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Cultural Identity of Tribals in India: Its Contribution for the Welfare of Tribals Globalization, Identity and Cultural Dynamics: Tribal Movements & Development Issues in India V. Rama Krishna,* Today, tribal socio-cultural traditions, whether in South Africa, Nigeria, or north east India are deeply threatened by the supposedly superior hegemonic mainstream cultures. “Age-Grades” remarkably egalitarian community welfare organizations found in almost all tribal orders are fast vanishing as are the vastly tolerant, reconciliatory traditional law courts. Aspects of culture such as indigenous knowledge systems are being undermined. Tribal languages both oral and with distinct scripts are fast eroding. In this backdrop it is necessary to know the globalization impact on the tribal cultural identity and dynamics how the Colonialism with its imposition of alien exploitative politico-administrative super structures onto traditional orders, aided and abetted by an ambitious religion doggedly determined to win more and more converts shredded the very matrix of tribal societies. And neo- colonialism consumerism covertly packaged in glossy terminology exuding a heady fragrance of easy money has wrecked havoc with all psyches and identities world over, whether tribal or mainstream. However it is not too late to rise above the politics of exclusion and marginalization, to unearth and mainstream fast vanishing tribal traditions, whether in India, Nigeria 1

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Page 1: VRK_Full Paper Tribal

Cultural Identity of Tribals in India: Its Contribution for the Welfare of

Tribals

Globalization, Identity and Cultural Dynamics: Tribal Movements &

Development Issues in India

V. Rama Krishna,*

Today, tribal socio-cultural traditions, whether in South Africa, Nigeria, or north east India are deeply threatened by the supposedly superior hegemonic mainstream cultures. “Age-Grades” remarkably egalitarian community welfare organizations found in almost all tribal orders are fast vanishing as are the vastly tolerant, reconciliatory traditional law courts. Aspects of culture such as indigenous knowledge systems are being undermined. Tribal languages both oral and with distinct scripts are fast eroding. In this backdrop it is necessary to know the globalization impact on the tribal cultural identity and dynamics how the Colonialism with its imposition of alien exploitative politico-administrative super structures onto traditional orders, aided and abetted by an ambitious religion doggedly determined to win more and more converts shredded the very matrix of tribal societies. And neo-colonialism consumerism covertly packaged in glossy terminology exuding a heady fragrance of easy money has wrecked havoc with all psyches and identities world over, whether tribal or mainstream.

However it is not too late to rise above the politics of exclusion and marginalization, to unearth and mainstream fast vanishing tribal traditions, whether in India, Nigeria or South Africa. Perhaps its time to amplify long marginalized voices and awaken contemporary nation states to the realization that only through the reestablishment of such democratic, reconciliatory, gender friendly grass root tribal traditions could one create a more equitable, more just society and world order. In this backdrop it is necessary to understand the dynamics of tribal culture what are the impacts of globalization in the welfare of tribals as the constitution of India provides equality and socio-economic and political development of all people and tribals who are concentrated only some pockets of India’s geographical distribution of resources of land, water and natural resources.

Key Words: Globalisation, Exclusive Policies, Culture, Identity, Nomadic, Development*Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Tumkur University, Tumkur, E-mail: [email protected]

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Globalization: Impact on Tribal Community

Globalisation is making a considerable impact on all the aspects of human life in

all the countries in the world. It is imperative to understand this process and study the

nature of the impact on various communities. It is making its impact even on developed

countries. The impact is social, economic, political, cultural and even moral in nature.

Since the globalization is truly universal in nature, it naturally involves competition and

quality. No individual would escape from these. And there is no point in avoiding these.

Quality and competition are the watchwords in the age of globalization. Fortunately

Indian society has all the potentialities of these two. Moreover unlike the United Nations,

the WTO expects the members to accept at present any one service to be thrown open to

all the members in the world. Therefore, there is no alternative to competition. And

without quality, competition would have no meaning. Here the other processes of

liberalization and Privatisation are going to play an important role. Therefore, what is

necessary? India is a plural society having many sections based on religion, caste, class

etc. These sections have different types of impact at different levels. It will be

academically unfair to think about the impact of globalization unilaterally. Different

sections or groups in a heterogeneous society have different problems (Suresh Kakde;

2008). Even after sixty years of independence various social groups are not empowered

to face the challenge of competing equality. Even now they need the positive support of

the welfare State. In view of this what is necessary is to have a rational balance between

empowerment of weaker sections and the achievement of quality to face the competition.

Inclusive Growth Vision and Strategy (2009) India has entered the Eleventh Plan

period with an impressive record of economic growth. After a lackluster performance in

the Ninth Plan period (1997–98 to 2001– 02), when gross domestic product (GDP) grew

at only 5.5% per annum, the economy accelerated in the Tenth Plan period (2002–03 to

2006–07) to record an average growth of 7.7%, the highest in any Plan period so far.

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Besides, there was acceleration even within the Tenth Plan period and the growth rate in

the last four years of the Plan has averaged 8.7%, making India one of the fastest growing

economies in the world. These positive factors notwithstanding, a major weakness in the

economy is that the growth is not perceived as being sufficiently inclusive for many

groups, especially Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and minorities.

Gender inequality also remains a pervasive problem and some of the structural changes

taking place have an adverse effect on women. The lack of inclusiveness is borne out by

data on several dimensions of performance.

Human Rights, Education for Dalits and Tribals

Pradtheep P S., (2010) before the era of Globalisation, there existed local,

autonomous, distinct and well-defined, robust and culturally sustaining connections

between geographical place and cultural experience. Globalisation is not merely a

question of marginalization for indigenous peoples it is a multi-pronged attack on the

very foundation of their existence and livelihoods. New trade and investment agreements,

has forced indigenous peoples to defend their homelands under an invasion of

unprecedented rate and scale. The new economic regime has led to privatization and

marketisation of economy and thus it as been treated as powerful threat to the survival of

tribal communities. Vast indigenous knowledge, rich culture and traditions, and any

hope of preserving the natural world, and a simpler, more holistic way of life for future

generations.

Savita Bhatt (2011) Human rights are one crucial aspects being prominently

discussed these days. It is more critically conversed in the wake of growing atrocities

against the historically deprived groups like dalits and tribals. Although the practice of

CUKP untouchability CU was abolished in 1950, it remains and is very much alive in

India. The caste still operates as a defining condition in establishing marriages, social

relations and access to employment, millions of Dalits and other former low-caste people

remain behind in education, employment and access to wealth.  In recent years an

increasing number of human rights organisations and bodies are coming to recognise

untouchability and caste discrimination as a gross human rights violation. Dalit human

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rights has become an international issue and organisations like Human Rights Watch,

Amnesty International, Minority Rights Group and Anti-Slavery International are making

Dalit Human Rights a priority issue and are concerned to raise the issue internationally in

UN bodies, governments and the public-at-large. 

Megharaj et. al., (2010) Economic development of any nation depends upon

available natural and man made resources. World famous economist Dr. Marshal has

been recognized education as national investment and has been said that human resource

investment is the most precious capital. On the other side Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar has

said that education is the milk of tigress and also. Well known economist and Noble

award (1998) winner Amartya Sen has cleared that human resource development is

possible because of education and due to development of human resource economic

development of nation is possible. Andre Gunder Frank, an economist associated with

dependency theory argued that a form of Globalisation has been in existence since the

rise of trade links between Sumer and the Indus Valley Civilization in the third

millennium B.C. (Frank, 1998). Impact of Globalisation, both theoretically and

practically, can be observed in different economic, social, cultural, political, finance, and

technological dimensions of the world. Globalisation is the process of rapid integration

of countries and happenings through greater network of connections and interconnections

via trade. It also refers to increased possibilities for action between and among people in

situations where latitudinal and longitudinal location seems immaterial to the social

activity at hand as per the definition of social theorists. Globalisation is a three

dimensional term, encompassing political, economical and cultural aspects.

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No of Districts State-wise having ST population between 25% and 50%

-214710131619222528313437404346495255

No. of Districts

Stat

es/U

T

Series1

Source: Census of India 2001No. of District State-wise hving ST Population between 25% and 50%

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

No. of Districts

Stat

es/U

T

Series1

Source: Census of India 2001

Identity and Cultural Dynamics of Tribals

The Indian Constitution, adopted soon after independence, defines the rights and

privileges of castes, minorities, tribal groups and the weaker sections of society. Subject

to legislation by Parliament, the power to declare any area as a ‘Scheduled Area’ is given

to the President [5th Schedule, paras. 6-7] and the President has made the Scheduled Area

Order, 1950, in pursuance of this power (Basu, 1992). The constitution provides for the

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appointment of a Commission to report on the administration of the Scheduled areas and

the welfare of the Scheduled Tribes in the State (Basu, 1992). The Scheduled Tribe’s

(ST’s) constitute 8 percent of the total population of the country. In 2001, their number

was around 820 lakh persons. They can be divided into two categories: (1) frontier tribes,

and (2) non-frontier tribes. The former are inhabitants of the northeast frontier states-

Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. They

constitute 11 percent of the total tribal population. The non-frontier tribes, constituting 89

percent of the total population, are distributed among most of the States. They are

concentrated in large numbers in Madhya Pradesh (23 percent), Orissa (22 percent),

Rajasthan (12 percent), Bihar (8 percent), Gujarat (14 percent), Dagra Nagar Haveli (79

percent), and Lakshadeep islands (94 percent) (Shah, 2004).

The tribal policy of the Government has consistently aimed at encouraging their

autonomous growth with protection to their local cultures. To protect their rights in land

in and forest resources, etc., the law prohibits outsiders from purchasing estates, which is

their preserve. There is an inner line protection policy pursued by the government, which

protects tribals from intrusion by outsiders from other States or the foreigners.

Constitutionally, they enjoy privileges in running their own educational, cultural and

social institutions. These measures have, however, been less successful in maintaining the

autonomy of the tribal local cultures. Here is evidence that outside entrepreneurs, traders

and influential people have succeeded in alienating the land and natural resources meant

for the tribals by surreptitious means. In spite of the protection given to the tribal

population by the Constitution of India (1950), educational standard, economic status and

political empowerment of the tribal communities still remained backward in India.

However, as the functioning of the democratic forces has become stronger, a resentful

local leadership has emerged among these communities sponsoring movements for either

a separate State, or political autonomy or even separation from the Union (Oommen,

1997). Cultural modernization, sponsored by the forces of globalisation, is resented if it

encroaches upon or does not promote the core cultural values of society, its language,

social practices and styles of life. The vigour of the renewed sense of self-awareness

generated among the members of the local cultures and communities and regions in India,

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which have existed historically, reinforce instead of threatening the national identity.

These bonds seem to become stronger as India encounters the forces of modernization

and globalization. According to one estimate, irrigation projects, mines, thermal power

plants, wildlife sanctuaries, industries, etc., between 1950 and 1990 in India, displaced

213 lakh persons. 85 percent of them are tribals (Fernandes; Paranjpe, 1997). The

government is aware of (a) the eroding resources base and socio-cultural heritage of tribal

population through a combination of development interventions, commercial interest, and

lack of effective legal protection of tribal and (b) the disruption of life and environment

of tribal population owing to unimaginative, insensitive package of relief.

Tribal Movements in India

Tamar Revolts (1789-1832) The Kherwar Movement of the Santhals (1833) Santhal Revolt of 1855 Bokta Rising, Sardari Larai or Mukti Larai Movement of 1858-95 Birsa Munda Revolt (1895-1901) Devi Movement in Gujarat (1922-23) Tribal Movement in Midnapur (1918-1924) Jitu Santhal's Movement in Malda (1924-32) Tribals and National Movement in Orissa (1921-36) Tribal Movement in Assam (the then Assarn, Nagaland, Meghalaya and

Mizoram)

Tribal Struggles

Numerous uprisings of the tribals have taken place beginning with the one in

Bihar in 1772 followed by many revolts in Andhra Pradesh, Andaman and Nicobar

Islands, Arunchal Pradesh, Assam,Mizoram and Nagaland. The important tribes

involved in revolt in the 19th century were Mizos (1810),Kols(1795&1831), Mundas

(1889), Daflas (1875), Khasi and Garo (1829), Kacharis (1839), Santhals (1853), Muria

Gonds (1886), Nagas (1844 & 1879) and Konds (1817).

After independence the tribal struggle may be classified into three groups:

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1. Struggles due to exploitation of the outsiders.2. Struggles due to economic deprivations3. Struggle due to separatist tendencies

The tribal movements may also be classified on the basis of their orientation into four types:

1. Movements seeking political autonomy and formation of separate state2. Agrarian movement3. Forest -based movements4. Socio-religious movements

Most of the tribal movements were result of oppression and discrimination, neglect and

backwardness and apathy of government towards tribal problems.

Tana Bhagat Movement

In the Tana Bhagat movement an attempt was made to emulate the way of life of

the Hindu higher castes. It emerged among the Oraon of Chotanagpur; Bihar.It tried to

raise the status of its members in the eyes of the surrounding Hindu society and was

characterized by a large scale incorporation of Hindu belief-practices into its ideology.

Birsa Munda Movement

During the second half of the 19th century the whole of Chotanagpur underwent a

tremendous change. The old Munda system of Khuntakatti tenure gave way to a new and

alien system of exploitation by the landlords known as jagirdar and thikadar.In 1895

Birsa Munda of Chalkad started a movement. In him the Munda found the embodiment

of their aspiration. He gave them leadership, a religion and a code of life. He held before

them the prospect of Munda Raj in place of foreign rule.

Tribe Faces Extinction

Several tribal groups spread over the Eastern Ghats across the southern and

eastern region of the Indian sub-continent. In Orissa, a tribal group named Dongria

Kondh people who inhabit the Niyamgiri Hills now faces extinction. According to the

Census, there are only 7,952 surviving members of the Dongria, a sub-sect of the Kondh

peoples, who have inhabited the forests of eastern India for thousands of years. On one

side sits the state and Central government and the Indian subsidiary of Vedanta

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Resources Plc, a British mining corporation. They are applying for permission to dig up

the Niyamgiris-rich n bauxite, used in the manufacture of aluminium-at the rate of three

million tonnes a year and then pour them into a huge alumina refinery, which has already

been constructed at the foot of the hills (Foster, 2008, May 18). The Dongria are the next

casualities of the headlong rush for industrial development.

Jarawa Tribes

Jarawa tribals, an ethnic group in Andamans, also faced extinction due to various

reasons. An approximate number of Jarawa tribals were 500. Of these 260 were reported

to have survived the devastating tsunami by hanging on to the trees. According to the

2001 census figures, there were around 250 Jarawas inhabiting the middle-south

Andaman Islands. These people are still living in primitive stage of the society in

isolation.

Chengara Land Struggle

During the last two years, Chengara in Kerala had become the symbol of a silent

war for land. Unlike in Singur or in Nandigram, it was not against eviction. Instead, it

was the fight of those who toiled in land but never possessed any cultivable land asserting

their right to own sustainable land in a society that professes equality and fraternity. The

agitation at Chengara in Pathanamthitta district had commenced on August 4, 2007, when

300 families from various parts of the state belonging to Dalits, Adivasis and other

landless communities converged on the rubber estate owned by Harrison’s Malayalam

Plantations Ltd and pitched up thatched sheds and started living there. Their demand was

five acres of land for cultivation and Rs 50,000 as financial assistance per family. The

demand was later reduced to one acre of land. After 790 days, the struggle has been

‘settled’ at a discussion convened by the Chief Minister V S Achutanandan with Laha

Gopalan and others of the Sadhu Jana Vimochana Samyukta Vedi (SJVSV), which

spearheaded the agitation. 1432 families out of the 1738 families who had started living

on the rubber plantation of Harrison’s will get land and financial assistance to build

houses, as part of the settlement.

Fight for Water

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The struggle for water in Plachimada, is another episode in Kerala, where The

Coca-Cola Company bottling plant has both drained and contaminated groundwater on

which the local farming community depends. Coca-Cola came to India in 1993, looking

for water and markets in a country where one third of all villages are without anything

approaching adequate water and shortages are growing every day. Indeed India is facing

a gigantic water crisis, even as Coca Cola and other companies haul free water to the

cities from the countryside and water parks and golf courses metastasize around cities

like Mumbai. The bloom was on neo-liberalism back then when Coca-Cola came in, with

central and state authorities falling over themselves to lease, sell or simply hand over

India's national assets in the name of economic "reform". Coca-Cola had sound reasons

in zoning in on Plachimada. A rain-shadow region in the heart of Kerala's water belt, it

has large underground water deposits. The site Coca-Cola picked was set between two

large reservoirs and ten meters south of an irrigation canal. The ground water reserves

had apparently showed up on satellite surveys done by the company's prospectors. The

Coke site is surrounded by colonies where several hundred poor people live in crowded

conditions, with an average holding of four-tenths of an acre. Virtually the sole source of

employment is wage labor, usually for no more than 100 to 120 days in the year. Within

six months, the villager’s mostly indigenous adivasis and dalits saw the level of their

water drop sharply, even run dry. The water they did draw was awful. It gave some

people diarrhoea and bouts of dizziness. To wash in it was to get skin rashes, a burning

feel on the skin. It left their hair greasy and sticky. The women found that rice and dal

was not cooked but became hard. A thousand families have been directly affected, and

well water affected up to a three or four kilometers from the plant. The cruel fact is that

water from our underground sources is pumped out free and sold to our people to make

millions every day, at the same time destroying our environment and damaging the health

of our people. For us rivers, dams and water sources are the property of the nation and

her people.

Narmada People’s Struggle

Since 1985, the adivasis of the Narmada valley have been struggling against

displacement and destruction resulting from the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP). Their

united fight reveals that not only the political and economic aspects of globalization, but

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also its intellectual repression must be resisted. The people’s knowledge resulting in their

land must not be ignored. Particularly when government information is fraught with

consistencies (Aravinda, 2000, November 11). Living in the mountains and plains of the

Narmada river valley, stretching for 1,300 km through Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, and

Maharashtra communities including tribal people also known as adivasis have, since

1985, mounted a tenacious struggle against displacement, state repression, and the

destruction of natural resources resulting from the Narmada Valley development projects.

The projects comprise 30 large dams, 133 medium size dams, and 3,000 small dams,

along with 75,000 km of canal networks to direct the waters of the Narmada River to

wherever the state decrees (Sangvai, 2000). Sardar Sarovar takes up over 80% of

Gujarat's irrigation budget but has only 1.6% of cultivable land in Kutch, 9% of

cultivable land in Saurashtra and 20% cultivable land in North Gujarat in its command

area. Moreover, these areas are at the tail end of the command and would get water only

after all the area along the canal path get their share of the water, and that too after 2020

AD. Tribals into Naxalism

The Nagarika Seva Trust (NST), a non-governmental organisation involved in the

areas of social empowerment and environment, has appealed to the Development

Commissioner, Chiranjeev Singh, to consider a solution to the problems of the tribal

people in the Western Ghats which does not involve confrontation. In a press statement

here today, the NST president, Somanatha Nayak, has said the Government has declared

a part of the Western Ghats as a national park to protect the environment. But there is no

concern for the rights of the tribal people living in the national park area, he said. Quoting

a report, "Management of national parks and sanctuaries in India,” Mr. Nayak said it has

been found that the Forest Department has failed to take into confidence the people in

tribal areas, in the spirit of the new joint forest management policy. He alleged that the

Government is insensitive to the problems of tribal people. This, he said, is one of the

reasons for the growth of the naxalite movement in the region. The statement said the

Government could have kept aside 3,000 hectares of land for tribal people and 4,000

hectares for iron ore mining. If this was done, about 2,000 tribal families could have

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remained in the land they consider their own. Families living in the interiors of the

national park could have been brought to the fringe areas of the Western Ghats and

allowed to settle. It is wrong to ask them to vacate and live in urban and semi-urban

areas as their livelihood will be threatened, the statement said.

It said the orders issued by the deputy conservators of forests in Kundapur, Puttur

and Chikmagalur to evict tribal people do not have legal sanction under the Wildlife Act -

24(1). Moreover, the alteration of borders of the national park, sanctuaries and reserve

forests can be done only on the basis of the Act and not under any other law, it added.

The statement quoted a letter written to the NST by the Chief Conservator of Forests on

18 May, 1999, which said that the areas where tribal people (Malekudiyas) reside in the

Kudremukh National Park could be treated as a buffer zone, and there is no need to evict

any individual or group residing in the national park. As the Government wants to evict

the tribal people, naxalites have found it easy to whip up an "uprising," the statement

said. The NST alleged that that the Government has unleashed terror on the tribal people

after the delineation of the national park boundaries. It has said that the Government

should give tribal people the option of living in the park and take steps to protect their

right to livelihood.

Migration, SC and ST Population

Scheduled Castes mean such castes, races, or tribes or parts of groups within such

castes, races or tribes as are deemed under Article 341 of the Constitution of India.

Scheduled Tribes means such tribes or tribal communities as deemed so under Articles

342 of the Constitution. In 1976, the Government of India by an amendment to the

Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes order published a list of Scheduled Castes

and the Scheduled Tribes for the State of Karnataka. According to 2001 census there are

101 schedule caste and 49 schedule tribes in Karnataka. Avast majority of people of the

schedule caste and the schedule tribes live in rural areas. According to2001 census there

were 85,63,930 Scheduled Castes people in the State (64,17,243 in Rural and 21,46,687

in Urban) which is about 16.2% of the total population of the State and there were

34,63,986 Scheduled Tribes people (29,34,530 Rural and 5,29,456 Urban) which is about

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6.6% of the total population of the State. Both the Central and the State Governments

have taken up a number of welfare measures for the upliftment of Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes and voluntary organisations are also functioning for the benefit of the

weaker sections of the community (see Chapter XII -Social Welfare Measures for more

details).

Migration

Migration is one of the key factors in changing the size and structure of the

population. It may be temporary or permanent. Temporary migration may

be seasonal and it may be continued to certain periods in a year; generally people from

plains move to Malnad districts both during sowing and harvesting seasons and later

return to their houses. The migration of females is mainly due to marriages. Other socio-

cultural factors like education and employment also contribute to the migration of the

people. The number of immigrants from the neighbouring states of Karnataka has

increased considerably between 1971 and 1981 and these figures are as follows: Andhra

Pradesh by 62,000; Kerala by 60,000; Maharashtra by 67,000 and Tamil Nadu by 1.53

lakhs. There were 11.88 lakh persons hailing from other States in India, 21,394 persons

from other Asian countries and 2,859 persons from non-Asian countries as in 1981.

SRRA Report (2010) Circular migration, or rural-urban migration, and distress

migration are emerging as a dominant form of migration amongst ST’s in India as is

evident from the four selected States of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and

Orissa. In spite of the great emphasis laid on women’s education in the last five years

plan and the facilities and incentives given majority the tribal women and girls remained

without education even after migration to cities. The main reason for educational

backwardness of migrant tribal women and girls was non-availability of sufficient

number of educational institutes in the tribal areas as well as in the slum areas of cities

where majority of the migrant tribal women and girls live. Unemployment, poverty and

lack of basic facilities of education, health and hygiene are still a major problem in the

tribal areas forcing them for out migration to various towns and cities. The tribal families

are not able to meet their basic needs out of their meagre income from their occupations

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and are heavily indebted to the money lenders. They are pledging their fixed assets like

land, mahua and tamarind trees and mobile articles for meeting their daily expenses and

occasional functions. There are no proper marketing and forward and backward linkages

for the forest produce and articles being produced by the tribals in the interior areas.

Education and vocational guidance and training for development of their skills with a

view to improve their potential for employment are lacking in tribal areas. Tribal

families in the interior tribal areas are being duped by false information and false income

payment, jobs and are being induced to migrate to the cities and towns. The tribal

families are left to fend themselves and are not in a position to contact, complain and

redress their problems. The tribal women and girls migration to cities and towns is

leaving them to fend for themselves.

Culture and Identity of Tribals in Karnataka

Tribal communities constitute about seven percent of the total population of India.

These communities have variety and complexity in the belief systems as well as religious

practices. Even these religions have historical antecedents which are documented in their

oral epics and songs. Tribal communities too have their legends about the birth and

meaning of the universe. According to a scholar, tribal people believe that “The ultimate

purpose of life is the creation of a meaningful order through imitation of the celestial

model transmitted by myths and celebrated in rituals.” (Kitagawa; Joseph M.; 1968).

Karnataka has a sizable population of tribal people. There are 34.64 lakhs tribals

distributed in various regions of Karnataka as per 2001 census. Raichur

and Bellary contain large number of tribal communities. Toda, Beda, Soliga, Hakki-

Pikki, Konda Kapu, Koraga, Bhils, Chenchu, Gonds, malEru, baDaga, hasala, mEda,

iruLiga, jEnu kuruba, erava and siddis are some important tribes of Karnataka. All of

them profess some religious beliefs and practice many rituals. A series of monographs

published by Karnataka Sahitya Academy under the stewardship of Baraguru

Ramachandrappa provide ample information about these tribes. Tribal religions and

rituals are under constant pressure from the major organized religions. Some of this

pressure is imposed deliberately and the rest is a consequence of exposure to the forces of

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modernization. In general, the tribes that remain geographically isolated are able to retain

their traditional cultures and religions longer. On the other hand communities that are

either nomadic or live in the periphery of civilized life are prone for drastic changes.

Most of the tribal beliefs and rituals are highly localized and they are not influenced by

the major religions. Attempts to influence them are foiled by changing the very fabric of

the legends and stories to suit the tribal world. Consequently one finds tribal versions of

Ramayana and Mahabharata scattered all over the country.

            Most of the tribal communities in Karnataka worship their own deities in addition

to the Gods imposed from the main stream religions. Some of these deities and

corresponding communities are listed below.

1 kADu kuruba bomma, muddappa, mUgappAji, mAramma, kUDagi tAta2 kADu golla junjappa, kyAtappa, pAtappa, siriyaNNa3 gonDa muDi kamba, mAsti bIra, yakshi, cauDi, nAga4 gauLiga KanDOba, viTOba and bairOba5 male kuDiya bAIRAVA, paNDava, BUtas6 mukari vIraBadra, jaTiga, mAsti amma and venkaTaramaNa7 sOliga biLigiriranga, male mAdEshvara, jaDesvAmi8 hAlakki okkaliga  huli dEvaru, shiva and nAga

Many a time a time tribal customs and rituals are appropriated by the established

religion and what emerges is a civilized version of tribal practices.  Many Gods now

worshipped by one and all were once the exclusive property of the tribals. The attitude of

tribal communities towards nature is now perceived as eco friendly and regarded highly.

Many tribes worship tribal deities as well as the Gods of the Hindu pantheon. For

instance Kadugollas who worship gods such as Junjappa, Yattappa, Patappa, and

Cittappa, are equally devoted to Siva, who is a part of their festivals and religious

observances. Cult heroes from the past are also raised to the level of Gods and

worshipped accordingly. Bedanayakas (bEDa nAyaka) of Karnataka, worship

Papanayaka, a deity supposed to have lived 300-400 years ago, as a holy man among

them. He is attributed miraculous powers. Siddi community of North Canara which

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migrated to Karnataka from Africa has shed most of its original beliefs and adopted other

religions. Now there are siddis belonging to Hinduism, Islam and Christianity.  

Conclusion

The founders of Indian Constitution seriously considered the miserable conditions

of the tribals who were segregated from the national mainstream and provided for special

measures. During these various Five Year Plans, there has been a considerable increase

in the fund allocation for the tribal areas. But most of the tribals were not able to draw

benefits from the facilities provided by government because of large-scale corruption

among officials and improper implementation of tribal development schemes. Therefore,

the majority of the hill tribes suffer from the absence of proper infrastructure and

communication facilities. Improper management of schemes and inefficient

implementation of suitable programmes in the tribal region create a major problem. The

majority of the tribal people are not even aware of the development schemes

implemented by government agencies. In spite of all such efforts discussed above, the

problem of tribal development continues to be a major concern. There are various factors

responsible for slow development of tribals and tribal areas. For majority of the tribals,

forest resources are the main source of livelihood. However, the forest laws restrict their

dependence on the forest. Added to this, many forests were declared as Protected Forests

or Sanctuaries, and threatened their eviction from their natural habitat. Even where the

evicted tribals are rehabilitated, they are not provided additional means of livelihood,

except small piece of land for cultivation. The tribal areas by and large are remote,

inaccessible and continue to remain isolated due to poor connectivity and other basic

infrastructure.

The most disturbing element in the process of Globalisation is its relentless drive

towards cultural universalism of tribals culture and associated ideological frameworks,

and its implied disregard and disrespect for cultural and language diversity. There are

some 350 million indigenous people in more than 70 countries around the globe,

speaking autochthonous languages, and who are marginalized and frequently denied

basic human rights, including their cultural rights. The socio-economic forces of

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modernization and development have no doubt brought some benefits to the people of

respective areas, but the benefits accrued to them have been largely out weighted by the

harm more to them. Development induced displacement, involuntary migration and

resettlement has cause marginalization of tribals and presented enormous problems to

them. The new economic regime has led to privatization and marketisation of economy

and thus it has been treated as powerful threat to the survival of tribal communities.

References:

1. Basu, D. D. (1992). ‘Introduction to the constitution of India,’ New Delhi: Prentice-Hall.

2. Fernandes, W., & Paranjpe, V. (Eds.). (1997). ‘Rehabilitation policy and law in India: A right to livelihood,’ New Delhi: Indian Social Institute.

3. Frank, A. G. (1998). ‘Reorient: Global economy in the Asian age,’ U.C. Berkeley Press.

4. Inclusive Growth Vision and Strategy (2009), ‘Eleventh Five Year Plan,’ Chapter 1, Planning Commission, India, pp. 2-4.

5. Megharaj A. Kapurderiya, Prakash B. Jadhav (2010), ‘Globalisation and Present Education Status of Kawar Tribe in Gadchiroli District,’ Shodh, Samiksha aur Mulyankan International Research Journal, Vol. II, Issue-11-12, Dec.2009—Jan.2010, pp. 24-25.

6. Oommen, T. K. (1997). ‘Social movement and state response: The Indian situation,’ In A. M. Shah, B. S. Baviskar, & E. A. Ramaswamy (Eds.), Social structure and change: Development and ethnicity. New Delhi: Sage Publications.

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8. Savita Bhatt (2011), ‘Dalits, Tribals and Human Rights,’ Adhyayan Publishers, New Delhi.

9. Shah, G. (2004). ‘Social movements in India,’ New Delhi: Sage Publications.10. SRRA Report (2010), ‘Migration of Tribal Women: Its Socioeconomic Effects -

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11. Suresh Kakde (2008), ‘Globalisation and Scheduled Castes,’ Edt. Jagan Karade ‘Development of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India,’ Chapter-2, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, UK.

12. The Hindu (2005), ‘Harrasment of Trible People fuelled Naxalite Movement,’ The Hindu, Karnataka. Accessed on 22 May, 2012- http://www.thehindu.com/2005/02/23/stories/2005022313790300.htm

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