Parawhau, which were claimed by segments of Ngai
Tahuhu as tangata whenua before the Native Land Court. 107
Aoeording to. one account Tahuhu-nui-okRangi. the eponymous tupuna of
Ngai Tahuhu, was descended from the Muriwhenua chiefVVhakatau ofthlE! (
waka Mahuhu~ki.te-rangj:
WHAKAPAPA 15 Whekatau
I Hau
I Tu
I Hin&tu
I Tahuhu - !'lui - 0 - Rang! '" (NGAI TAHUHU \WI) .
I Kawa
I Whautsrs
I Tahao
I Kareafiki
=
=
Mahurangl
Kaperu
RsngipuKohU
Tamura
PureEl!Jta
Taiheke
Tafmania
Toipareiti
Uenuku (son of RahiM of Ngapuhi) HIS (
On that basis Ngai Tahuhu must have been related to Ngatl Wai, Te Roraa.
Te Uri 0 Hau. Ngati Whatua.. Ta Taou and 9thef Kaipara tribes, sll ofwnom
descend from Mahuhu·ki-te-rangi waka. Other accouRts ascribe to Ngai
Tahuhu a Kawarau origin, which is not necessarily iflcompatib!~ with Mahunu
Id .. te-rangi associations.
A:$, a corporate group, Te Parawhau probably came into existence near the
commencement of the nineteenth century. Tirarau Kukupa's great uncle
Tirarau 1 was killed at Punerukl..l on the east Coast by RangituKuwahQ of
Ngati Wei and Te WaiarikL His lamenting comrad.es bore his corpse beck to
VVhengarel on a litter made ofwhli1u - hence w~s the name Te Perawhau
adopted in comml)moration of that event, said to have transpired shQrtly after
t~'"' N~£t; P-:u d~f®9.:t li't '>llie.mai Q.!rca 1190. 109
Plior to that disaster TJramu 1's father Ta,,'lfhiro and uooia3 Te Walkeri and TEll
(
63
Ponaharakeke, all members of Ngati Rua-Ngaio hapu of Nga Puhi had
invaded and conquered - probably in the mid 18th century - the Whangarei
district from Ngai Tahuhu. In that conquest they were assisted by the Ngati
Kahu people under their chief Ngarokiteuru who thus acquired lands at Ohiwa
and Hikurangi, Whangarei. At that period Ngati Rua-Ngaio, who earlier were
known as Ngati Hau and who originally came from Omanaia, Hokianga, were
living at Ora uta, Kawakawa. There they had commenced marrying into Ngai
Tahuhu prior to conquering them.
After the conquest, Ngati Rua-Ngaio apparently demanded and received land
at Wairua and in the lower Mangakahia valley from Ngati Ngiro hapu of Ngai
Tahuhu who had been unaffected by the Whangarei raupatu. From that
period Ngai Tahuhu mana in the Northern Wairoa district seems to have
commenced a decline. It however never was extinguished. 110
The conquerors and their children soon married into descent groups
associated with the Mangakahia and Northern Wairoa districts. Te Waikeri
married Pouri (w) of the Nga Puhi hapu Ngai Tu of Mangakahia while Tataia,
Te Ponaharakeke's daughter, married the Roroa chiefTaramainuku. In time
Tataia and her husband became the ancestors of Paikea Te Hekeua ofTe Uri
o Hau, Tirarau Kukupa ofTe Parawhau and Parore Te Awha ofTe Kuihi,
whose struggles for the control of Northern Wairoa resources occupied so
much of the region's early nineteenth century history. 111
In its heyday Te Parawhau iwi, based around Tangiteroria, largely comprised
Te Parawhau tuturu descended from Tirarau 1's sister Tokaitawhio, Te
Uriroroi hapu descended from Tirarau 1's uncle Te Waikeri and Ngai Tahuhu
under Waiata and later his daughter Maraea Te Hoia alias Waiata.
~ .~
WHAKAPAPA 16
Te Parawhau Tuturu and Te Uriroroi As Descendants of Ngai Tahuhu
Tahuhu - nui - 0 - Rangi (NGAI TAHUHU IWI) I �------------------~I------------------------------------I
Kawa = Taiheke Paka = Hinepapa Manahiwa 1 1 1
Whautere = Taimania Hakiro = Kawhi Turuhira 1 1 1
Tahuao = Opengaiti Ahuaiti = Rahiri Tunuiarangi 1 1 (no Nga Puhi) 1
1 1 1 Kareariki (w) = Uenukukuare Takinganui
I I 1 I
1 1 1 Waipopo (w2) = Torongare = Hauhaua (w1) Maikuku (w) = Huatakaroa Tuhukea
64
1 (no Ngai Tamatea) 1 1 (no Ngati Miru) (NGATI TU HAPU) --------I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Rongopatutaonga = Te Kauwhata Tamanga = Rangiheketini (w) Te Arakopeka (NGAI TORONGARE HAPU) 1 1 I
1 1 1 Rahingahinga (w) = Koromaiterangi I Te Ngutu
1 (no Ngati Ruanui iwi) 1 1 1 1 1
Takee Rua - Ngaio = Te Ikaoteawa (w) (NGATI RUA- NGAIO) (no Ngati Tu)
(Continued on next page)
65
WHAKAPAPA 16 (continued)
Te Parawhau Tuturu and Te Uriroroi As Descendants of Ngai Tahuhu
Takee (no Ngati Ruanui iwi) Rua - Ngaio (NGATI RUA - NGAIO HAPU) = Te Ikaoteawa (w) (no Ngati Tu) 1 1 1 1
Whareangiangi (w1) = Taurahaiti = Waiharoto (w2)
1 1 1 1
Te Waikeri = Pouri (w) Te Ponaharakeke = Whari (w) Tawhiro = Uwhinga (w) (TE URIROROI HAPU) 1 (no Ngai Tu, Nga Puhi) 1 (no Ngai Tahuhu) 1
1 1 1 ~I ----1----1 1 1 1 1
Te Wha Ngo & ors Tataia (w) = Taramainuku Takahore 1 Te Tirarau 1 _I 1 (no Te Roroa) 1 (TE PARAWHAU TUTURU) 1 1 (TE KUlHI) 1 1
_I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ----I
Ngaiwi Take Te Awha = Pehirangi (w) Haumu = Tokaitawhio (w) Rangipo 1 1 1 (no Ngai Tawake) 1 (no Te Parawhau) 1
Te Apatunga Tohukai 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Te Toitu 1 Parore Te Awha = Tawera (w) Whakahuhu (w) = Te Hekeua Kukupa = Whitiao (w) Te Iwitahi 1 1 (Te Parawhau - % sister to Tirarau 3) 1 (Uri 0 Hau) 1 (Ngai Tahuhu) 1
Te Ru (w) = Rewi Te Manihera 1 1
Hori Rewi (no Te Uriroroi hapu) 112
'-
1 Paikea Te Hekeua
(no Te Uri 0 Hau & Te Parawhau)
1 1 1
Tirarau 3 (Kukupa) Renata Te Manihera (no Te Parawhau & Te Kuihi) (no Te Parawhau ki Whangarei)
Other portions ofTe Parawhau, which usually were supported by the
Tangiteroria people, continued living in the Whangarei district under Te
Manihera and others.
The Ngai Tahuhu people under Te Waiata also had links to Te Roroa:
WHAKAPAPA 17
Ngai Tahuhu and Te Roroa Connection
Toa = Waitarehu (w) (no Te Roroa) 1 _1 ____________ __
1 1 1 1
Tiro Te Haara = Ngamako (w) (no Ngai Miru) 1
1 Whare (w) = Te Ahu (no Te Uriroroi)
1
--------------------------1----------1 1 1 1
Whata = Ngahue (w) (no Ngati Ngiro hapu, Ngai Tahuhu) Turou 1 1
Te Waiata 1 1
Maraea Te Hoia (w) = Eria Marepa 1 1
(Ngati Ngiro hapu, Ngai Tahuhu ki Tangihua) 113
Up until about 1840 Te Parawhau numbers were swollen with a segment of
Te Uri 0 Hau under Paikea Te Hekeua, Ngati Rehia from Matauri Bay and
Ngati Porou slaves from the East Coast, all of whom lived with Tirarau from
time to time employed in the spar trade. By the end of the decade however
those groups had dispersed to their former homes. 114
66
From Tangowahine to Tunatahi (Dargaville) and from the Manganui stream to
Hungahungatoroa block, land interests generally were claimed under Te
Kuihi, Parore's descent group, whose tupuna Taramainuku was of Te Roroa
tribe.
(
(
(
[Key] K Te Ku]hl (whanau) NR Ngatl Rangl (old possessors) P Te Parawhau R Te Roroa U Ta Uri 0 Hau
WAIMATA [R,KJ ONUWHAO
[K,NR]
KAIHU 1 [R,KJ
AOROA iU,R & others]
WAIRA .-iU,R & others
Source L & S - Dargaville cadastral map 1971 Maori Land Court records
TEKOPURU [R]
OMUOR MANGANUI
{K,NR]
KOHEKOHE [K]
MAUNGATAWHIRI iU,R]
Generalised Northern Wairoa Tribal Boundaries
N
A
MAUNGARU ? [P,U,NR]
To Tangiteroria
ARAPOHUE [R]
==::::::::;::~-
OKAHU iU]
67
Driven from Waipoua by his elder relatives, whom he attempted to deny
access to kaimoana, Taramainuku settled in the Northern Wairoa catchment
where he was said to have received land from his Ngati Rangi grandmother
Tiheru. Those gifts however were hotly contested by other Ngati Rangi
descendants, some of whom were awarded shares with Parore in blocks such
as Ounuwhao, north-west of Dargaville. It was asserted by some of the Ngati
Rangi descendants that all Taramainuku had received from Tiheru were a
number of eel weirs in the area. 115
As already mentioned Taramainuku, claimed by one informant to have been
the source of Tirarau's and Parore's mana in the Northern Wairoa district,
married Tataia, daughter of the Whangarei conqueror Te Ponaharakeke. A
woman of much spirit, it was Tataia who became enraged with her uncle Te
Waikeri and his people over their failure to provide kumara for the hakari
(feast) for the disinternment of her grandfather Taurahaiti's bones.
Consequently, that event had to be cancelled. It was then that Tataia cursed
her relatives exclaiming "Ko koutou aku roroi" - You are my fernroot i.e. liable
to be eaten by mel Hence the name Te Uriroroi applicable to the (
descendants of Te Waikeri. 116
Because of her reduced circumstances following her and Taramainuku's
expulsion from Waipoua, Tataia later was observed at Tangihua by her
brother Takahore, who had arrived from Whatitiri, Whangarei, collecting raupo
roots to feed her family. Upon returning home Takahore related that he had
observed the pukeko (in his dialect the kuihi) eating raupo - thus the name Te
Kuihi kai raupo. Although that name subsequently was adopted by
Taramainuku's descendants to distinguish themselves from the parent stock
of Te Roroa - with whom they maintained an uneasy relationship - the name
probably should be regarded as a whanau name, having an inadequate time
depth and recognition to be regarded as a hapu name. 117
WHAKAPAPA 18
Te Kuihi Kai Raupo
Paikea (ofTe Roroa) = Kawa (w) 1
Taramainuku (TE KUIHI) = Tataia (w) . 1
1 1 ------~I--------~I-------------I
Haumu Tuha (w) = Te Kawau Whitirua Te Awha Kumi (w) 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Whakakahu (w) Kukupa 1 Te Wheinga Parore Papakakura 1 1___ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Paikea Tirarau Taurau 1 Aperahama Waata Hemi Neho 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 Wi Aperahama Po Pouaka
68
~------------~--I------~----------~--------~-----------------I 1 1 I I I
Haumatua Hopa Takururu Whatitiri Te Paewa = Tonga Kauangarua 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
TeWhai Ripeka (Harrison) Hona Hopa Tira Te Paewa TeAwhi Urekainga Mihiterina 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1
Hapata Hana Te Huia Karenapu Hoana Heta Paikea Pera Mohi 1 1 1 1
W. Te Hau Erana M. Kapa 118
~
Kumi above may have been an alias for Waiariki, the mother of Pirika Ngai,
who lived with Parore. Waiariki is shown both as the youngest of
Taramainuku's children and as the mother of Pirika Ngai in Parore's and
Tirarau's whakapapa produced to Grey's 1863 arbitration commission re the
affair of Matiu Te Aranui.
69
Included within the Te Kuihi boundaries were separate interests of Ani
Patene, the wife of Pirika Ngai, the source of which seem unclear. Although
in 1878 J S Clendon suggested that Ani had succeeded to her late husband's
Kaihu land interests - in which event those interests are likely to have been
derived from Taramainuku - a separate land court claim to Kaihu 2 block was
preferred by Paora Tuhaere on behalf of Ani under her own tupuna, probably
either of Ngati Rangi or Te Taou.
Much of the Te Kuihi Northern Wairoa hegemony was artificially created, to
the disadvantage of other claimants, by Parore's advocate, Land Purchase
Officer J W Preece. Te Uri 0 Hau and other old Ngati Rangi interests within
that hegemony were extinguished either by an exchange of land interests or (
by questionable decisions of the Native land Court. 119
Adjacent to the Te Kuihi lands was the Te Roroa tribal heartland territory of
the Kaihu valley, including Tunatahi (Oargaville) block, which together with
other contiguous Te Roroa heartland territory provided a coastal corridor to
South Hokianga Head. It was that heartland territory, in which Te Kuihi as Te
Roroa descendants had some interest, which was referred to by the Te Roroa
chief Te Rore Taoho before the Native Land Court:
'We are Roroa, not Nga Puhi. Roroa's estate is from the Wairoa to Hokianga".
Similarly, Hapakuku Moetara denied that the Te Roroa tupuna Taitua - from
whom Te Roroa claimed Waimamaku lands was of Ngati Whatua. In
response to the question "Was your ancestor Taitua a Ngati Whatua?", he
replied, "No, Roroa". 1.20 (
(
Tutamoe •
OPANAKI
WAIMATA
OUNUWHAO
KAIHU2
KAIHU1
Source
-Slj -J.'Ii
'It
t-------L ,f off c; .~
OMU OR 1ii MANGONUI S
¢!!
L & S - Dargaville cadastral map 1971
Parore's 1875 Northern Wairoa Hegemony names of blocks underlined
N
A:
70
South of the Kaihu stream, the mouth of which provided a natural boundary
between Te Roroa heartland and Te Uri 0 Hau adjacent interests, were a
number of land blocks of which the mana generally was held by Te Uri 0 Hau
and the Te Roroa hapus of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa - either separately or
in common. That was the position on both banks of the Northern Wairoa river
to the Kaipara harbour.
Some of those lands were derived from Ngati Awa progenitors of Ngati Whiu
and Ngati Kawa, or from Haumoewarangi through his sons Rongo (the tupuna
of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa) and Hakiputatomuri (the tupuna of Te Uri 0
Hau iwi). In turn, Haumoewarangi's rights were derived either from his tupuna
or through raupatu over the old Ngati Awa tribe of Ngati Rangi.
Long reinforced by intermarriage, there had been a later history of military
alliances between Te Uri 0 Hau and Te Roroa which survived into historic
times. Te Roroa not only had assisted Te Uri 0 Hau tuturu in that tribe's
Otamatea and Oruawharo conquests against Ngai Tahuhu, following which
Te Roroa had acquired an interest in Oruawharo block as later recognised by (
the land court, but Te Uri 0 Hau had assisted Te Roroa at the battle of
Moremunui circa 1807.
Those alliances, both offensive and defensive, had endured into the mid 19th
century which witnessed a weakening ofTe Parawhau mana as it was
challenged by Te Uri 0 Hau and as economic activity moved south away from
Tangiteroria. During Paikea's disputes with Tirarau and Parere, Te Roroa
stood solidly behind Te Uri 0 Hau providing military support to the latter
tribe. 121
Although the evidence suggests a remarkable Te Uri 0 Hau solidarity during
the first half of the 19th century, the same cannot be said for Te Parawhau -
with both Tirarau and Waiata communicating to government over local and
national issues. In 1840 both chiefs separately complained about timber
taken by William White and separately sought Pakeha settlement in their
area. In 1845 during Heke's war both chiefs separately expressed their
(
POUTO ~l>
~ ~-,
N
A ~.
After Daamen Ham 'JImanui District 1 Ree;o~ R1i9bY Rangahaua , 996.
o __ -====-__ ===_":25~~etres
Northern Wairoa Land Blocks Pouto to Dargaville
(
71
allegiance to the Crown. With Buller's assistance, Tirarau's written rebuttal of
Kawiti's offer to jOin his and Heke's forces was forwarded to the governor,
thus enhancing Tirarau's reputation as a loyal and influential chief in official
circles. As an additional expression of rivalry, Waiata supported the interests
of the Roman Catholics against Tirarau's Methodists.
The breaking out in 1859 of skirmishing between Te Parawhau and Nga Puhi,
presumably over Mangakahia, and the problems Tirarau was experiencing
with Paikea, must have caused some reflection on Tirarau's part as to
Parawhau allegiances. Although earlier allies of the Nga Puhi tribal
confederation, the Mangakahia dispute had brought elements of Nga Puhi -
particularly the hapus of Ngati Pongia of Mangakahia and Ngati Tautahi, Ngati
Whakaeke and Te Uri 0 Hua of Kaikohe, as descendants of the old Ngati.
Rangi tribe of Mangakahia, into direct conflict with Te Parawhau. 122
Given that opposition, it is perhaps not surprising that in 1863 before Grey's
arbitration commission Tirarau and Parore abandoned their Northern Wairoa
claims under Nga Puhi, asserting instead Taramainuku ofTe Roroa as the
source of those claims. A year later, during Colonial Secretary Fox's visit to
Tirarau's kainga at Mareikura, the latter was reticent on the question of tribal
allegiances, telling Fox that:
"-the people here are not strictly Ngapuhi's being mixed".
He also expressed the view that:
"The boundary of the Ngapuhi's ought to begin at Mangakahia" - in which
event most of the Northern Wairoa district and the kaingas of Tirarau and
Parore would have been outside the rohe of Nga Puhi. That Tirarau's and
Parore's descendants did not accept that advice is evident from support by
many members of Te Parawhau for the Nga Puhi tribal confederation and by
the naming of the wharenui at Parore's old kainga of Te Houhanga, Dargaville
after the Nga Puhi tupuna Rahiri.
(
(
72
Notwithstanding the statement of Tirarau and Parore to the 1863 commission,
within the decade both chiefs were asserting before the Native Land Court
claims to the Northern Wairoa area under Nga Puhi rather than Taramainuku.
If Taramainuku was mentioned at all, his descendants were said to be Nga
Puhi, not Te Roroa. Overall, the evidence suggests that both Tirarau and
Parore positioned themselves along an axis of Te Roroa and Ngati Whatua or
Nga Puhi bifurcated allegiances according to their self-interest of the
moment. 123
Parore's people - some of whom initially included a segment of Te Uri 0 Hau
who had taken shelter with him following the battle ofTe Ika-a-ranganui -
were a similar diverse group. Some had connections to Ngai Tawake of
Waimate North and Ngati Tautahi ki Kaikohe through Parore's mother
Pehirangi - a cousin of Hongi Hika's - and ties to Te Roroa and Te Uri 0 Hau
through Parore's father Te Awha.
Others had connections to Te Rarawa. All were related to Tirarau, Parore's
brother in law, and to Paikea. Generally, Parore and Tirarau supported each
other, taking common positions against their mid 19th century opponents Te
Uri 0 Hau and Te Roroa.
The Uri 0 Hau residence with Parore not only is explainable through Parore's
Te Roroa relationship to Paikea, but through perceptions of Parore's
allegiances at the time of the battle of Te Ika-a-Ranganui. As related by
Paraone Ngaweke ofTe Uri 0 Hau, Parore was considered to be a supporter
of Ngati Whatua and allies at that time. That allegiance is suggested by
Parore's own unguarded comment to the land court that:
" - when the battle of Ikaaranganui was lost" (emphasis mine) the Ngati
Apa hapu ofTe Uri 0 Hau was living with him at Kaihu. Clearly, Parore then
saw himself as a supporter of Ngati Whatua and allies - rather than of the
victorious Nga Puhi tribes - otherwise he would have referred to the winning of
the battle. That allegiance also is suggested by the roles of Parore and his
brother in the peace making with Hongi Hika prior to Te Ika-a-Ranganui. 124
73
Te Kuihi evidenced just as much lack of unanimity as did Te Parawhau.
Parore's cousin Te Wheinga, who lived apart from the main body of Parore's
people at Kaihu, acted independently of Parore in the 1842 muru of Forsaith's
Mangawhare store. While Parore seems to have heeded Buller's advice to
abstain from the muru, his cousin was one of its active participants. In 1845
both Parore and Te Wheinga separately expressed their loyalty to the Crown.
Although Haimona Pirika Ngai, Parore's cousin, lived with the latter, he
complained in 1875 that he had been threatened by Nga Puhi at Te
Houhanga, Parore's kainga, and that Parore was asserting sole rights to his
mother's land. The dispute between the parties dragged on until at least 1878
when an elderly Parore complained to James Clendon that Haimona had
referred to him as his "farm servant". That may have been Haimona's way of
responding to earlier unflattering remarks respecting his father. In 1863, for
instance, Parore and Tirarau had publicly referred to Haimona's father - and
Parore's cousin - as "Pirika Ngai te herehere" (Pirika Ngai the slave). In 1877,
in evidence before the Native Land Court, Parore's advocate Taurau Kukupa
provocatively claimed that Pirika Ngai, a recognised rangatira, was Parore's (
servant who cooked the latter's food! Seemingly, Parore was happy to
traduce his relative's family, but resented being repaid in kind.
According to Clendon, Haimona's parents Pirika Ngai and his wife Ani Patene
who "belonged to the Uri 0 Hau and Ngati Whatua tribes respectively" had
fled as refugees to Parore after the battle of Te Ika-a-Ranganui. And yet land
court evidence of Paora Tuhaere suggests that Pirika, Parore's relative,
already was living with the latter at the time of the battle. In either event it
seems somewhat ambitious to label Pirika Ngai and Ani Patene as slaves
based upon the events ofTe Ika-a-ranganui. There is no evidence that either
party was captured by Parore, at that battle, or that Parore participated in the
fighting.
It also seems probable that Ani, described by Clendon as a woman of "very
violent temperament" in fact was a member of Te Taou, not Ngati Whatua as
described by Clendon. Her tupuna Tumupakihi was referred to by Te Otene
(
Source JE Tinne's The \f\\)nderful Land of the Antipodes (1873) between pp70-71
Plan of Tinne's Kaihu Estate
rVTAMOI M":.;rt
-KATANGI
74
Kikokiko as of Te Taou. Rather than just regarding himself as a member of
Te Uri 0 Hau as suggested by Clendon, her husband Pirika Ngai is on record
as describing himself as belonging to Te Uri 0 Hau, Te Taou, Ngati Whatua (
and Te Roroa.
As also related by Clendon, Haimona was "in the habit of making irritating
remarks & statements towards Parore" at which that chief took offence.
Consequently, Parore demanded of Clendon, as utu, the surrender to Parore
of the Simons (Haimona) whanau land known as Kaihu 2A, to which Parore
had objected to Ani Patene's interest at the original investigation of title.
Obviously, the Crown could not accede to Parore's request. Consequently,
the rich prize of the 100 acres Kaihu 2A block, adjacent to the infant town of
Dargaville, failed to fall to Parore's grasp.
Further Te Kuihi disunity is suggested by an 1873 inquiry from Puhi Hihi
Parore to government as to whether the names of certain native lessors could
be removed from the Kaihu flax lease and Parore's own secret 1874 wishes to
government to have the names of certain Kaihu owners removed from the
memorial of ownership. 125
All that lobbying not only highlights the important part literacy played in early
Northern Wairoa Maori/Crown relationships, but illustrates how chiefs such as
Tirarau and Parere readily embraced that tool as a means of promoting their
own self interests. The third entry in the infant colony's 1840 Maori Affairs
register refers to a letter from Parere seeking redress for a robbery committed
by a European, a later September 1840 entry is of a letter from Tirarau
offering land for sale and seeking the acquisition of a schooner. As indicative
of Tirarau's high reputation in government circles of the time, his schooner
request was approved. Later Tirarau was appointed a court assessor. 126
Both Tirarau's and Parore's Maori Affairs correspondence and relationships
with the Crown endured over a period of 40 years. Given the reputations of
both chiefs as loyal Crown supporters, it is difficult not to suspect - as in the
Matiu Te Aranui 1863 arbitration decision - that those relationships generally
operated to the benefit of both chiefs against their opponents. 127
(
75
SECTION 3
3.1 Te Kopuru Block
Nga Ora 0 Nga Tupuna - The Lives of the Ancestors
When Te Hira returned to the Northern Wairoa district (see Section 1.6) he
married Tokaiakina of the Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa people and settled
down with his wife's people at Te Kopuru, Tikinui and other places. His
descendants, who also were tribal members of Te Roroa tuturu, took the
names of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa to distinguish themselves from Rongo's
other uri at Mahurangi and South Kaipara who called themselves Ngati
Rongo.
Apart from her parentage and the fact that her people lived along the banks of
the Northern Wairoa river, little is known of Tokaiakina. The daughter of the
Ngati Whiu woman Te Mairanga and her Ngati Kawa husband Taratu 1, her
mother married Taratu 1 - through whom the Northern Wairoa land interests
probably derive - following the death of her first husband Tiro of Te Roroa.
Taratu 1, the second husband, is said to have been related to the Ngati Kawa
people of Oromahoe, Bay of Islands. Ngati Kawa, who also have customary
interest at Waitangi, Bay of Islands, continue to live at Oromahoe.
~
WHAKAPAPA 19
Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa and Ngati Rongo
Haumoewarangi = Waihekeao (w)
1
1
1 1
Rongo (NGATI RONGO) = Tarawamoa (w) (no Te Roroa)
1 1 __ -
1 1
Mahanga (t1) (no Ngati Te Ata) = Tira-Waikato (w) = Ripiro (t2)
1 1 1 1
Te Hira = Tokaiakina (w) (no Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa) 1 1 1
1 _______________ 1_ 1 1 1 1
76
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Tauterekura (w) = Kohukohu (no Ngati Rangi, Nga Puhi) Te Whaita alias Murupaenga = Maiao (w) (no Te Uri 0 Hau)
1 1
1 1
1 Ngati Rongo lines continue
1 Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa lines continue 128
WHAKAPAPA 20
Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa
Tuiti = Moengaroa (w) (no Ngati Pou iwi ki Taiamai) 1 1
Riutaia = Huia (w) 1 1 ------------~I --------------------------1
1 1 Tiro (t1) (no Te Roroa) = Te Mairanga (w) = Taratu 1 (t2) (no Ngati Kawa) Tike (Ngati Whiu hapu)
1 1
(no Ngati Whiu hapu) 1
1 1
1
1---------------1 1
Te Maunga = Te Mahia (w) Te Waiata = Kahukore (w) Tokaiakina (w) = Te Hira
~
1 1
Tuohu = Te Whetu (w) 1 1 1 1 1
Te Rurunga = 1 1
1
1
1----------------1 1
Taoho
1 Te Taua (w)
Tiopira Kinaki (c 1820 -1887)
1 1
Ohi (w) = Taratu 2
1 1
= Pataea (w)
77
78
Following depredations against them by Nga Puhi, Riutaia's Ngati Pou uri,
(shown in the above whakapapa) were forced from their Taiamai and Bay Of
Islands homes, hence the whakatauki "He uri pakewa no Riutaia" - a (
wandering descendant of Riutaia. Their final defeat occurred at the battle of
Pikoi Taiamai circa 1790, in which Riutaia's grandsons Te Maunga and Te
Toko participated. 129
Although Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa are traditionally said to be descent
ramages of Ngati Pou - a Ngati Awa tribe originally associated with the
Parengarenga area - it is not known when those people took up occupation
along the banks of the Northern Wairoa river. Given Paikea's response to S P
Smith's 1860 request to inspect a Te Kopuru burial cave: "Go if you like -
those bones do not belong to our tribes, but to Ngati Awa who formerly
occupied all this country", it is apparent that Te Uri 0 Hau was aware of the
Ngati Awa presence at Te Kopuru. 130
According to the oral record, Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa named the site of
the old Te Kopuru hospital Pouerua after Pouerua pa, Taiamai. Their pa on (
Te Kopuru was Te Ipumarere, while their urupa were Papakawau and
Porotoroa, both named after Taiamai urupa. As related by Reupena Waitai of
Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa, Papakawau - which also was a kainga site - was
the place of internment of his grandmother Tokane. 131
Probably Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa already were in occupation ofTe
Kopuru and the Northern Wairoa district during the lifetime of the Ngati Pou
tupuna Te Taonga. Defeated at Taiamai, he came to visit his Northern
Wairoa Ngati Pou relatives prior to renewing hostilities against Nga Puhi. His
people are recorded as having occupied Motuwheteke pa, Oruapo block,
Northern Wairoa and as having fought against Te Raraku and the Nga Iwi
people from the south at the mouth of the Punahaere creek, Pouto. 132
WHAKAPAPA 21
Ngati Whiu as Descendants of Ngati Pou
Moengaroa (w1) (Ngati Pou ki Taiamai) = Tuiti = Marohawhea (w2) (Ngati Pou ki Tamakimakaurau)
, ,
, , ,---------------------, , ,
79
Riutaia = Huia (w) , Rangihana = Kuiawai (w) Tutahua (w) = Tauratumaru
, , , Te Mairanga (w) (no Ngati Whiu) = Taratu 1 (no Ngati Kawa) , ,
Tokaiakina (w) = Te Hira
, I , ,
Tarahape = Kie (w) (no Te Roroa) , , .
Te Taonga = Waipinerangi (w) 133
80
In later times Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa, who also were related to Te Popoto
of Hokianga, were living at T e Kopuru when the battle of Te Ika-a-Ranganui
was fought. Fetched from Te Kopuru by Muriwai of Te Popoto after the battle
for safety reasons, they were escorted to Utakura, Hokianga - from whence
they participated in the life of the Wesleyan Mission at Mangungu, Hokianga.
Under the general description of Ngati Whatua, they are remembered at
Hokianga as having lived during the 1820s in Whakapaka pa, an ancient
Ngati Pou pa at Utakura occupied by the Ngati Pou tupuna Tutahua, her
husband Tauratumaru and their people. 134
3.2 Te Kopuru Block
He Muru, He Utu - Plunder & Restitution
An extensive account of the plunder of T S Forsaith's Mangawhare store and
the resultant utu demanded of Maori by George Clarke, Chief Protector of
Aborigines, has been provided in Mr. Stirling's evidence (WAI 271 A3 pp 276
et seq) and it is not my intention to repeat that evidence here. Some aspects
of the events resulting in the surrender of Te Kopuru block to the Crown do (
however warrant comment as follows:
3.2.1 The Chronology of Events from the Discovery of the Skull's to the
Muru.
Even the most cursory perusal of the overall evidence reveals a fundamental
conflict between the evidence of Buller and that of Forsaith as to the identity
of the discoverer of the skull/s and when the skull/skulls waslwere found.
According to Buller during November 1841:
"Some natives waiting for the return tide accidentally picked up a human
skull. 135
While, according to Forsaith, his wife:
" - found the skull near the water's edge" about 18 months ago Le. about
(
October 1840 - a fact she curiously only remembered when shown Buller's
letter to Forsaith suggesting that the latter offer "the Maori some explanation
for the skull's presence on his property". 136
As Mrs. Forsaith is said to have removed the skull to the old house occupied
by her husband's assistant Elihu Shaw, it seems highly unlikely that the skull
would have been lying about the riverbank some twelve months later. It
seems just as unlikely that Maori would "accidentally" pick up a skull, or, as
Clarke asserted in the absence of recorded evidence to that effect, that the
skull had been seen lying by the water's edge by "many men". 137
81
According to Stephenson's evidence, the skull was seen in Forsaith's general
store by Stephenson, Shaw, Tana (probably Hone Tana Rehua) and Opataia
(possibly Opataia Puaatata of Ngati Ue Hokianga) during the seventh month,
presumably July 1841. On that basis the skull could not possibly have been
discovered near the river in November 1841 as solely related by Buller.
Following the discovery of the skull in Forsaith's general store, "Buller
immediately wrote to Forsaith suggesting that he offer the Maori some
explanation for the skull's presence on his property and this, together with the
persuasions of the christian Uri 0 Hau postponed action. But no reply came.
The offended Maori set forth upon their mission of punishment". Buller
himself recorded that. due to communication difficulties, "weeks passed
without a reply". 138
Although I have not managed to ascertain when Buller wrote to Forsaith, then
said to be away at the south, it is apparent that by January 1842 Maori
patience was at an end. Buller later wrote:
"On the 17th January I heard that a muru or robbery had been perpetrated. At
once I had my boat launched and repaired to the place. It was true; all that
was movable had been carried away; doors and windows smashed; floors
and partitions pulled to pieces. Only the house in which Shaw and his family
lived was respected. This had been done ten days before at the instigation of
82
Te Wheinga, a notorious cannibal". 139
Accordingly, Buller's account fixes the date of the muru, allegedly instigated (
by Te Wheinga, as 7 January 1842.
Notwithstanding that the muru then was reported by Buller to government in
Auckland, it was not until two months later on 11 March 1842 that George
Clarke, Chief Protector of Aborigines arrived to undertake an inquiry. Once it
is realised that Forsaith, the accused in Maori eyes, had accompanied Clarke
from Auckland to Tangiteroria, the possibility arises that Clarke's visit may
have been delayed to permit Forsaith's presence at the inquiry. 140
3.2.2. The Presence or otherwise of the Skull/s in Forsaith's General
Store
Notwithstanding Clarke's contradictory admonition to Tirarau and tribe that:
"Not one of you saw anything", the evidence is overwhelming that at least one
skull was seen in Forsaith's general store and accepted as such by Clarke in (
his private communication to Hobson:
"I cannot altogether acquit Mr. Forsaith of acting improvidently in having a
skull in his store." 141
According to Tirarau's evidence both he and his half-brother Taurau Kukupa
saw a skull in the store. According to Stephenson's evidence a skull in the
store was sighted by Shaw, Tana, Opataia and himself. According to Parore,
Opataia reported seeing three skulls in the store, two of which had been taken
away by Forsaith. Even Forsaith, at Clarke's inquiry, acknowledged the
presence of a skull in his store - although he then pleaded ignorance of that
fact until apprised by his wife. 142
Forsaith's evidence that the skull ended up in his potato store (as Stirling
suggests, a location which would have been regarded by Maori with horror)
also seems at variance with at least Tirarau's evidence which infers that the
83
skull was held in Forsaith's general store. It is highly unlikely that there would
have been a need for Maori, who reported sighting the skull, to have visited
the potato store.
The possibility cannot be dismissed that the potato store location was
introduced purely to deflect Maori suspicion that Forsaith was trading in Maori
skulls from his general store. Certainly, some 60 years after the event, Maori
still were suggesting the presence, prior to the muru, of a number of skulls at
the store. 143
3.2.3 What is known regarding the found skulUs
Seemingly, there are two pieces of contradictory information. The first is
Tirarau's evidence that at Mangawhare a skull was carried by Maori, after the
muru, to the urupa - said to be named Te Hemo, Mangawhare - and there
interred. Following internment, the usual tapu removal ceremonies were held.
The second is Clarke's 1842 report, in te reo Maori, published in Te Karere
Maori, which asserted that "te parihirihi tupapaku" (the skull) said to have
come from the Maori urupa actually was that of a "taurekareka patunga no
ngatipaoa ara no ngatiterau" (lit. a slave victim from Ngati Paoa and Ngati
Terau). Not only is there no other recorded evidence identifying the tribal
associations of the skull - certainly Clarke failed to disclose that piece of
pertinent information in his reports to Hobson - but it defies belief that a slave
would have been interred in local tapu ground. In itself that act of internment
suggests that local Maori regarded the skull as that of a local tangata
whenua. l44
3.2.4 Who was Te Wheinga and who were the instigators and
participants in the muru
The whakapapa of Te Wheinga, described by Buller as "a notorious cannibal"
i.e. a non-Christian, was provided by Tirarau and Parore to Grey's 1863
arbitration commission regarding Tirarau's Mangakahia dispute with Matiu Te
Aranui. It is as follows: 145
~-
WHAKAPAPA 22
Descent of Te Wheinga
Taramainuku = Tataia (w)
~
1 1 1---------------:-1------:-1 -----:-1----1
1 1 1 1 1 Haumu = Tokaitawhia Tuha Whitirua Te Awha Waiariki
1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 I 1 1 I 1 I I I
Whakakahu Kukupa Hopa Te Wheinga Parore Pirika Te Herehere 1 1 1 1 r 1 1 1 1 I 1 . .I 1 1
Paikea Tirarau Taurau Te Tiki
84
85
Thus Te Wheinga, described by H T Kemp in 1841 as a chief exercising great
influence over his people, was a first cousin to Parore and Pirika Ngai and a
classificatory uncle of Paikea and Tirarau. As a grandson of Taramainuku, he
belonged to Te Kuihi, Parore's people. 146
Although Te Wheinga certainly was an instigator of the muru, as Tirarau's own
evidence reveals he was not the only instigator. It was Tirarau who urged Te
Wheinga to prepare the side feathers of his waka for the taua. It was Tirarau
who, informed Clarke's inquiry that he (Tirarau) had "commenced the outrage
and completed it and was then ready to justify it".
As to the muru participants, it is apparent from Tirarau's evidence that he,
Paikea, Te Wheinga, Waiata (of Ngai Tahuhu) and Paikea's son Haro took
part. Parore, presumably acting upon Buller's earlier advice, probably did not.
Given the taua's visit to Otamatea, Punahaere and Hukatere, it safely may be
assumed that other members of Te Uri 0 Hau from those places joined in the
taua muru, said to be 200 strong. Accordingly, it can be said that at the very
least the taua comprised representatives of Te Uri 0 Hau, Te Parawhau, Ngai
Tahuhu and Te Kuihi, Parere's whanau.
Notably, Tirarau's evidence records that it was only Paikea and his son who
stripped Forsaith's general store and house, although the goods were divided
amongst the taua. Having regard to Te Uri 0 Hau customary mana of the
Mangawhare block, including the urupa from which they clearly believed the
skull had come, that is what we would have expected. 147
3.2.5 Did the Surrender of Te Kopuru block amount to a Voluntary
Cession by way of Compensation and who were the Donors
Given Tirarau's defiant response in his letter of 12 March 1842 to Clarke, it
seems clear that at that stage Tirarau had no intention of providing any
compensation for the muru as sought by Clarke. What therefore made
Tirarau change his mind between 12th and 14th March, when it was agreed
that Te Kopuru block be handed over to the Crown?
86
The key appears to be Clarke's already completed letter of 14th March, which
he handed to Tirarau during their two-hour private meeting -largely, directed
to its contents. In my view, that letter reflects a hardening of attitude on the (
part of Clarke towards the question of compensation. His earlier suggestion
has now become a demand. He then not only asserted in the govemor's
name that the latter ''will cause payment to be made", but threatened a quarrel
(war) should that not transpire.
On that basis the handing over of Te Kopuru block scarcely can be regarded
as a voluntary act of Maori. In fact, some 60 years later Maori still were
speaking of the land as having "been taken by the govt.". 148
Notwithstanding that the evidence suggests that the land surrender was held
out by Clarke to be in compensation for Forsaith's losses - and accepted by
Hobson on that basis - such an approach was illusory given Clarke's failure to
properly quantify both Forsaith's losses and the extent ofTe Kopuru block.
As it was, once it was realised that the extent of the ceded land was far in
excess of the value of Forsaith's losses, that understanding unilaterally was (
reversed by the British Govemment which treated the cession as the
consequence of a penal infliction. Although as Stirling rightly remarks, the
basis of this penal infliction is unclear - "there was no court, no judge and
certainly no law was cited" - at least the British approach recognised the
compulsion inherent in the Crown's acquisition of the land. 149
Clarke's report to Hobson names Tirarau, Paikea, Te Wheinga and others as
participants in the decision to cede Te Kopuru block to the Crown. Given that
neither Tirarau nor Te Wheinga possessed any customary land interests
south of Dargaville, their inclusion in that list - which must have had more to
do with mana tangata than mana whenua - is surprising. 150
Despite extensive research, I have been unable to discover any expansion on
those names until 60 years later. In 1908 an application by Watikena Taonui
ofTe Popoto came before the Native Land Court. The application sought an
investigation into the customary ownership of Awahe, also called Oturei No.2,
(
block. The Popoto claim was opposed by Ngati Whiu and Te Uri 0 Hau who
were united in denying that that block had been included in a gift to
Aperahama Taonui some 25 year earlier.
87
As is often the case with contests before the Native Land Court, the counter
claimants disputed with each other - particularly on the question of a boundary
between the descendants of Rongo (of whom Ngati Whiu were some) and his
brother Hakiputatomuri (Te Uri 0 Hau). Consequently, much contradictory
matter was introduced to the proceedings by Ngati Whiu and Te Uri 0 Hau in
support, or contradiction, of such a boundary.
In response to the Ngati Whiu evidence of Reupena Waitai that Paikea and
Tirarau gave Te Kopuru block away without any right to the land, it was
asserted by Paraone Pairama of Te Uri 0 Hau that Pairama (Ngutahi), Arama
Karaka (Haututu), Te Hemara (Tauhia), Paikea (Te Hekeua), Tiopira (Kinaki),
Pirika (Ngai), Haimona Pirika and Eramiha Paikea - as well as Tipene (Te
Waha) and Tamati Whakatara (both of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa) all joined
in that gift. However, not only was Pairama's evidence self-contradictory - he
also claimed that Te Uri 0 Hau was the iwi, which gave Te Kopuru away - but
uncorroborated by any other witness. Additionally, his evidence was
inconsistent with earlier evidence accepted by his father Pairama Ngutahi
while sitting as an assessor ofthe Native Land Court. In 1867 his father had
sat on a case (see section 3.3 hereof) recognising Ngati Whiu and Ngati
Kawa, but not Te Uri 0 Hau, interests in Te Kopuru block. Moreover, in 1878
Pairama Ngatahi had declared in Court (Doc 034A) - Kaipara M.B. 3/317-
that Te Uri 0 Hau land came southwards to Te Kopuru, presumably to the
southern Te Kopuru block boundary.
With the exception of the Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa names, the names of
Pairama's list appear remarkably similar to a list of chiefs earlier referred to in
the Awahe proceedings as having been involved in the transfer of Okapakapa
block to Taonui some 30 years after the Te Kopuru cession. Moreover, most
of those named by Pairama then were dead and unc~ble to challenge his
evidence. Some ofthose named, such as Tiopira and Eramiha Paikea,
88
probably then were too young to have joined in the cession. Certainly, Tiopira
claimed to be out of the district when the muru occurred. Others, such as
Haimona Pirika, described as a young man in 1878, are believed not to have (
been born until well after 1842.
Accordingly, it is unlikely that Pairama's evidence is reliable. Given the later
sustained protest by Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa, it also is unlikely that those
people would have participated in a decision at Paikea's kainga to cede Te
Kopuru block to the Crown. 151
3.2.6 What Land Was Surrendered to the Crown
The Te Kopuru boundaries supplied by Clarke at the hui held at Paikea's
kainga were recorded as:
"Te Kopuru te Weiki te wahitapu Te Poumarere? Te Awahou Te Ngaha a ki
te awa te ara taku te Muka ki tetahi tuhu".
A suggested rendition of this missionary Maori is:
Te Kopuru, Te Wai(roa). From the wahi tapu Te Ipumarere, Te Awahou Te
Ngaha to the stream Aratapu (ara taku) Te Makaka (te Muka) being the other
boundary mark (tohu rather than tuhu).
Further elucidation of intended boundaries fortunately is provided by Ligar's
sketch map of the land, prepared under instructions of Tirarau. That again
names Te Makaka and Te Aratapu streams as the southern and northern
boundaries of the land. Erroneously, it also names Te Ipumarere pa as the
name of another stream. More importantly, Ligar's sketch map is endorsed
with a line as to the lands western boundary intersecting the Makaka and
Aratapu streams, under which are inscribed the words "Terai na terepo ke
utu" (his covering letter of 24 April to the Colonial Secretary however renders
!lutu" as "utan).
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/ ...z;'""/drn.. a.n-d. ~4.~~~:~_~ ... -·f--~·--.~·J_--·---:;;;af~-;rJj-c C:~-;;'. - !
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'.' ", ........ " ,.1". ~ i • '. ".
Sketch of Te Kopuru Block enclosed in Surveyor General Ligar to Colonial Secretary 28 April 1842 - WAI271 A6 Doc K
Again, a suggested translation here is:
The line (teraina) (from) the swamp inland (ki uta).
As Stirling has remarked, on Ligar's locality map the Aratapu and Makaka
streams are shown as extending a short distance past the large swamp
89
shown somewhere about the middle of the block. It is from the eastern limit of
that swamp, I believe, that Tirarau and others intended the western boundary
of the ceded land to run. By extending the land's western boundary to the
West Coast, the Crown could have wrongly seized 3000 to 5000 acres of land
not intended to pass to it by Tirarau and others.
It also seems apparent that in imposing from the mouths of the Aratapu and
Makaka streams straight lines as the north em and southern boundaries of the
block - rather than following the courses of those streams as intended by
Maori - Te Kopuru land was left in both the adjoining blocks of Tatarariki and
Oturei. The Makaka stream strikes inland into Tatarariki block and then
(
moves back inland into Te Kopuru block, leaving a wedge of land which (
probably is that referred to by Rogan on 8 April 1857 as a small piece of land
lying between Te Kopuru and Tatarariki blocks. Likewise, the Aratapu stream
arcs into Oturei block before retuming to Te Kopuru block. That arc almost
certainly is the location of the wahitapu and kainga known as Papakawau,
which was the subject of an 1875 complaint to John White and an 1891
application to the Maori Land Court. 152
In 1875, consequent upon the 1873 survey of Oturei block, Henare
Taramoeroa of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa complained to John White over
the wrongful taking by the Crown of the papakainga Papakawau. In asserting
in his letter that: "Tirarau and others gave what was not theirs", he also
presumably referred to Te Kopuru block.
A translation of his letter reads:
"The Aratapu section of the Wairoa Kaipara
(
Boundaries of Te Kopuru Block enclosed in Surveyor General Ligar to Colonial Secretary 28 April 1842 - WAI271 A6 Doc K
90
March 8th 1875
To John White
Sir greetings, a friendly letter from me to you. My land is Papakawau at the
western side taken in by the surveyors, the place outside the line according to
Aperahama Taonui next to the line ofTe Kopuru adjoining the line shown by
Tiopira and others to you at the time of the signing at Aoroa. The split was in
the middle of these lines. Both were taken by the surveyors. Stolen! Your
word to Tiopira and the others about this line was different to what is written.
We note a mistake in the marking of the division.
My word to you is this: Come to the Court at Awaroa. When you arrive at the
court at Wairoa I will see you and we will talk. Tiopira is going to court at the
same time. I am most aggrieved about this place. I beg you to come
because this place left to me is not my land. Tirarau and others committed
theft because they gave what was not theirs and the surveyors also stole this
land.
Enough of my words to you.
Henare Taramoeroa
Aratapu, Wairoa, Kaipara" 153
Although I have been unable to ascertain the fate of Taramoeroa's complaint,
there seemingly was no adjustment to the southern boundary of Oturei block.
Papakawau remained a cause of concern to Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa until
at least 1891 when an application for investigation of its customary title was
made to the Native Land Court.
3.2.7 Did Clarke undertake a Full and Fair Inquiry and what Steps did he
take to ensure that he was dealing with the Proper Owners of the
land.
Any perusal of the evidence relating to the circumstances leading up to
(
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/f Z. ;{ 0 P ltlZ t.t--13.L9C~
;f /11AI(A 1<.[«5' 1.3 ,1./1 c. K
Source SO 1417C and Plan 2658
Te Kopuru Bock and the Makaka and Te Aratapu Streams - a reconstruction by G Hooker
91
Clarke's inquiry of 12 March 1842, the inquiry itself and the events resulting in
the cession of Te Kopuru block to the Crown can only raise questions as to
the integrity and propriety of those events. (
Firstly, one is struck by the fact that although the terms of Clarke's instructions
were to investigate the muru, his visit resulted in a forced and unauthorised
surrender of land for that muru, that, rather than reflecting the more
compassionate and understanding attitudes of a protector, his reports indicate
a preoccupation with the display and exercise of magisterial authority in a
frontier society. Those reports may also indicate some confusion in Clarke's
mind as to whether he was acting as protector or magistrate.
Although Clarke also was a Justice of the Peace and had been empowered to
compromise or adjust, in accordance with Maori custom, minor Maori offences
or disputes, it seems difficult to regard his forced cession of Maori land as a
compromise or adjustment. In any event, the question needs to be posed
whether that action was compatible with Clarke's duties as a protector and
with the Crown's Treaty of Waitangi duty of active protection of the Maori
interest. 154
Further concerns arise over the following specific actions or omissions of
Clarke:
1. By travelling from Auckland with Forsaith, the accused in Maori eyes,
Clarke left himself open to the allegation that he may have permitted
his interpretation of the facts to become biased. There is nothing in the
record, for instance, to suggest that he and Forsaith avoided private
discussion on the subject of his inquiry. Moreover, upon reaching
Tangiteroria, Forsaith stayed the night with a hardly disinterested
Buller, affording yet another opportunity, for private discourse relative
to his inquiry.
Buller had experienced problems with muru and had strong views in
that regard. His encounter with a taua muru seeking payment for an
(
alleged offence of his cook some time after the Forsaith plunder
indicates that Buller viewed muru as extortion, against which an
implacable stand was necessary:
"This is a typical case of an annoyance that often happened, and had
always to be met with a firm stand against extortion". 155
2. He returned to Buller's home on the evening of 12 March to calculate
Forsaith's losses, no doubt with assistance from his fellow guest
Forsaith, away from Maori input and scrutiny.
92
3. The alacrity with which he accepted Forsaith's explanation as to the
origin of the skull in the latter's store, over Maori evidence, certainly
raises the possibility that the outcome of his inquiry may have been
predetermined. Had there been no Maori opposition on the question of
compensation, the inquiry would have been over in time for lunch.
A predetermination also is suggested by Clarke's flowing account (in
Maori) published in Te Karere Maori of2 May 1842, of which a
translation follows:
"We begin here, when news reached the Governor that Forsaith's
house had been plundered by Tirarau and others, the chief of the
Wairoa area, having learned the cause of their concern a dead person
being seen of Maori laying in the shop of Forsaith, they assumed the
skull came from the cemetery instead it belonged to a slave from Ngati
Paoa and Ngati Terau, but as far as they were concerned coming from
the cemetery, this news of plunder he called Clarke -", an inference
from which is that Clarke and Hobson had reached a view, prior to
Clarke's inquiry, that the skull had not come from the urupa. If such an
inference is justified, that view only could have been derived from
either Buller or Forsaith. 156
4. By admitting in private, the lunch recess evidence of the Tangiteroria
93
Mission slave Paora Tokatea, he deprived other inquiry partiCipants of
a right of cross-examination. As a Christian slave, Paora must have
been dependent upon Buller and vulnerable to subornation. He
certainly is unlikely to have had any kinship loyalties towards tangata
whenua.
Notwithstanding that Paora had not attended the inquiry and
accordingly had not heard Forsaith's evidence as to his wife's discovery
of the skull, he (paora) was able to declare that "he saw a skull laying
about the fern near the spot described by Mrs. Forsaith as that where
she found it" - without, of course, specifying that spot. Not only was
Paora's evidence hearsay, in respect to which he may well have
experienced difficulty under cross-examination, but it clearly had been
coached. 157
5. In an apparent effort to avoid besmirching Tirarau's reputation, he
publicly exonerated Tirarau and others from responsibility for the muru,
notwithstanding Maori admissions in that regard. A translation of his (
account in Te Karere Maori is:
"We have looked for the culprit and found no one so we conclude it is a
purely simple case, no reason why this should have happened. I
consider payment for this unfortunate happening not agreed to by
Tirarau and others".
If Clarke seriously thought Tirarau and the others had not agreed to the
muru, why did he force compensation for that act upon them? 158
6. He saw Tirarau's position in feudal terms, looking upon him as te tino
rangatira 0 Te Wairoa - the quintessential chief of the Wairoa -
presiding over his tribe, when in fact Tirarau's people comprised at
least three rival groups - Ngai Tahuhu under Waiata, Te Uriroroi
under Rewi and Te Parawhau tuturu under Tirarau - and he lacked the
power ascribed to him. Tirarau, of course, also had no control over the
94
people of Paikea and Parore.
It probably had much to do with Clarke's attitude towards Tirarau that
he failed to undertake any inquiry as to the proper owners of Te Kopuru
block. He seems to have assumed a control of all Maori processes by
Tirarau which that chief could not possibly have possessed or desired.
According to the record, Clarke did not seek a single Maori assurance
that he was dealing with the proper owners of the land. In his
determined haste to secure land, he also apparently failed to seek the
advice of Buller who, from his Mangungu days, must have been aware
of Northern Wairoa tangata whenua living away in Hokianga. 159
7. He was curiously unconcerned that, contrary to Maori custom, Tirarau
would , or could, not point out to him on the ground the boundaries of
the ceded land and that, accordingly, he was unable to ascertain
whether that land bore any relationship to the losses suffered by
Forsaith. The boycott implicit in Tirarau's action, repeated again with
Surveyor-General Ligar, should have alerted the Crown that all was not
tika (correct) in the cession of Te Kopuru block.
As a postscript to this affair, some four months after Clarke's inquiry
Buller visited Auckland obtaining an interview with the soon to die
Hobson. Buller then secured the governor's permission to request from
the Colonial Secretary a grant of land for an Auckland chapel. The site
granted was that later occupied by the Auckland Magistrates' Court,
between Chancery Street and Victoria Quadrant. 160
Some 27 years later a middle-aged Buller, upon returning to the
scenes of his youthful labours at Tangiteroria, recorded that he had
found Aotahi, Tirarau's pa, reclaimed by the forest. He met his old
friend and protector Tirarau who, notwithstanding his twelve wives, had
no living children and moved on to Mangawhare. His journal records:
"This place was bought 30 years ago by Mr. T (now Revd T S Forsaith
95
of Walham) who for some time continued trading and farming. A few
years after when the place was in charge of a farm manager some
natives accidentally found a skull & supposing it to have been taken
from an adjoining burial ground, instigated by old Weinga they stripped
the place of everything. Afterwards they were duped that it had been
washed thither by a flood & they gave land in compensation". 161
Apparently the skuli/s after all had come from the urupa, as believed by
Maori. In that event Maori must have been justified in exercising their
treaty guaranteed customs in muruing Forsaith's store.· If that fact was
known to Buller in 1842, it is difficult not to believe that it also was
known to Clarke, the propriety of whose conduct in compelling the
surrender of Te Kopuru block now seems even more questionable.
But if Maori satisfied the Crown by ceding land, which they did not own,
for an offence, which they did not commit, who in fact had been duped?
3.3 Te Kopuru Block
He Wero - Challenge
Possibly the first voice of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa challenge to the taking
of Te Kopuru Block was raised in 1847 and maintained until at least 1891. Its
chronology may be tabulated as follows:
3.3.1 Hone Tana (Rehua) of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa to Native Secretary
March 1847 disputing the Wairoa claim of Goodfellow and Cleghorn.
Although I have been unable to associate that claim with Te Kopuru
block, given Rehua's later involvement with the protest over Te Kopuru,
it is worth recording. As neither the name Goodfellow nor Cleghorn
appears amongst Old Land Claimants, their claim presumably was post
1840. Native Secretary Symonds' response confidently assured Hone
Tana that the governor would not permit those Europeans to hold the
land unless it had been fairly purchased. 162
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96
3.3.2 Rogan to McLean 26 February 1857 advising that a portion of
Forsaith's Old Land Claim had been repudiated by the natives.
Although Stirling suggests that the repudiators were Te Uri 0 Hau, in
my view, given later protest, they are more likely to have been Ngati
Whiu and Ngati Kawa. Those people could well have realised from the
line ofthe recently cut Tatarariki block northem boundary (1857), that
the common Te KopurufTatarariki boundary did not follow the course of
the Makaka stream and was too far south.
I am unable to support Mr. $tirling's interpretation that the repudiators
must have been Te Uri 0 Hau since "Rogan then links the settlement
of the Te Kopuru dispute to the purchase of a large area of land in the
locality - ". In my view Rogan does not link the Te Kopuru repudiators
with the purchase of a large tract of land, probably Oruapo block, in the
vicinity. What he does is link the survey of the Uri 0 Hau owned
Tatarariki block with the acquisition of that iwi's shared interest in
Oruapo block. That interpretation seemingly is supported by the
(
absence of continuing Te Uri 0 Hau repudiation over Te Kopuru block. (
Rogan's text reads as follows:
"The north em boundary of this block" (Le. Tatarariki) "is supposed to
be common to land which has reverted to the Crown being an old land
claim of Mr. Forsaith's a portion of which however the natives now
repudiate, the land on the southern boundary" (Le. ofTatarariki block)
"belongs to a section of the Ngati Whatua tribe and it is probable that a
considerable tract of land in this locality will soon be offered for sale but
I found it necessary to have the survey of this block executed in the
first instance as the natives wished to make it a separate
arrangement" .
If the wrongful inclusion of part of Te Kopuru block in the Tatarariki
survey is a correct assumption, it presumably would not have been in
Te Uri 0 H Hau's interests to repudiate the Te Kopuru cession. By so
(
97
doing, they ran the risk of the Crown reducing the quantum of purchase
money payable to them on the Tatarariki purchase. 163
On the other hand, Rogan's 1865 specific reference to the northern
boundary of Te Kopuru being disputed, suggests an encroachment
involving Oturei block. That interpretation is reinforced by the actions
of Tiopira and Tamati Whakatara in requesting an adjournment of the
1867 Land Court hearing (see post) to enable the north west boundary
of Te Kopuru block to be inspected. In the opinion of this witness, the
evidence first indicates protest regarding the south em boundary of Te
Kopuru block followed by similar protest regarding the block's northern
boundary.
Rogan's letter of 17 January 1865 to the Acting Native Secretary
records:
"There is also a block of land called Te Kopuru on the Wairoa river
which has been given over to the government many years ago in
compensation for a robbery committed on Forsaith's store the northern
boundary of which has been disputed by the natives and which
previously has been reported by me". 164
3.3.3 Rogan to Chief Commissioner 5 August 1861 advising that Rapana
(Tuaea) and Ngati Kawa, who represent themselves as the true
owners,. repudiate the cession of T e Kopuru block:
"A block of land (Te Kopuru) situated on the Wairoa river and adjoining
the Tatarariki purchase which Rapana and his people hold in dispute.
The land was made over to govemment many years ago by way of
compensation by a number of Natives who were connected with the
robbery of Mr. Forsaith's store at Mangawhare, the particulars of which
are known to the Govemment: but as I have not been able to trace the
documents connected with the cession of this block, I declined to
express an opinion on the matter to the parties who represent
themselves to be the real owners of the land and who now repudiate
the transaction".
98
"There is a correspondence in the Land Purchase Office with Rapana,
who is the principal person objecting on the part of the Ngati Kawa
tribe". 165 That correspondence has not been traced.
Although Rogan's letter may suggest that he was seeking a deed of
cession of Te Kopuru block to the Crown, there is no evidence that
such a deed ever was in existence. The Crown's failure to obtain such
a deed from Maori can only raise questions as to the legality of its own
title to the block.
3.3.4 1866/7 - Native Land Court claim ofTiopira Kinaki and Tamati
Whakatara of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa to Te Kopuru and Aratapu
(both of which were included within the boundaries of Te Kopuru block
- see post).
In 1865 the first sawmill in the Northern Wairoa district was established
at Aratapu by Andrew Bonar. Its appearance may have provided a
catalyst for the above application, which first seems to have been
mentioned by Rogan in a 3? April, 1866, letter to Fenton. 166
Drawing the Chief Judge's attention to "two claims to land which have
been advertised for hearing at the Native Land court here on 27th inst
called Te Kopuru and Aratapu situate within the Block of land called Te
Kopuru -", Rogan went on to remark that Fenton probably was aware
that the land had been given over to government by Tirarau and Paikea
as compensation for the earlier robbery committed against Forsaith's
store.
Rogan continued:
"The valuable part of this land has been cut up and disposed of. Mr.
Bonar has a saw mill erected on the Aratapu which gives employment
(
(
(
99
to 30 or 40 men and there are other settlers living on the place in
dispute all holding Grants from the Govt. The natives have threatened
for some time to take possession of the land and a number of
Hokianga natives who have lately come to settle on the Wairoa have
joined them and if some mode of adjudicating this claim be not adopted
I am afraid it may become a second Pukekohe case. I have however
prevented the natives for the present from interfering with the mill by
promising to call the attention of the Govt. to the matter".
That the focus of the Court application may have been Bonar's sawmill
not only is suggested by Rogan's comment, but by an earlier remark of
Tamati Whakatara's in court that Aratapu specifically should be given
back by the Crown. Rogan's comment as to Hokianga natives
supporting the claimants seemingly refers to Aperahama Taonui's Te
Popoto people who traditionally are said to have settled in the Northern
Wairoa district in the 1860s and to have been given land by Te Roroa.
Although Rogan's letter to Fenton adverts to a hearing of the Native
Land Court on "27th inst", he presumably was referring to a hearing
which, according to Kaipara Minute Book 1, took place at Te Awaroa
(Helensville) on 27 March 1866 i.e. 27th ult. Presiding were Rogan
and Winiata Tomairangi and Matiki Kuha as native assessors.
Notwithstanding that the court minutes of that hearing fail to make any
mention of Te Kopuru block, Rogan's letter to Fenton also records:
'When the claims were read over in Court the history of the Kopuru
was stated by myself as far as I was acquainted with the subject. It
was explained that I was uncertain whether the land court has
jurisdiction over land, which is held under Crown Grant, and that in the
absence of documents and the evidence of the two chiefs who ceded
the land to the Govt. I could do no more than merely argue the matter
with them".
"Tamati Whakatara then stated that the Kopuru alone should be given
100
for the robbery and that the Aratapu should be given back.
"Tiopira claimed the same place from his ancestors and denied the
right of Paikea and Tirarau to give this land away as he was at
Hokianga at the time the property was taken. One of the Native
Assessors acting with me at the time gave the natives such
encouragement to pursue their claim and having ascertained that he
was in some way connected with the natives I felt that he was not a
proper person to adjudicate on this dispute. I therefore adjourned the
case for the next sitting of the Court" ..
In denying the right of Paikea and Tirarau to surrender Te Kopuru block
to the Crown, Tiopira merely reinforced the consistent Ngati Whiu and
Ngati Kawa positions taken by Rapana Tuaea in 1861 and later by
Henare Taramoeroa in 1875, by Te Waitai Tuaea and Hone Tana
Rehua in 1881 and by Reupena Waitai in 1908. Tamati Whakatara's
statement, it is suggested, needs to be seen against the backdrop of
Rogan's not encouraging remarks as to a settlement of the Maori claim
and as an attempt to recover some of the Ngati Kawa and Ngati Whiu
losses.
It is almost certain that the assessor, who presumably saw merit in the
Ngati KawalNgati Whiu claim was Winiata T omairangi, the most
competent of the Northern Wairoa and Kaipara assessors and the only
assessor connected to Te Roroa. ATe Rarawa chief, Winiata was
married to Moetara's daughter Ngahiraka, whose first cousin Hapakuku
Moetara was a chief of both T e Roroa and Nga Puhi.
Accordingly, Winiata was connected by marriage to the Te Roroa
principal chief Tiopira Kinaki.
Their relationship is detailed on the following page.
WHAKAPAPA 23
Relationship between Winiata Tomairangi and Tiopira Kinaki
TEROROA NGAPUHI
1 1 1 1
Taoho = Pataea (w) Te Whata = Kaikino (w) Rewha = Te Ketekopuru (w)
1 1 1 1
Te Taua (w) = Te Rurunga
'-
1 1 1
Tiopira Kinaki
1 1 1 1
______ ;1 __
1 1 Te Hana (w) = Rangatira Moetara
1 1 1
Hapakuku Moetara 167
1 1
Moetara = Kohau (w)
1 1 1
Ngahiraka (w) = Winiata Tomairangi
101
102
On 14 May 1866 Rogan advised Fenton that the Te Kopuru dispute would be
determined at a sitting of the Native Land Court to be held in the Northern
Wairoa district. In the meantime, Fenton apparently had involved Land
Purchase Officer John White for on 13 August 1866 Rogan wrote to Fenton
acknowledging a copy of a letter sent to the latter by John White requesting
an adjournment of the case. Rogan helpfully told Fenton that he would
endeavour "to detain the natives at Maungawetere" (Mt. Wesley alias Aoroa
near Dargaville) "to give Mr. White an opportunity of attending the Court" but
as there was a scarcity of food at that locality and as Tiopira "the principal
claimant" was from Hokianga, he doubted whether he could prevail upon the
natives to remain. 168
The case was called over before Rogan and Winiata Tomairangi and Wiremu
Tipene as assessors on 4 September 1866, but was further adjourned due to
the non-appearance of John White. It was not until six months later, on 3
April 1867, that White finally appeared before Rogan and the Uri 0 Hau
assessors Pairama Ngutahi and Matiki Kuha to announce that he had made
(
some arrangements - though not final - respecting the land. Notably, the Uri (
o Hau assessors are not on record as objecting to the Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa
claim. Tiopira and Tamati Whakatara then requested an adjournment to
enable the north west boundary ofTe Kopuru block to be examined on the
ground.
The following day White appeared in Court to announce two out of court
settlements respecting the land:
1. A settlement of which the subject matter was not stated but for which
consideration of 50 pounds had been paid on 2 April 1867 i.e. on the
day prior to the hearing. Given the timing of that payment, in my view it
is unlikely to have related to the matter that was still of concern to
Maori the following day i.e. the north west boundary of Te Kopuru
block. On that basis, the payment may have related to the disputed
southern boundary of Te Kopuru block ..
103
2. A settlement, for which 20 pounds was payable, respecting an
encroachment into an adjoining block when Te Kopuru block was
surveyed by Gundry. Although there also is no trace of a survey plan
by Gundry, in my view it is likely that the encroachment was into Oturei
block, then also held by Ngati WhiulNgati Kawa. Given Maori interest
in the north west boundary of Te Kopuru block expressed at the Land
Court, that encroachment seemingly was on Te Kopuru block's
northern coastal boundary where wahitapu existed. Additionally Ngati
Whiu/Ngati Kawa may well have been concerned that the Te Kopuru
survey encroached into Lake Kapoai, an important local food source. 169
Notwithstanding that the deed/s of settlement were said to be attached to the
claim, they have not been located. In their absence we can only speculate as
to:
1. Why the Crown recognised Maori claims to Crown land.
2. Whether the Crown saw the out of court settlement process as a
means of circumventing a lack of jurisdiction of the Native Land Court.
3. Why Rogan took judicial note of the Crown arrangements knowing the
land to be Crown land and having earlier suggested to Fenton that
another judge and assessors ought to sit on the case.
4. Why Rogan took judicial note of the arrangements knowing that the
substantive issue of Maori equitable title to the whole Te Kopuru block
had not been addressed. In so doing, did he discharge the Court's
pater familias duty to Maori and, as an agent of the Crown, the latter's
Treaty ofWaitangi responsibilities to Maori?
5. Whether the payments made to Maori were adequate and whether
Maori received independent legal advice prior to completing the
agreemenUs. On the basis that the court's pater familias role was
excluded from the transactions, did the Crown have a duty to ensure
104
that Maori received independent legal advice?
6. Why, regarding his earlier comments regarding Winiata Tomairangi, did
Rogan permit the Uri 0 Hau chiefs Pairama Ngutahi and Matiki Kuha to
be involved in the hearing. Given Paikea's historical involvement with
Forsaith's robbery and the cession of Te Kopuru block, was it
appropriate to have Te Uri 0 Hau assessors involved at all in the case?
7. What did the total consideration of 70 pounds actually relate to.
Having regard to Rogan's statements re boundary claims, the quantum
of payments made, White's concession that his arrangements were not
final and continuing protest by Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa over the loss of
Te Kopuru block, it seems likely that both payments could only have
related to boundary disputes. Those payments certainly are unlikely to
have discharged the Crown's Treaty ofWaitangi duty to have paid
Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa an equivalence in money of the value of the
whole T e Kopuru block, should those hapu have wished to have sold to (
the Crown. In fact, not only is there no evidence of such a wish, but it
is inconceivable - given their urupa, wahitapu, kainga and mahinga kai
on the land - that Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa ever would have willingly
agreed to sell the whole block to the Crown.
Some 40 years after the 1867 arrangements, the above payments
were remembered in evidence of Reupena Waitai of Ngati Whiu/Ngati
Kawa before the Native land Court:
" I know of Kopuru being taken by the Govt. The reason why Paikea
and Tirarau gave the blk away was on alc of a certain store at
Mangawhare. The reason why store was taken was because the
Europeans took away the skulls from the sacred place called Te Hemu
at Mangawhare who belonged to Te Uri 0 Hau. That is why those
persons gave the land away but it did not belong to those persons but \
to the descendants of Rongo".
(
105
"When I was a grown up person I went to Mr. Webb who was in charge
of the land and reed 70 pounds. That land passed when two persons
gave land away but my persons went and demanded money and got it.
My people objected to the giving away of that land & they asked that
they be paid for it. Paikea who gave land away belonged to Te Uri 0
Hau tribe but he did not pay for the land."
Reupena, a nephew of Rapana Tuaea who made the 1861 complaint
to Rogan, not only confirmed the 1867 payments, but recorded that his
people sought payment for the whole block. The latter decision, no
doubt, lay at the base of continuing protest. 170
3.3.5 1878 Agitation by Tiopira Kinaki and Hone Tana Te Rehua of Ngati
Whiu/Ngati Kawa for the return of Te Kopuru block. It should be noted
that, according to the Ngati Whatua Kaipara register 1877, Ngati Kawa
then continued to live at Te Aratapu under Hone Tana (Rehua). 171
3.3.6 Petition No. 171 of 1881 by Te Waitai Tuaea (father of Reupena
Waitai) and Hone Tana Rehua of Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa to the House
of Representatives. The petition recited that their land Te Kopuru was
wrongly taken from them to compensate for offences committed by
others and that they prayed for its return.
The Native Affairs Committee book records:
"Mr. Lewis" (a local M.P.) "gave evidence on the petition which was not
taken down on the motion of Captain Russell".
"RESOLVED that claim of the petitioners, if any, is against their own
tribe - the committee has no recommendation to make. Resolved that
the Chairman do report the following resolution to the House".
The Te Kopuru village s~ttlement, with its timber mill opened in 1872,
had been well established by that time. Some three years earlier the
106
village settlement was described as " - like the port of some thriving
inland city. There were 50 houses in the settlement, with 200 men
employed in the mill and forest". It is unlikely that European occupation
of the disputed land would not have been brought by Lewis to the
committee's notice.
Although the committee's resolution was not inconsistent with an
interpretation that the Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa claim was against Te Uri
o Hau, on that basis the committee's resolution would have been
wrong in fact - Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa never being part of Te Uri 0
Hau, but of Te Roroa. 172
More importantly, the committee's resolution denied the Crown's
historical actions, responsibilities and obligations to Ngati Whiu/Ngati
Kawa under the Treaty of Waitangi.
3.3.7 Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa claimants wrote in 1882 to Chief Judge
Fenton of the Native Land Court. 173
3.3.8 1886 Court application by Hone Tana Te Rehua of Ngati Whiu/Ngati
Kawa to test the validity of a Te Kopuru Crown Grant issued to Hardy.
Although no record of those proceedings has been traced, it is
assumed that the case was lost by the applicant due to inherent
difficulties in overturning a Crown Grant.
3.3.9 In 1888 Piipi Cummins (Tiopira), daughter ofTiopira Kinaki, was
delivered at Aratapu of her eldest child who eventually became the
mother of Ned Nathan (deceased). In commemoration of the
depredations against Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa in the loss of Te Kopuru
block, Hone Tana Rehua, as a local kaumatua, named the child
Urikore (annihilated descendant). Prophetically, the names Ngati
Whiu/Ngati Kawa no longer are heard at Aratapu and Te Kopuru. 174
3.3.10 - 1891 Native Land Court applications for inquiry under the Equitable
(
107
Owners Act 1886 respecting Te Kopuru, Te Aratapu and Papa kawau.
There were four applications as follows:
1. Application No.7 Te Aratapu (Crown land)
Applicants were Haimona Pirika Ngai, Henare Wharara Toka, Reupena
Waitai, Mohi Ruru, Matiu Te Aka, Matire Waitai, Wiremu Hohepa,
Honetana Rehua, and Hone Toka, Ngina Paora, Tamati Pohe
Whakatara, Tutanekai, Pohe Mohi, Mohi Waitai, Parata Toka, Te
Ngore Mohi and others.
2. Application NO.8 Te Kopuru (Crown land)
Same applicants as Te Aratapu.
3. Application NO.9 Te Kopuru and Te Aratapu (Crown land)
Applicant Honetana Rehua.
4. Application No. 10 Papakauau (correctly Papakawau)
Same applicants as applications 7 and 8 above.
Apart from Haimona Pirika Ngai and Henare Wharara Toka, who I
believe were acting as advocates for Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa, all
applicants belonged to those groups. In stark contrast to the 1867
Court proceedings, the Te Kopuru/Te Aratapu applications were
dismissed on the basis that they could not be dealt with under the Act,
presumably because they affected Crown land. The Papakawau
application was dismissed as the land was unknown to the Court. 175
Although in 1917 Haimona Pirika and 32 others, described as
belonging to the Ngati Whatua and Te Uri 0 Hau tribes, petitioned
Parliament in connection with the Tokatoka, Whakahara, Te Kopuru,
108
Whakatu, Whenua Rahui and Mangawhai blocks, it is apparent that
that petition embodied a blanket claim in which the petitioners
displayed no real knowledge of the historical background of Te Kopuru
block. It also needs to be stressed that, like Henare Wharara Toka,
Haimona Pirika was a local activist for Maori Land rights. 176
In 1867, 1881 and 1891 formal opportunities were presented to the
Crown to undertake full and comprehensive inquiries into the
customary ownership of Te Kopuru block and its loss by the Ngati Whiu
and Ngati Kawa hapus of Te Roroa. That the Crown, presumably on
the basis of private titles and technicalities, failed to seize those
opportunities to discharge its Treaty ofWaitangi duty of active Crown
protection of the Maori interest, not only is a sad reflection on Crown
choice in matters of cross-cultural conflict in this country - but suggests
evidence of colonial negligence.
(
109
SECTION 4
4.1 Tikinui Block
Nga Tapuae 0 Nga Tupuna
(The Footprints of the Ancestors)
Much associated over time with the ebb and flow of warfare and its fortunes,
Tikinui is first associated in tradition with the tupuna Haumoewarangi and,
following his death, with his sons Rongo (the progenitor of Ngati Rongo, Ngati
Whiu and Ngati Kawa) and Hakiputatomuri (the progenitor of Te Uri 0 Hau).
Rongo's pa on the block was Ngarerekura (also called Orerekura), a
signalling pa almost impossible to take by surprise due to the presence of
warning ducks.
Attacked by the Waima, Hokianga people under Hereure, the invaders were
beaten off from Ngarerekura by Rongo. Subsequently Hereure returned with
the warrior brothers Te Waha 1 and Te Hawato - the sons of Te Rarau -
murdered Rongo in the pa Motuwheteke on Oruapo block and bore off his
granddaughter Pare to Hokianga. in
As a young man Te Hira, Rongo's great grandson, returned to Tikinui from
Kaipara living with his wife in Tikinui pa and attending his cultivations named
Tikiapa and Te Huehua. Seemingly, the Uri 0 Hau tupuna Te Awa with her
people also then lived on the block. 178
Later a taua under the Kaipara chief Pateoro invaded Waima, seeking the
Ngati Korokoro rangatira Haunui who had instigated Haumoewarangi's Kaihu
grandson Tumupakihi to kill a man named PatataL Haunui, who had fled to
Waima from his enemies, was found and killed by the taua at the kainga
Otiati, near the mouth of the Waima fresh water stream. His companion Te
Kawau of Ngati Hurihanga however escaped, taking refuge in the ana
tupapaku at Waima named Matuakai, before being found, captured and
decapitated by the taua. 179
110
Te Kawau's son Te Waha 2 later descended upon Kaipara seeking utu for his (
fether's death. Surprising some people shark fishing. he destroyed them. He
then attacked and took f'outo and other pa - including probably MQtywhateke
pa under Te HekeUIl of Te Uri 0 Hau. At Motuwheteke for many years Te
Waha 2 established his headquarters from which he mounted raids in an
endeavour to conquer the Northern Wairoa district. Eventually part Of his
fIlrmy returned nome leaving him with a reduced fores, which was defeated at
Motuwheteke by Te Waiata. Taoho and Hukeumu of Te Roroa. Although it is
not recorded whether Te Uri 0 Hau joined Te Roroe in the attack on
Motuwheteke. given other COf'ltemporary military alliances betvJeen those
tribes such participation seems likely. 11K!
Consequent upon depredations by Pokaia of Nga Puhi, who also was seeking
to gain control of the Nortliarn Wairoa district, the Roros Chiei'$ fortlfled Tikinui
pm to which Pataea. TaOho's wife, had a claim. During the absence of Taoho
and others on a fishing expedition, the p8 was surprised snd overwl'\elmed by (
Taurawhero Of. Ngati Maanu. Most of the women and children in the pa were
killed. Later Taurawhero returned to Tikinl,l! with e taup of Ngati Korok.Oro.
N~eti Maam.! and Te Hikutu from Hokianga. but was defeated by Te Waiata,
Tache and Hukeumu. Tsoho continued to live in Tikinu; pa where his
.deughterTe Taus was born. Hit
In '1820 the pa was visited ~y the perambulating missionary Samuel Marsden,
who, in response to raids then being conducted by the Ngetl Rahia chief
Tarena, found It ready for battle. The chief in ehargew~s Te Toko-c-.te-rangi
who, five years later, was to fan at the battle of Te Ika-a~Ranganui. He waS Of
Te Rowa and Te Uri 0 Hau.
Hi$ whakspapa is oot out on the following page.
WHAKAPAPA 24
Te Roroa Iwi
Manumanu = Maearoa (w) 1
Ngaengae 1
Rangiwhatuma = Whakahaerea (w) 1
Ikataora = Rangihuamoa (w) 1
Toa = Waitarehu (w) 1
Tiro = Te Mairanga (w) 1 1 ________________________ ___
1 1 1 1
Te Uri 0 Hau Iwi
Haumoewarangi = Waihekeao (w) I
Hakiputatomuri = Kuiateao (w) 1
Pokopokowhititera = Tangihangaroa (w) 1
Hapitinganui = Urihapainga (w) I
Ranginui = Kiriwhakairo (w) I 1 1-----1 1 1
Te Waiata = Kahukore (w) Tapuhi (w1) = Te Maara = Taomaui (w2) Te Hekeua = Whakakahu (w) 1 1 1 1 I I
Taoho Hukeumu I I
Te Toko-o-te-rangi Paikea Te Hekeua 182
III
Marsden's journal, which stressed the pa's uselessness during musket
warfare, records:
112
"About two o'clock we arrived at a hippah belonging to a chief named Tettoko,
a noted warrior in New Zealand. He hailed the canoe and urged me to go on
shore. I accepted his invitation. We all landed. He received me with much
pleasure. The hippah was crowded with men, women and children, and in a
complete state of defence according to their mode of fortification, which would
afford protection against spears and clubs, but very little against firearms. He
informed me that part of Shungee's tribe was in their district, had committed
great depredations and murdered five of his people. He said his tribe was not
able to meet them now in battle as he had no muskets to defend himself with,
while the enemy was strongly armed". 183
Within five years erupted the battle ofTe Ika-a-Ranganui, following which the
lower Northern Wairoa district for the next 15 years largely remained a
deserted country.
4.2 Tikinui Block
Sales, Land Court Hearings & Disputation
The Tikinui block of 10702 acres first came before Judge Rogan, upon an
application into investigation of customary title, on 13 August 1880. The sole
applicant was Mihaka Makoare of Te Uri 0 Hau iwi.
Beforehand, on 7 October 1878, an advance of 200 pounds had been paid to
Pairama Ngutahi and Mihaka in respect to a sale to the Crown of Te Uri 0
Hau's interest in the block. A further advance of 100 pounds had been paid to
Arama Karaka Haututu of Te Uri 0 Hau and Tiopira Kinaki of Ngati Whiu hapu
of Te Roroa on 24 March 1879. Additionally, on 3 June 1879, an advance of
25 pounds had been paid to Te Hemara Tauhia and Henare Rawhiti of Ngati
Rongo iwi.
(
113
Mihaka's claim was based on take tupuna from two Te Uri 0 Hau sisters,
Hape (his grandmother) and Whau (the mother of A K Haututu). The short
time depth of the ancestral claim probably prompted a question from Rogan
as to whether there were any further claimants. Mihaka's response, which
was at variance with the position he later took upon a rehearing, was that he
had given the names of all he knew to be entitled. Thirty-one objectors,
largely of Ngati Whiu and Te Roroa, then appeared to oppose Mihaka's claim.
The Ngati Whiu claim, led by Tamati Whakatara, alias Tamati Pohe, was
stated to derive from T e Hira, a whakapapa of whose descendants was
produced in court. Some evidence of occupation also was provided. Tiopira
Kinaki, one of the Te Roroa and Ngati Whiu cross-claimants, deposed that
part of the block had been gifted by his tupuna Te Hira to Mihaka's and A K
Haututu's female ancestor Te Awa. According to whakapapa, Te Awa was a
granddaughter of the Te Uri 0 Hau tupuna Pokopokowhititera, her parents
being Hapitinganui and Urihapainga and her brother RanginuL In turn, Hape
and Whau were grandchildren of Te Awa.
Notably, Mihaka was applicant, cross-examiner and sole witness on his side.
At the end of the case, despite an invitation from Rogan, he declined to call
witnesses and to submit a list of owners. Notwithstanding that his response
may have been prompted by a desire to exclude from the title other owners,
who may have interfered with the sale, it also highlighted his inexperience in
conducting Land Court cases. As was usually the case with conflicting claims
before the Native Land Court, Rogan ruled in favour of both parties Le. Tamati
Whakatara and 16 others of Te RoroalNgati Whiu and Mihaka Makoare and A
K Haututu of Te Uri 0 Hau. 184
After the hearing Tamati Pohe (Whakatara) not only put the Crown on notice
as to a lack of unanimity amongst Ngati Whiu, but in so doing probably
triggered a reversal of the Te RoroalNgati Whiu interest Claiming to
represent the interests of 5 of the 17 T e RoroalNgati Whiu owners, he
requested Chief Judge Fenton - who presumably was aware that Tamati was
a non-seller in the sale to Harding of Aoroa block - not to secretly pay any
money to any person in relation to Tikinui block. 185
114
Tamati's letter suggests concerns either in relation to the advance payment
already made to Tiopira, or in respect to payment of the balance funds for the
Ngati Whiu interest. That his letter adverts to disposal of the land, also
suggests that he probably was not opposed to sale.
However, given Tamati's contemporary determination not to dispose of his
Oruariki kainga site on Aoroa block to the Hawkes Bay grazier John Harding,
he possibly was perceived of by govemment as a non-seller of Tikinui block.
Certainly, neither Tamati, nor any of the four persons he claimed to represent,
were then on record as having agreed to a sale of Tikinui block nor to have
accepted a deposit on sale. Even as willing vendors, they still had an
opportunity of demanding an increased price from the Crown, which, at the
very least, could have placed at risk a quick settlement. 186
As Stirling states, there is some evidence to suggest that govemment may
have pressured Mihaka into applying for a rehearing in the hope that Tamati
and other non-sellers would be removed from the title. Additionally the Crown
may well have been concemed that it had initially dealt with T e Uri 0 Hau as
having a majority interest in the block, only to discover that the Land Court's
memorial of ownership, with a heavy weighting in favour of the Ngati Whiu
interest. did not reflect that. A quiet suggestion to Mihaka that the Land Court
order had subsumed the Uri 0 Hau interest under Ngati Whiu may have been
all that was required to encourage Mihaka to apply for a rehearing. 187
4.3 The Rehearing
After a short adjournment due to A K Haututu's ill health, the rehearing took
place on 16 August 1882 with Mihaka once again sale applicant. This time
Tiopira Kinaki, rather than Tamati Whakatara, was the conductor on behalf of
Te RoroalNgati Whiu. Unfortunately Tiopira's case started badly with him
(
displaying confusion in his whakapapa - a decidedly negative omen in such
circumstances.
115
Mihaka's claim, again based on take tupuna, now had lengthened - with
occupation from Haumoewarangi over 12 generations being asserted. Given
the warfare endemic to the area, continuous occupation by any group seems
unlikely.
The Ngati Whiu claim, also now derived from Haumoewarangi, had similarly
become more robust - particularly in terms of additional occupation by
Tiopira's mother and brother. An indication that mana tangata, rather than
mana whenua, was the real issue between the contending parties was
suggested by Tiopira's suprising statement that Ngati Whiu was a hapu of Te
Uri 0 Hau which "had the mana over all the lands". That concession, which
seems to have encouraged Mihaka's offer to admit Tiopira should the latter
elect to come in under Te Uri 0 Hau, probably was intended to publicly
acknowledge a majority T e Uri 0 Hau interest in the block. That the offer was
not extended to include other members of Ngati Whiu possibly indicates
Mihaka's annoyance that he had been asked by Tamati Whakatara for a
share of the kauri gum royalties from the block.
Tamati Whakatara's evidence basically corroborated that of Tiopira. In
claiming however a traditional partition of interests between Rongo - said to
have exclusively received Tikinui block - and his brother the Uri 0 Hau
tupuna Hakiputatomuri, Tamati introduced fresh evidence.
Given that A K Haututu of Te Uri 0 Hau earlier had joined with Tiopira in
taking an advance on the sale of Tikinui block, Haututu's evidence is
particularly surprising. Claiming that the land originally had belonged to
Haumoewarangi, he asserted exclusive occupation by the descendants of
Hau's son Hakiputatomuri - of whom Tiopira was not one. On that basis one
would have expected Haututu to have objected to any advance paid to
Tiopira.
That he did not do so suggests a later falling out between Te Uri 0 Hau and
Ngai Whiu and the subornation of Haututu's evidence. In contradiction of
116
Tiopria's evidence at the initial hearing, which he had not heard, Haututu also (
asserted that his tupuna Te Awa, who was buried on the block, received her
interest from her father Hapitinganui rather from the Ngati Whiu tupuna Te
Hira.
Te Hemara Tauhia's evidence admitted shared rights by the brothers Rongo
and Hakiputatomuri and expressed the view that both Tiopira and Mihaka, as
descendants of those tupuna, had rights. On a personal level, Te Hemara
also claimed ahi kaa through his grandmother Te Urungatapu who had lived
on the land. On the other hand Hemi Parata, who like Tiopira and Te Hemara
descended from Rongo but who identified as Te Uri 0 Hau, claimed that from
Rongo's time his mana had ceased over the land. The continuing claims of
Rongo's descendants were admitted in somewhat confusing evidence of
Ereatara Te Tarehu, also identified as ofTe Uri 0 Hau. 188
In summary, there seems to have been little between evidence given by both
parties as to the exercise of occupation rights. Tupuna said by the contending
parties, to have occupied are indicated below by an asterisk:
WHAKAPAPA 25
Ngati Whiu
*Haumoewarangi = Waihekaeao (w) 1 1
*Rongo = Tarawamoa (w) 1 1
Moerangaranga (w) = Ngawhetu 1 I
Tira-Waikato (w) = Mahanga I I
*Te Hira = TOkaiakina (w) I I
Ohi (w) = Taratu 2 1 I I
*Pataea (w) = Taoho 1 I
*Te Taua (w) = Te Rurunga I I
*Tiopira Kinaki
Te Uri 0 Hau Iwi
*Haumoewarangi = Waihekaeao (w) I I
*Hakiputatomuri = Kuiateao (w) I I
Pokopokowhititera = Tangihangaroa (w) I I
Hapitinganui = Urihapainga (w) I I
*TeAwa (w) I 1
Tuhai (w) = Te Rahui I 1------1 I I
*Te Whau (w) = Haututu *Te Hape (w) = Kiharoa I I I I
117
A K Haututu *Makoare = Houtaringa
.~
I I
*Mihaka Makoare 189
118
4.4 The Rehearing Judgement
Notwithstanding the lack of specific evidence to that effect, judgement was on
the basis that Hakiputatomuri and his descendants always had maintained
possession, while the occupation rights of Rongo's descendants had expired
long before 1840. Ngati Whiu evidence as to occupation by Te Hira, his
grandchild Pataea, Taoho's wife, Tiopira's mother (who was bom there) and
Tiopira himself as a child, was ignored in the decision - as was occupation by
Te Hemara Tauhia's grandmother.
The order accordingly was in favour of Mihaka Makoare and his party "to the
exclusion of all others with the exception of Tiopira to whom we adjudge an
individual interest because the claimants stated that he had some interest in
the block". The names of the owners handed in were Mihaka Makoare,
Arama Karaka Haututu and Tiopira Kinaki. As Stirling rightly remarks, "the
Court decision clearly was in support of the Crown purchase". 190
The judgement is surprising in four respects:
1. Notwithstanding the usual judicial approach, adopted by Rogan in
admitting both parties in similar cases of conflicting evidence, the
judgement rejected the Ngati Whiu claim although there was some Te
Uri 0 Hau evidence to support it.
2. Contrary to accepted judicial wisdom that Maori papatupu (customary)
land was held communally, the judgement recognised an "individual
interest" by Tiopira in the Court's determination of customary
ownership. Given that usually individual interests only were recognised
in hearings to define relative beneficial interest, the legality of the order
may be questionable.
3. Contrary to a later decision of the Maori Appellate Court in the T e
Awahe case (1909) which held that there was no division in the lands
ofthe brothers Rongo and Hakiputatomuri, the decision effectively
(
(
(
4.
recognised an exclusive Te Uri 0 Hau interest in Tikinui block. The
Appellate Court decision can only raise the question whether Te
RoroalNgati Whiu received justice from the Tikinui rehearing. 191
119
It failed to display an understanding of the custom of ahi mataotao,
which involved the lapse of occupational rights consequent upon non
exercise over three generations. In terms of the Ngati Whiu evidence,
the claims of all Rongo's descendants had not grown cold.
The judgement also failed to appreciate the distinction between the
rights of Ngati Whiu through Te Hira and those of Hemi Parata through
the captured woman Te Pare, Rongo's granddaughter, the latter of
which long had grown cold through non-occupation over three
generations.
That distinction is illustrated by the following whakapapa of both Ngati
Whiu and Hemi Parata.
~.
~
WHAKAPAPA 26
Ngati Whiu I Ngati Kawa and the ahi mataotao claims of the descendants of Pare
Haumoewarangi = Waihekaeao (w) (no Ngati Rangi) I
Rongo = Tarawamoa (w) (no Te Roroa) I .
Moerangaranga (w) = Ngawhetu (no Te Kawerau) I I �------------------~----------------~I--------------I
I I I
'. 120
Tira-Waikato (w) = Mahanga Taumutu (w) = Pokopokowhititera *Pare (w) = Te Waha Tauhia = Te Henga (w) I (no Ngati Te Ata) (no Te Uri 0 Hau) I (no Nga Puhi) I I I I
Te Hira = Tokaiakina (w) (no Ngati Whiu & Ngati Kawa) Te Raraku = Wawae (w) I I
Ohi (w) = Taratu 2 Tuwhangai (w) = Puhi (no Ngati Maanu) I I
Pataea (w) = Taoho Pomarenui = Hoi (w) (no Te Uri 0 Hau) I I
Te Taua (w) = Te Rurunga *Parata = Kaiti (w) I I
Tiopira Kinaki Hemi Parata = Rakapa Pairama(w)(no Te Uri 0 Hau)192
*Pare - as a young woman captured and taken north by a Nga Puhi taua.
*Parata - the first of her descendants to return to live at the Northern Wairoa.
121
Although the terms of Tiopira's evidence and the quantum of the advance
payment he received from the Crown indicate that he was prepared to
concede a dominant share of Tikinui block to Te Uri 0 Hau, that evidence also
makes it clear that Tiopira saw himself as a representative of Ngati Whiu, not
as an individual. His reduced status in respect of the land could only have
impacted adversely upon the balance of the purchase money he was entitled
to receive and upon his ability to discharge his customary obligations to his
Ngati Whiu co-owners.
4.5 The Reserves
Upon settlement, Mihaka and Tiopira requested the reservation of two
reserves, which also had been mentioned in Court by Mihaka during the initial
1880 Tikinui hearing. The reserves later were defined as a 100-acre
papakainga reserve adjoining the Northern Wairoa river and a 20-acre urupa
not far from it.
Although referred to in official records as Sections 1 & 2 Block 11 Te Kuri
Survey District, the papakainga reserve was known to Te RoroalNgati Whiu
as Ngarerekura, the site of their tupuna Rongo's pa. Following his murder at
Motuwheteke pa, the koiwi of Rongo are said to have been interred in the
urupa on the block.
Crown granted back to Maori and declared to be inalienable, the Crown grant
for the reserves issued in the names of Mihaka Makoare, Arama Karaka and
Tiopira Kinaki, who obviously were trustees of communal property rather than
absolute owners.
That trusteeship can only be regarded as being at variance with the land
court's view of Tiopira only having an individual beneficial interest in the land.
The trusteeship also was inconsistent with succession orders to two of the
trustees i.e. Tiopira and A K Haututu made in 1892. Rather than making
succession orders in the absence of any investigation into relative beneficial
122
ownership of the land - by which effectively were destroyed the tribal trusts -
pursuant to its protective duty towards Maori, the Court clearly should have
appointed new trustees. 193
In 1906 an application for partition of Sections 1 & 1 Block 11 Te Kuri S.D. by
Mihaka Makoare came before the Native Land Court. The successors of A K
Haututu, of whom H W Toka and Mihaka Makoare were some, were
represented by Henare Wharara Toka ofTe Uri 0 Hau, Mihaka Makoare
represented himself, while Paraone Pairama of Te Uri 0 Hau represented the
successors of Tiopira.
The Court minutes record an early Te Uri 0 Hau attempt to minimise Tiopira's
interest. H W T oka declared:
"Tiopira is dead, he was only entitled to a small interest. Arama put him in on
account of a burial place.' And yet the record indicates that Tiopira was
included in both the papakainga and urupa reserves which he and Mihaka
had sought independent of A K Haututu.
Paraone Pairama, who earlier had been proposed as a sole trustee for the
papakainga, stated:
"Tiopira is dead. His children Piipi, Aramaera and Ihapera all daughters are at
Waima and Hokianga. They asked me to represent them. They admit that
Tiopira was only put in on account of a wahitapu. At least that is what I have
always understood. The urupa is at Ngarerekura."
Pairama not only was projecting his mistaken and HW Toka borrowed beliefs
regarding the wahitapu on to his clients, but as a Te Uri 0 Hau obviously had
a conflict of interest in representing his clients. Given the earlier conflict of
interest between Te Uri 0 Hau and Ngati Whiu over Tikinui block, it is
surprising that the Court permitted a Te Uri 0 Hau member to act on behalf of
the Ngati Whiu interest - particularly when that member's nomination as sole
trustee of the papakainga was at variance with his clients' interests.
(
(
123
As it was, the three representatives agreed to a partition of the papakainga
amongst A K Haututu's successors (Section 1A - 42 acres), Tiopira's
successors (Section 1 B - 15 acres) and Mihaka Makoare (Section 1 C - 42
acres). It also was agreed that the 20-acre urupa was to be shared amongst
all owners equally. Orders were made accordingly. The creation of a
separate Ngati Whiu interest between two Te Uri 0 Hau blocks suggests a
need to keep two disputing Te Uri 0 Hau groups apart. 194
If that is so, that state of affairs did not endure for long. Following the
passage of the 1909 Native Land Act, which removed the restriction on sale of
the land, the successors of Mihaka Makoare sold in 1913 Section 1C Block
with Section 1A Block being disposed of to the same purchaser a year later.
In 1967, consequent upon pressure by the Hobson County Council over non
payment of rates, the urupa was vested in the Maori Trustee and
unfortunately then sold. Today only the Ngati Whiu emasculated portion of
Ngarerekura, which lacks legal access, remains in Maori hands.
In retrospect, the partition not only raises questions of legality, fairness and
natural justice, but leaves one pondering in what respect both the partition
and later sales could have complied with the Court's pater familias duty to
Maori. Additionally, given the 1909 removal of legislative protection against
sale of such culturally important land, the question also could be posed as to
what steps did the Crown take to discharge its Treaty of Waitangi duty of
active Crown protection of wahitapu and the Maori cultural interest.
Finally, the quality of some of the rehearing evidence can only be considered
open to challenge. Hemi Parata, for instance, who then claimed to have no
right to Tikinui block, later contradicted that statement under cross
examination (MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/105) reo Pouto 2 Block:
"0. Are you an owner of Tikinui where is the pa from which Pare was
carried away?
A. No, but I ought to have been. Mihaka, Tiopira and Arama Karaka·were
made the owners.
124
Q. You perhaps had no right there.
A. I had a right:
Given that the Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa claim derived from the same tupuna
from whom Hemi Parata descended, his earlier negative evidence almost
certainly resulted in the defeat of the Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa claim to Tikinui.
Indeed, there was no evidence before the Court, other than that of Hemi
Parata, which supported the Judge's decision against Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa.
The raising of the above questions, not addressed in Mr. Stirling's evidence, is
not intended as an implicit criticism of that evidence commissioned on behalf
ofTe Uri 0 Hau. Rather, those questions merely reflect a Te Roroa
perspective on events also described by Mr. Stirling. 195
(
(
(
125
SECTION 5
5.1 Pouto Block
He Whanau Riri
(A Family in Dispute)
5.1.1 Introduction
Although it undoubtedly now is the case that the mana of Pouto rests with Te
Uri 0 Hau alone, much of the title history of the land is confused - suggesting
ancestral claims by a number of differing ancient possessors.
Pairama Ngutahi, for instance, claimed Keiha block, in 1871 from the tupuna
Pakauwhati, while A K Haututu and Pairama claimed the Pilot Station block in
1873 under Haumoewarangi, rather than Hakiputatomuri. Four years later
Pairama, on behalf of Te Uri 0 Hau, preferred a claim to Pouto 3 block
without naming his tupuna. Counter claims by Te Roroa objectors Ripeka
Hopa and Te Manu were not admitted, although Pairama announced in Court
that he had given the former a small cultivation ground outside the land
claimed. In so doing, he seemingly recognised some customary basis to
Ripeka's claim.
The following day, again on behalf of Te Uri 0 Hau, Pairama preferred a claim
to Ripiro or Pouto 2 block of 51,500 acres. In the absence of objections, a
memorial of title issued to 18 individuals viz. Pairama Ngutahi, Hone Waiti,
Arama Karaka Haututu, Netana Kariera, Tiopira Kinaki, Mihaka Makoare, Te
Hemara Tauhia, Paora Tuhaere, Hemana Whiti, Reihana Kena, Henare
Rawhiti, Paraone Ngaweke, Manihera Makoare, Piripi Ihamaera, Hemi
Parata, Eramiha Paikea, Kira Kerepe and Ereatara Tarehu. Notably, 13 of
those individuals were identical with 13 out of 17 rangatira descendants of
Haumoewarangi admitted into the title of Aoroa block. 196 The Aoroa rangatira
also were representatives for differing tribes.
126
Upon appeal by Ngati Whatua, who traced from the Uri 0 Hau tupuna
Pokopokowhititera by his marriage to the Kawerau and Te Roroa woman
Taumutu, the Court's earlier decision re Ripiro or Pouto 2 block was affirmed.
During the appeal proceedings Pairama described himself as Te Uri 0 Hau of
Te Uri 0 Hau - that is, presumably, Te Uri 0 Hau tuturu - and claimed from
the tupuna Pakauwhati and Kai of Te Roroa and Te Uri 0 Hau. In the Te
Roroa Report 1992:362 Pakauwhati is shown as of Ngati Awa ki Pouto. His
wife Te Kura (not Kai) is given as of Ngai TamatealTe Roroa and Nga Puhi
from Waimamaku. The Waka Te Huia papers corroborate that version. 197
There seems little doubt Pairama's whakapapa from Pakauwhati was
manufactured for the purpose of excluding Ngati Whatua interests through
Pokopokowhititera and Taumutu from the memorial of ownership as later
alleged by H W Toka:
"But at the investigation Haki was not set up because Pairama was afraid of
Ngati Whatua, so Pakauwhati was set up.' 198
Anaru Wiapo later corroborated Toka's evidence:
"In original investigation of Pouto No.2 Pairama Ngutahi said that land
belonged to Pakauwhati - Kaipara Vol 3 p 313 - but when Court sat to define
relative interests the proceedings were based upon Hakiputatomuri - Kaipara
7 p 37. Through suppression of proper ancestor the Ngati Whatua were
thrown out." 199
Urihapainga or Uruhapainga, the wife of Hapitinganui of Te Uri 0 Hau
certainly was not the daughter of Haurangiroa and granddaughter of
Pakauwhati as asserted by Pairama during the 1875 Land Court hearing
though obviously the question of rights through Pakauwhati is another matter.
Her parents, whose tupuna also are on record, were More and his wife Te
Awa of Ngati Ruanui (Ngati Awa) ki Whangape. Her brothers were Wheeru
and Te Ikanui, the founders of Te Aupouri iwi. As evidenced by whakapapa,
the names More and Te Awa were continued by Uruhapainga's children.
(
(
WHAKAPAPA 27
Toronge (who avenged Tutaki's slight of Tuiti - see Section 1.5) I I
Takamoana I I
More I I
Uruhapainga
TeAwa = More I
~----I----~----~-----I I I I I
127
I I
Ranginui
I I I 1 1 Te Kakati Kupe Wheeru Ikanui Urupainga200
I I
Te Hekeua I I
Paikea I I
Eramiha I I
Tapihana 201
Hape 1 I ______ ~------~----1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Te Awa Ranginui More Raki 1 1
Tuhai 1--_-1 1 1 I
Hape Haututu = T e Whau 1 1 1 1
Makoare A K Haututu 1 1
M Makoare 202
Notwithstanding Wiapo's understanding that the investigation into relative
beneficial interests was based upon interests from Hakiputatomuri, the record
is more complex with ancestral rights claimed from Haumoewarangi or his
children, or his brothers' Rangiwhapapa and Tupua. The evidence also
suggests claims from Pakauwhati. Cumulatively this is a far wider group than
just the uri of HakiputatomurL Notably those individuals also were the
ancestors of the "omitted five" - Paora Tuhaere, Tiopira Kinaki, Te Hemara
Tauhia, Henare Rawhiti and Ereatara Tarehu. 203
5.1.2 The Case for the Omitted Five
128
The above proceedings, immediately following on as they did Te Uri 0 Hau's
defeat in the Validation Court, may have represented a desperate attempt to
claw back the Uri 0 Hau losses in the Klingender transaction. In fact, if
successful, the case to eject the five would more than have compensated for
those losses. 204
The case is extraordinary as to its basis, conduct and content. Not only had
Te Uri 0 Hau originally agreed to the inclusion by Pairama of the 18 names in
the memorial of ownership but, upon partition, they also had consented to
three equal one eighteenth shares being awarded to successors of three of
the owners Le. Tiopira Kinaki, Pairama Ngutahi and A K Haututu. (
Additionally, each of the 18 owners, who clearly were trustees for wider
groupings, had received an equal share of rents from the land.
That the Court ignored that compelling evidence suggests that it saw the case
against the five owners as a means of placating Te Uri 0 Hau over the
Klingender transaction. 205
The trust implicit in the memorial ownership is evident from unsuccessful
tangata whenua attempts to have other owners admitted into the title.
Notwithstanding that notice and without determining the trusts upon which the
trustees held the land, the Court proceeded to permit successions to
deceased trustees and to ascertain relative beneficial interests of successors
and the original trustees without first ascertaining who the beneficiaries were.
In all those transactions, intended to destroy communal interests, the (,
pretence was maintained not only that the trustees were beneficiaries - but
sole beneficiaries. 206
129
In its conduct, the case at best can be called irregular. Not only did the
successors of the challenged five fail to put in an appearance, but their self
appointed representatives scarcely were disinterested participants - all being
members of Te Uri 0 Hau. And of those representatives only Tapihana
Paikea (for Paora Tuhaere) and Paraone Hemana (for Henare Rawhiti)
argued a case for their clients. The cases for Te Hemara Tauhia, Ereatara
Tarehu and Tiopira Kinaki, although touched on in points of cross
examination, simply were not argued at all.
In its content the evidence of Pita Kena was confused, contradictory and
uncorroborated while that of H W Toka, which probably did the most damage,
was inaccurate. Throughout the proceedings disputation was common,
suggesting tangata whenua rivalries and a scramble amongst many claimants
to maximise personal entitlements.
Kena not only claimed ignorance as to the setting up of Pakauwhati upon
appeal, Tiopira's descent from that tupuna and the descent of Ereatara
Tarehu, but later declared that the latter was descended from
Tumutumuwhenua (from whom all were descended) and that Pakauwhati was
of Te Roroa. And yet according to Tapihana Paikea, Pakauwhati was
descended from both T e Uri 0 Hau and T e Roroa. 207
The evidence of Henare Wharara Toka, who had lived away at Whangarei for
some considerable time and who accordingly had a circumscribed knowledge
of Pouto and its people, is best examined in respect to Tiopira Kinaki.
According to Taka, Tiopira:
1. Was only put in on account of a non - Te Uri 0 Hau descent from
Pakauwhati.
2. Had never lived at Pouto, nor had his children and parents. 208
3. And yet Tiopira had been included in the memorial of ownership of
Haumoewarangi's old home of Aoroa - on the basis, it is suggested, of
130
descent from that tupuna rather than descent from Pakauwhati.
Hapakuku Moetara propounded a non - Te Roroa tuturu entitlement for
Pouto 2 block when he declared that:
"Tiopira was admitted into Ripiro but through another line of ancestry." 209
As Hapakuku then was arguing the Te Roroa tuturu case for Opanaki in the
Kaihu valley, inferentially his reference must have been to a non-Te Roroa
tuturu entitlement of Tiopira's to Pouto. Given his descent from Pakauwhati,
Hapakuku Moetara - and others - also could have preferred a claim against
Pouto had Tiopira's claim been derived from Pakauwhati. That they did not
do so, suggests that Tiopira's right probably came through his Ngati Whiu and
Ngati Kawa grandmother Pataea, who in tum was a granddaughter of Te Hira,
a descendant of Haumoewarangi's son Rongo. On that basis, Tiopira's claim
would have been identical to his claim on Tikinui and similar to Hemi Parata's
Pouto claim, also derived in part from Rongo. 210
As to Tiopira's occupation rights, there is evidence of pre Treaty of Waitangi
occupation by his grandfather Taoho and his wife Pataea. As recorded by
Pewa in 1894:
"After the fall of the battle of Moremunui, 1807, Karawai and Te Keha, chiefs
of Nga Puhi, came and dwelt at Maunganui Bluff. They dwelt there for a
considerable time and then conceived the idea of visiting Taoho who at the
time was living at Pouto on Kaipara North inner head - the present Pilot
Station. They came there to fulfil this desire but on arrival found that Taoho
was not there, but on the other side of the Heads at Okaka, which is the south
inner head of Kaipara, where he and his people were digging fern root. Whilst
his men were thus engaged the old man said "Ka hoki tatou he tangata kei te
kainga" - "Let us return home. Someone has arrived at our village".
"In consequence they retumed for a sign had come to the old man as was
frequently the case. After they were about half way across the Heads and
were resting, they saw a woman inland at Pouto waving to them. It was
(
(
131
Taoho's own wife who was making the signal, so they hastened onward and
soon reached the village.'
The account goes on to relate that the visitors remained with Taoho's party for
some days. 211
There also is some evidence of Tiopira's own occupation. In April 1877 for
instance he and Pairama Ngutahi wrote to Dr. Pollen from Pouto. According
to Tiopira's daughter Piipi Cummins, her father spent much time at Pouto as
did his ancestors before him. At least three years prior to Toka's evidence,
Piipi Cummins and her husband had taken up residence at Beacon Point,
Punahaere, where they conducted a kauri gum store. Their daughter Everade
May Wereta Cummins was born there in 1894, while her elder sister Sophia -
whose name incorrectly has been transcribed as Pophia - attended Pouto
school between February and May 1895. Her mother was still at Pouto in
August 1897 while Toka was arguing before the Native Land Court at Pahi,
Kaipara, that none of Tiopira's whanau had occupied Pouto. It is difficult to
believe that Toka and T e Uri 0 Hau were not aware of that fact. 212
Clearly, Te Uri 0 Hau could not have been opposed to all Tiopira's
descendants taking up occupation as suggested by Mr. Stirling at p170 of his
evidence. Possibly though they saw Piipi Cummins and her husband as
providing a community service.
Although Rewiri Tiopira, Tiopira Kinaki's son, has been criticised for seeking
to sell his share of Pouto to the Crown, given the denial to him by resident
tangata whenua of ancestral occupational rights, it is difficult to see what other
course was open to him. Rewiri also is likely to have been aggrieved at a
perceived lack of reciprocity by Te Uri 0 Hau.
Following the 1871 investigation into the Kaihu 1 block, awarded by the Native
Land Court to the descendants of the Roroa tupuna Toa, 13 Uri 0 Hau
representatives were admitted by Te Roroa into the title of that block in
recognition of their military services rendered by that iwi to Te Roroa at the
battle of Moremunui. Rentals from a flax lease of the land granted to Tinne
were divided with Te Uri 0 Hau. According to Tinne, the basis of division of
the rentals constantly was disputed by Te Uri 0 Hau. Later, when the block
was sold, part of the proceeds was paid over to Te Uri 0 Hau.
132
Likewise, for the same reasons, when timber on the Te Roroa occupied
Opanaki block was sold in the early 1870s part of the proceeds was paid over
to Pairama who is said to have waived any Te Uri 0 Hau claim on the land.
Notwithstanding, in 1896 claims under take tupuna were preferred against
Opanaki by Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau, Ngati Rongo and Te Taou which,
despite ahi mataotao, were recognised by the Court. Consequently, non
permanently resident T e Roroa families were left with insufficient Opanaki
land to live on. The position was aggravated by the Court first having
awarded Parore Te Awha a half share of the land and the Ngati Whatua etc.
claims not being made against that half share.
Finally, in 1876 notwithstanding that their claim on WaipoualMaunganui had
been wrongly rejected by the Native Land Court on the basis of raupatu at Te
Ika-a-Ranganui, Te Uri 0 Hau were allotted a portion of the sale proceeds of
those lands by Tiopira in recognition of their ancient Ngati Rangi and Ngai
Tuputupuwhenua connections, long cold through non-occupation of those
places. 213
In reverting to the case of the omitted five, other aspects of Toka's evidence
were just as unsatisfactory. Notwithstanding Tuhaere's own understanding
that his name was included in the ownership memorial by Te Uri 0 Hau
because of friendship and Apihai Te Kawau's assistance to Te Uri 0 Hau
against Parore and Tirarau at Te Kopuru in 1860, Toka's version - which
suggested payment for services rendered by Tuhaere - was that the latter'S
interest arose as he was the conductor for the case.
Despite surviving whakapapa as to Tuhaere's descent from the Uri 0 Hau
tupuna Hakiputatomuri, Toka"also wrongly asserted that Tuhaere was not
descended from that tupuna or Pakauwhati. He also claimed that Te Hemara
(
(
(
(
Tauhia was not of Te Uri 0 Hau, although Te Hemara's father clearly
belonged to that tribe and earlier had been acknowledged as such by
Tapihana Paikea.
133
The latter had also acknowledged Te Hemara's right to Pouto through Te
Hemara's grandmother Te Urungatapu - from whom Te Hemara had also
claimed ahi kaa on Tikinui block. Toka's evidence as to Te Hemara's cousin
Henare Rawhiti patently was evasive and only revealed how little Toka really
knew of Henare's background. 214
However, the most telling piece of evidence against Toka's attempt to eject Te
Hemara Tauhia and Henare Rawhiti from the Uri 0 Hau nest must be the
1862 representation by those rangatira - with Paikea, Te Keene Tangaroa
and Manukau Rewharewha - on behalf of the Uri 0 Hau tribe. In that year
the above named Te Uri 0 Hau chiefs were interviewed by Governor Grey on
the dispute between Tirarau and Matiu Te Aranui. 215
~ ~
WHAKAPAPA 28
Te Uri 0 Hau Descent Of Paora Tuhaere, Te Hemara Tauhia and Henare Rawhiti
Hakiputatomuri = Kuiateao (w) (no Ngati Te Hana) 1
Pokopokowhititera = Taumutu (w) (no Te Roroa, Ngati Rongo, Te Kawerau) 1 1 1------------------------------1
Tirau (w) = Ngatokorua (no Ngati Tahinga) Maiao (w) = Te Whaita alias Murupaenga (no Ngati Rongo) 1 1 1 1
Marunui = Taumutu (w) Te Ahiwera (w) = Tuaea (no Nga Puhi) 1 I
Te Ano-o-te-rangi = Atareta Tuha (w) 1
1 I Paora Tuhaere I
1 1 1 I 1----------------1
Te Urungatapu (w) = Taipaka (no Ngati Whatua) Murupaenga-nui = Tangirere (w) (no Ngati Rongo) 1 1 I 1
Mereana Te Anini (w) = Kahutuanui (no Te Uri 0 Hau) Kahu = Otai (w) (no Te Uri 0 Hau) 1 1 1 1
Te Hemara Tauhia Henare Rawhiti 216
134
WHAKAPAPA 28 (continued)
Te Uri 0 Hau Descent Of Paora Tuhaere, Te Hemara Tauhia and Henare Rawhiti
Whitirawatea (brother of Pokopokowhititera) = Kaiwhare (w) (no Ngati Kaiwhare hapu of Te Uri a Hau) 1 1 1----------------------1
1 1 Kawharu Pukanohi
1 1 1 1
Kopumarama Pua I 1 I I
Moari Te Kurihirihi 1 I 1 I
Te Kahutuanui Irihei I I I I
Te Hemara atai I 1
Henare Rawhiti 217
~,
135
136
Although no whakapapa was provided of Ereatara Tarehu's descent, it
generally then was conceded that he was of Te Uri 0 Hau and that he and his
parents had lived at Pouto. That evidence was in marked contrast to
Ereatara's succession proceedings, which witnessed disagreement over his
whakapapa. 218
On the basis of the above confused, contradictory and inaccurate evidence,
the prima facie 10 shares each of the omitted five - had all 18 original owners
been awarded equal shares - were reduced by the Court to:
Paora Tuhaere
Tiopira Kinaka
Hemara Tauhia
Henare Rawhiti
Ereatara Tarehu
2 Ya shares
2 Ya shares
3 shares
5 shares
6 shares 219
As indicated by Mr. Stirling at p218 of his evidence, no reasons are recorded
for the Court's decision - which in retrospect seems somewhat arbitrary. 220
Although the Court award seems to have treated badly Tiopira (occupation by
he and his tupuna not being taken account of at all) and Te Hemara (whose
claim on the grounds of occupation by his grandmother Urungatapu seems to
have been stronger than the claim of his cousin Henare Rawhiti), the facts
throw up an additional question to those raised by Mr. Stirling in his Pouto
evidence.
That is, was this a fair enquiry where the Crown actively protected the Treaty
rights of not only the omitted five, but also all those who they represented? 221
(
SECTION 6
6.1. Tokatoka Block
He Maramatanga Maori
(A Maori Cultural Perspective)
Ko Tokatoka te maunga
Ko Te Wairoa te awa
Ko T aoho te tangata
Te Puru 0 Kaipara.
Tokatoka is the mountain
Wairoa is the river
Taoho the pre-eminent person
The Blockade of Kaipara. =
137
Long regarded as an important signaling pa in a series of signaling pa
between the Kaipara and Hokianga harbours, Tokatoka pa is intimately
associated in oral tradition with the Ngati Rangi people who are said to have
built it.
Taken from Ngati Rangi by Haumoewarangi, it later was taken and occupied
by Toa ofTe Roroa. In succeeding generations, occupation of both Tokatoka
and Tikinui pas was maintained by Toa's grandsons Te Waiata and Te
Maunga and the former's son Taoho.
It was from Tokatoka pa that Taoho observed, prior to the battle of Moremunui
circa 1807, a smoke signal from Maunganui Bluff warning of the presence of a
Nga Puhi taua in the area: 223
" Some time afterwards he (Taoho) went from his pa at Tokatoka to the coast
to dry toheroa and was followed by Te Pona of Ngati Kawa who stated that he
was going on an expedition against Nga Puhi. He proceeded up the coast
and encountered Nga Puhi under Te Kahakaha at Pahekeheke. Te Pona was
138
killed and almost all his party about 30 men. Taoho returned to Tokatoka and
one morning while sitting at the door of his house on the top of Tokatoka peak
he saw smoke rising in the direction of Maunganui Bluff. He called his people
to assemble and sang the following war song: 224
Ko te puru
Kote puru
Koa a Tokatoka
Kia ueue.
Kia tangatangai te riri e
E kore te riri e tae mai ki Kaipara
Ka puta waitia
Kia toa
A a a! te riri.
Tis the plug
Tis the plug
Indeed ofTokatoka
Exert (yourselves).
Be quick to anger
And no war shall Kaipara reach
Be brave
A a a, tis war". 225
Messengers then were dispatched to Taoho's allies, the tribes of Te Uri 0
Hau, Ngati Whatua, Ngati Rongo and Te Taou, ultimately resulting in the
leaders of the combined forces determining upon an ambuscade of Nga Puhi
at Moremunui.
Some time either prior or subsequent to Moremunui, Te Parawhau arrived to
attack Taoho at Tokatoka. The object of the taua was to obtain utu for the
death of one of Kukupa's wives Tauke killed at Okoihu pa, Whatitiri,
Whangarei by a Te Uri 0 Hau ope - in which Paikea's siblings Te Ngahuru
and Tirakakahi participated.
(
Source JS Polack's New Zealand (1838) Vol 1 p199
Tokatoka Maunga
139
According to Native Land Court testimony of Pouaka Parere, "Kukupa then
went to Mareikura" (Tangiteroria)" to bring those who were there" (in Okoihu
pa)" and they went by canoe to Te Wairoa. When they came to a river near
Tokatoka the taua stopped there. The pa of Taoho was at Tokatoka. (They)
"lay in wait until they saw a canoe leave the pa and come to the river in which
the ope were. They killed the people including Te Marama, a chief and toa, a
younger brother of Hukeumu (of Te Roroa)".
"They then returned and were perceived by the pa " (occupants)" who
followed them. The taua of Kukupa were 30 topu (pairs). They were not
overtaken and Kukupa returned to Mareikura where Te Marama was cooked".
'While this was being done the men of the pa went to cut flax and had nearly
finished their work when they looked and saw some of the fern higher than
that about and at once knew that it was an ope holding fern before them as
they looked about. Kukupa was told of this and drew off his men leaving Te
Marama in the hangi. Kukupa brought up the rear to ward off the toas Taoho
and Hukeumu until they reached Te Takanga a waterfall".
"When his people had reached the high land there, Kukupa turned and retired
and Hukeumu called to him: "E pai ana, a nana nau ana toa whanaunga" - It
is well friend, depart warrior-relative". Then Te Roroa returned bearing Te
Marama's body back to Tokatoka where it was eventually interred with other
Te Roroa dead.
(
(
\.
~-
WHAKAPAPA 29
Relationship Of Kukupa To Taoho and Hukeumu
Waitarehu (w1) = T oa = Te Hei (w3)
1 1
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1 1
(ofTe Roroa) 1
1 1
Paikea = Kawa (w) 1
Taramainuku = Tataia (w) 1
Haumu = Tokaitawhio (w) 1 �---------------�
Whakakahu (w) = Te Hekeua Kukupa 1 1
Paikea Te Hekeua Tirarau Kukupa
Tiro = Te Mairanga (w) 1 I--------------------~I----------------I
Te Waiata = Kahukore (w) Te Maunga = Te Mahia (w) Te Maara = Tapuhi (w) 1 1 1 1 1 1---1
Taoho = Pataea (w) Tuohu = Te Whetu (w) Hukeumu Te Marama 1 1
Te Taua (w) = Te Rurunga 1
Tiopira Kinaki 226
140
6.2 Tokatoka and Whakahara Blocks
Alienations, Rivalries and Confusion
Introduction
141
The alienation of Tokatoka block not only involves problems of nomenclature,
identification and expressions of inter-tribal rivalries, but is so bound up with
the earlier attempted acquisition of Whakahara block, that the two
transactions can only productively be considered together. The assumption of
an intimate connection between the two purchases is far from novel. In
advising the Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa chief Waata Aporo in 1909 that
Whakahara block was included in the purchase of Tokatoka block, the Crown
earlier assumed that position upon advice from Surveyor-General S Percy
Smith. It also is an approach adopted by Messrs Walzl and Thomas
consequent upon their helpful research into the Northern Wairoa area. Z27
Accordingly, I propose to initially focus upon the Whakahara sale with its
cross-links to the Tokatoka transaction and will conclude this section with
evidence as to the completion of both sales and subsequent events.
6.3 The Whakahara Sale
Problems of Nomenclature and Identification
Upon perusing modern maps, the most striking feature of the 1839 deed of
sale of Whakahara block surely is the extent of land viz 60,000 acres
purported to be dealt with in the deed. Notwithstanding later evidence of the
applicant O'Brien that the block only was estimated to contain no more than
30,000 acres, that estimation bears no resemblance to the block's current
area of approximately 3150 acres.
Such a discrepancy can only raise the question whether O'Brien's Whakahara
block was the same land known to us today under that name. In that respect
there are two details of the deed which may afford assistance.
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142
The first is the deed's reference to the river frontage of Whakahara block -
said to be approximately three and a half miles. The current river frontages of
both Whakahara and Tokatoka blocks are about three and a half miles. The
second is the deed's reference to the Manganui river as the rear boundary of
the land. The current Whakahara block rear boundary not only is some five to
six miles west of the Manganui river, but abuts on to the large Okahu block
which stretches away to that river.
Accordingly, what O'Brien believed to be Whakahara almost certainly seems
to have included Whakahara, Tokatoka and Okahu blocks, the combined
areas of which are estimated as follows:
Whakahara
Tokatoka
Okahu
Total
3150
4600
18600
27750 acres 228
6.4 The Whakahara Sale
Additional Claimants
Although the Whakahara deed initially had been completed on behalf of the
Maori vendors by Henare Taramoeroa of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa hapus
ofTe Roroa, a Te Uri 0 Hau claim, possibly prompted by notice of further
payment by O'Brien or by a survey on the ground, soon became apparent.
On 17 August 1844, three weeks prior to O'Brien advising the governor of his
survey and reduced acreage, Sub-Protector Forsaith witnessed the addition of
Paikea's signature on O'Brien's original deed.
It is not known whether that alteration was effected with the knowledge and
consent of Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa and what power the SUb-Protector
possessed to unilaterally alter an agreement. However, that there is no
record of protest by Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa to the inclusion ofTe'Uri 0 Hau in
the transaction may point to an acceptance by the former of a Te Uri 0 Hau
143
interest in the land. Both groups were descended from Haumoewarangi who
had made conquests from Ngati Rangi in the area.
The possibility of that acceptance is strengthened through representatives of
both groups signing, on 12 September 1844, a receipt for some of the
outstanding goods due under the transaction. The receipt is signed by
Taramoeroa and Paikea and apparently witnessed by Manukau, Tipa, Tinaea
and Rangi. Most of the presumed witnesses viz Manukau Rewharewha,
Himiona Taipa and Paraone Rangi provide a link to the later 1856 sale of an
omitted portion of Tokatoka block, being vendors thereof. 229
6.5 The Whakahara Sale
Processes of the OLC Commission and Government
The following day, on 13 September 1844, when appearing before
Commissioner Fitzgerald, O'Brien restated the three miles frontage of his
claim but conceded that he did not know the total acreage involved. The latter
remark curiously is at variance with his 7 September 1844 recent letter to
Fitzroy stating that the area was not above 30,000 acres. 230
As has been related by other witnesses, O'Brien's transaction - which has all
the hallmarks of a Sydney speculation - was not recommended for a grant by
Commissioners Richmond, Godfrey and Fitzgerald, not having been
completed prior to 14 January 1840 as fixed by Gipps' proclamation.
Commissioner Fitzgerald was particularly unimpressed with O'Brien's handing
over the previous day of part of the goods due under the five year old
agreement, which he seemingly viewed as an attempt to pervert the
processes of the Commission. 231
The matter languished until early November 1853 when it was revived through
a petition from O'Brien seeking permission to complete payment out of time
i.e. 14 years late. Grey's minuted response to the petition on behalf of the
Executive Council is telling:
144
"It appearing to the Council that this is in many respects a special case, the
Council are of opinion that if Mr. O'Brien proves a certain outlay in partially
extinguishing the Native title and the native title can be totallv extinguished
by the Crown for such a sum that the acguisition of the land is
advantageous to the public (emphasis mine), then that O'Brien should be
reimbursed his original outlay in partly extinguishing the native title such
outlay being proved to the satisfaction of the Government". 232
Leaving aside the questions of why the matter was considered a special case
and whether a customary title can be partly extinguished, the executive
council's decision clearly was prompted by fiscal expediency, rather than by
protection of the Maori interest. That deCision reflected a philosophy that if
government could acquire the Whakahara block cheaply enough, it should
reimburse O'Brien for his outlays.
Following Grey's approval of the recommendation and Surveyor - General
Ligar's proposal that O'Brien be allowed 289 pounds 15 shillings for his
outlays, Ligar's proposal- which included the payment of 170 pounds to Maori
to complete the transaction - was rejected by O'Brien, who presumably saw
more gain in acquiring the land.
Given that the total consideration contracted for by O'Brien was said to have
amounted to 679 pounds, Ligar's proposal - which scarcely was in the Maori
interest - involved Maori compounding a 389 pounds 5 shillings debt for 170
pounds. 233
Throughout the early months of 1854 public disputation over Whakahara
broke out between Taramoeroa and Parore, warranting a specific reference in
McLean's initial general instructions to land purchase officer (then Sub
Commissioner) Johnson to arrange a speedy resolution of that dispute. The
dispute was first reported on by local merchant, Hastings Atkins, who was
apprehensive of adverse effects on the spar trade.
Johnson's report of 20 July 1854 to McLean emphasised that:
145
1. Although O'Brien's claim was the immediate cause of dispute amongst
Maori, the underlying reason was that there was no line of demarcation
between the conquering Nga Puhi and the conquered Ngati Whatua.
Given the lack of evidence as to an acceptance by Ngati Whatua and
allies that the battle of Te Ika-a-Ranganui amounted to a raupatu of the
Northern Wairoa area, Johnson's information seemingly derived from
Nga Puhi sources. That suspiCion is heightened by Johnson's
realisation within the month that his so-called Ngati Whatua party
actually consisted of "Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau andallies".
2. Parore and Taramoeroa had been selected as leaders of the
contending Nga Puhi and Te Uri 0 Hau parties overWhakahara.
Again, Johnson's link of Taramoeroa with Te Uri 0 Hau demonstrates
the shallowness of his understanding of local tribes and relationships.
The selection of Taramoeroa as the representative of T e Roroa and Te
Uri 0 Hau however probably reflects an acknowledgement by the latter
people of a predominant Te Roroa interest in the land.
3. Tirarau and Parore had relinquished all claims to that portion of
Whakahara block for which payment already had been received by
Taramoeroa and others.
4. Taramoeroa's party, who were not named, were the principal owners of
Whakahara. Seemingly, Johnson was unaware that Taramoeroa's
party belonged to T e Roroa.
5. The question of apportioning the balance of the purchase money for
the block still remained to be resolved.
6. It may be preferable to include the remaining unpaid portion of the
block "in a large block adjoining proposed to be offered next summer" -
which seemingly provides the first indication of a combined
Whakahararrokatoka sale.
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146
It also had been suggested by Hastings Atkins that Parore's claim
against Taramoeroa - almost certainly based upon the events ofTe
Ika-a-Ranganui - was unfounded. Although later Maori evidence
suggests that the spar trade from Whakahara was at the root of the
TaramoeroaiParore quarrel, Parore's involvement in Whakahara also
provided another link with the Tokatoka sale in which he
participated. 234
According to Johnson, August/September 1854 witnessed:
"- discussions between Maori, especially involving Ngati Whatua, Te
Uri 0 Hau and allies on the one side and Tirarau, Parore and allies on
the other." 235
The Ngati Whatua described people probably were Te Waiaruhe,
Manukau Rewharewha's people, who do not seem to have been part of
Ngati Whatua tuturu - but who then were part of the Ngati Whatua
tribal confederation. The Ngati WhatualTe Uri 0 Hau allies almost
certainly were Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa hapus of Te Roroa - Henare
Taramoeroa's people. Both Johnson's remarks and whakapapa
indicate that the Pakeha applied labels of Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau
and Nga Puhi fail to adequately describe the protagonists in the
Whakahara dispute.
6.6 Tokatoka Block
A Sale Emerges
The above discussions apparently resulted in Te Uri 0 Hau and Te Waiaruhe
agreeing to sell a portion of Tokatoka block to the Crown, a deed of sale in
which boundaries, but no area, was described, being entered into at Auckland
on 24 August 1854. I have been unable to ascertain whether the vendors had
other Crown business in Auckland at that period, or were in Auckland solely
for the purpose of completing the Tokatoka deed.
147
Vendors, as recited in the deed, were Manukau, Hohaia, Hone Waite,
Paraone Rangi, Matiki Kuha, Hone Whakatauki, Rehana and Hamahona. An
earnest of 100 pounds was paid upon execution of the deed with the balance
to be paid:
"in the summer months when the land is properly surveyed". 236
Apart from being silent on acreage, the deed did not disclose the total
consideration on sale - presumably because the land had not then either been
inspected or surveyed. As such, it seems a typical deed of sale of Grey's
administration. Seemingly, the consideration only was determined four
months later following an inspection of the land. At that time a decision must
have been made to fix the consideration at 300 pounds Le. 1/6d per acre for
an estimated 4000 acres. Having regard to the deed's deficiency in terms of
consideration, it must be questionable whether that document ever amounted
to a contract at Law. 237
A day prior to execution of the Tokatoka deed, Resident Magistrate and local
Sub-Collector of Customs F 0 Fenton had written to Customs Collector W
Young advising that inter-tribal tensions in the area still were high, that the
claims of Parore and Tirarau, to presumably Whakahara, had been withdrawn
and that accordingly it was not considered safe to complete payment for
T okatoka. He also related that the Whakahara negotiations had become
bogged down. The concept of a combined WhakaharaITokatoka transaction
seems to be reinforced by Fenton's remarks.
Given Fenton's perceptions of inter-tribal rivalries, it is surprising that the
Tokatoka purchase was made at all. If widely known amongst Maori, the
purchase only could have exacerbated those tensions. It is perhaps for that
reason that the Tokatoka deed of sale was completed in Auckland. Although
Fenton had a personal interest in the acquisition of Tokatoka as a site for a
Court House and Customs House, I have not followed that line of inquiry
. further. 236
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148
Johnson's motivation in only purchasing a portion of Tokatoka block from Te
Uri 0 Hau and Te Waiaruhe is found in his recognition of other tribal interests
in the block. On 6 September 1854 he minuted:
"Tokatoka has been partially purchased inasmuch as an installment of 100
pounds has been paid on that block. It is not safe to complete its purchase
without further enquiry on the spot. The Ngatiwhatua who are owners are
favourably disposed to Mr. Fenton's location - and if the chiefs Tirarau and
Parore, who urged a claim to the place, withdraw their pretensions - as I am
informed they promised the Ngatiwhatua to do - there would be no further
difficulty that I am aware of'.
Apart from the unsound claims of Parore and Tirarau, that memo appears to
recognise claims of unnamed members of the Ngati Whatua confederation to
Tokatoka block. Given the earlier recognition of T e Uri 0 Hau and Te
Waiaruhe interests, it is probably the Ngati Whatua confederation interests of
Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa to which Johnson was referring. That interpretation is
supported by Fenton's April 1855 advice to the Colonial Secretary in which he
names Taramoeroa (of Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa) , Paraone, Manukau and
Parore as the vendors ofWhakahara and Tokatoka blocks. 239
6.7 Whakahara and Tokatoka Blocks
Successful Outcomes
On 7 October 1854 Johnson advised the Colonial Secretary, inter alia, of his
intention to hold a meeting at the Northern Wairoa to investigate Maori offers
of land and conflicting claims thereto. That report probably prompted a
revisitation of O'Brien's Whakahara claim for on 9 November 1854 McLean
noted that if at the forthcoming meeting the native title to O'Brien's claim was
found to be extinguished, arrangements could be made with O'Brien. It also
may have prompted Fenton's 1 December 1854 letter to Johnson urging the
Crown purchase of Tokatoka block as a neutral territory between the Nga
Puhi and Ngati Whatua tribal confederations and as a suitable site for a
Customs house. 240
149
On 18 December 1854, following a general meeting of affected parties, which
apparently transpired at Mangawhare on 11 December 1854, Johnson wrote
from Walton's estate at Omana, Northem Wairoa, three relevant letters:
1. To Fenton agreeing with the latter's view of the purchase of Tokatoka
and advising that, having reconciled with Fenton's help animosities
between contending iwi, he had been able to enter into arrangements
for the purchase of Tokatoka block for 200 pounds. The sum named
did not include the earnest of 100 pounds already paid, of which
Fenton was aware. 241
2. To McLean advising that a dispute between Tirarau and Manukau
prompted him to recommend the purchase of Tokatoka block of 4000
acres for 300 pounds - of which 100 pounds already had been paid in
Auckland. If the purchase was approved, the sum of 180 pounds would
be paid to Paraone Te Rangi, who had been deputed by the other
claimants to receive the money, with the balance of 20 pounds to be
(
paid to Parore. It is not mentioned that Johnson had committed the (
Crown to a partial purchase of the block some four months earlier.
Either Johnson's earlier resolve not to pay Parore anything for the
latter's pretended claim had weakened and totally dissolved, or that
payment was in recognition of Parore's Te Roroa rights. Johnson's
reference to the availability of a sketch map indicates that the bargain
was struck without the benefit of a proper survey on the ground, which
later was confirmed by Kemp. Clearly, Johnson was referring to an
estimated 4000 acres of the block - not to 4000 acres. 242
His letter indicates that the ParorelTaramoeroa dispute over
Whakahara had widened into a Tirarau/Manukau dispute over
Tokatoka. Given the absence of any mention of the latter dispute prior
to the Crown purchase of Tokatoka, that purchase seemingly created
the dispute.
On 26 January 1855 Fenton also reported on the 11 December 1854
meeting. His report asserted in part:
150
" - the land was purchased by the Commissioner all claim to payment
being abandoned by the former victors". 243
That statement seems to support the view that payment of 20 pounds
to Parore from the T okatoka sale recognised Parore's claim as T e
Roroa, not Nga Puhi.
3. A separate letter to McLean reporting upon a reconciliation of hostile
tribes over O'Brien's Whakahara claim and the extinguishment of the
native title thereto by the payment of 170 pounds - the very sum named
by Ligar twelve months earlier. Johnson described how Taramoeroa's
right to Whakahara was publicly acknowledged by Parore and Tirarau,
how the purchase money was handed over to those chiefs who then
returned it to Taramoeroa for division amongst the owners of the soil.
In cultural terms that scenario suggests an implicit acceptance by all
participants, including Te Uri 0 Hau, that the Te Roroa hapus of Ngati
Whiu and Ngati Kawa had the mana of, and a predominant interest in,
Whakahara - a situation which may not have been the same for
T okatoka. Given Parore's insistence to his receiving his share of the
T okatoka proceeds directly from the Crown, it seems unlikely that he
and Tirarau would have participated in Taramoeroa's division of the
sale proceeds - particularly if it had been agreed that Parore's and
Tirarau's interests in both blocks through Te Roroa would only be
acknowledged through the payment of 20 pounds to Parore from the
T okatoka sale.
At that stage Johnson finally conceded that the extent of the
Whakahara block was somewhat less than he had first thought, only
having a river frontage of one and a half miles (not three and a half
miles as stated in O'Brien's deed) and only running back to Ranawe
lSI
which he claimed to be a tributary of the Manganui river (not Manganui
itself as described in O'Brien's deed). On that basis the area of
Whakahara was estimated by Johnson to amount to approximately
3000 acres - a considerable reduction on the 60,000 acres of the deed
and on O'Brien's September 1844 estimate not exceeding 30,000
acres.
Johnson's calculations as to the total cost to the Crown of the
Whakahara purchase viz:
O'Brien's payments 275.18.0
Crown payment to Maori 170. 0.0
Total 445.18.0
indicate some variation in the value of O'Brien's payments earlier
accepted by govemment at 289 pounds 15 shillings. However, it was
the latter sum, which ultimately was paid to O'Brien.
6.8 Whakahara and Tokatoka Blocks
Maori Rights of Repurchase
Both the Whakahara and T okatoka transactions seem to have been preceded
by repurchase discussions between the Crown and Maori. On 18 April 1855
Fenton advised the Colonial Secretary:
" - immediately on the completion of the purchase of land known by the name
of Whakahara (O'Brien's claim) and the Tokatoka on the banks of the river
Wairoa in the district of Kaipara the several native sellers thereof whose
names are written in the margin (Taramoeroa, Paraone, Manukau, Parore)
requested me to aid them in repurchasing from government certain parts of
the land recently sold by them". 244
After mentioning that Taramoeroa's people had fought with the British forces
during Heke's war and desired to migrate to Kaipara - which appears to be the
152
earliest recorded intimation of the later T e Popoto migration under Aperahama
Taonui to the Northern Wairoa - Fenton applied for approval in principle for
Maori to repurchase certain portions of the blocks sold.
Those repurchase discussions, which are likely to have involved Crown
inducements to Maori to sell to the Crown, can be linked to the Crown's
obsession in fixing a boundary between the disputing Nga Puhi and Ngati
Whatua tribal confederations, to Crown desire to establish a Customs and
Court House on the land acquired and to McLean's 18 May 1854 instructions
to Johnson extolling repurchase advantages of substituting Crown grants for
the "precarious and unsatisfactory tenure" of Maori customary title. 245
6.9 The Whakahara Sale
Questions Arising Therefrom
The following questions arise from the Crown's purchase of Whakahara block:
1. Was it in the Maori interest for the Crown to ultimately recognise
O'Brien's uncompleted transaction rather than, through a consistent
withholding of that recognition, to have enabled Maori to have resold
the land? There presumably had been some escalation in land values
over the 15 years from 1839 to 1854 which Crown recognition of
O'Brien's transaction would have prevented Maori from taking
advantage of. As it was, by selling to the Crown Maori were required to
absorb a loss of 333 pounds 2 shillings on the totality of their bargain
with O'Brien.
The matter of Maori consent to a sale to the Crown cannot, of course,
be the yardstick by which that sale is measured. It is the principles of
the Treaty of Waitangi and its surrounding circumstances - including
Normanby's instructions to Hobson that Maori "must not be permitted to
enter into any contracts in which they might be the ignorant and
unintentional authors of injuries to themselves" - which provide that
yardstick. 246
153
2. Was it in the Maori interest for the Crown to purchase all of Whakahara
without considering, and making provision for, Ngati Whiu and Ngati
Kawa reserves, or without having approved and acted upon Maori
rights of repurchase as sought by Fenton in 1855? There is no
evidence that tangata whenua were permitted to exercise rights of
repurchase.
Consequent upon the Crown confiscation of T e Kopuru block, provision
for Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa reserves became crucial. Not only was
Maungaraho pa and urupa on Whakahara block left unprotected, but
25 years later that area became a base for Reischek's "collecting"
activities in the Northern Wairoa area. Those activities also extended
to the Reischek ransacked Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa wahitapu sites of
Aratapu and Te Kopuru. 247
3. Was it in the Maori interest for the Crown to purchase Whakahara
block in the absence of a proper survey on the ground and in the
absence of any agreement to adjust, if necessary, the purchase price
to reflect the acreage disclosed on survey? According to rough
calculations of this witness, based on subdivisions of Whakahara
parish as supplied in 1917 by Chief Surveyor Skeet to the Under
Secretary for Lands, the area of Whakahara amounts to a further 151
acres not paid for by the Crown. 248
4. Was the Crown price of 170 pounds a fair price given the Crown's
Treaty duty to provide an equivalence to Maori of the value of both land
and standing timber acquired? On the basis that the block contained
3151 acres, the Crown price of 170 pounds is almost equivalent to 1/1d
per acre - in respect to which nothing seems to have been allowed for
standing timber. 249
5. Why:
(i) 158 years after the Forsaith affair and desecration of the
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154
Mangawhare urupa,
(ii) 154 years after Maori complaint of general Pakeha desecration
of Northern Wairoa urupa,
(iii) 121 years after Reischek's grave-robbing and other dubious
activities,
(iv) 113 years after desecration of Te Roroa urupa at Waimamaku,
104 years after desecration of Te Roroa urupa at Maunganui
Bluff and 80 years after desecration of Te Roroa urupa at
Waipoua - as well as eight years after release of the Waitangi
Tribunal's Te Roroa Report - has government still not taken the
protection of Maori wahitapu and cultural heritage seriously?
Not only has it failed to enact Treaty ofWaitangi complying
legislation for the protection of Maori wahitapu and cultural
heritage, but it consistently has omitted to state a detailed
Crown policy for the protection of wahitapu sites on the DoC
estate. 250
6.10 Tokatoka Block
Later Events
In terms of the arrangement made with Maori at the Mangawhare hui of 11
December 1854, settlement was effected with Paraone Rangi to the extent of
180 pounds on 13 April 1855, with the remaining 20 pounds ultimately being
paid over to Parore on 10 September 1855. A deed of sale, numbered 147 in
Turton's Deeds, was executed by Parore on that day. However, although all
payments then had been made in terms of the deed of sale, that was not the
end of the matter. 251
On 31 October 1856, probably in Auckland, a sum of 30 pounds was paid to
Manukau Rewharewha, Paraone Te Rangi, Pairama, Arama Karaka, Matiu
Hau, Himiona Taipari and Awaiti for an omitted portion of Tokatoka block
155
described as:
" - that portion of land which was not included in the boundaries of Tokatoka
that is where the boundary runs along Mr. Fenton's survey line and on to the
Manganui creek". The receipt also relates:
"The final installment will be arranged when the surveyor has seen the nature
of the land". 252
As Mr. Thomas has remarked, it is unclear whether that final installment ever
was paid - although there is a record of a payment of 5 pounds for T okatoka
as mentioned below. Notably, of the 7 or 8 vendors of the two portions of
Tokatoka block only two are included in both transactions, affirming the
vendors' representative capacities for wider groups.
Although Alemann expressed the view that the above deed receipt did not
relate to Tokatoka block, all the land within the boundaries ofthat block being
accounted for, that explanation seemingly does not deal with:
1. The terms of the deed receipt.
2. Chief Surveyor Skeet's 1917 evidence as to two sales of Tokatoka i.e.
a portion of 2600 acres and a portion of 500 acres.
3. The express reference in Deed 146 of Turton's Deeds that the 1854
sale involved only a portion of Tokatoka block.
A possibility is that the deed receipt refers to an omitted portion of
Tokatoka block, which later was subsumed in the adjacent Okahu
sales - of which Manukau Rewharewha and Paraone Ngaweke were
two of the vendors. The latter sales are referred to in Turton's Deeds
150 and 151.
Finally, in 1857 McLean recorded that he had paid Pirika (Ngai) five
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156
pounds for his claim to Tokatoka.
Descended from Te Uri 0 Hau and Te Roroa, Pirika could have
claimed from either, or both, groups. What is more remarkable about
Pirika's payment however is the disturbing evidence it provides that not
all claimants had been paid two years earlier.
Pirika's payment may be the same sum of five pounds retumed to the
House of Representatives as an 1859 payment on account of Tokatoka
block. Altematively, the 1859 payment may represent an additional
payment. 253
6.11 The Tokatoka Sale
Questions Arising Therefrom
1. Given Te Uri 0 HaufTe Roroa shared interests in Whakahara block
and Te Roroa traditional associations with Tokatoka block, what steps
did the Crown take to ensure that Te Roroa interests were represented
in the deed of sale of Tokatoka block? Unlike the Whakahara
transaction, where the Crown ensured the inclusion of Paikea's name
on the original deed of sale already completed on behalf of T e Roroa -
and later on 11 December 1854 included Parore, Tirarau, Paraone T e
Rangi and Manukau, with Henare Taramoeroa ofTe Roroa in a new
deed of sale - reciprocal action to formally include T e Roroa in the
Tokatoka sale was not taken by the Crown - unless it is accepted that
Parore, who was not mandated by Te Roroa to do so, represented that
iwi's interests.
2. Whether it was in the Maori interest for the Crown to apparently acquire
the whole of Tokatoka block, including Maori urupa, wahitapu and the
sacred maunga of Tokatoka (situated on a DoC reserve) without any
provision for Maori reserves, for the protection of important Maori
cultural sites or for Maori to repurchase those areas?
3. What was the total area of Tokatoka block purchased by the Crown
from Maori and was that area adequately and fully paid for? As with
Mangawhai and other 1854 sales, why was a tenths clause not
included in the 1854 deed of sale of Tokatoka? According to Chief
Surveyor Skeet in 1917, the block consisted of two portions, one of
2600 acres - which possibly is the portion agreed to be purchased by
the Crown in 1854 - and the second of 500 acres, possibly that
purchased by the Crown in 1856. Alemann also records the area of
the block as 3100 acres but the deeds he refers to - Turton's Deeds
146 and 147 - do not disclose acreages. 254
If the area of 3100 acres for Tokatoka is correct and has not become
confused with the area of Whakahara block, the former area is
Significantly below the area of 4000 acres estimated by Johnson in
1854 and below the current estimated area of 4600 acres by this
witness for T okatoka parish.
157
4. Was it in the Maori interest for the Crown to purchase T okatoka block
in the absence of a proper survey on the ground and in ignorance of
the area of the land? Did those failures require the Crown to pay for an
omitted portion of the land?
5. Did the Crown's arrangements for payment, which seem to have
resulted in later claims against it by omitted owners such as Pirika
Ngai, comply with the Crown's Treaty ofWaitangi duty of active
protection of the Maori interest? Did those arrangements generally
protect T e Roroa interests in Tokatoka block or were the purchase of
those interests made over to Parore, or offset against Te Uri 0 Hau
interests sold by Te Roroa in Whakahara block?
Did the Crown for instance maintain clear and adequate records of
particulars of the purchase? In one of the Crown's schedules of land
purchases, for instance, Tokatoka block is represented only by the
Parore purchase for 20 pounds.255
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6.12 Whakahara and Tokatoka Blocks
Petitions and Other Matters
158
In 1908 Waata Aporo, the great grandson of Henare Taramoeroa, and 25
others of Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa applied to the Crown Lands Department,
Wellington for information as to how the Crown acquired Whakahara block.
After seeking comment from S Percy Smith who advised that the Tokatoka
purchase included the whole of Whakahara block, Under Secretary for Lands
W C Kensington informed Waata and company accordingly. In his letter to
Waata, Kensington also named the Uri 0 Hau and Te Waiaruhe - but not the
Ngati WhiU/Ngati Kawa - vendors in the 1854 sale of Tokatoka/Whakahara
blocks. 256
Obviously that response did not satisfy Waata who in 1914 still was continuing
to make inquiries for the Whakahara deed of sale. Those inquiries largely
being frustrated by officials, in 1915 he and 15 others petitioned Parliament,
seeking an inquiry. They stated that they had not been able to establish that
Whakahara parish - which they said comprised 3393 acres - had been fairly
purchased and believed it to remain native land.
The petition also related that historically kauri spars had been felled on
Whakahara block under direction of the Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa chiefs Henare
Taramoeroa and Rapana Te Rarau (Tuaea) and sold by them to the pakeha
Hakena (Harkness). The latter was Parore's pakeha and the person for whom
his son Te Hakena Parore was named. Obviously, the involvement of
Harkness in the Whakahara spar trade goes some way towards explaining
Parore's opposition - based at least in part upon economic jealousy - to
T aramoeroa. 257
While the Crown sought to establish the history of the Whakahara block
purchase, investigation of the grounds of Waata's petition dragged on into
1917. Although progress was hindered both by the war years and by a
blanket claim affecting Tokatoka, )Nhakahara, (Te) Kopuru, Whakatu,
Whenua Rahui and Mangawhai blocks embodied in a 1917 petition (No. 407
of 1917) of Haimona Pirika and 32 others, the five years it took to obtain a
recommendation can only be described as extraordinary.
159
After traversing a very limited portion of the purchase history of Whakahara
block, the report of the Lands Department to the Native Affairs Committee of
the House stated in part:
"The matter was finally arranged at a special meeting of natives held at
Mangawhare, near the present town of Dargaville, and a conveyance of the
land from the natives to the Crown was signed on 11th December 1854 by the
chiefs Parore, Tirarau, Paraone Te Rangi, Henare Taramoeroa and Manukau
in the presence of John Grant Johnson, Land Commissioner of the Northern
district, Mr. Hastings Atkyns Merchant of Mangawhare and Mr. Francis Dart
Fenton, Resident Magistrate Kaipara District". 258
Eventually the Native Affairs Committee reported on 26 October 1920 - the
same day it reported it had no recommendation to make on the 1917 petition
of Haimona Pirika and others - :
"No. 255 (1915) - Petition ofWaata Aporo and 15 others. Praying for inquiry
as to the ownership of Whakahara block. I am directed to report that as the
principal petitioner is now dead, the committee recomments that leave be
given for this petition to be withdrawn". 259
The Maori communal interests indicated by the petition conveniently were
ignored by the committee's report.
Between 1915 -1920 the Crown had not carried out a full and comprehensive
investigation into its acquisition of Whakahara block. It had not directed its
attention to the crux of Waata's petition i.e. had the land been fairly
purchased. Notwithstanding an invitation from Waata and his co-petitioners to
do so, it did not measure the Whakahara purchase against the yardstick of the
Treaty of Waitangi. In fact, the select committee's response leaves an
impression of seeking an excuse to dismiss a long-standing petition, rather
(
(
(
160
than to seriously consider its implications.
After the lapse of some eighty years, the queries and concerns of Waata and
his co-petitioners have not gone away. They still await a proper response on
behalf of the Crown.
Ka mutu tenei korero.
~
APPENDIX 1
WHAKAPAPA OF NGATI WHIU AND NGATI KAWA HAP US OF TE ROROA
Manumanu (TE ROROA IWI) = Maearoa (w) I I
Ngaengae I I
Matohi = Wareiahunga (w) I I
Pinea = Takutaiakura (w) I I
Tarawamoa (w) = Rongo I I
Tira Waikato (w) = Mahanga I I
Te Hira = Tokaiakina (w) I
161
Source: Mohi Waitai MS Folder 3. See also Kaipara M.a. 4/8- 9.
I �------------------~I---------------I-----------------I
Te Tumuroto = Tokane (w) Ohi (w) = Taratu 2 Tauterekura (w) = Te Whetu Te Awhi = Tupunania
(continued over page)
APPENDIX 1 (continued)
WHAKAPAPA OF NGATI WHIU AND NGATI KAWA HAP US OF TE ROROA
Te Tumuroto's Line
1 1 1 Te Tumuroto = Tokane (w) Ohi (w) = Taratu 2 Tauterekura (w) = Te Whetu
1 Te Moeroa
1
1
Source: Mohi Waitai MS Folder 3. See also Kaipara M.B. 4/8 - 9.
Te Awhi = Tupunania
1 Wahanga Te Haukapana (w) = Te Paanga (no Te Popoto)
1 TeTiwha
1 -1-----------------1 1 1
Tuaea = Tokane(w) Henare Taramoeroa Ina (w) = Were 1 1 1 1-----1
_1 ____ -1 1
1 1
Kahu (w) = Tamati Whakatara 1 __ -
1 1 Rapana Tuaea Waitai = Kata Riwhi Taramoeroa Waipoua Noho Mohi Hariata (w)
1 1 1 Reupena Waitai Mohi Waitai Matire Hoterene
1 Aporo
1 1-----1 Waata Aporo Hemi Aporo
1 1
Tewi
1
1 Moko
162
(continued over page)
~ ~
APPENDIX 1 (continued)
WHAKAPAPA OF NGATI WHIU AND NGATI KAWA HAPUS OF TE ROROA
Ohi's Line
Source: Mohi Waitai MS Folder 3. See also Kaipara M.B. 4/8 - 9.
I , , , Te Tumuroto = Tokane (w) Ohi (w) = Taratu 2 Tauterekura (w) = Te Whetu Te Awhi = Tupunania , , ,-------------------, Pataea (w) = Taoho Te Karakia (w) = Hereora
, ,------------------------------, " , Te Taua (w) = Te Rurunga Te Au = Mahi Tipene Te Waha = Whakamoe (w) Nga
.-------- , , , , , 'I 1
Tiopira Kinaki = Marara Mahuhu (w) Whakahuhu = Remu Kikihu (w) = Penetane Papahurihia Makarini .--__ 1 1 1 1 I I , I I Mohi = Mere (w) Whakarongouru Papahurihia (w) = Wi Titore Peata (w) = Ho Tai I' I 1_ 'I 'I I I Te Po he Mohi = Ema (w) Kata (w) = Waitai Huru Titore Papa Titore = Ruihi Paniora (w) I I I--------~'~----------~'------~I---------'
Hiria Pairama (w) Aramaera Paniora (w) Rewiri Tiopira Kahu Kereama (w) Piipi Cummins (w)
1 Mata
163
(continued over page)
APPENDIX 1 (continued)
WHAKAPAPA OF NGATI WHIU AND NGATI KAWA HAPUS OF TE ROROA
Tauterekura's and Te Awhi's Lines
1 1 1 1
Source.' Mohi Waitai MS Folder 3. See also Kaipara M.B. 4/8 - 9.
Te Tumuroto = Tokane (w) Ohi (w) = Taratu 2 Tauterekura (w) = Te Whetu Te Awhi = Tupunania 1 1 ____________________________________ 1
1 1 1 1 1 , , ,
Murupai 1 1 1 1
Hariata (w) 1 1 1 ,-------, , ,
~-------------------------I 1 1
Tukupunga = TeAka (w) 1
1 1-------------------1 1 1
Tamati Whakatara = Kahu (w) Matire (w) = Iritana 1 1 1 '-------1 , ,
Hone Tana Rehua Maraea Tuwhare (w) Mohi Hariata (w)
164
165
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Unpublished Sources
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Buller, James - Rough Notes of my Visit to Kaipara, Mangahai (sic) Waipu, Whangarei, Mangapai, Wairoa 1869. (ATL).
Colonial Office Papers CO 202-230 (re. Te Kopuru block). Microfilm 1811 (AUL).
Cummins, Piipi - MS Papers (in private possession).
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Graham, George Samuel- Papers MS 120 (AIM).
Graham/Halfpenny - Notes, correspondence, whakapapa papers relating to the Maori tribes of the Kaipara District NZMSS 34 (APL).
Gudgeon, W E - Whakapapa book. MS 128 (AIM).
Maori Affairs Registers (correspondence entries only). NA Wgtn.
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Maxwell, C F - Correspondence with S P Smith. Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 6 (ATL).
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Ngakuru, Pene Haare. Nga Pakanga. MS 89/116 (AIM).
Ngati Whatua Tribal Register 1877 (AIM).
Paora, Rev Hauraki - This Was the Beginning of It. Undated (probably pre 1892) MS in English. MS 1621 typescript (ATL).
Rogan, John - Letterbooks BADW 105121la and BADW 10519/19 (NAA).
Shepherd Family - Whakapapa MS (in private possession).
Shortland, Edward - Papers MS 86b (HL)..
(
(
166
Smith, S P - Ngati Whatua Whakapapa. Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 162 (ATL).
Taoho, Te Rore - An Account of the Origin of the Feud between Te Roroa, Ngati Whatua and Nga Puhi Tribes (1896). Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 6.
Taramoeroa, Henare - Letter 8 March 1875 to John White. John White Papers MS 75 Folder 59 (ATL).
Tauhara, Pereniki Matiu - MS Papers (in private possession).
Tawhai, Hone Mohi - Correspondence with S P Smith. Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 8.
Te Huia, Waka - MS Papers (in private possession).
Te Kawau, Hira - Account of the house Tutangimamae 1920. George Graham Papers MS 120 M12 (AIM).
Tiopira Kinaki and Pairama Ngutahi to Dr. Pollen from Pouto 22 April 1877. NLP 77/90. NA Wgtn.
Tuhaere, Paora & ors - He Pukapuka Whakapapa Tupuna no Ngati Whatua. GNZMS 25 (APL), Transl. By George Graham MS 120 (AIM).
Turnbull, Margaret (nee Blight) - The Work of the Rev. James Buller in the Methodist Church of New Zealand. MA Thesis 1950.
Waitai, Mohi - MS Papers 93/94 (AIM).
White, John - MS Papers 75B Folder 22. Vol. 8 Eng. (ATL).
White, John - MS Papers 714/3 (APL).
Published Sources
Alemann, Maurice - Mangawhai Forest Claim WAI 229 AI.
Ballara, Angela - Iwi. Wellington 1998.
Best, Elsdon - Tuhoe (2 vols). Wellington 1925.
Buller, James - Forty Years in New Zealand. London 1878.
Carleton, Hugh - The Life of Henry Williams (2 vols). Auckland 1874.
Cowan, James - The Maoris of New Zealand. Wellington 1910.
Daamen, Hamer & Rigby - Rangahaua Whanui District 1 Auckland Report 1996.
167
Davis, Te Aue (comp) - Place Names of the Ancestors, A Maori Oral History ( Atlas. Wellington 1985.
Department of Maori Affairs - He Pepeha He Whakatauki no Tai Tokerau. Whangarei 1987.
Forest, Logan - Pouto 105 Years 1879-1984.
Gadd, Bernard - The Rev. James Buller 1812-1884. Auckland 1966.
Gudgeon, T W - The History & Doings of the Maoris. Auckland 1885.
Hongi, Hare (H M Stowell) - On Ariki and Incidentally Tohunga. JPS Vol 18:84-89.
Hongi, Hare - The Ancient Maori. Weekly Press 23 September 1926.
Jackson, Moira - A Report on Desecration of Taonga by Andreas Reischek in Northern Kaipara - Wairoa WAI 271 A8.
Kaamira, Himiona - The Story of Kupe. JPS Vol 66:217-248.
Keene, Florence - Tai Tokerau. Whangarei n.d.
Kereama, Matire - The Tail ofthe Fish. Auckland 1967.
McGregor, John - Popular Maori Songs Supp 2. Auckland 1903.
Marsden, Samuel- Letters and Journals ed by Elder. Dunedin 1932.
Mead, Sidney Moko (ed) - Te Maori. Auckland 1985.
N Z SOciety of Genealogists - monumental inscriptions Oturei Maori Cemetery A07.19 - 00454 (microfiche).
Ngata, Apirana - The Origin of Maori Carving. Te Ao Hou Vol 22:31.
Ngata/Jones - Nga Moteatea Vol 1 Wellington 1959.
Nicholas, John Liddiard - Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand (2 vols) London 1817.
Pewa - About Taoho JPS Vol 20:113.
Ryburn, Wayne - Tall Spars Steamers & Gum. Auckland 1999.
Sheffield C M - Men Came Voyaging. Auckland 1963.
(
Simmons, D R - The Great New Zealand Myth. Wellington 1976.
Sissons, J, Wihongi Wand Hohepa P - The Puriri Trees are Laughing. Auckland 1987.
Smith, Norman - Maori Land Law. Wellington 1960.
168
Smith, S P - The History of Otakanini Pa, Kaipara. TNZI Vol XXVIII pp 41-47 1895.
Smith, S P - Peopling of the North JPS Vols 5-6 (supp). Wellington 1896.
Smith, S P - Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century. Wellington 1910.
Stirling, Bruce - The Lands of Te Uri 0 Hau 0 Te Wahapu 0 Kaipara Vol 1 -The Nineteenth Century WAI 271 A3.
Taonui, Aperahama - He Pukapuka Whakapapa mo Nga Tupuna Maori (AIM). Transl by D R Simmons Records Auckland Institute Museum Vol 12:57-82. (Also unpublished translation by Rev. Maori Marsden).
Tate, Pa (ed) - Karanga Hokianga. Motuti. nd.
Tawhai, Mohi - The Pihe for Nukutawhiti. JPS Vol 49:221-234.
Te Aranui, Matiu - The Story of Rongo. JPS Vol 20:105-107.
Thomas, Paul- The Crown and Maori in the Northem Wairoa 1840-1865. An Overview Report commissioned by the Crown Forestry Rental Trust 1999.
Tinne, J E - The Wonderland of the Antipodes. London 1873.
Tregear, Edward - The Maori Polynesian Comparative Dictionary. Wellington 1891.
Tuhaere, Paora - An Historical Narrative Concerning the Conquest of Kaipara and Tamaki by Ngati Whatua. JPS Vol 32:229-237.
Waitangi Tribunal- Te Roroa Report. Wellington 1992.
Walzl, Tony - Land Issues Within the Otamatea Area. WAI 229 A8.
Ward, Alan - A Show of Justice. Auckland 1978.
Whakatara, Tamati - The Story of Rongo. JPS Vol 20:78-85.
White, John - Maori Customs and Superstitions Lecture 1861 published in T W Gudgeons - The History & Doings of the Maoris. Auckland 1885.
Williams, P L B - Mr. Forsaith Has His Store Sacked. Auckland-Waikato Historical Journal Vol 35:13-14. Auckland 1979.
Wright, Wiremu - Manawhenua Report, Te Uri 0 Hau 0 Te Wahapu 0 Kaipara. WAI271 A11986.
Official Publications
Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives.
Further Papers Relative to the Military Operations in New Zealand GBPP 1864.
169
New Zealand Journals of the Legislative Council & House of Representatives.
Te Kahiti (The Gazette).
Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whatua Act 1988.
Turton, H H - Maori Deeds of Land Purchases in the North Island of New Zealand 1877.
Turton, H H - Maori Deeds & Old Private Land Purchases 1882.
Turton, H H - Epitome of Official Documents Relative to Native Affairs and Land Purchases in the North Island of New Zealand 1803.
Official Plans
Te Kopuru, Tatarariki and Oruapo Blocks - tracing SO 1417c (18677). (In a letter (ref 1950-03) dated 12 May 1995 DOSLI suggests to this witness that that plan possibly was received about September 1867. Its author is unknown).
Oturei Block - plan 2658 (1873).
Newspapers/Magazines/Periodicals
Te Ao Hou
Te Karere Maori
Te Tiupiri
(
(
Te Waka Maori
The Church Gazette
The Northlander magazine
The Northlander newspaper
Abbreviations
AIM -
APL -
ATL -
AUL -
HL
NAA -
NAWgtn
Auckland Institute & Museum Library
Auckland Public Libraries
Alexander Turnbull Library
Auckland University Library
Hocken Library
National Archives Auckland
National Archives, Wellington
Whakapapa Abbreviations
(t) tane
(t1 ) tane no. 1
(t2) tane no. 2
(t3) tane no. 3
(w) wahine
(w1) wahine no. 1
(w2) wahine no. 2
(w3) wahine no. 3
170
ENDNOTES
Paora Tuhaere & Ors He Pukapuka Whakapapa Tupuna no Ngati Whatua 1881:1 translated by George Graham - MS 120 (AIM).
171
Graham's note on his translation of this important MS reads: "The original MS from which this was translated is in the Grey Collection, Auckland Public Library. It was written by the late Paora Tuhaere at the request of Sir George Grey when we were on a visit to him at the Kawau in 1881. There assisted him in its narrative Te Hemara Tauhia (of Mahurangi), Pairama (of Kaipara) Tamehana Te Huna (Awataha, Shoal Bay), Ringori Te Ao (Henderson Creek), Hori Paerimu of Orakei and others. Tuhaere and myself took turns in noting down their narratives from which Tuhaere compiled the MS history embodying the same".
2 The forms Tuputupuwhenua and Tumutumuwhenua are interchangeable - see the Tawhai MS JPS Vol. 49:225. This report generally adopts the former form which is that traditionally employed by Te Roroa. For the aboriginal status of Tuputupuwhenua see also Tregear 1891 :558, Smith 1896:51, J J Fergusson MS, Hare Hongi (H M Stowell) 1926 and Sheffield 1963:22.
(
The evolution of a Nga Puhi orthodoxy of Kupe's discovery of an unoccupied ( Hokianga resulted in a later denial of Tuputupuwhenua origins - see H M Tawhai to S P Smith 28 June 1897 p 12 (Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 8 ATL) postulating the origin of Tuputupuwhenua in Takitumu voyagers and Himiona Kaamira - a member of Hokianga wanaga which sought to reconcile disparate oral traditions - (The Story of Kupe JPS Vol. 66:271), asserting that Tuputupuwhenua was Kupe's son.
3 Aperahama Taonui 1849: 58. The translation is by the late Rev Maori Marsden. See also the Tawhai MS above which in its repetition of many of the elements of the Tuputupuwhenua story earlier related by Taonui clearly is in the Taonui tradition.
Tuakainga - which also is the name of a karakia in which an acknowledgment is made to the original owner of whenua - is shown in whakapapa by Hare Hongi (JPS Vol. 18:86-87) as the eponymous tupuna of Ngati Whatua. Other versions are that the name of that tribe derives from the tupuna Tua of Takitumu waka - hence the Ngati Whatua mode of address E Tua - or from Whatuakaimarie of the waka Mahuhu-ki-te-rangi immigrants.
4 1885 Land court evidence of Re Te Tai ofTe Rarawa MLC Northern M.B.7I105.
(
172
5 Copy of an untitled and author unidentified MS sent by Rev A Brown to Chief Justice William Martin in 1854 and copied by Edward Shortland in 1855 - Edward Shortland Papers MS 86 HL. Translated by D R Simmons 1976:213
6 J J Fergusson MS. Fergusson, who had married into the Maori/Pakeha Leaf whanau of Whirinaki, Hokianga, recorded that his MS was completed in 1897.
7 Author unknown, a Nga Puhi story entitled Kupe - John White Papers MS75 B17Voi. 8 Eng-ATL.
8 H M Tawhai letter to S P Smith 28 June 1892 p11 - Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 8 ATL.
9 Waka Te Huia MS. Rev Maori Marsden oral information. Waitangi Tribunal's Te Roroa Report 1992:9. Wright 1996:61 incorrectly calls Motuhuru a boundary point between Nga Puhi and Ngati Whatua.
10 Rev Hauraki Paora - This was the Beginning of It - undated (probably pre 1892) MS in English p80 ATL.
II Rev Hauraki Paora supra p74. Graham/Halfpenny MS APL.
12 Church Gazette 1875:17-18. A Rangi, who may not be the eponymous tupuna of the tribe, is said to have lived at Tangihua, Whatitiri and the Northern Wairoa - Hare Hikairo Te Karere Maori 30 March 1863 p9. MLC Kaipara M.B. 31102. Turton's Deeds p76, Turton's Old Land Claims p78. Dept. of Maori Affairs 1987:3.
13 JPS Vol. 18:86-87. Other Ngati Rangi whakapapa e.g. by Komene Matiu Te Aranui of Ngati Toki ki Mangakahia (MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/339), Matiki Kuha of Ngati Mauku ki Kaipara (MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/310-311) and by Hare Hikairo (T e Karere Maori 30 March 1863 p5) understandably are much shorter.
14 NgatalJones 1959:270. The pepeha also features on the headstone of Ngati Rangi and Te Roroa descendant Rui Te Haara (died 1935) at St. Michael's Church, Ngawha, Taiamai.
173
15 Mc Gregor 1903:63.
16 Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 162 p136 - also Te Waka Maori 18 April 1876 p88.
17 Waka Te Huia MS.
18 JPS Vol. 48:187, Smith 1896:39, White 1861:199-200, WhiteAHM Vol. 5:76 (Eng).
19 Hemi Parata ofTe Uri 0 Hau MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/105.
20 Te Hemara Tauhia of Ngati Rongo and Te Kawerau MLC Kaipara M.B. 5/21.
21 Heta Paikea of Te Uri 0 Hau MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/320. Paikea seemingly was referring to the Kaipara, rather than the Northern Wairoa district.
22 Piri Teira (Billy Taylor) of Ngai Tupeto MLC Northern M.B. 7/273. J J Fergusson MS. Smith 1896:40. The place name Te Whaiti-nui-a-Toi (The Narrows), usually more readily recognisable as being associated with the Bay of Plenty, also is at Hokianga.
23 Smith 1896:40. The old pa ofTai Tokerau generally are attributed to Ngati Awa - Hemi Papakura MLC Northern M.B. 8/206; Wiremu Hohepa MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/139.
Te Aupouri originally was known as Ngati Awa (Allen Bell The Early History of Kaitaia - The Northlander newspaper 22 June 1922; Karanga Hokianga n.d. pp 75-76); Ngati Kahu has been identified as of Ngati Awa (Smith 1896:50, Simmons 1976:319); Te Rarawa has acknowledged links to Ngati Awa (e.g. to Te Reinga of Ngati Awa - Smith 1896:44); Nga Puhi evolved out of Ngati Awa, Puhimoanaariki, the eponymous tupuna of Nga Puhi, being a great grandson of Awanui (Taonui MS 1849:63, Hare Maika MLC Northern M.B. 4/449, Gudgeon 1885; 1 09), while the Ngati Awa links of Ngati Whatua, Ngati Wai and Te Roroa, whose tupuna formerly were associated with the Ngati Awa area of Parengarenga, are undoubted.
(
(
(
(
174
24 George Graham Papers MS 120, M55-AIM. Smith 1896:44, Simmons 1976:218-231. In this report the term Muriwhenua is intended to encompass the northern peninsula from Kaitaia to Te Reinga and North Cape.
The Te Kao/Parengarenga area not only is associated in tradition with the kumara-bearing waka Mahuhu-ki-te-rangi, but traditionally is said to be the proper place for growing kurnara - Mutu Kapa MLC Northern M.B. 16/73. It is the area where Po of Kurahaupo waka, a descendant of the Mahuhu-ki-terangi voyagers, is recorded as having been interred (at Mokaikai according to Kapata Te Kaka MLC Northern M.B. 17/239) after his waka was wrecked at Takapaukura (Tom Bowling Bay), Hawaiki. Te Kao, probably a variant of Te Whakao, also is associated in Tai Tokerau tradition with kumara-bearing Pourangahua (the eponymous tupuna of Ngati Pou alias Te Uri-o-Pou) and his birds (Keene Tai Tokerau n.d. p19). The same story, in which Pourangahua on his birds brings kumara from Parinuitera, Te Whakao, Hawaiki to the Bay of Plenty, is known to Ngati Awa (Best's Tuhoe pp 704,706,924).
Mataatua waka is said to have come from Parinuitera, Hawaiki (Smith 1896;17-18) while Te Arawa waka is also associated with Parengarenga, where the place name Te Toko-o-Te Arawa still survives.
25 For Tohe's journey see Mutu Kapa MLC Northern M.B. 85n, The Northlander newspaper 19 February 1930, Te Roroa Report 1992:17-18, Keene 1963:45-52 and Davis (comp) 1985:21-23. The latter account, which failed to draw upon authentic tradition, sadly is marred by error.
26 Wright 1996:29. Te Roroa Report 1992:4,359.
27 Aperahama Taonui 1849:63. Rev Maori Marsden oral information. J J Fergusson MS, As indicated by Wright 1996: 1 06, the evidence points to overpopulation and competition for resources as the causes of migration from Muriwhenua. The death of Taureka needs to be seen as a cultural and social justification for the migration and accompanying warfare.
28 Piri Teira MLC Northern M.B. 34/235, Iraia Kuao MLC Northern M.B. 34/244, Hone Makarini MLC Northern M.B. 34/262. J J Fergusson MS. Smith 1896:30.
29 Aperahama Taonui 1849:63. As per note 28 supra.
30 H M Tawhai to S P Smith 28 June 1892 - Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 8. Smith 1896:58.
175
31 Hapakuku Ruia MLC Northern M.B. 3/198.
32 Piipi Cummins of Te Roroa oral information. Smith 1896:58. Ngakuru Pene Haare MS p22. Hapakuku Moetara ofTe Roroa ki Waimamaku also associated Ngati Awa with the Waimamaku area - Ngata, Te Ao Hou Vol. 22:31. Although Smith 1896:11 records that Tumoana's people were conquered by Ngati Whatua and Ngati Awa, it is apparent that Ngati Whatua had not then assumed a corporate identity under that name. Smith would have been on firmer ground had he confined his reference to Ngati Awa.
33 Komene Poakatahi MLC Northern M.B. 2/200. For other versions of this whakatauki see Hapakuku Moetara MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/296 and Te Roroa Report 1992:4. The version cited derives from the late Piipi Cummins ofTe Roroa.
(
34 Paraone Hemana MLC Kaipara M.B. 10/53-54. Paraone's association of Te Roroa with Nga Puhi is indicative of past Te Roroa support for the Nga Puhi tribal confederation. I believe that Paraone was mistaken in referring to Tarepo, rather than Pepetaha, as the Ngati Whatua ancestor. Another account (Mohi Waitai MS Folder 2 p300) relates that the division between Te Roroa and the ancestors of the later tribal groups of Te Taou, Te Uri 0 Hau, Ngati Rongo and Ngati Whatua occurred in the lifetime of Ngaengae's son Matohi. (
35 Pene Haare Ngakuru MS.
36 Te Roroa Report 1992:360. The Pepetaha to Ruawheke line comes from H M Tawhai of T e Mahurehure - see note 30 supra.
37 Although usually referred to as belonging to the north (A K Haututu MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/3170). Tutaki's whakapapa and tribal affiliations are unknown. Comparative whakapapa would suggest however that he probably was a descendant of Muriwhenua immigrants. Tamati Whakatara JPS Vol. 20:82. The Ngati Rangi woman Kahurau should not be confused with Kaharau, the son of Rahiri of Nga Puhi. The Ngai TamatealNgati Awa etc. feuds at Muriwhenua are referred to by Smith 1896:42-43 and by Simmons 1976:223.
Smith's supposition (Smith 1896:59) that the Muriwhenua immigrants did not remain long at Waimamaku and WaipoualMaunganui is not supported either by whakapapa or by archaeological research. Extensive garden systems of the Wairau and Waipoua river valleys, usually carbon-dated to the mid 15th
_
176
16th century (M Taylor, archaeologist, personal communication) are thought to be associated with the Muriwhenua travellers.
38 Tuhaere 1923:229-237 - DOC 001. For the origin of Te Taou tribe, said to have assumed that name following the Nga Ririki settlement of South Kaipara, see also Waka Tuaea Kaipara M.B. 1171-72,2/181, 136-137, Kingi Ruarangi MLC Kaipara M.B. 10/190 and the J J Fergusson MS. Nga Ririki as the old name for Te Taou also is referred to by Te Hemara Tauhia of Ngati Rongo MLC Kaipara M.B. 5/19. The traditional accounts refer to Toutara both as a man and a woman. Ngai Tutaki, which as a corporate group is now extinct, is likely to have been a segment of Ngati Rangi associated with Tutaki's wife Kahurau. Nga Ririki is referred to as part of Nga Oho in the Graham/Halfpenny MS, but as part of Nga lwi in Smith 1895:41. Both Nga Oho and Nga Ririki however generally are considered to be Ngati Awa peoples.
39 Hauraki Paora This was the Beginning of It pp 121-140 - DOC 002. Haumoewarangi's action in going to war without prior notice is remarked upon by the author as not in accordance with custom.
40 Pita Kena MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/282, Hemi Parata MLC Kaipara 6/286, A K Haututu MLC Kaipara M.B. 21211.
4l Hauraki Paora supra. Hapakuku Moetara MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/297, 299. For Pinea see also Te Roroa Report 1992:6,360,364 and Paiwiko Anania MLC Kaipara M.B. 22:95. Although Tuhaere supra refers to Toutara as belonging to Te Uri 0 Hau, that group then was not in existence. Most accounts support the Hauraki Paora version that Toutara was of Nga Ririki.
42 J J Fergusson MS, Heta Hamuera MLC Northern M.B. 7/232, Ruka Te Huru MLC Northern M.B. 7/291. Kairewa was related to Ngati Rangi and to Te Roroa through his Ngai Tuputupuwhenua great grandmother Kaiawhi who married Rahiri's son Kaharau at Waikara north of Maunganui Bluff. Kairewa's wife Waimirirangi also was of Ngai Tamatea.
43 Te Roroa Report 1992:10. Piipi Tiopira (Cummins) MLC Kaipara M.B. 12/145, Te Rare Taoho MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/312. The Native Land Court awarded the Kaihu 1 and adjoining Tunatahi (Dargaville) blocks to the descendants of the Te Roroa tupuna Toa.
44 Hauraki Paora MS ibid.
177
45 S P Smith's Ngati Whatua whakapapa, Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 162. Other versions e.g. by Te Otene Kikokiko MLC Kaipara M.B. 21126 hold that Hakiriri had no issue and that Te Taou mana passed to ( his sister Whakatere - the mother of Muriwhakaroto as given in Smith's whakapapa.
46 Hauraki Paora MS supra.
47 Matiu Kapa MLC Northern M.B. 7/254. In his whakapapa Matiu has omitted Takamoana - who married Takaroa, the daughter of Tuwhenuaroa and his wife Turangitoto of Ngati Ruanui, north Hokianga - between Toronge and Waipinerangi. Te Roroa Report 1992:366. At this period Tuiti was visiting his grandsons who had marriedTe Roroa women of Waimamaku.
48 Smith 1896:60-61 where the whare is referred to as Nga-rakau-a-Tuka-tangimamae. It is called Tu-tangi-mamae in Te Kawau 1920:3 and Te Rakau-a-Tu in Tauhara MS p301. Kohuru was a famous master carver who lived probably during the late 17th to early 18th century both at Otaua and Waimamaku, south Hokianga. He is traditionally credited with carving some of the Waimamaku burial chests. Although Smith relates that Ngati Whatua arose from Kaipara, they had not assumed that name at that time. Neither were the Ngati Whatua tupuna then living at Kaipara, but at Kaihu.
49 Smith ibid. Kukutaepa pa is situated on Poka's Road, Waimamaku while Kaiparaheka pa is on the Waiotemarama Scenic Reserve, at the intersection of SH 12 and Waiotemarama Road, Waimamaku. A surprise attach on unarmed guests inside a whare manuhiri was a classic ploy of Maori warfare. Dept. of Maori Affairs 1987:77.
50 Te Roroa claim Wai 38 - kaumatua evidence. Awarua Maihi MLC Northern M.B. 34/281. Tauhara above refers to the participation of Kawharu. Smith, who may have confused the two Ngati Pou brothers and their pa, ibid. According to Tiopira Kinaki, a descendant of both brothers, Kukutaepa was Tarahape's pa and Kaiparaheka Te Whareumu's pa - MLC Northern M.B. 21208.
51 Te Kawau 1920:2.
52 John White Papers MS 75B Folder 22. This paper employs the form Haumoewarangi which commonly was adopted in the writings of tupuna.
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53 Hauraki Paora MS p74.
Mohi Waitai MS Papers Folder 7:134.
Shepherd Family MS. A Tangaroa is said to have arrived on the waka Takitumu - Hauraki Paora MS p62. Smith 1896:53. Takitumu and Mahuhuki-te-rangi are acknowledged as the two main waka of the Ngati Whatua tribal confederation - Te Waka Maori 1847 p122. .
56 H M Tawahi letter 23 June 1892 to S P Smith - Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 8.
57 Komene Matiu Te Aranui MLC Whangarei M.B. 5/90.
58 P M Tauhara MS p306.
59 Re Te Tai MLC Northern M.B. 7/106.
60 Waka Te Huia Day Book p163.
61 Hare Hongi (H M Stowell) JPS Vol. 18:87-89.
62 Ruka Te Huru MLC Northern M.B. 8/108.
63 Smith 1896:63, Rev Maori Marsden oral information, Reihana Kena MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/82, Hauraki Paora MS pp 62-74. The latter'S whakapapa of the Takitumu voyagers, who he associates with Nukutawhiti of the waka Nga Tokimatawhaorua, is irreconcilable with his narrative. Te Iho-o-te-rangi, the alleged great grandfather of Haumoewarangi, is much too late to have been a voyager on Takitumu.
Much of Smith's writing on the Uri 0 Hau and Ngati Whatua tribes is confused, careless and contradictory. Having first recorded that at the time of arrival of the Ngati Whatua tupuna from the north Te Uri 0 Hau tupuna probably were in possession of the country they still held, Smith went on to remark that "Haumaiwharangi" - for whom Te Uri 0 Hau is named - was a pure Ngati Whatua, probably from the north. That conclusion apparently was reached on the erroneous basis that Haumoewarangi was the son of Tutaki (Smith 1896:63). And yeteanier in the same work (Smith ibid p59), Smith
179
already had referred to Tutaki as Hau's father-in-law, not his father. See also Baliara 1998: 1 00.
64 Tamati Whakatara JPS Vol. 20:82-85. By abducting Waihekeao, Haumoewarangi was seeking retribution from her Ngati Rangi husband and possibly Nga Ririki, if the latter were her father's people.
65 For lists of the children of Haumoewarangi and Waihekeao see A K Haututu MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/25, Hauraki Paora Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 7, Hira Matiu Te Tiupiri No. 56 Vol. 2 (1899) p2, Mihaka Kena MLC Kaipara M.B. 13/128, Mohi Waitai MS Papers Folder 2:304 and Wright 1996:50. The lists suggest that the name Te Hau is an alias for Weka.
66 Te Keene Tangaroa MLC Kaipara M.B. 21116.
61 Matiu Te Aranui JPS Vol. 20: 105-107, Te Hemara Tauhia MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/274, Waka Te Huia MS, Horomona Te Aua Te Karere Maori 1 June 1863 p10. Tamati Whakatara supra.
68 Rev Maori Marsden oral information.
69 Waka Te Huia MS Papers. Paraone Hemana MLC Kaipara M.B. 10/49. Rev Maori Marsden oral information. Hori Kingi Te Pua MLC Kaipara M.B.9/321. Te Hemara Tauhia MLC Kaipara M.B. 1/137.
10 Waka Te Huia MS Papers. Mohi Waitai MS Papers.
11 Hori Kingi Te Pua MLC Kaipara M.B. 9/318-319 part whakapapa.
12 Te Keene Tangaroa MLC Kaipara M.B. 21118. For Pokopokowhititera as the tupuna of Ngati Whatua tuturu and T e Mangamata hapu see Paraone Ngaweke MLC Kaipara M.B. 1/15 and Wiremu Hoete MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/337.
13 For associations between Otakanini pa and Ngati Whatua tuturu see Smith 1895:41 - who refers to Ngati Whatua proper - and 1896:75.
14 Hauraki Paora MS supra.
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75 Tapihana Paikea MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/211-212 - see also Wiremu Tipene Kaipara M.B. 1/123. For Te Atuahaere's whakapapa see Paraone Hemana MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/343 and Te Reweti Paenganui Kaipara M.B. 7/337.
76 Hemi Parata MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/103.
180
77 Waka Te Huia MS Papers. Paraone Hemana MLC Kaipara M.B. 10/49 inserts Te Akauorongo between Rangituke and Waitea. Earlier whakapapa of A K Haututu MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/162 however suggests that Te Akaurongo and Waitea were siblings.
78 Paraone Ngaweke MLC Kaipara M.B. 21124. It is unclear from Paraone's evidence whether Kaiwhare was a sister or daughter of Te Huhunu. Smith 1896:68 records Te Huhunu's birth at Raglan (Whaingaroa). A connection between the Raglan people and Rangiteipu, Haumoewarangi's daughter by his Waikato wife Waewaekura, was drawn by Paraone Ngaweke - suggesting that Waewaekura may have originated from Whaingaroa. For Ngati Kura and Kuramangotini see MLC Northern M.B. 1/92 and Kaipara M.B. 2170 and 7/162-163.
79 Wright 1996:56,65-66. Unless I have not followed Mr. Wright's argument correctly, there seem to me to be inconsistencies in his statements as to the relative positions of the corporate groups descended from Haumoewarangi. Evidence of Paraone Hemana Kaipara M.B. 10/54 indicates that the name Te Uri 0 Hau was in use during the lifetime of Hakiputatomuri's son Pokopokowhititera.
80 Wiremu Henare MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/97.
81 Mihaka Makoare MLC Kaipara M.B. 10/379.
82 Heta Paikea MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/377.
83 Hemi Parata MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/362.
84 Henare Wharara Toka MLC Kaipara M.B. 9/217.
181
85 Composite whakapapa - Hauraki Paora MS Papers, Smith's Ngati Whatua whakapapa (Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 162) and Waka Te Huia MS Papers.
86 White 1861:210 - DOC 003.
87 Cowan 1910:213 - informant Te Rore Taoho ofTe Roroa.
88 Paora Tuhaere MLC Kaipara M. B. 3/52 and AJHR Session 11 1879 G8 pp 44-45 - DOCS 004 and 005.
89 J W Preece to Sir Donald McLean 28 May 1875 MAlMLP 1/1875/236 reproduced in Paul Thomas The Crown and Maori in the Northern Wairoa 1840-1865 Supporting Docs 1089.
90 J G Johnson to CS 20 March 1854 (Turton's Reports of Land Purchase Dept. p58) - DOC 006. J G Johnson to McLean 3 April 1856 (Turton's Reports supra p71) - DOC 007. William White to Governor Brown 14 May 18571N1857/817 reproduced in Paul Thomas supra Supporting Docs 720. Smith 1896 refers to "the Ngati Whatua tribes" when dealing with the Ngati Whatua tribal confederation. In referring to Ngati Whatua tuturu or tribe however, he usually employs the form "Ngati Whatua proper tribe" - Smith 1910:27 - DOCS 008 and 009.
91 For references to Te Uri 0 Hau tribe see MLC Kaipara M.B. 1/17, Kaipara M.B. 2/51,53,70,83, Kaipara M.B. 3/138,141,234,238,250,265,274, 329, Kaipara M.B. 7/37 and Kaipara M.B. 12170,171; for references to Te Roroa tribe see MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/62,119,142,195,196,260,281 and Kaipara M.B. 12170. For references to Te Taou tribe see MLC Kaipara M.B. 2/33,88,99,104,126,135,136 and Kaipara M.B. 12111. Ngati Whatua tribe is described as such at MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/250,274 and Kaipara M.B. 12160,70,71 while Ngati Rongo tribe is referred to at Kaipara M.B. 12160. Historically, Te Uri 0 Hau also has been referred to as an "iwi iti" (Te Karere Maori 3 August 1860).
92 Ballara 1998:100-101. MLC Kaipara M.B. 9/26.
93 Alemann 1992:1-2 - DOC 010.
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94 Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whatua Act 1998 - DOC 011. Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whatua Poupou - report on hui held at Otamatea marae 20 February 1993 - DOC 012. The report recorded election difficulties as the Act required descent from the Uri 0 Hau tupuna Haumoewarangi as a condition of membership. Notwithstanding, the hui voted to proceed with elections to the runanga, which occurred, without requiring members to prove descent from that tupuna. It is apparent from the non-Ngati Whatua marae affiliations of members on the runanga's membership roll, that many members do not descend from Haumoewarangi. On that basis much of the runanga's actions and decisions may well be questionable. Insofar as it permits the runanga's membership roll to be stacked with non-Ngati Whatua members, the current situation also seemingly is unfair to the descendants of Haumoewarangi and to members of Ngati Whatua tuturu.
Curiously, a runanga notice of elections published in The Northland Times and Rodney Reporter of 30 September 1999 - DOC 013 - sought to impose upon runanga members a condition of belonging to specified marae "by direct descent" (whatever that was supposed to mean), rather than being descended from Haumoewarangi.
95 John White 1861:210-211.
96 Smith 1910:330-332. For Koriwhai see Te Roroa Report 1992:367. His father was of Ngati Hine, his mother of Ngati Maanu. The cause of Te Ikaa-Ranganui was traced back by Taurau Kukupa (Maori Land Court Kaipara M.B. 3/144) to a fight at Waituna over a woman betrothed to Te Ohurua of Te Waiaruhe hapu of Te Uri 0 Hau, in which Te Tao the son of the Nga Puhi chief Pokaia fell.
97 Hori Rewi MLC Whangarei M.B. 4/175.
98 Parore TeAwha MLC Kaipara M.B. 21205.
99 Carleton 1874 (Vol. 1):64. Smith 1910:333 merely says that Hongi overtook Te Whareumu at Mangawhai. Although Heta Paikea of Te Uri 0 Hau names (MLC Kaipara M.B. 9/11) the participating opponents of Nga Puhi as Te Uri 0 Hau, Ngati Whatua, Ngati Mauku, Ngati Rongo and Ngai Tahu, Smith 1910:344 also suggests a Te Taou presence - presumably from South Kaipara, the Tamakimakaurau people under Apihai Te Kawau arriving too late for the battle. According to Wiremu Tipene (MLC Kaipara M.B. 1/125) Te Uri o Katea hapu ofTe Kawerau iwi supported Ngati Whatua, Te Uri 0 Hau and allies in opposing the Nga Puhi forces over a three months fighting period. They were not driven off but remained in the forest with Ngati Rangi after the
battle. For the two Te Roroa participants at Te Ika-a-Ranganui see Tiopira Kinaki MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/155.
183
100 Taurau Kukupa MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/144. Kamariera Wharepapa MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/151.
101 Wiremu Henare MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/101. See also Taurau Kukupa MLC 3/145. White 1861:190-191. See also Smith 1960:101.
102 Hemi Parata MLC Kaipara M.B. 8/365.
103 Taurau Kukupa MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/128,143.
104 Parore TeAwha MLC Kaipara M.B. 21205, Te Karere Maori 1 June 1863 p25, Church Gazette February 1875 p18. The latter article - which refers to Te Roroa under their old name of Ngati Rangi or Ngai Te Rangi -reports Parore's unfounded claims that he was present as an adult when the Boyd was taken at Whangaroa in 1809, that he was placed by Hongi Hika in authority over Te Roroa territories, that Hongi's enemies were defeated at Moremunui and that he (Parore) had never sold a foot of land - DOC 014.
105 Smith 1910:333. Taurau Kukupa MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/106. A K Haututu MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/162.
106 Te Hemara Tauhia MLC Kaipara M.B. 5/14. Reupena Waitai MLC Kaipara M.B. 12151.
107 Te Parawhau's position owed much to the accidents of topography and whakapapa. By controlling the upper reaches of the densely wooded Northern Wairoa river, the tribe early attracted sawyers and opportunities to participate in the Pakeha market economy. Probably due to the intercession of his Nga Puhi kin at the Bay of Islands, Tirarau was not overlooked by officials such as James Busby in obtaining signatures to the prestigious 1835 Declaration of Independence. A signatory also of the Treaty of Waitangi, Tirarau long was regarded by government as the principal chief of the Northern Wairoa district - see Te Karere Maori 2 May 1842 pp 19-20 where he is called Te tino rangatira - the quintessential chief - of the Northern Wairoa. His relations with government also were aided by the presence of the missionary James Buller. In Maori terms Tirarau had inherited the mana of his father Kukupa, a great toa - Nicholas 1817 Vol. 2 pp 5-6.
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Some of the Ngai Tahuhu interests were in Hatoi block (MLC Kaipara M.B. 2124; 7/241) and Tangihua block (Turton's Deeds pp 130-131). According to Judge W E Gudgeon, the Tangihua district was not conquered from Ngai Tahuhu (MLC Whangarei M.B. 5/250).
108 Mohi Waitai MS Papers Folder 3:83.
109 The Kawerau origin of Ngai Tahuhu is referred to by Simmons 1976:320. For the origin of Te Parawhau see Mita Wepiha MLC Northern M.B. 27/98,137 who records that Tirarau 1 met his death seeking utu for the deaths of the brothers Te Ponaharakeke and Te Waikeri. Undoubtedly, there then was a social need to adopt the new corporate name of Te Parawhau to encompass both Ngai Tahuhu and Nga Puhi. MLC Whangarei M.B. 3/109.
110 According to Judge W E Gudgeon's whakapapa MS p104 "The Ngai Tahuhu tribe of Whangarei were the original owners of that place until stamped out by Te Waha and Tawhiro of Nga Puhi". A similar statement is contained in the John White Papers MS 714/3. "The Parawhau tribe killed and took possession's ofthe tribe Ngai Tahu who were the original owners of Whangarei in the days of Ruaitehoro". Further details of the Whangarei raupatu of Ngai Tahuhu is to be found in Whangarei M. B.'s 4 & 5 of the Native Land Court and in evidence produced to Grey's 1863 arbitration commission re the affair of Matiu Te Aranui. For the forced gifts to Nga Puhi at Mangakahia and Wairua, see MLC Whangarei M.B. 5/43.
111 WE Gudgeon whakapapa MS pp 101-102.
112 Waka Te Huia MS Papers.
113 Waka Te Huia supra. See also Te Roroa Report 1992:365. Another version shows Te Waiata, rather than Whata, marrying the wahine rangatira Ngahue.
114 Paikea had returned to Otamatea, Kaipara in 1840 - Pairama Ngutahi MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/4. According to Buller, by 1839 Ngati Whatua allies had retumed and settled on the banks of the Kaipara - Buller Journal 18 April 1839 as cited in Turnbull 1950:31. Kukupa had brought both Ngati Porou and Ngati Kahungunu slaves from the south - Riria Makoare MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/166. For Ngati Rehia as a hapu ofTe Parawhau see Te Korimako 15 May 1883 p2.
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115 MLC minutes Waiaruhe block (Kaipara M.B. 3/100), Omu/Manganui block (Kaipara M.B. 3/114), Ounuwhao block (Kaipara M.B. 3/112), Kaihu 2 block (Kaipara M.B. 3/280), Waimata block (Kaipara M.B. 3/130), Kohekohe block (Kaipara M.B. 2/19,75-76), Rukupo block (Kaipara M.B. 3/3570) and Te Hoanga block (Kaipara M. B. 2/9). For the expulsion of Taramainuku see Pene Haare Ngakuru MS, Tiopira Kinaki MLC Kaipara M.B. 2/201 and Smith 1910:21. Gifts of Northern Wairoa land to Taramainuku were denied by Eru Whakamautara of Ngati Tautahi, Nga Puhi (MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/103) and by Pairama Ngutahi and A K Haututu ofTe Uri 0 Hau (MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/104,108).
116 According to Tamati Pohe (Whakatara) of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa, Taramainuku ofTe Roroa was the source of Tirarau's and Parore's mana tangata (MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/143). MLC Whangarei M.B.'s 3/291,319 and 5/149.
117 H Tito MLC Whangarei M.B. 5/308. Pouaka Parore Whangarei M.B. 5/310. See also Kepe Rata MLC Kaipara M.B. 5n7 and Te Hira Te Take MLC Whangarei M.B. 5/314. As the Te Roroa Report (1992) indicates, there was much disputing between Parore and other Te Roroa chiefs over Te Roroa land and resources. The Te Roroa chief T e Rore T aoho, for instance, denied Parore's 1870 claim to the Kaihu 1 block, on the grounds that Parore's Te Roroa tupuna Paikea (the father of Taramainuku) was a bastard. And yet as the later sale of timber cutting rights on Opanaki block demonstrates, those two opposing chiefs could also co-operate with each other. By withdrawing all Te Roroa claim to Kaihu 2 block, the Te Roroa chiefTiopira Kinaki also facilitated a Native Land Court 1877 award of that block to Parore, Ani Patene and her son Haimona Pirika - MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/203,280.
ll8 Waka Te Huia MS Papers. See also Te Roroa Report 1992:361. Given the number of Taramainuku's descendants as shown in whakapapa, it is curious that so few ofthose descendants were admitted by Parore into titles of the Native Land Court and that much of the Te Kuihi interests later were devised by Parore to his own immediate whanau.
119 Te Karere Maori 15 July 1863 p22. For creation of the 1875 Te Kuihi hegemony, which affected the Northem Wairoa blocks ofWaiaruhe, Omu (Manganui), Ounuwhao and Waimata - as well as the Mangakahia blocks of Mangakirikiri, Tutamoe and Kairara - see MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/100,112-DOCs 015 and 016. Under that arrangement, sought by Parore since 1861, the Mangakahia people gave up all claims on Ounuwhao, Waimata, Omu (Manganui) and Waiaruhe blocks. In exchange, Parore and his party gave up all claims to Tutamoe, Kairara and Mangakirikiri blocks, Mangakahia. The Uri o Hau interests in the first named blocks - which probably were derived from Ngati Rangi - were satisfied by the gift to them by Tirarau of Mangarata block.
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A condition of the gift, which illustrates how Tirarau generally supported his brother-in-law Parore's interests, was that Te Uri 0 Hau, including Paikea, were not to apply for a rehearing of the Ounuwhao decision - which recognised the interests of Parore and resident Ngati Rangi, but not Te Uri 0 Hau.
That, that arrangement did not cater to the needs of all parties is evident from ignored requests by Wiremu Hohepa (MA Register 1875/5402 entry only) for a rehearing of Waimata block awarded only to Parore Te Awha and his adherent Ani Patene - MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/130. Te Roroa under Tiopira Kinaki also considered that their interests had been ignored and later successfully obtained a solatium from Parore in respect to the block -Te Roroa Report 1992:74-75.
James Clendon to Under Secretary Native Dept. 16 September 1878 - John Rogan letter book A588/531. Paora Tuhaere MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/272-273.
Events respecting Tutamoe block are just as questionable. On 6 October 1874 Parore advised government (MA Register 1874/5816 entry only) that he had agreed to sell to the Crown his land called Tutamoe, extending as far as Mangakahia. The area of land, which suggests the whole Mangakahia valley, supposedly contained 800,000 acres. On 4 August 1875 (MA Register 1875/4525 entry only) Parore advised that he had received payment from McDonnel for Tutamoe. And yet five months earlier, according to the Native Land Court record (see note 13 supra), he had surrendered all claims to Tutamoe in favour of the Mangakahia people. On 23 October 1876 Parore forwarded an objection to the Tutamoe sale as he and Tirarau had only received 150 pounds. He stated that he had been deceived and would not let the land go (MA Register 1876/5798 entry only). His letter was recorded as being referred to Preece.
120 MLC Kaipara M.B. 21215-217. Te Rore Taoho, who also was protesting attempts to classify Te Roroa as part of Nga Puhi, MLC Kaipara M. B. 3/115. Hapakuku Moetara was emphasising the difference between Te Roroa tuturu and Ngati Whatua tuturu, Northern M.B. 1/212.
121 MLC Kaipara M.B. 9/221. Wi Apo Kaipara M.B. 9/105. Te Rore Taoho An Account of the Origin of the Feud Between Te Roroa, Ngati Whatua and Nga Puhi Tribes (1896) - Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 6. It was in recognition of Te Roroa's military assistance to Te Uri 0 Hau that Tiopira Kinaki's name was placed amongst Te Uri 0 Hau owners of Oruawharo block when that land passed through the Native Land Court.
122 Waiata 26 April 1840 and Tirarau 26 May 1840 (MA Register 1840/15 & 17), Tirarau 26 May 1840 and Waiata October 1840 (MA Register 1840/17 & 37), Tirarau 15 May 1845 and Buller 15 May 1845 (MA Register
187
18451177,180,181) - all entries only. Resident Magistrate Hokianga 2 April 1859 (MA Register 18591196 entry only). Te Karere Maori 1 June 1863 p25.
123 Te Karere Maori supra. Further papers Relative to the Military Operations in New Zealand GBPP 1864 p23. For Parere's so called Nga Puhi claims under Taramainuku see, for instance, MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/102,271. Throughout the 1830s to 1870s Parere largely seems to have lived in the lower Kaihu valley or on the Northern Wairoa river at places such as Te Hoanga. Tinne's plan of his Kaihu flax lease suggests that in 1873 Parere was living at Te Houhanga marae Kaihu. It should be noted that Kaihu also was the old name for the township of Dargaville.
124 . Te Rore Taoho MLC Kaipara M.B. 61301. Parore Te Awha MLC
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Kaipara M.B. 2/206. It was Ngati Apa hapu of Te Uri 0 Hau who lived with Parore at Kaihu. They also had land rights at Okaro, Pouto and Oruawharo, Kaipara. On their behalf Parere signed the 1835 Declaration of Independence. Te Kuihi had connections to Te Rarawa through Te Kawau, a Te Rarawa toa. The latter married Taramainuku's daughter Tuha. Te Rarawa came to the aid of Tirarau and Parere in their 1860 dispute with Paikea (refer to Paul Thomas The Crown and Maori in the Northern Wairoa 1840-1865 pp 178-179), providing 6 war canoes and 300 warriors in support of the TiraraulParore cause. Subsequently, Parere rewarded Wiremu Rikihana of Te Rarawa with a grant of land at Opanaki, Kaihu, upon which today stands St. Agnes' Church and the Hokokehu hapu of Te Rarawa marae ( Tama Te Ua Ua (Wiremu Rikihana MLC Hokianga M.B. 51323-324). Paraone Ngaweke MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/276. Parore Te Awha MLC Kaipara M.B. 21206.
125 Evidence of Tirarau incorporated in report of George Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 (CO 202-230 microfilm 1811 AUL). Parore 25 July 1845, Te Wheinga 25 August 1845 (MA Register 18451345 and 18451437 entries only). Haimona Pirika Ngai 20 April 1875 and 30 April 1875 (MA Register 187512152, 187512158 entries only). Parore Te Awha to James Clendon 17 September 1878 in John Rogan letter book BADW A5881531. Te Karere Maori 15 July 1863 p22. James Clendon to Under Secretary Native Dept. 16 September 1878 in John Rogan letter book supra. Paora Tuhaere MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/272-273. Te Otene Kikokiko Kaipara M.B. 21130. Te Otene's wife, Maata Tira Koroheke, was Ani's cousin and of a similar disposition. Pirika Ngai MLC Kaipara M.B. 31120. Parore Te Awha MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/271. Puhi Hihi Parere 18 October 1873 and Parore Te Awha 28 October 1874 (MA Registers 187315952, 1874174 entries only).
126 Parere Te Awha 10 March 1840, Tirarau Kukupa 10 September 1840 and Resident Magistrate, Whangarei 17 October 1863 relative to Tirarau's appointment as a court assessor (MA Registers 184013, 1840136 and
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1863/592 - all entries only). At one stage Tirarau was being paid 60 pounds p.a. for the discharge of his duties. In 1873 Parore was awarded -presumably on the basis that he had acquired pensioner status - a sum of 30 pounds p.a. by the Crown (John Rogan to Under Secretary Native Dept. 4 March 1873 in John Rogan letter book supra.). That sum, roughly equivalent to the purchase price of 533 acres of land at the Te Roroa 1870s going rate of 1/1d per acre, presumably continued to be paid by the Crown while Parore was disputing in the mid 1870s Te Roroa title to WaipoualMaunganui.
127 In the Te Roroa Report 1992:80-81 the tribunal found that Messrs. Preece and Kemp, as Crown agents, acted in bad faith towards Parore's Te Roroa opponent Tiopira and resorted to unfair practices. Those practices resulted in Parore gaining some tens of thousands of acres of Te Roroa land.
128 Whakapapa Waka Te Huia MS Papers, Mohi Waitai MS Papers Folder 3. Te Roroa Report 1992:364. Rev Maori Marsden oral information. Tiopira Kinaki MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/9. For the origin of Ngati Whiu see Ruka Korakora MLC Northern M.B. 8/143.
129 Whakapapa Waka Te Huia MS Papers, Mohi Waitai MS Papers Folder 3. For the whakatauki see Williams' dictionary under the word pakewa. The battle of Pikoi has been described in Sissons et aI1987:108-122. The Ngati PoulTe Roroa leaders were Te Maunga (who returned to Waipoua after the battle), Toko (a casualty of the fighting), Tukarawa (who subsequently settled at Whangaroa) and Paka (who joined Nene's people at Upper Waihou, Hokianga) - Sissons ibid p 115. Taiamai was the inland Bay of Islands area stretching from Ngawha in the west to Waimate North.
A northern origin for Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa also is suggested by the Ngati Whatua Kaipara register 1877 which shows Ngati Kawa as a Nga Puhi hapu with kainga at Oruariki (Aoroa) under Reupena Waitai and at Te Aratapu under Hone Tana (Rehua). Ngati Kawa however is indicated as a tribe with a settlement at Opango under Tamati Whakatara in the 1860 tribal census. Given that the Ngati Whatua register also records Te Roroa ki Kaihu both as a tribe and as a hapu , its perceptions and reliability may be suspect. As a Kaipara register, the register does not deal with Maori communities north of Kaihu - resulting in one of many continuing attempts to partition Te Roroa's customary territory to Hokianga South Head.
130 Mohi Waitai MS Papers, Smith 1896:41.
131 Rev Maori Marsden, who lived at Pouerua, Te Kopuru, oral information. Reupena Waitai MLC Kaipara M.B. 12/50,138.
132 Tiopira Kinaki MLC Northern M.B. 21209-210.
133 Mohi Waitai MS Papers composite whakapapa. See also Te Roroa Report 1992:362,366.
134 Reupena Waitai MLC Kaipara M.B. 12151 - DOC 017. Te Paanga of
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Te Popoto - Muriwai's first cousin - married Te Haukapanga (w) of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa ki Northern Wairoa. Their son was the Northern Wairoa chief Henare Taramoeroa (see Appendix 1 hereof, MLC Northern M.B. 14/267-270 and Kaipara M.B. 4n), the vendor of Whakahara block to O'Brien and a Mangungu Mission supporter (Te Karere Maori 31 May 1856 p 29).
Muriwai's daughter Kereihi married the prophet Aperahama Taonui (c1815-1882). It was in recognition of Muriwai's aroha and support of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa afterTe Ika-a-Ranganui that those Te Roroa hapu who also fought with Te Popoto against Hone Heke, gifted the Oturei block to TaonuiTipene Te Waha of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/29. Applicants for investigation of the customary title of Oturei block were Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa members Tipene Te Waha, Henare Taramoeroa, Tamati Whakatara and Nopera Henare Taramoeroa - MLC Whangarei Oturei block file - DOC 018.
ForWhakapaka pa see The Northlander magazine (1974) Vol 14 pp 53-58
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and Kaipo Hoterene MLC Northern M.B. 14/276. Prior to marrying ( Tauratumaru and coming to live with him at Horeke, Hokianga, Tutahua - who with her husband is commemorated at Otiria marae, Moerewa - had resided with her Ngati Pou people at Ruahoanga pa, Taiamai.
135 Buller 1878:84 - DOC 019.
136 Evidence of T S Forsaith incorporated in report of George Clarke enclosed with Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 CO 202-230 (Microfilm 1811, AUL) reproduced in Stirling The Lands of Te Uri 0 Hau 0 Te Wahapu 0 Kaipara Vol 1 WAI271 A3 Supporting Docs T1. Gadd 1966:17 - DOC 020.
IJ7 Evidence of T S Forsaith supra. Clarke to Tirarau and tribe 12 March 1842 enclosed with Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra.
138 Evidence of George Stephenson incorporated in report of George Clarke enclosed in Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra. Gadd supra. Buller supra.
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139 Buller 1878: 85 - DOC 021.
140 Buller 1878:87 - DOC 022. George Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra. Williams 1979:14 - apparently, relying upon the untraced Gwen Howe's Life of Elihu Shaw, suggests that the muru took place in February 1842 while Forsaith and his wife were absent in Sydney - DOC 023.
141 George Clarke to Tirarau and tribe 14 March 1842 enclosed with Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra. Clarke to Hobson ("Private") 15 March 1842 enclosed with Hobson to Secretary of State for the Colonies 25 March 1842 - Stirling supra Supporting Docs T1.
142 Evidence of Tirarau, Stephenson, Parore and Forsaith incorporated in report of George Clarke enclosed with Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra. Williams 1979:14 also records "A Maori customer, coming into the store, noticed a skull on the counter which Mrs. Forsaith had picked up from a flax bush on the farm and placed in the store" - DOC 024.
143 Reupena Waitai of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa MLC Kaipara M.B. 12/60 - DOC 025.
144 Evidence of Tirarau supra. Te Karere Maori (in Maori) 2 May 1842 pp 19-20 translated by Rev Mark Mete - DOCs 026 and 027.
145 Te Karere Maori 18 July 1863 P 22 - DOC 028. Te Wheinga (Wing) probably was named after the early Kaipara mariner Captain Wing.
146 H T Kemp to Chief Protector 24 March 1841 - Turton's Public Documents in Connection with Old Land Claims p 2. Te Roroa Report 1992:35.
147 Some three months after the muru, Surveyor General Ligar reported: "Parore has been neutral. He was not present at the robbery of Mr. Forsaith" -C W Ligar Surveyor General to CS 28 April 1842 IA 1/184211251 reproduced in Paul Thomas The Crown and Maori in the Northern Wairoa 1840 - 1865 Supporting Docs p 472. Evidence of Tirarau supra. The chief Waiata was of Ngati Ngiro hapu of Ngai Tahuhu iwi - see MLC Kaipara M.B.s 4/278, 310-311 and 5/158.
148 Tirarau to Friends, White People, Stephenson, Buller, Forsaith, Clarke
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12 March 1842 and Clarke to Tirarau and tribe both enclosed with Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra. Clarke's threat may well have fuelled Tirarau's long-standing suspicions. A year earlier fears of government's intention to dispatch armed forces to destroy Maori had been expressed by Tirarau -Buller Journal 20 April 1841 cited in Paul Thomas supra 1999:62. Reupena Waitai supra. Clarke's later May 1842 recollection that Maori had "willingly made compensation" for the muru, not only is astonishing but is at variance with his own contemporary record - George Clarke to CS 23 May 1842 IA 1/1842/905 as reproduced in Paul Thomas supra Supporting Docs p 488.
149 Clarke's letter to Hobson of 15 March 1842 refers to compensation for the loss of Forsaith's property and to land being given to the governor as utu for the plunder. His account in Te Karere Maori 2 May 1842 pp 19-20 talks of an equivalence (whakaritea) for the plunder and that the land was exchanged as payment for the plunder. Buller 1878: 88 - DOC 029 - records that the land was restitution for what had been taken.
Although I have not located corroboration of the suggestion, Williams 1979: 14 - DOC 024 - infers that compensation first was sought by Buller: "On the return of the Forsaiths from Sydney, an enquiry was held by the Rev James Buller at his mission station and Tirarau was asked what compensation he would offer to Mr. Forsaith for the destruction of his property. The chief replied that a bullet through the head would be his only offering as the laws of Tapu were very sacred. Mr. Forsaith petitioned Governor Hobson for assistance and George Clarke, the Protector of Aborigines, journeyed north to investigate. He cleared Forsaith of complicity and persuaded the chief to cede a piece of land to the injured party - apparently an area of 10 square miles was given to him as compensation!"
150 Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra. Alemann M Early Land Transactions in the Ngati Whatua Tribal Area 1992.
151 MLC Kaipara M.B. 12147 et seq - DOC 030, Reupena Waitai MLC Kaipara M.B. 12160 - DOC 025, Paraone Pairama MLC Kaipara M.B. 12187-90 - DOC 031. Tiopira, this witness' great great grandfather, is said to have been born about 1820 when his father Te Rurunga was killed in the TuwharelTe Rauparaha war expedition of 1819-1820 (oral information from his daughter Piipi Cummins). He deposed (Kaipara M.B. 3/155 - DOC 032) that he was a young child able to walk at the time of the battle of Te Ika-aRanganui 1825. In 1842 he probably was living at Waipoua, Hokianga as a young man in his early 20s - not at the Northern Wairoa. According to his own account, he went from Waipoua to Mangungu, Hokianga to witness the treaty discussions in February 1840 (Kaipara M.B. 3/156 -157 - DOC 033). He also is on record as having advised Rogan that he (Tiopira) was at Hokianga when the muru transpired - Rogan to Fenton 3? April 1866 Rogan letterbook BADW A588/533 - DOC 034.
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Eramiha Paikea died in 1898 (Kaipara M.B. 7/234). For him to have participated as a chief in the surrender of Te Kopuru block, he would have had to be over 90 years of age at his death. His father, who died in 1873, was estimated to be 80 years old in 1865 (Daamen, Hamer & Rigby, Rangahaua Whanui District 1 Report 1996:172). On that basis and on the assumption that Eramiha - the child of Paikea's second marriage - was born while his father was aged somewhere between 30 - 50, Eramiha could have been aged between 27 and 7 in 1842. As with Tiopira, it seems likely that he was too young in 1842 to have agreed to the surrender of Te Kopuru block.
According to Simons whanau information derived from Eileen Nathan, Haimona Pirika, their tupuna who was referred to as a young man in 1878 (James Clendon to Under Secretary Native Dept 16 September 1878 Rogan letterbook BADW A588/531), was born in 1861 -19 years after the surrender of Te Kopuru block. On that basis, Haimona could not possibly have joined in the 1842 surrender of the block.
152 Enclosure E in Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra., Plan marked A enclosed with Ugar to Colonial Secretary 28 April 1842 Stirling supra Supporting Docs K. Stirling supra p 25. Those stream courses are particularly evident from Plan 1417 c - DOC 035 - drawn about 1867 which shows the Makaka stream striking inland to approximately lot 34 of Te Kopuru block and the 1873 Oturei block Plan 2658 - DOC 036 - which indicates the arc of the Aratapu stream into Oturei block. In my view, it is likely that both streams had their sources in the large swamp shown on Ligar's map.
Stirling's reference supra p 38 to "a small party of natives living near Mangawhai" claiming a piece of land between Tatarariki and Te Kopuru may involve an error of interpretation. In my view, the reference (Rogan to McLean 8 July 1854 reproduced in Paul Thomas The Crown and Maori in the Northern Wairoa 1840 - 1865 Supporting Docs 1158-1159) to Mangawhai properly should read Mangawhare. If that view is correct, Rogan probably was referring to the Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa people of Oruariki which, being approximately a mile and a half south of Mangawhare, would fit a description of being near Mangawhare. See also Rogan to H.T. Clarke 12 May 1870 BADW 1051211a - DOC 03SA where Rogan associates Mangawhare with the last two letters being so imprecisely delineated that they suggest a "u" or "i" -with Forsaith.
The 1854 event may provide further, though indirect, evidence of the Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa post 1842 claims to Te Kopuru block as set out in Section 3.3 of this report.
Oturei block was gifted to Aperahama Taonui by the Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa people, rather than by Te Uri 0 Hau as stated by Stirling supra p 30. As already mentioned, the gift was passed through the Native Land Court by Tipene Te Waha of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa - see Kaipara M.B. 3/29-DOC 037 - whose whakapapa is recorded in Appendix 1 hereof. The Court
minutes record that the Ngati Whiu/Ngati Kawa claim was supported by Te Hemara Tauhia of Ngati Rongo and by Pairama Ngatahi, A.K. Haututu and Pirika Ngai of Te Uri 0 Hau. A tupuna stone in the Oturei urupa, said to be
193
the site of Papakawau, commemorates only the Ngati Whiu tupuna Te Hira ( and Kaharau, the Nga Puhi tupuna of Aperahama Taonui and his Te Popoto people. The stone was erected in 1897 (N Z Society of Genealogists, monumental inscriptions Oturei Maori cemetery). If Oturei block had been customarily held by Te Uri 0 Hau as Mr. Stirling has suggested, one would have expected to have seen an ancestor of that iwi commemorated on the tupuna stone. As it is, I have been unable to locate any evidence establishing a customary Te Uri 0 Hau occupation of the block. Rogan to Mclean 26 February 1857 IA 1/1857/915. Te Kahiti (The Gazette) 30 July 1891 P 195-DOC 038. Kaipara M.B. 5/151 - DOC 039.
153 Henare Taramoeroa of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa to John White 8 March 1875 - John White Papers MS 75 Folder 59 - DOC 040. The translation is by Moengaroa Murray ofTe Roroa.
154 Hobson to Principal Secretary of State 25 March 1842 with enclosures supra. Te Karere Maori 2 May 1842 pp 19-20 - DOCs 026 and 027. Chief Protector's Report 18 August 1842 of a Visit to the Northern Island including Mr. Forsaith's Station - Stirling supra Supporting Docs K1. Ward 1974:46-DOC 041.
155 Buller 1878:87 - DOC 022.
156 Te Karere Maori 2 May 1842 pp 19-20 supra.
157 Evidence of native Paul incorporated in report of George Clarke enclosed with Clarke to Hobson 15 March 1842 supra. It is unclear whether Paora repeated his evidence to Clarke or whether it merely was conveyed through Forsaith - in which latter event it must have been hearsay. Paul is identified as Paora Tokatea, a Christian slave, in Buller 1878:88 - DOC 029.
158 T e Karere Maori supra.
159 Te Karere Maori supra. Clarke's letters were addressed to Tirarau and tribe. Buller should have been aware that local Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa people, who had ancestral rights to the Northern Wairoa area, were living close to the Mangungu Mission Station at Hokianga - see Te Karere Maori February 1858 p 29 which records co-authorship of a letter from Mangungu by Tiopira and Henare Taramoeroa of Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa and others.
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160 Tumbull, Margaret (nee Blight) The Work of the Rev James Buller in the Methodist Church of New Zealand (MA Thesis) 1950 p 47 - DOC 042. It seems unlikely that the subject of Clarke's visit some four months earlier would not have arisen at this meeting.
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161 Buller, Rev James Rough Notes of my Visit to Kaipara, Mangahai (sic), Waipu, Whangarei, Mangapai, Wairoa (1869) - Saturday 28th - DOC 043.
162 MA Register 1847/41 entry only. Native Secretary to Hone Tana, Wairoa 20 May 1847, Turton's Reports of Land Purchase Department p 93 -DOC 044.
163 Rogan to McLean 26 February 1857, IA 1/1857/915 - see also Stirling supra p 27. LlNZ Auckland could not locate the original survey plans for both Tatarariki and Te Kopuru blocks.
164 Rogan to Acting Native Secretary 17 January 1865, Rogan's letterbook BADW 1051211a - DOC 045.
165 Rogan to Chief Commissioner 5 June 1861, AJHR C1 P 101-102-DOC 045A.
166 Rybum 1999:24. Rogan to Chief Judge Fenton 3? April 1866, Rogan's letterbook supra - DOC 046.
167 Piipi Cummins MS Papers.
168 Rogan to Fenton 14 May 1866 and 13 August 1866, Rogan's letterbook supra - DOC 047.
169 Maori Land Court Kaipara M.B. 217,16 - DOCs 048 and 049.
170 Reupena Waitai MLC Kaipara M.B. 12160 - DOC 025.
171 MA Register 1878/2590, entry only.
172 N Z Joumals of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives
195
1881 P XX 11 - DOC 050. National Archives Wellington to this witness 29 November 1994 - DOC 051. Ngati Whatua Kaipara Tribal Register 1877. Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa rangatira such as Tamati Whakatara and Waitai were admitted into the title of Te Roroa land as representatives of those groups - see Kaihu case MLC Kaipara M.B. 21276 -277. Other Ngati Whiu and Ngati Kawa rangatira, such as Tonganui also lived with Te Roroa tuturu at Waipoua - Komene Poakatahi MLC Northern M.B. 21201. Ryburn 1999:56-57.
173 MA Register 188212028, entry only.
174 MA Register 1886/3007, entry only. See also Stirling supra p 29. Evidence of Samuel Cummings (properly Cummins) MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/126.
175 MLC Kaipara M.B. 5/151 - DOC 052. Te Kahiti (The Gazette) 30 July 1891 P 195 - DOC 053.
176 Petition 407/1917 reproduced in Stirling supra Supporting Docs M1. See also Stirling supra p 30.
As Ngati Whatua tuturu never has had any settlements in the Northern Wairoa district, the petition's reference to that tribe is surprising. Although Ngati Whatua tuturu is on record as having a very minor interest with Te Uri 0 Hau in Oruapo block (Turton's Deeds pp 218-221), the so-called Ngati Whatua vendors also were members of Te Taou tribe whose tupuna had lived with Te Uri 0 Hau on Oruapo block before their migration to South Kaipara (Hauraki Paora MS This Was the Beginning of It p 131). The document's reference to Ngati Whatua, which reference may well have originated with the deed's witness S P Smith - that great supporter of the subsuming of smaller tribes into larger tribes - relates, I believe, to Te Taou tribe.
For the absence of Ngati Whatua settlement in the Northern Wairoa district, see Pairama Ngutahi of Te Uri 0 Hau MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/318 and Te Rore Taoho of Te Roroa Kaipara M.B. 6/306. The latter deposed in court that Ngati Whatua tuturu dwelt at Kaipara.
177 Matiu Te Aranui, The Story of Rongo JPS Vol 20:105. Te Karere Maori 1 June 1863 p10.
178 Tiopira Kinaki MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/19.
179 H.M. Tawhai MLC Northern M.B. 8/275. It is in reference to the capture and death of Te Kawau that the tribal name Te Mahurehure was
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196
adopted for the purpose of unifying various disparate Waima hapu, including hapu of Ngati Awa origins. For the origin of the tribal name Te Mahurehure see Raniera Wharerau MLC Northern M.B. 34/202, Iraia Kuao MLC Northern M.B. 34/244 and Waipapa Mihaka MLC Northern M.B. 8/65.
180 Raniera Wharerau MLC Northern M.B. 34/197. Smith 1896:95 records that Hekeua and others defended Motuwheteke (there referred to as Motuwhitiki) against Nga Puhi, apparently without success. Rev. Maori Marsden oral information.
181 C.F. Maxwell to S.P. Smith 20 July 1890 and 19 December 1896-Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 7. Smith 1910:52. Hapakuku Moetara MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/11.
182 Te Roroa Report 1992:360, Waka Te Huia MS and Ereatara MLC Kaipara M.B. 1/121.
183 Marsden 1932:295. He also apparently had disembarked at Okaro Bay, Pouto where he discovered that the inhabitants had fled into the woods for fear of Nga Puhi.
184 MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/6. Bruce Stirling, The Lands of Te Uri 0 Hau 0 Te Wahapu 0 Kaipara WAI271 A3 - Treasury Vouchers 70928 & 83013 DOC R3. I am much indebted to Mr. Stirling for his account and analysis of the Tikinui transaction. Stirling supra p70 et seq.
185 Tamati Pohe to Chief Judge Fenton 25 August 1880, Stirling supra DOC R3.
186 Tamati was the sole non-seller out of 17 Maori owners of Aoroa block, upon which he lived. He claimed that his co-owners were all non-resident vendors. Offered the sum of 100 pounds or 100 acres by William Harding, a son of John Harding, to abandon his nearby kainga of Oruariki - which he declined - Tamati was awarded on 17 August 1880 (a week prior to his letter to Fenton) 200 acres at Oruariki by the Native Land Court - Kaipara M.B. 4/29-32, DOC 54.
187 Stirling supra p77.
188 MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/147 et seq.
197
189 Te Roroa Report 1992:364 and Waka Te Huia MS.
190 MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/155. Stirling supra p78. Although Stirling suggests that Tiopira was awarded "an individual interest in the land due to a member of his family having been raised there", that is not the reason provided in the Court judgement. Occupation per se also never provided a customary right to land - Smith 1960:88. In the view of this witness Tiopira and Ngati Whiu had the same claim to the land as Te Uri 0 Hau i.e. by take tupuna.
191 MLC Auckland Appellate Court M.B. 7/101-102. As Stirling observesStirling ibid p77 - the Tikinui rehearing took place before two inexperienced Land Court judges.
192 Te Roroa Report 1992:364,367 and Waka Te Huia MS.
193 Wilkinson to Gill 28 September 1882, Stirling supra DOC R3. Arama Karaka Haututu died in 1885 - for succession to his interest in Tikinui block see MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/110. Tiopira died in 1887. Succession to his interest in Tikinui block is dealt with at MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/66.
" .... "" , .. ~ .
194 MLC Kaipara M.B. 11/190-191.
195 Stirling supra pp 82-83.
1% MLC Kaipara M.B. 21216-217. Kaipara M.B. 3/20,277,280,284.
197 MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/323-325, Kaipara M.B. 3/313. Waka Te Huia MS.
198 MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/59 - DOC 55.
199 MLC Kaipara M.B. 9/160 - DOC 56.
200 Waka Te Huia MS Ledger p57. The relationship also is acknowledged by Te Aupouri - see Kereama 1967: 18 who has confused Hapitinganui with his father Pokopokowhititera - DOC 57.
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198
201 Waka Te Huia MS Day Book p8.
202 Mihaka Makoare MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/338.
203 Pita Kena MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/37, Mihaka Makoare MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/64, Reihana Kena MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/81, Paraone Hemana MLC Kaipara MeB. 7/95 and Hemi Parata Kaipara M.B. 7/95. Ngati Toki ki Mangakahia also may have had a claim - at least under take tupuna - see MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/342.
204 For a comprehensive account of the Klingender transaction see Bruce Stirling, "The Lands of Te Uri 0 Hau 0 Te Wahapu 0 Kaipara" WAI 271 A3 p149 et seq. I am much indebted to Mr. Stirling for his discussion of the case for the omitted five ibid p214 et seq. The record reflects agreement amongst Pouto based tangata whenua to endeavour to jettison non-permanently based owners prior to the hearing. Although it initially was claimed by Pouto based owners that "seven of the Original owners of the block have no right whatever to the land", that number later reduced to five with the admission outside Court of Hemana Whiti and Hone Waiti - MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/34-49.
205 MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/284. H WToka MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/62. Northern M.B. 7/160-166. Gittos MLC Kaipara M.B. Sn6.
206 MLC Kaipara M.B. 5/62 - DOC 58.
207 MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/36-41
208 H WToka MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/41-42
209 MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/297 - DOC 59.
210 For Tiopira's descent from Rongo see Te Roroa Report 1992:36
2ll Pewa JPS Vol 20:113 - DOC 60. The original 1894 MS in Maori may be found in Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 6 (ATL). Taoho, who died about 1838, was a noted seer, poet and warrior.
199
212 Tiopira Taoho and Pairama Ngutahi to Dr. Pollen from Pouto 22 April 1877 N LP 77/90 - DOC 61. Everade May Lucas oral information. Entry for Pophia Cummins in Forrest, Pouto 105 Years 1879-1984 p89 - DOC 62. Piipi Kamana (Cummins) to James Brown from Pouto 29 August 1897 NLP 97/223 reproduced in Stirling supra WAI 271 A3 DOC R4. As with the cases against the interests of Te Hemara Tauhia and Henare Rawhiti, Mr. Stirling's account does not scrutinise the veracity of Toka's evidence.
213 MLC Kaipara M.B. 21219-220. For the list of beneficial owners of Kaihu 1 Block see Kaipara M.B. 21235-237. Tinne 1873:71-73. According to Hapakuku Moetara and Te Rore Taoho of Te Roroa, who disapproved of nonTe Roroa people being admitted into the Kaihu 1 title, their kaiwhakahaere (conductor) Tiopira was badly persuaded to admit other people - MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/296, 304. Te Rore Taoho MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/306, 311. For distribution of the sale proceeds ofWaipoualMaunganui see Te Rore Taoho MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/310, 312.
214 MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/41-42. Tapihana Paikea MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/358. Under cross-examination Toka conceded that he had heard that Henare Rawhiti was of Te Uri 0 Hau.
215 Memo of Interview between His Excellency the Governor and the Chiefs ofthe Uri 0 Hau MA 13/101 reproduced in Paul Thomas The Crown and Maori in the Northern Wairoa 1840-185 Supporting Docs pp 778-782
216 Composite whakapapa Hori Kingi Te Pua MLC Kaipara M.B. 9/318-319 and Waka Te Huia MS.
217 Whakapapa by Pita Kena MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/37.
218 Mihaka Makoare, Pita Kena and H W Toka MLC Kaipara M.B. 5/154.
219 MLC Kaipara M.B. 7/53
220 Stirling supra WAI271 A3.
221 Te Hemara Tauhia's grandmother Te Urungatapu was described as a member of both Ngati Rongo and Te Uri 0 Hau by Hami Tawaewae - MLC Kaipara M.B. 6/360.
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222 For this well known whakatauki (saying) of Te Roroa see the Te Roroa Report 1992:12. The puru (plug) is the protuberance at the top of Tokatoka maunga, an extinct volcano. As the puru blocked a volcanic eruption, so did Taoho block war descending upon Kaipara.
223 Te Roroa Report 1992:12,17. Piipi Tiopira (Cummins) MLC Kaipara M.B. 121145, Te Rore Taoho, An Account ofthe Origin of the Feud Between Te Roroa, Ngati Whatua and Nga Puhi Tribes - Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187 Folder 6. Hapakuku Moetara MLC Kaipara M.B. 4/11, 6/296. Tokatoka and Maunganui Bluff are associated in Te Aupouri tradition with Taoho of Te Roroa and the "ancient people of Kaipara" - presumably Ngai Tuputupuwhenua or Ngati Rangi - Simmons 1976:227. Toa's capture of Tokatoka pa was commemorated in the naming of his cousin Patokatoka, Pinea's daughter.
For Te Roroa historical claims to Tokatoka block see William White's 1856 evidence (GBPP Vol 10 (1860) p286 reproduced in Thomas supra Supporting Docs 1901): "A native named Henere Jarramoloa" (Henare Taramoeroa)" is anxious to sell northward of Mr. O'Brien's claim" (probably Arapohue block) "and adjoining it" (Tokatoka block). Presumably White then was unaware that Tokatoka block already had been sold.
224 Te Rore Taoho supra. See also Smith 1910:29 et seq.
225 Smith 1910:41-42. It is noted that variations of this ngeri (war chant) exist between the versions of Smith and Te Rore Taoho.
226 Pouaka Parore MLC Whangarei M.B. 4/246 -247. Tauke's death prompted Kukupa to tum upon Te Uri 0 Hau following Te Ika-a-Ranganui. Of a party of 100 refugees who later returned from Waikato to join Paikea and Kukupa, 20 were slain by Kukupa as utu for Tauke - A K Haututu MLC Kaipara M.B. 3/163. Whakapapa Waka Te Huia MS.
227 W C Kensington to Waata Aporo and others 1 March 1909 LS 7255 WAI 271 A6 DOC M p33.
228 Whakahara deed of sale dated 28 December 1839 cited in Hawthorne memo 11 December 1917 LS 7255 WAI271 A6 DOC M pp 6-7. O'Brien to Governor 7 September 1844 cited in Tony Walzl Land Issues within the Otamatea Area WAI229 A8 pp 84-85 Supporting Docs Vol 1 pp 213-214. The estimate of 3150 acres is based on the 1917 subdivisions of Whakahara parish, for which see WAI 271 A6 DOC M pp 10-11.
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229 Walzl supra WAI 229 A8 p84, O'Brien to Governor 7 September 1844 OLe 1/355 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 pp 213-214. O'Brien refers to his "late survey" of the land based on the "exact boundaries", which proved that there was "not above one half of the area of 60,000 acres cited in the deed. Although he endeavoured to blame Taramoeroa for the shortfall"- my chief gave me to understand there were (and signed the Deed for) sixty thousand acres", - acres and measurements, of course, were Pakeha - not Maori - concepts - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 pp 190-191. O'Brien's 13 September 1844 evidence before Commissioner Fitzgerald - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 pp 186-187 - acknowledged that "Paikea had some claim to the land for which he received payment".
Land Court investigations of a number of blocks north of Tokatoka and Whakahara suggest both a mix of shared Te Uri 0 HaulTe Roroa rights and some exclusive Te Roroa rights. Arapohue block adjacent to Whakahara block was sold by Te Roroa to the Crown in 1859 (Turton's Deeds p204) while Manginahae block, adjacent to Arapohue block, was awarded by the Native Land Court to Te Roroa (Kaipara M.B. 3/359-360). A claim to the inland portion of Arapohue block however was preferred by Paikea (AJHR 1861 C 1 p102). Horehore (Kaipara M.B. 3/24-27) and Maungatawhiri (Kaipara M.B. 1/45-48) blocks seem to have had shared Te Uri 0 HaulTe Roroa interestswith perhaps predominant interests of the former.
230 Evidence of O'Brien 13 September 1844 OLC 1/355, O'Brien to
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Governor 7 September 1844 OLC 1/355 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 ( pp 186-187, 213-214.
231 Minute by Fitzgerald 14 September 1844 OLC 1/355 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 p183.
232 Minute by Grey 7 or 8 November 1853 OLC 1/355 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 p176.
233 O'Brien to Colonial Secretary 18 January 1854 OLC 1/355 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 pp 243-245.
234 Hastings Atkins (Atkyns?) to Colonial Secretary 25 April 1854 - Walzl supra p150. McLean to Johnson 18 May 1854 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 2 p329. J G Johnson to McLean 20 July 1854 with O'Brien to Colonial Secretary 28 September 1854IA 1/1854/3168 reproduced in Thomas supra Supporting Docs 639-645.
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235 Note by Johnson 6 September 1854 attached to Fenton to Johnson 8 September 1854 cited in Thomas supra p160.
236 Turton's Deeds p189. - DOC 063.
237 Johnson to McLean 18 December 1854 - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p97. - DOC 064.
238 Fenton to Customs Collector W Young 23 August 1854 - Thomas supra Supporting Docs 632.
239 J G Johnson memo 6 September 1854 enclosed with Fenton to Colonial Secretary 9 September 1854 IAl1854/1609 - Thomas supra Supporting Docs 624. Fenton to Colonial Secretary 18 April 1855 1A11854/205 - Thomas supra Supporting Docs 651.
240 Johnson to Colonial Secretary 7 October 1854 - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p63. McLean minutes 9 November 1854 OLC 1/355 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 p249. Fenton to Johnson 1 December 1854 - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p97 reproduced in Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 2 p331.
241 Johnson to Fenton 18 December 1854 - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p98 reproduced in Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 2 p332. The date of the meeting is deductible from the date of execution of the Whakahara deed of sale.
242 Johnson to McLean 18 December 1854 - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p97 reproduced in Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 2 p331. See also MA Register 1855/9 NA. Kemp to Colonial Secretary 19 April 1855 - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p99.
243 Fenton report 26 January 1855 OLC 1/355 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 p257. Hawthorne memo 11 December 1917 - LS 7255 WAI271 A6 DOC M p7 - cites the later Whakahara deed of sale dated 11 December 1854.
244 Johnson to McLean 18 December 1854 - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p98 - Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 2 p332. See also MA Register 1855/8 entry only.
245 Fenton to Colonial Secretary 18 April 1855 supra - Thomas supra Supporting Docs 651. Thomas supra p150.
246 Buick 1936:75.
247 Moira Jackson A Report on Desecration of Taonga by Andreas Reischek in Northern Kaipara - Wairoa WAI271 A8 pp 524,531-533,537.
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248 Enclosure with Skeet to Under Secretary for Lands 21 November 1917 LS 7255 WAI271 A6 DOC M pp 10 -11.
249 That the TaramoeroaiParore dispute over Whakahara was said in 1854 to interfere with the "industrial pursuits of the Natives" i.e. the spar trade, suggests that growing timber probably remained on Whakahara block at the date of the Crown purchase - Hastings Atkins (Atkyns?) to Colonial Secretary 25 April 1854 - Walzl supra p151. A house built for O'Brien on the land also does not seem to have been paid for - Evidence of O'Brien OLC 1/355 Walzl supra Supporting Docs Vol 1 p197.
250 In 1846 Parore complained to Grey of settler damage to urupa. Some six weeks later, when the crisis no doubt had subsided, Grey responded that initially he had been too busy to become involved in the matter. He however invited Parore to Auckland, where he promised an investigation. It is unknown whether Parore took up Grey's offer - Parore to Grey 30 October 1846, Grey to Parore 19 December 1846 - Governor's Letter Books 22 February 1846 to 29 October 1852 cited in Thomas supra pp 66-67. Moira Jackson supra. Te Roroa Report 1992.
25l McLean to Kemp - Turton's Reports of the Land Purchase Dept p99. -DOC 065.
252 Turton's Deeds Receipts p717. - DOC 066.
253 Maurice Alemann, Mangawhai Forest Claim WAI 229 Ai p21. Thomas spra p104 footnote 265. McLean Diary 1857 - DOC 067. Thomas supra Supporting Docs 1448. Return of Native Land Purchase Dept 7 August 1860 - Turton's Reports ofthe Native Land Dept p171. - DOC 068.
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254 Skeet to Under Secretary for Lands 9 October 1917 LS 7255 WAI 271 A6 DOC M p16. Alemann Early Land Transactions in the Ngati Whatua Tribal Area p34. - DOC 069.
255 Schedule of Land Purchased in New Zealand - Turton's Reports of the Native Land Dept p188. - DOC 070.
256 Waata Aporo and others to Under Secretary Crown Lands 16 December 1908 - LS 7255 WAI 271 A6 DOC M pp 38-39. Kensington to S P Smith 4 February 1909 and Smith in reply 6 February 1909 endorsed thereon pp 35-36. KenSington to Waata Aporo 1 March 1909 ibid p33.
257 The original 1854 deed of sale of Whakahara block was forwarded to the Colonial Secretary on 22 January 1855 - MA Register 1855/8 entry only. Petition No. 255 of 1917 (English translation only) LS 7255 WAI 271 A6 DOC M pp 23-24.
258 Memorandum 11 December 1917 by Hawthorne - LS 7255 WAI 271 A6 DOC M pp 7 - 8.
259 Journals of the House of Representatives & Legislative Council 1920 p27. - DOC 071.
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