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Vincent L. Hutchings Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas University of Texas Structure & Function of Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in Racial Group Cues in American Politics American Politics

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Page 1: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Vincent L. HutchingsVincent L. HutchingsUniversity of MichiganUniversity of Michigan

Nicholas A. ValentinoNicholas A. ValentinoUniversity of TexasUniversity of Texas

Wedge Politics: The Structure Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group & Function of Racial Group Cues in American PoliticsCues in American Politics

Page 2: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

We explore how elite communications strategies We explore how elite communications strategies affect the criteria people use when making political affect the criteria people use when making political judgments.judgments.

Specifically, we examine the impact that elite Specifically, we examine the impact that elite messages on race have on the weight people messages on race have on the weight people assign to race-relevant attitudes when voting.assign to race-relevant attitudes when voting.

• This process is referred to asThis process is referred to as “racial priming.” “racial priming.”

Overview of Research ProgramOverview of Research Program

Page 3: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Throughout U.S. history, candidates have Throughout U.S. history, candidates have sought to activate or prime racial attitudes in sought to activate or prime racial attitudes in order to gain political advantage.order to gain political advantage.

Conventional wisdom holds that, in the aftermath Conventional wisdom holds that, in the aftermath of the Civil Rights Movement, racial appeals of the Civil Rights Movement, racial appeals have either disappeared...have either disappeared...

Or, contemporary racial appeals have become Or, contemporary racial appeals have become more implicit relying on “code words” and more implicit relying on “code words” and indirect references to African Americans.indirect references to African Americans.

Observations on Racial Observations on Racial Priming in Political CampaignsPriming in Political Campaigns

Page 4: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

“ “Subtle racial appeals” and “racial code words” Subtle racial appeals” and “racial code words” are about conservative politics and not race.are about conservative politics and not race.

Even if implicit appeals intend to prime racial Even if implicit appeals intend to prime racial attitudes they are too subtle to affect most voters.attitudes they are too subtle to affect most voters.

If implicit racial appeals are perceived as racial, If implicit racial appeals are perceived as racial, then most voters would reject them.then most voters would reject them.

Arguments Arguments AgainstAgainst the Contemporary the Contemporary Use of Implicit Racial Appeals Use of Implicit Racial Appeals

Page 5: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Mendelberg agrees with some of the criticisms of Mendelberg agrees with some of the criticisms of racial priming.racial priming.

She agrees that almost all voters will reject She agrees that almost all voters will reject explicit racial appeals in contemporary politics.explicit racial appeals in contemporary politics.

Therefore, candidates must craft Therefore, candidates must craft ambiguous ambiguous messagesmessages that only indirectly evoke racial that only indirectly evoke racial stereotypes.stereotypes.

These subtle appeals are effective because they These subtle appeals are effective because they make voters latent racial attitudes more make voters latent racial attitudes more accessibleaccessible in memory. in memory.

Mendelberg’s Theory of Racial Mendelberg’s Theory of Racial PrimingPriming

Page 6: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

1.1. Can subtle racial cues prime racial attitudes?Can subtle racial cues prime racial attitudes?

• Does the appeal have to focus on crime or welfare?Does the appeal have to focus on crime or welfare?

2.2. How do subtle racial appeals prime racial How do subtle racial appeals prime racial attitudes?attitudes?

• Does the type of cue matter?Does the type of cue matter?

• What is the psychological process that drives the What is the psychological process that drives the effect?effect?

3.3. Is it possible that (at least some) explicit racial Is it possible that (at least some) explicit racial appeals might also prime racial attitudes?appeals might also prime racial attitudes?

Research Questions Research Questions

Page 7: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

We argue that racial group cues vary along at We argue that racial group cues vary along at least least three important dimensionsthree important dimensions..

1.1.Cues vary continuously in terms of racial Cues vary continuously in terms of racial salience.salience.

• Mendelberg’s dichotomous implicit/explicit distinction Mendelberg’s dichotomous implicit/explicit distinction may be too blunt.may be too blunt.

Expanding the Theory of Racial Expanding the Theory of Racial PrimingPriming

Page 8: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Priming Race in Vote Choice Priming Race in Vote Choice with Negative Stereotypeswith Negative Stereotypes

Salience of Race MessageNone Low Moderate High

PrimingEffectSize

Page 9: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

2.2.Racial cues vary in the degree to which they Racial cues vary in the degree to which they reinforce negative stereotypes.reinforce negative stereotypes.

3.3.Cues vary in terms of the degree to which they Cues vary in terms of the degree to which they signal distinctiveness between the candidates signal distinctiveness between the candidates with respect to racial issue. with respect to racial issue.

Expanding the Theory of Expanding the Theory of Racial Priming Racial Priming (continued)(continued)

Page 10: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Implicit racial cues work only when they Implicit racial cues work only when they reinforcereinforce negative stereotypes.negative stereotypes.

Implicit racial cues are most effective when Implicit racial cues are most effective when moderately subtlemoderately subtle..

• Such appeals are effective because they operate via Such appeals are effective because they operate via an an automatic cognitive process.automatic cognitive process.

Explicit racial cues can be effective when they are Explicit racial cues can be effective when they are stereotype neutralstereotype neutral..

• They also work best when highlighting candidate They also work best when highlighting candidate distinctiveness.distinctiveness.

HypothesesHypotheses

Page 11: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Three experiments were run on adult non-student Three experiments were run on adult non-student subjects from Ann Arbor in summer of 2000.subjects from Ann Arbor in summer of 2000.

Experiment #1Experiment #1: 293 Non-Black subjects randomly : 293 Non-Black subjects randomly assigned to one of seven conditions.assigned to one of seven conditions.

• Implicit racial cues were manipulated.Implicit racial cues were manipulated.

Subjects viewed two product ads (filler) and one Subjects viewed two product ads (filler) and one political ad sponsored by candidate George Bush.political ad sponsored by candidate George Bush.

• The political ads carried the racial cue.The political ads carried the racial cue.

Data & MethodsData & Methods

Page 12: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

ControlControl: No political ad viewed.: No political ad viewed.

Low race salienceLow race salience: Wasteful spending message : Wasteful spending message but neutral visual cues.but neutral visual cues.

Moderate race salienceModerate race salience: Wasteful spending : Wasteful spending message and Black visual cues.message and Black visual cues.

High race salienceHigh race salience: Wasteful spending message : Wasteful spending message and Black & White visual cues.and Black & White visual cues.

Experiment #1: DesignExperiment #1: Design

Page 13: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

NeutralNeutral Race Salience Race Salience

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ModerateModerate Race Salience Race Salience

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HighHigh Race Salience Race Salience

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Page 16: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Table 1. The Impact of Whites’ Racial Attitudes Table 1. The Impact of Whites’ Racial Attitudes on Vote Choice, by Conditionon Vote Choice, by Condition

RacialResent.

Laissez Faire

BlackInfluenc

e

Affirm.Action

Racial Attitude(see Column)

0.01 -0.30 -0.12 -0.19

Low Salience -0.18 -0.23 -0.11 -0.23Mod. Salience -0.22 -.31* -.27* -0.25

High Salience -0.11 -0.26 -0.18 -0.03Attitude* Low 0.41 .49* 0.25 .45*Attitude * Mod. .61* .77** .60** .51*

Attitude* High 0.35 .61* .46* 0.18

N 156 156 156 156

* p < .05; ** p < .01 for one-tailed test. Support for Bush scored high (0-1).

Page 17: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Implicit racial cues do Implicit racial cues do notnot prime party prime party identification, individualism, or egalitarianism.identification, individualism, or egalitarianism.

Counter-stereotypic racial appeals do Counter-stereotypic racial appeals do notnot prime prime racial attitudes.racial attitudes.

• E.g. pairing Black images with sympathetic narration is E.g. pairing Black images with sympathetic narration is ineffective.ineffective.

• E.g. pairing White images with unsympathetic narration E.g. pairing White images with unsympathetic narration is ineffective.is ineffective.

The Limits of Implicit Racial The Limits of Implicit Racial AppealsAppeals

Page 18: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

SampleSample: One hundred and eleven White subjects : One hundred and eleven White subjects assigned to one of two conditions (plus control).assigned to one of two conditions (plus control).

Experimental Design:Experimental Design:

• Control (no racial story).Control (no racial story).

• Presidential candidates similar on racial issues.Presidential candidates similar on racial issues.

• Presidential candidates different on racial issues.Presidential candidates different on racial issues.

HypothesisHypothesis: Explicit racial appeals : Explicit racial appeals cancan prime prime racial attitudes if message non-stereotypic.racial attitudes if message non-stereotypic.

Experiment #2: Explicit Race Experiment #2: Explicit Race Cues in Campaign NewsCues in Campaign News

Page 19: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Race Race SimilarSimilar Condition Condition

Page 20: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Race Race DifferentDifferent Condition Condition

Page 21: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Figure 2: Predicted Support for Bush by Condition(Political Independents)

Page 22: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

SampleSample: 174 White subjects assigned to one of : 174 White subjects assigned to one of four conditions (plus control).four conditions (plus control).

Experimental Design:Experimental Design:

• Control (no candidate ad).Control (no candidate ad).

• Party-based Gore appeal.Party-based Gore appeal.

• Ideology-based Gore appeal.Ideology-based Gore appeal.

• Character-based Gore appeal.Character-based Gore appeal.

• Group (including race) based Gore appeal.Group (including race) based Gore appeal.

HypothesisHypothesis: Explicit racial appeals seeking Black : Explicit racial appeals seeking Black support support cancan also prime racial attitudes. also prime racial attitudes.

Experiment #3: Outreach to Experiment #3: Outreach to African AmericansAfrican Americans

Page 23: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Gore Gore Group-BasedGroup-Based Political Political AppealAppeal

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Page 24: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Figure 3: Predicted Support for Bush by Condition(Political Independents)

Page 25: Vincent L. Hutchings University of Michigan Nicholas A. Valentino University of Texas Wedge Politics: The Structure & Function of Racial Group Cues in

Racial priming is triggered by a much wider range Racial priming is triggered by a much wider range of racial cues than suggested by previous work.of racial cues than suggested by previous work.

The psychological mechanism underlying The psychological mechanism underlying implicitimplicit racial appeals is automatic and not controlled.racial appeals is automatic and not controlled.

Explicit racial appeals can also prime racial Explicit racial appeals can also prime racial attitudes, provided they are non-stereotypic.attitudes, provided they are non-stereotypic.

• Highlighting candidate distinctiveness is also Highlighting candidate distinctiveness is also important.important.

We are currently content-analyzing the campaign We are currently content-analyzing the campaign environment to determine when group cues arise.environment to determine when group cues arise.

Summary & Future WorkSummary & Future Work