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Citation for published version:Clift, B 2019, 'Governing Homelessness Through Running', Body and Society, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 88-118.https://doi.org/10.1177/1357034X19838617
DOI:10.1177/1357034X19838617
Publication date:2019
Document VersionPeer reviewed version
Link to publication
Clift, B. C. (2019). Governing Homelessness through Running. Body & Society, 25(2), 88–118. Copyright ©2019 The Author(s). Reprinted by permission of SAGE Publications.
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GoverningHomelessnessThroughRunning
ContactInformation
BryanC.Clift,[email protected]
UniversityofBath
DepartmentforHealth
BathBA27AY,UK
Abstract
Inthecontextofsocialwelfareausterityandnon-stateactors’interventionsintosocial
life,anurbannot-for-profitorganizationintheUnitedStates,BackonMyFeet,usesthe
practiceofrunningtoengagethoserecoveringfromhomelessness.Promotingmessages
ofself-sufficiency,theorganizationcentralizesthebodyasasiteofinvestmentand
transformation.Doingsocallsforwardthesocialconstructionof‘thehomelessbody’
and‘therunningbody.’Withinthisethnographicinquiry,participantsinrecoverywho
ranwiththeorganizationconstructedmoralizedsensesofselfinrelationtovolunteers,
organizers,andthosewhodonotrunwhilstinrecovery.Theirexperiencescompel
considerationofhowbodilyconstructionsandpracticesreproducemorally
underpinned,self-orientedassociationswithhomelessandneoliberaldiscoursesthat
obfuscatesystemiccausesofhomelessness,posechallengesforwell-intentioned
voluntaryordevelopmentorganizations,andservicethereliefoftheStatefromsocial
responsibility.
Keywords
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homelessness
governance
embodiment
neoliberalism
sportandexerciseinterventions
ethnography
Introduction
BackonMyFeet‘promotestheself-sufficiencyofhomelesspopulationsbyengaging
theminrunningasameanstobuildconfidence,strengthandself-esteem’(2010)1.The
organizationexemplifiestheriseofnon-stateactors’interventionsintosociallifewithin
acontextofsocialwelfareausterity.Intheprogram,volunteersmeetatrecovery
facilitiestorunwiththoseinvariousstagesofrecoveryfromhomelessness,addiction,
poverty,lackofemployment,orlegalissues.Runningvolunteersandthoseinthe
processofrecoveryareherejuxtaposed,asaretheirbodies.Centralizingthebodyasa
siteofinvestmentandtransformationcallsforwarddiscoursesabout‘thehomeless
body’and‘therunningbody.’Theirconsiderationlocatesthebodyasasiteofpower
andpowerrelationswithintheorganization,itspractices,andthecontextthrough
whichtheytakeshape.Thelived,embodiedexperiencesoftheorganization’s
participantsofferinsightintotheworkingsofpower,self-care,andmoralized
regulation.Examinationoftheorganizationanditspracticesinthiswaycontributesto
literaturesonthesociologyofthebody,sociologyofsportandphysicalactivity,
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homelessbodiesanddiscourses,andsportandexerciseinterventionsanddevelopment
initiatives.
Sportandexercisehavelongbeenrecognizedasmechanismsoforganizationand
regulation.18thcenturyBritainsawsportstructuredintotheshiftingdemandsofthe
modern,urbanizedindustrialworkforce(Holt,1989).EuropeanandNorthAmerican
reformersduringthe19thcenturymobilizedsportandexercisetopropagateChristian
valuesintheformofaMuscularChristianitythatadheredtoprinciplesofphysical
fitnessandhealth,Christianmorality,manliness,anddiscipline(e.g.,Baker,1994;
Haley,1978;Kidd,2006).InFrance,Hébertdevelopeda‘NaturalMethod’ofintense
physicaltrainingtonurturecourage,energy,willpower,andcoolnessthatcouldquell
physicalormentalobstacles,theprecursortoparcours/parkour(Atkinson,2009).Asa
socialinstitution,sportandexerciseareuniquelyendowedinrelationtothebodyand
itsdeploymenttorepresentand(re)producesocialrelationships(Andrews,1993;
Hargreaves,1987).
Morerecently,sportandexercisehavebeenappropriatedaspsychosocialvehiclesfor
addressingmarginalized,vulnerable,or‘at-risk’populationsinurbancontexts(e.g.:
Bustad&Andrews,2017;Clift,2014;Holt&Jones,2008;Holt,Scherer,&Koch,2013;
Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016;Spaaij,2009;2013).Acatalystforsuchinitiativeswas
MidnightBasketballintheUnitedStates,whichemployedlate-nightbasketballgames
asameansforaddressingcrime,drugs,andgang-relatedactivity(Hartmann,2001;
2003).WesternSportDevelopmentinitiativeshavebeenlinkedtoneoliberalurban
contextswhereinsportfillsavoidinsocialwelfare(Bustad&Andrews,2017;Clift,
2014;Holt,Scherer,&Koch,2013;Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016).Suchinitiativesare
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oftentoutedasinexpensivemeansforaddressingsocialissueswithinpoliticaland
economiccontextsofausterity(Coakley,2011;Gruneau,2015;Hartmann&Depro,
2006;Kidd,2008;Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016).However,theyhavebeencriticizedfor
theirpaternalisticvalues,associationwithneoliberalideologiesthatpromote
individual,behavioral,andself-responsiblesolutionstopublicproblemswhile
sidesteppingbroaderstructuralissues,andeffectivelypositioningpeopleasproblems
tobesolved(Coakley,2011;Darnell,2012;Darnell&Hayhurst,2011;Donnelly&
Coakley,2002;Kidd,2008;Rossi&Jeanes,2016).
BackonMyFeetrepresentsanemergentsportandexerciseinitiativethatfocuseson
long-standingstandingissuesofhomelessness.Withrunningatitscore,the
organizationgivesprominencetodiscoursesof‘thehomelessbody’and‘therunning
body.’ThesocialconstructionsofthesecorporealformsandthebodiesofBackonMy
Feetparticipantstakeshapewithinacontextofneoliberalgovernance.
‘TheHomelessBody’and‘TheRunningBody’AmidstNeoliberalGovernance
Thebodiesofthehomelessposeaproblemtonormalizedunderstandingsurbanspace.
‘Thehomelessbody,’Kawash(1998)asserted,mustbeseenasaspecificmodeof
embodimentgivingweighttotheideologicalanddiscursiveforceofthespectreof
homelessness.Itsconstructionbringsintosharperfocusthecircuitofthebody,its
meaning,anditsrelationshiptoplace.Asamodeofembodiment,‘thehomelessbody’is
notidenticaltothehomelessperson,thatwhichsomeoneexperiencinghomelessness
inhabits,andnorisitanattributeofhomelesspeople.Rather,withinthepublic
imagination,‘thehomelessbody’isaneventmarkingtheexclusionofthehomeless
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fromthepublic’(ibid.,p.323-4).Thismarkingincludespejorativeascriptionssuchas
dirtiness,disheveledappearance,decay,foulodor,ordisease(Amster,2003;DelCasino
&Jocoy,2008;Gerrard&Farrugia,2015;Kawash,1998;Kusmer,2002),whichcreate
socialdistancebetweenhousedandunhousedpersons’(Wright,1997,p.69).
Pejorativeattributesmarking‘thehomelessbody’emergedinoppositiontothespaces
createdthroughurbanrenewalstrategiesfromthe1970sto1990s.Themacroscale
shiftingofurbancenterscarriedequallyimportantmicroscaleconcentrationsonthe
homelessbody(Kawash,1998).Forthoseeconomicallyandsociallymarginalized,
urbanrenewalhasfrequentlymeantthegentrificationofresidentialareasand
privatizationofpublicspace(Davis,1992;Harvey,2001;Smith,1996;Wacquant,2008;
Zukin,1991).Ascityofficialssoughttomakeurbancentersmoreattractivefor
businesses,tourism,andthemiddleclasses,marginalizedgroupsweredisplacedto
otherpartsofthecityandrenderedoutofplaceinpublicspaces.Policy,legal,and
spatialchangesimpactednotonlythematerialinequalitieswithinurbanenvironments
butalsothediscursiveforceonthehomelessbody:Totheprogressandprosperity
meanttoimbuerenewedurbanspaces,thehomelessbodyrepresentedasymptomand
symbolofthreat(Kawash,1998,p.320).Inthepresenceofthosewithinpublicurban
space,ahomelesspresenceinhibitedtheenjoyment,comfort,andaestheticallypleasing
aspectsofthosewhoarebetteroff(Wright,1997),a‘lamentablesight’(Gerrard&
Farrugia,2015).Suchistheextentofthisdenigrationthatthoseexperiencing
homelessnessareeffectivelydeprivedofanyalternativeidentity(Kawash,1998);they
areconstructedasanurbanOther,lackingessentialhumansensibilities,perceivedas
un-governable,andoccupyasymbolicpositionbetweenthehumanorsub-human
(Seidman,2013).
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Responsestohomelessnessillustratehowrepressive,disciplinary,andbiopolitical
formsofgovernanceoperatesimultaneously.Asstatesshiftedfromsovereigntytoward
capitalistdemocracies,Foucaultsuggestedthatthebasicbiologicalfeaturesofthe
humanspeciesbecameobjectsofpoliticalstrategyacrosstwopolesinaformationof
biopower,biopoliticsanddiscipline(1977;1978).Withinthisshift,biopower
complementedrepressiveformsofpower.Morerepressiveformsofactionagainstthe
homeless—suchasencampmentclearing,removalofrecoveryfacilitiestocityoutskirts,
orvagrancylaws—areaimedatpacifyingpublicspaces,whereasbio-political
interventionsseektolinktheindividualbodytoabroadersetofpoliticsorientated
aroundsustaininglifeatthelevelofthepopulation(Foucault&Burchell,2008).Ina
biopoliticalframing,homelessnesscanbeexamined,explained,andrationalized
throughstatisticalmarkersacrossapopulaceinassociationwiththecharacteristicsof
life,suchashealthindicators,hygiene,birthrate,lifeexpectancy,andidentity(Dean,
2010;Foucault&Burchell,2008;Willse,2010).Attheleveloftheindividual,discipline
inextricablyinscribesthebodyasasiteofandforpowerandknowledge.Adisciplinary
apparatuscontrolsactivity,organizesaprogressionbuiltonaseriesofrepetition,and
monitorsbehaviorsinordertomakethemmoreusefultoandforspecificdiscourses
(Foucault,1977).Constructedasun-governable,un-disciplined,unruly,orathreatto
thepublic,constructionofthehomelessandtheirbodiesvalidatedisciplinaryregimes
aimedatamelioratingbehavior,suchasimprisonment,psychotherapy,clinical
intervention,recoveryprograms,personalhealthregimes,andindeedexercise.
Resonantwithothersportandexerciseinitiatives,thehomelessbodyrepresentsa
problemtobesolved.Likeat-risk,oftenblackurbanyouth(Cole,1996;Hartmann,
2001),homelessyoungmen(Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016),andotherunderserved
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groups(Pitter&Andrews,1997),BackonMyFeet’sexercise-basedapproachto
addressinghomelessnessisanemergentinterventioninformedbyconstructsof‘the
homelessbody’and‘therunningbody.’
Theconstructionof‘therunningbody’offersastarkcontrastto‘thehomelessbody.’
Abbas(2004)assertedthattheideal-typerunningbodyisinformedandproducedbya
nexusofobjectivizingknowledgesderivedfrom:Westernbiomedicine,whichinfluenced
theestablishmentofidealslenderandtonedbodytypes,thuscreatingassociationswith
healthandfitness(Hargreaves,1994);sportsciences,whichnormalizedthehuman
bodytosuggestthatexercisecouldshapeallbodiesdespitetheirdifferences;and
holistichealthapproaches,whichpromotedagrowingindividualtranscendentalism
(Berking&Neckel,1993;Coward,1990).Earlyadvocatesofrunningsuggestedthat
runningcouldevencurevariousphysical,mental,emotional,spiritual,andsocialills
(Plymire,2004).Severalhaveobservedthattheachievementofthisbodytypeoccurs
throughitsdisciplinization(Abbas,2004;Bridel&Rail,2007;Chase,2008).This
idealizedformhasconferreduponitpositivesocietalvaluesandjudgments:Thethin
andfitrunningbodycreatessymbolicvalueorientedarounddedication,control,
discipline,andaculturalandeconomicinvestmentinhealthandself-responsibility
(Atkinson,2008;Shipway&Holloway,2010).Whereastherunningbodysymbolizes
commitment,control,discipline,productivity,andself-responsibility,thehomeless
bodysymbolizesfailure,threat,unruliness,andun-governability.Juxtaposed,running
impressesasawayofconditioningthebody,workingitintoatestamenttosymbolic
positivevaluejudgments,fabricatingitintonormativesocialorder,andrenderingthe
un-governablegovernable.
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Foucaultunderstoodthatmodesofpowertookshapeinspecificandhistorically
constitutedcontexts.Heproposedtheconceptofgovernmentalityas,‘thewholerange
ofpracticesthatconstitute,define,organizeandinstrumentalizethestrategiesthat
individualsintheirfreedomcanuseindealingwitheachother’(1994a:p.300).In
seekingtounderstandgovernmentalizedsociallife,Ong(2006)suggestedthat
neoliberalismwasafeaturelinkingmacrosocialformationwitheverydaypractices.
Ratherthananideologyoreconomicrationality,neoliberalismisatechnologyof
governance,awayofgoverningwithoutgoverningthatforms‘anewrelationship
betweengovernmentandknowledgethroughwhichgoverningactivitiesarerecast’(p.
3).Itstressesresponsibilityatcommunalandindividuallevels.NikolasRose(1999)
markedthisshiftingovernanceas:
adoublemovementofautonomizationandreponsibilitization.Populationsonce
underthetutelageofthesocialstatearetobemaderesponsiblefortheirdestiny
andforthatofsocietyasawhole.Politicsistobereturnedtosocietyitself,but
nolongerinasocialform:intheformofindividualmorality,organizational
responsibility,andethicalcommunity.(p.1400)
Emerginginthe1980s,neoliberalismbroughtgovernancetoinnumerablesitesthrough
anarrayoftechniquesandprogramsdefinedascultural(Bratichet.al,2003).
Individualandcommunalpracticesofdailylife,knowledges,languagesspoken,and
decisionsmadeareallplacedintotherealmofgovernanceasprocessesof
subjectificationandsubject-making(Ong,2006).Societyinthiswayisunderstoodtobe
organizedlessaroundobedienceandmoresoautonomy,initiative,personal
responsibility,andindividuallyorientedfreedoms.BackonMyFeetoperatesasa
disciplinarytechnologyofgovernance,asiteofcorporealtransformationthatseeksto
fostercitizen-subjectsaccordingtoautonomyandself-responsibility.
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BackonMyFeetparticipants,however,aremorethandiscursiveconstructs.Thebody
islivedinwaysthatconform,exceed,andchallengesocialconstruction.Abiopolitical
framingrisksreducingthebodytotextwithoutconsiderationoftheeverydaynessof
socialpractices(Lemke,2011).Theexperienceofembodimentcanonlybegraspedby
understandingthebodyasalivedexperience(Turner,2008).Yet,ethnographyneedsto
belinkedtothe‘broadersystemofmaterialandsymbolicrelationsthatgiveitmeaning
andsignificance’(Wacquant,2002,p.1523).Theimmersivefieldworkof‘performing
thephenomenon’advocatedbyWacquant(2015),or‘enactiveethnography,’isoneway
ofgivingweighttothewaysinwhichrunningparticipantsunderstandandexperience
theirbodieswithinwiderrelationshipsanddiscourses.
Method:RunningWithBackonMyFeetAtTheHouseInBaltimore
BackonMyFeetbeganinBaltimorein2009.Ibeganparticipatingin2010afteran
introductoryvolunteersessionwhereIdiscussedmyinterestswithAmie,aDirectorin
Baltimore.Shesupportedmeasbothavolunteerandresearcher,andsuggestedthatI
joinTheHouseteam(apseudonym).
Ethnographictechniquesofferwaysofinquiringintoparticipants’experiencesandself-
narrativizations2.Participantobservation,semi-structuredinterviews,andcollectionof
artifactsoftheorganizationwereemployed(Wolcott,2008).Iparticipatedinrunning
activitiesmorethan60times,conducted37semi-structuredinterviewswith27people,
anddrewfromorganizationalmaterialsandhistoricaldocumentationonhomelessness
inBaltimore.Sharingintheexperienceofcollectiverunningwithparticipantsfostereda
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familiarityandtrustbetweenmeandthegroup.Interviewswereconducted
individually,withtheexceptionoftwosmall-groupinterviews.Includedwereninemen
inrecovery,seventeenvolunteers,andtheheadcounselorofTheHouse.Aguideformed
thebasisofdevelopingconversations,whichfocusedon,forexample:participants’
runningexperiences,notablyinrelationtothebody;relationshipsandinteractions;
organizationalevents;urbanspace;andthesupportiveopportunitiesoffered.
Interviewsrangedfrom35minutestomorethanthreehours.Itranscribedall
interviewsverbatim.
Datawereanalyzedviathematicanalysis(Braun&Clarke,2006)3.Representationally,
whilststrivingtomaintaindataaccuracy,herepassageshavebeeneditedforclarity
(e.g.,removalofhesitations,pauses,orrepeatedwords).Verbatimspokendialogueis
identifiedwith‘singlequotations’orblockquotes.Pseudonymsareusedforeach
participant.ThisprojectreceivedethicalapprovalfromtheInstitutionalReviewBoard
atUniversityofMaryland.
LacingThemUp
BackonMyFeetislocatedwithintheraciallydiverseInnerHarbourofBaltimore.The
racialcompositionofBaltimoreCityaroundthistimewas63%BlackorAfrican
American,29%White,4.2%HispanicorLatino,and4%otherwithanaverage
householdincomeof$39,386(U.S.Census,2012).TheracialcompositionofMaryland
was58%White,29%BlackorAfricanAmerican,5%Asian,and8%otherwithan
averageincomeof$70,647(U.S.Census,2012).Yet,thenumberofpeoplebelowthe
povertylinewas21%inBaltimorecomparedto8%acrosstheState.Theshelteredand
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unshelteredhomelesspopulationinBaltimorewasover-representedbyAfrican-
Americansat85%(Olubi&Akers,2011).
InBaltimore,fiveaddictionandhomelessnessrecoveryfacilitiespartneredwiththe
organizationtoformrunningteams.TheHouse,whereIran,isa90-bed,all-male
residentialtreatmentfacilityforveteransandotherstransitioningthroughthecycleof
poverty,addiction,andhomelessness.Therunningorganizationiscomprisedoftwo
primarygroupsofpeople:‘Residents’and‘Non-Residents.’Residentsarethosein
recoveryandhousedatafacility.Approximately45-55Residentsparticipatedacross
thecitywithinfiveteamsatagiventime.Theracialcompositionofparticipantswas
50/50BlackorAfrican-AmericanandWhite.FiveofthemenIinterviewedwere
African-AmericanandfourwereWhite.EachResidentwasrecoveringfromdrugor
alcoholaddiction,lackofemploymentandincome,lackofsustainablehousing,and
varyingdegreesoflegalmatters.Residentsrangedintheirlevelofengagement,from
thecommittedtothecasualtothosethatquicklydroppedout.Non-Residentsarethose
volunteeringwiththeorganization,whichincludedanestimated200-300peopleacross
thecity.Demographicinformationonvolunteerswasnotkept.Amieestimatedthis
grouptobeoverwhelminglyWhite.TheNon-ResidentsIinterviewedincluded10white
womenand8whitemen,1Blackwoman,and1Asian-Americanwoman.
AtypicalrunningdayatTheHouseincluded6to9Residentsand10to20Non-
Residents.Weranthreedaysaweekat5:30AMwithanoptional7AMSaturdayrun.
MeetinginthestreetinfrontofTheHouseat5:30AM,eachpersonchosea2,3,or4-
mile‘loop.’Iparticipatedoverthecourseoftwoandahalfyears,tenmonthsofwhichI
wasinvolvedday-to-day.Forthreemonths,IrentedanapartmentinBaltimoreenabled
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byadepartmentalresearchawardinordertotrainforamarathonwiththe
organization.A‘run’mosttypicallyincludedthegroupgathering,introductions,arun
throughthecity,post-runstretches,andbriefannouncementstoconclude.Weekday
runslastedapproximatelyonehour.
ReshapingtheBody:LearningtoRun
Intakingupthepracticeofrunning,Residentsdiscussedlearningtoruninrelatedbut
distinctways.Theyexpressedhowtheypreparedviaattireanddiet.Theyalso
discussedthatlearningtorunrequiredenduringitsphysicaldimensions,both
physicallychallengingthebodyandrunningthroughpain.Inlearningtorun,they
modeledandmoldedtheirbodiesinrelationtothenormativeidealsoftherunning
body.
RunningPreparations
TwocentralaspectsfeaturedinResidents’preparationsforrunning,theirclothingand
food.Theclothesrunnerswearshapetheconstructionofnormativerunningbodies
(Chase,2008).Eachparticipantdiscussedprevioussportandexerciseendeavorsasa
youthoryoungadult,suchasbasketball,weightlifting,andbaseball.Noonediscussed
runningorpossessedattireconsideredrunningspecific.Severalhadapairofnon-
runningsneakersorbasketballshoes,andbasketballshortsorsweatpants.Donning
runningattire,whichwasaccruedinitiallyfromtheorganization,wasanewexperience,
whichWarrendepicted:
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Atonetimetheyusedtogiveusthesetrainingsocks.Thesocksevengotshock
absorbers,rightatwherethebig-toeat!It’sanorange…thesesocksislike$30!I
ain’tneverseenno$30sock,andtheygaveustwopairwhenwefirststarted.
Andtheygottheballhere,onefortheleftfoot,onefortherightfoot,andthey
gottheshockontheheel,thewholeheelispadded.Theyfeelnicetorunin,Istill
got‘em.Theyupstairs.(9August2011,interview)
Aftertwotofourweeksofparticipation,BackonMyFeetprovidedapairofrunning
shoes,socks,shorts,andt-shirts.
Overtime,Residentsaccruedshirtsfromparticipationinraces.Forthosethatranfor
morethanafewmonths,therewaslittledistinctionbetweenthemandNon-Residents.
Dressingpurposefullywasakeystrategyfordealingwiththephysicalandaesthetic
aspectsofrunning.Malcolmdiscussedwearingclotheslighterincolor:‘Myclothes,Itry
tomakethemlightbecausewerunatnight.Thesunyettobeup,soItrytomakeit
visibleforthedriver’(13August2012,interview).Inthewinter,longsleevesand
sweatswereworn.Dressingasarunneralsobecameawayoffeelingmorelikeateam,
asRobertconveyed:
WhenIstartedIwasn’tintoafashionthingwithrunning.Ijustworeawhitet-
shirt.NowI’mstartingtobuyshirts.TheUnderArmourshirts,shirtsfromallthe
races,Ilikethem.Ifeelgoodforrunningtherace,plusit’sagoodshirt.AnUnder
ArmorShirtoraBrookesshirtthat’saerated,thatletsyoubreathe.I’mnot
obsessedwiththatbutthere’sapartthatitseemslikebeingpartoftheteam.It’s
likeauniform.Idolikewearingauniform,likethearmyIlikedwearingthe
uniform.Itmademefeelmoreproud.(24July2012,interview)
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Bymodulatinghowtheyadornedtheirbodies,Residentsinvokedboththeidentification
ofarunningorathleticidentityandanassociationwiththegroup.
Initially,Residentslackedtheclothingassociatedwithrunning.Astheycontinuedthey
drapedtheirbodiesaswouldrunners.Ratherthanpurchaseclothing,theyinitiallyand
predominantlyearnedattirethroughracesandaccruedmileage.Partofthe
constructionoftherunningbodyalsoincludestheidentificationofassociationthrough
attirebetweengroupmembersinrunningcultures,whichaugmentsasenseofathletic
orsocialidentity(Abbas,2004;AllenCollinson&Hockey,2007;Howe,2004;Shipway&
Jones,2007).Bodilyappearanceandadornmentinthesewaysbecameritualized
aspectsofparticipation.
Unlikeclothing,foodwasaformofsupportthatBackonMyFeetlargelydidnot
provide—theonenotableexceptionwasapreparatorygroupdinnertheeveningbefore
amajorrace.Residentsexpressedarangeoffoodchoices.TheHousepredominantly
fulfilledday-to-daydietaryconsumption,typicallyincludingthefollowing:Breakfast
includedFrenchtoast,bacon,eggs,sausage,waffles,orgrits;lunchcompriseda
sandwich,chips,andsomefruit;anddinnerfrequentlyconsistedofpastaandrice
dishes.MostparticipantsateatTheHousebecausefoodwasprovided.Thisoffered
starkcontrasttoNon-Residentdescriptionsofdietaryhabits,whichwere
overwhelminglyhealthyinorientation.Foodpreparation,naturalfoods,freshfruitsand
vegetables,andotheritemsthatwouldsupportanactivelifestyle,likesupplementsor
sportsdrinks,featuredinNon-Residentdiets.Residentsoftenlackedthemeanstobe
abletoeatfreshfood.NorwereResidentsallowedtocookforthemselves:AtThe
House,allfoodwaskeptinthekitchenandResidentswerenotallowedtokeeppersonal
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foodwhatsoever.UnlessoncookingdetailforTheHouse,Residentswerenotpermitted
tocook.
JeffandMatthewdemonstratedtwocontrastingaccountstothechallengesofdiet.Jeff
hadsomediscretionaryincomebecausehewasworkinganhourly-paidjob,buthe
regardedeatinghabitsasirrelevant:
There’ssomerunnersthatputalotofthoughtintotheirdiet.Personally,Idon’t
mindgoingtoFiveGuysandeatingadoublegreaseburgertwo,threetimesa
week.Idon’treallyworrytoomuchaboutit.Mycholesterolandsugarareunder
control.Nowthatmightchangeinanotherfiveyears.I’lladdressthatinanother
fiveyears.(4August2010,interview)
Incontrast,Matthew,whowasalsoworkingandhadsomediscretionaryincome,was
consciousabouttherelationshipbetweendietandhealth:
Ihaveestablishedarelationshipwithsomeonefrommychurchthatisway
conscious.Idon’teatatTheHouseanymore.NowthatI’mworkingIhave
discretionaryincomewhereIcansetmyowndiet.Heavyonfreshveggies,I’m
pushing250andhavealreadyhadtwocolonoscopies.Youknow,thoselittle
polypsonthecolon,youdon’twantthose.I’mnotfaultingthestationbecause
theygottafeed90guysthreetimesadaysoit’snotgonnabeMarthaStewartand
we’renotgonnabehavingfreshleafygreenseveryday.It’snotgonnabe
roughage,it’sgonnabesawdustsoakedinmilk.Feedthecow,youknow.No
complaints!There’syogurtandcereal.But,three-fourtimesaweekit’spastaor
rice;it’sjusttooheavyonthecarbsandithasn’tbeenhelpingmewithmyquest
todropafewpounds.(8May2010,interview)
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Residents’abilitiestoeatfoodmoreconducivetorunningwascomplicatedby
preference,financialability,andlackofbothabalanceddietprovidedbyTheHouseand
themeanstostoreandpreparefood.
Ahealthyandtraining-focuseddietrequireswillpoweranddiscipline(AllenCollinson&
Hockey,2001;Atkinson,2008;Bridel&Rail,2007).Achievingthistypeofdietalso
requirestheresourcesandpreferencestodoso.Forthoselackingthemeanstoprepare
orpurchasefoodoutsideofTheHouse,the‘sawdustsoakedinmilk’mealsofferedsome
nutritionalvaluebutwerefarlesshealthythanNon-Residents,whosefoodchoices
morecloselyalignedtothoseoftheself-surveillingrunner(Bridel&Rail,2007).Those
fewwhoatebeyondtheconfinesofTheHouseexpressedthecontradictionsofdietary
preferences(e.g.,doublegreaseburger)weighedagainsthealthierchoices.Necessary
foreatinghealthierwerefinancialcapacity,socialnetworks,andknowledgetoaccess
necessaryfacilitiestopreparefood.Matthewexemplifiedthesenecessities,whichare
minimallyavailabletothoseinTheHouse,whereasJeffillustratedthemorecommon
tendencyofeatingunhealthymealsonceabletoaffordit.InJeff’scase,andforthose
eatingatTheHouse,theywereunableorunwillingtoself-regulateorself-surveilas
wouldtheidealrunner.Whilepreferencefeaturedinfoodchoices,Residents
predominantlylackedthetimeandresourcesnecessaryforhealthier,physicallyactive
diets.PursuingahealthydietmakescleartherelativesimplicitywithwhichResidents
clothedtheirbodies.Discipliningthebodyaccordingtonormativehealthyidealswas
successfultovaryingdegrees,andevenrefuted.Outsideofdirectsurveillance,
Residents’livedexperiencesillustratethelimitsofeffortstoreshapethebody.
Nevertheless,runningservestocentralizethebodyasasiteofpoweranddiscipline.
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DisciplineandtheNormalizationofPainandInjury
Thephysicalityofrunningrequiresstrenuousbodilyinvestmentthroughtheendurance
ofpainandsuffering(Atkinson,2008).Onecentralfeatureofparticipants’experiences
includedtheconsciousdecisiontoexposethebodytophysicalchallenges.WhenImet
Stephen,hehadonlyjustbeguntorun.AblackBaltimorean,hehadpreviouslyabused
alcoholandhadbeenconvictedofdrugtrafficking.Hewasfacedwithingoingtojailor
TheHouse.Becauseofhisasthma,hewasunabletomaintainthesteadypaceforwhich
runnersstrive.Whilerunningwithhim,hisbodyseizedupandhewasimmobilized
whilststrugglingtocatchhisbreathduringanattack(24July2012,fieldnotes).Several
timeshebentoveratthewaistwithhishandsonhishipswhilstwheezingand
coughing.Everyday,hisrunningpaceebbedandflowedwiththefunctioningofhis
respiratorysystem,whichIaskedhimabout:
Stephen:Runningishardonthebones.Theydon’trushyoutorunthroughhurt
buttherunningfeelsgood.Sometimesafteryourunforawhileachesand
painsfeelsgood.
Bryan:Doesit?
Stephen:Yeah,itdoes.ItreallyfeelsgoodtomeafterIrunforaperiodtime.Isay
I’llworkforthepain,Ideservethat.Thatisagoodfeelingthatyou’veearned.
SometimeswhenIrunIgotanasthmaproblem.IbehuffingandpuffingbutI
goboy,Icango…Deep,deepdowninsideyoufeellikeyou’rerunninginthe
Olympics.Icango-go-go,everybodyclappingattheend,that’swhat’sgood
aboutBackonMyFeet.(24July2012,interview)
Althoughhisasthmapushedthephysicallimitsofhisbody,herannonethelessand
understoodrunningassomethingthatwas‘verygoodforyou.’
18
Relatedly,allparticipantsunderstoodpainandinjuryaspart-and-parcelofrunning,to
whichWarrenspokedirectly.AnAfrican-Americanmaninhisearly60s,hehadalready
runforseveralmonthsbeforewemet.HistimeinthemilitaryduringVietnamexposed
himtoseveralsubstancesthatmadehim‘messedup.’Heservedtimeinprisonfor
sellingdrugsandburglary.Returningfromjailaftermultiplestints,VeteransAffairs
assistedhimwithgoingtoTheHouseforrecovery.Heshared:
Warren:WhathappenedwhenIranthefirst10-miler?Thethingis,Iwasn’t20
butIstillthinkI’masgoodasIusedtobe.Ipulledamuscleearlierandthe
knotwasthatbig!Helaughedinfectiouslywithabroadsmilewhileheheldup
hisfistshakingit.BackonMyFeetalreadyenteredmeintothe10-milersoI
hadtorunhurt.Youknow,Ididn’twanttowastethemoney.Itookacoupleof
Motrinandrantherace.Thatwasapainfulexperience.
Bryan:Yeah,10milesisnotaneasytask.
Warren:Ididthatin2hoursand51minutes.ButthisyearwhenIdidthe10-
milerIdiditin1hourand51minutes.Iwasrunningwithoutthepain.Iwas
niceandhealthyandIthinkIranprettywell.(10August2011,interview)
Inchallengingthebodyatthelimitofitscapacities,pushingthroughpain,andworking
throughhowthebodymovedwhilstrunninginordertoreducepainandinjury,
Residentsnormalizedpainandinjury.Thisisconsistentwiththeliteratureonthe
runningbody(AllenCollinson&Hockey,2001;Bridel&Rail,2007;Major,2001;
Shipway&Holloway,2010;Yair,1990).WhatisdistinctiveamongstResidentsisthat
theywouldnotreadilyidentifyasrunnersandtheirbodiespresentphysicallimitations
19
tointroductoryrunninglevels.Thenormalizationofpainandinjurywithinrunning
discoursecallsforwardpracticesofself-regulation.
Tulle(2007)submittedthatrunningrequiresakindofbodywork,whichnecessitates
subjectingthebodytocarefulandrigorousregulation.Foreliterunners,thisoccurs
throughheavytrainingloads,gymsessions,andseveralothermethodsof(self-
)monitoring.Forthosejustlearningtorunwhosebodiesdonotfunctionatideallevels,
thisbodyworkoccursinadifferentway.ForsomeResidents,thatworkfocusedon
distancesfromtwotoseveralmiles,whereasforothersthismonitoringoccurredovera
fewblocks.Bodilyailments,fromweighttochronicinjurytoillness,featuredResidents’
bodywork.Ratherthanmaximizethebody’scapacityoveradistanceinpursuitofa
specifictime,participantsdemonstratedtheimportanceofparticipationinand
completionofaruninthepursuitofavarietyformsofperceivedbenefits.These
included:health,suchascardiovascularhealth,reducedbodyfat,amelioratedheart
diseaseordiabetes,loweredcholesterolorbloodpressure;psychological,suchasa
senseofachievement,improvedself-esteem,andpositiveoutlook;andsocial,suchas
socialinteractionandrelationships,andasenseofcommunity.Pursuingtheserequired
participantstoendurethebodymodificationandself-regulationassociatedwith
running(Gillick,1984;Major,2001;Shipway&Holloway,2010).Inthisway,Residents
engagedinrunningtorecover,orsubjectingthemselvestothedisciplinaryregimesof
runninginpursuitofphysical,social,andpsychologicalbenefits.Participants’
preparationsandbodyworktakeongreatermeaningwhencontextualizedwithin
homelessdiscourses.
TheSignificanceofthe(Running)BodywithinHomelessDiscourses
20
Thebodyisinstrumentalforillustratingtherelationshipbetweensocialstructuresand
subjectiveexperience(Crossley,1995;Wacquant,2004;2015).Participants’subjective
accountsevokeddiscoursesoftherunningbodyinpursuitofaforementionedbenefits.
Infabricatingtheirbodieswhilstlearningtorunparticipantsdidsoalsoinrelationto
behavioralchange,homelessdiscourses,andneoliberalrationalities.
A‘FeelGoodPill’:RunningwithNon-Residents
Bryan:Whatdoyoumeanbyrunningstartsthedayoffright?
Ben:Youknow,it’salotoftimestheguysbedown.Theybedownandit’skindof
contagious.Andthenwhenyou’rearoundsomeonethat’supbeat,fullofenergy,it
givesyouthatboost,thatmoralsupport.
Bryan:Whenyousaykindadownallthetime,guysaredownandit’scontagious,how
doesthathappen?Whatdoesthatmean?
Ben:Youseesomeguysthataredown,notfeelinguptoitmaybe.Kindahavetheblue
period,sufferingfromthebluesorsomethinglikethat.Itkindarubsoffonyoua
bit.
Bryan:Canyouexpandon‘they’renotuptoit’?
Ben:Someoftheguys[inTheHouse]theyarealwaysdown,itdrainsyou.It’sgoodto
bearoundpeoplethathavesomeenergy.Wellit’sapositiveenergy.Verypositive
energy.Youcanactuallyfeelitwhenyougetnearthem.It’scontagious.It’slikea
feelgoodpillearlyinthemorning.AtleastwhenI’mdoneitprovidesmeenergy.
I’mkindacrankyalittlebituntilIgetwarmedup.(14July2010,interview)
21
Benisawhitemaninhismid-to-late40swhoselifechangeddramaticallywhenhewas
convictedforsecond-degreemurder.Uponreleasefromprison,hisfurther
rehabilitationwascourt-mandatedatTheHouse.Heaptlycharacterizedthepositive
sentimentthatResidentscarriedaboutNon-Residents.Moreover,Benalsocompared
socialinteractionsbetweenNon-ResidentsandResidentsinTheHousewhodidanddid
notrun:
Bryan:CanyoutellmeabouttheResidentsthatruninBackonMyFeet?
Ben:They’reprettygoodguys.They’realittlemoreupbeatthantheotherguysin
here.BackonMyFeethelpsenough.Yougetthatadrenalinefixinthemorning
anditlastsallday.Ithelpsboostyourattitude,yourmood,andyour
metabolism.ItseemsliketheguysinBackonMyFeetworkharderthanthe
otherguys.
Bryan:Sowhydoyouthinksomepeoplecometojoinandwhysomedonot?
Ben:Basically,it’stheydon’twanttogetinvolved.Laziness,theonesthatdon’t
joinareprettylazy.Aboutalltheydoisgodownstairsandeatbreakfast,sit
aroundallday.Someofthemaren’tcapableofit,theymayhaveaphysical
handicap,theymaynotbeabletorun.Butsomeit’sjustlaziness.
Bryan:Yeah?
Ben:Yeah,theguysonBackonMyFeetaretheoneswhohaveabetterattitude
andhowtohandlethingsaroundhere.
Benconveyedatleastfournotablesentiments.First,hisdescriptionofrunningwith
Non-Residentsandtheenergytheybringasa‘feelgoodpill’communicatedhow
runningwasnotexclusivelyaboutphysiologicaldimensionsbutalsosocialand
behavioral.Asbehavioralexemplars,ResidentsregardedNon-Residentsas‘positive,’
22
‘happy,’‘good,‘encouraging,’or‘inspirational’peoplewhowere‘doingtherightthings’
intheirlives.’Residents’understandingsofNon-Residentsdisclosedbothstrategiesof
powerandtechniquesoftheself.Thestrategyofpowerinthisnon-coerciveformisless
aboutbeingdominatedandmoreabouthowpowermanifeststhroughpractices
regularlyundertaken(Foucault,1977;1978),waysofgoverningtheself.Benillustrated
howthemonitoringandmaintenanceofthebodyforgeditasaproject(Shilling,2003),
onethatcouldbereshapedwithindividualidentity.Runningwasawayoftrainingthe
selfwithandthroughthebody,thusembodyingthedisciplinaryregimesofthe
organization.
Second,oneofthechallengesfacingResidentswastheenvironmentofTheHouse.In
the90-bedfacility,spacebetweenpeoplewastightandopportunitiesforprivacywere
rare.Matthewexpressedhisexperience:‘Thehouseain’talwayspeachesandcream,ya
know.There’speoplethathavedemons.Wearesotightlypackedsothatifoneguyis
reallyoffthehookitaffectsusallmentally’(8May2010,interview).Residents
understoodTheHouseasaspaceoftransitionandrecoverythatrequirednegotiating
manypeopleandconditionswithlittletonopersonalspace.WhereasNon-Residents
featuredasbehavioralguidesinsomeways,theconditionsinTheHousewere
understoodasaplacethatcouldcultivatepsychologicallyandsociallyundesirable
behaviors.
Third,Benarticulatedthosephysicallyunabletorunasunabletoparticipate.The
opportunityforpursuingbenefitsthroughrunningcleavesapartthoseinvariousforms
ofrecoveryaccordingtobodilyability.Thisseparationhighlightsthedebilitatingand
vulnerablestatusof‘homeless’andtheimportanceandvalueofbodilyabilitywithin
23
sociallife.Fourth,andrelatedly,Bendescriedthosethatrunas‘workingharder’than
thosethatdonot,andthosethatdonotrun,yetareableto,as‘lazy.’Dominantand
stereotypicalcontemporaryrepresentationsarticulatehomelessnesstomeaningsof
dependency,laziness,orincapability(Amster,2003;DelCasino&Jocoy,2008;Kusmer,
2002;Wright,1997).Benelicitedthedominantdiscursiveframingofhomelessness
basedpartlyonwhetherothersinTheHousecould,couldnot,did,ordidnotrun.In
conjunctionwiththewaysinwhichResidentsmonitoredtheirbodies,theyarticulated
theirrunningwithbehavioralchange,oneusedtodistinguishrunnersfromother
recoveringmenatTheHouse.
TheMoralWorthofSweatandThePoliticsof(In)Visibility
BackonMyFeetofferedacomplimentaryprogramtorunningcalled‘Next-Steps.’The
programprovidesopportunitiesforeducationalandjobtraining,financialliteracy,job
partnerships,housingprograms,andupto$1,250infinancialassistancefor‘moving
livesforward’inwaysthatare‘self-sustainable’(BackonMyFeet,2012).Toaccessthis,
Residentswererequiredtomaintain90%monthlyattendanceandapositiveattitude.
Additionally,Residents’mileagewasrecordedtotrackprogression,whichresultedin
additionalprizesforaccrual,suchashats,t-shirts,orwatches,atmileagemarkersof50,
100,250,and500miles.Enduranceintheprogramwasthusstitchedtothepotential
foraccessingbenefits.
Inadditiontopreparinganddiscipliningtheirbodies,Residentsspokeofthewaysin
whichtheyconstructednotionsofresponsibility.Reed,anAfrican-Americanmaninhis
late50srecoveringfromcocaineandheroinuse,capturedthissuccinctly.Hediscussed
24
therelationshipbetweenthephysicalityofrunning,itsrequisiteregulation,andasense
ofself:
BackonMyFeethasletmeknowthatthroughphysicalendurement,through
mentaldiscipline,thatitdoesn’treallymatterhowyouare,youcangetsome
thingsdone.CausesinceI’vebeenrunningIdofeelalotbetteraboutmyselfand
myoutlook.(21July2010,interview)
AmongsttheservicesandopportunitiespresentedthroughTheHouseandBackonMy
Feet,Residentsreiteratedasenseofself-responsibilitynecessaryforrecovery.
Stephen’sattitudeportrayedthis:
It’suptome.Thisisuptome.Thisprogramisnotgoingtosavemylife,it’sjust
givingmeachancetostartfresh,togetoutthere.Ain’tnobodycansavemyself
butmyself.It’smyresponsibilitytomyself,toourselves.Howmanychancesyou
get,itdependsonyou.Youmightnothaveachancetocomebackhereagain,you
mightnot.(24July2012,interview)
Theirwordsconnectthephysicaldimensionsofrunningtothenotionofself-
responsibility.Evidently,theNon-ResidentwithwhomIfirstranwascorrectinher
positionaboutResidentsandthevaluesinstilledthroughrunning:‘we’regivingthema
newaddiction’(10March2010,fieldnotes).
TheunderstandingthatResidentsdevelopedinrelationtoresponsibilityareofcritical
importinrelationtohomelessdiscourses.Residentsarticulatedawayofrunningfor
recovery:Theyraninordertoaccessthemeansofrecovery,suchasinformation,
housingassistance,education,orfinancialincentive.FollowingFoucault(1977),a
disciplinaryapparatuscontrolsactivity,organizesaprogressionbuiltonaseriesof
repetition,andmonitorsbehaviors.Organizationally,BackonMyFeetexhibitshow
25
thesemechanismsinformwhobecomeseligibleforreceivingassistanceandwhodoes
not.Thephysicalabilitytorun,attendancerequirements,andmileagetrackingallspeak
tothewaysinwhichtheorganizationformsadisciplinarystructurefocusedonthe
(in)activebody.Participationforthoseunderservedisfrequentlytiedtocodesof
conductormandatoryattendance(Hartmann,2001;Pitter&Andrews,1997)in
contrasttoparticipant-drivendemandsaccessibleinthemarketplace.Inadditionto
physicalandbehavioralmodification,BackonMyFeetsuturestorunningthemeansof
recovery.
Runningforrecoverycomplimentsandoverlapswithrunningtorecover;Runningwas
bothatechniqueofself-careanddiscipline(Markula&Pringle,2006).Ashomelessness
becamerootedinpovertyduringthe1980s,itbegantorevolvearoundframeworksof
innocence/guiltandworthiness/unworthiness(Borchard,2010;Kusmer,2002;Rossi,
1989;Shlay,1994).Thoseadoptingpersonalcharacteristicsorlifestylesdeemedto
contributetotheirplight,suchastheaddictorcriminal,weredeemedunworthy.
Whereasthoseconsidered‘victims’andforcedintopovertywereworthyofassistance.
Residentsdemonstratedthroughrunningtheirworthforassistance,whichcanassistin
theirrecovery.AsBenexhibitedpreviously,Residentsdidsoinwaysthatdistinguished
themselvesamongsttheirpeersinTheHouse.Astheyaccumulatedrewardsand
benefits,thosewhoranforseveralmonthsormorebegantoarticulatetheir
involvementdirectlytoideasofself-responsibility.
Residents’understandingsofselfinrelationtorunningdemonstratedclearaffinities
withneoliberalrationalities—acknowledgingtheimpossibilityofdefinitivelyasserting
thatResidentsadoptedself-responsibilityandself-sufficiencyentirely.Edwin,whowas
26
recoveringfromheroinaddictionandwascourtappointedatTheHouse,illustrated
thesesensibilities.Duringourformaldiscussion(18July2012,interview),wespoke
aboutwhatshouldbeprovidedforpeoplewithinsociety.Hisresponsewastelling:‘Air.
Otherthanthat,nothing’sfree.’‘Shouldtherebe?,’Ireplied.Hecontinued:
Nah.Everythingcomesatapricetosomebody,soifit’sfreeformethen
somebodypaidforit.Food,housing,everything.Imean1-12educationisfreefor
themostpart.Afterthatshouldcollegebefree?Hmmm…itwouldhelp.Idon’t
know.…Ahouse,forfree?Who’sgonnabuildit?…Somebody’sgottafootthebill
forallthatstuff.Government?Government’sbroke.Sowhofootsthatbill?
Residentscommunicatedthatsupportiveopportunitieswerefewandtheyadheredto
theethosofpullingthemselvesupbytheshoelaces.Theirexperiencedrawsattentionto
thepreoccupationwiththehumanbodyasasitetobemobilizedinresponsetostate
welfareretrenchment(Fusco,2006;Howell&Ingham,2001;Ingham,1985;White,
Young,&Gillett,1995).Publicandsocialissuesincompetitive,capitalistcontextsare
framedthroughpersonal,moralresponsibilitieswhereinthebodybecomesaprimary
locusforworkingthroughissuessuchashealthandwellness.Sportandexercise
initiativesembeddedinpoliticaldiscoursesofat-riskurbanyouthinrelationtocrime,
delinquency,andpublicsafety,likeMidnightBasketball(Hartmann,2001),tendto
orientaroundprevention.BackonMyFeetmaypartiallyfunctionasamechanismof
prevention,yetinitsemphasisontheproductionofappropriatehumanbehaviorwithin
aneoliberalcontext,ofproducingtheself-governingindividual,itismorefittingly
consideredadisciplinarytechnology.Withinliberal,capitalistdemocracies,individuals
aremorallyresponsibleformakingthemselvescompetitiveinthemarketplace.Onthe
fringesofemployment,Residentsdrewonrunningasaformofphysicallabortorender
themselvesmoreproductiveandcompetitive.Withanaimtowardsself-sufficiencyand
27
self-care,BackonMyFeetencouragesthoseonthemarginsfromthinkingabout,
needing,orrequiringinstitutional,state,ornon-statecare.
Suchexpressionsofself-responsibilityfromthoseatthemarginsofsociallifeare
disconcertingforissuesof(in)visibility,whichShipler(2004)assertedarevitalfor
understandingthereproductionofinequalityamongsttheworkingpoor.Miller(1991)
suggestedthat‘thehomelessbody’isbothvisibleandinvisible.Thepoliciesand
practicesofsweepingaway,clearingout,orprohibitingthoseexperiencing
homelessnessrenderstheminvisible,whatMitchell(1997)referredtoas‘annihilation
byspace.’Yet,thoseonthemarginsofurbanlifearemadevisiblethroughtheir
juxtapositionagainstwhatisconsideredacceptablewithinspectacularizedurbanspace
(Kawash,1998;Amster,2003;GerrardandFarrugia,2015).Indemonstratingpractices
ofself-regulation,self-care,andthusworthinessofassistance,Residents’bodiesand
selves,weremadevisiblethroughnormativeproprietaryunderstandings.Anideal
instanceofthishappenedtoEdwinduringacourthearing:
IwasatcourtandmyprobationofficerknowsthatIrun.Iguessshehadwritten
somethinginmyfilesandthejudgemadereferencetoit.IletthemknowwhoI
wasrunningwithandthelawyerwhohandledallthedrugcourtpeople—Iknow
herfacethoughbecauseIseehereveryfiveorsixweekswhenI’mincourt,and
she’srepresentingmeforlackofabetterterm—sheandoneofthecourtclerks,
whichisanotherfemale,theyclappedandwaslike‘BackOnMyFeet!’(18July,
interview)
Throughapieceofdocumentationinhislegalrecord,runningcontributedtothe
narrativethatEdwinwasworkinginarespected,positive,andcivilwaytowards
recovery.Here,‘therunningbody’eclipses‘thehomelessbody.’Edwinwasrepresented
28
inconjunctionlesswiththespectreofhomelessnessandmorewithcompetitiveness
andproductivity.SincecompletingamarathonwithEdwin—afirstforbothofus—I
learnedthroughcontinuedcorrespondencethathesuccessfullymovedonfromThe
House,ranirregularlyandindependently,completedtrainingforandacceptedajobata
Veteran’smedicalfacility,andstayedcleanformorethanfiveyears.Likeothersonthe
margin,Residentsengagedinrational,irrational,orimaginarypursuitsoutsideofthe
dominantinstitutionsfromwhichtheyhavebeenexcluded(Scherer,Koch,&Holt,
2016),whichareindicatorsofstruggle,resistance,orsurvival.
Yet,inasmuchasEdwinrepresentsthearchetypalimpactthatBackonMyFeetcan
produce,otherstorieschallengethatnarrative.AcaseinpointwasJeff,arecovering
alcoholicwhowassoberformorethanayearwhenImethimandcaptainofthe
Residents—aroleresponsibleforcommunicatingbetweenorganizersandResident
members.Uponthedeathofhisfather,herelapsedwithalcoholandwasforcedtoleave
TheHouseandthustherunningteam(fieldnotes,2March2011;email
correspondence,7March2011).Wheninitiallyaskedhowhewasdoing,Amiesaidthey
hadnowaytoreachhimbuttheyheardhewasseekingentryintoanotherrecovery
facility(fieldnotes,2March,2011).Later,welearnedthathewassuccessfulindoingso
(emailcorrespondence,7March2011).Thattheengagementwiththeorganization,its
people,anditsopportunitiesarereactivelywithdrawnspeakstothepoliticizedand
moralizedconstructionofhomelessness.Havingbrokenamoralcodeandpollutedhis
body,Jeff’sabilitytoaccessresourcesforrecovery,orevenrunforthem,were
withdrawnbyhisexpulsionfromTheHouseandBackonMyFeet.Thelatteris
compellingbecausetheorganizationisnottiedtoalocation,place,orformal
institutionalapparatusandcanthusoperatebeyondtheregulatoryconfinesofa
29
recoveryfacility.Yet,itelectsnottodoso.Arguably,whensomeoneinrecoverywas
mostinneedresponsibilityshiftedheavilybackontotheindividual.
Conclusion:Runningon…
Residents’livedexperienceswithBackonMyFeetdemonstratedwaysinwhichthe
bodybecameasiteoftheworkingofpower.Inoneform,thepracticeofrunningcreated
opportunitiesforself-care.Improvinghealth,developingrelationships,thepleasureof
running,oraccessingvitalentrypointsforinvaluableresourcesintheprocessof
recoveringfromhomelessness(Scherer,Holt,&Koch,2016)validatetheprogram’s
intentions.Yet,thedisciplinaryapparatusorchestratedbytheorganizationalsofosters
theproductionofbehaviorsandsubjectsconducivetothecontextofhomelessness
withinneoliberalism.
BackonMyFeetexemplifiestheexpandingwaysinwhichresponsibilityforsocialcare
sincethe1980scontinuestoshiftresponsibilityforpublicgoodawayfromthestateto
thenon-governmental,local,communal,andindividual(Brenner&Theodore,2002;
Wacquant,2008;Wolch,1990);thisshiftisfrequentlyfacilitatedbynot-for-profitsport
andphysicalactivityorganizationsinurbanareasthattargetthoseontheextreme
marginswhoareoftenpeopleofcolor(Hartmann,2016).Targetingspecificgroups
invokesspecificassociativediscourses.InthecaseofBackonMyFeet,discoursesof‘the
homelessbody’and‘therunningbody’servedto:moralizethepracticeofrunningasa
meansofrenderingthoseontheextrememarginvisiblein‘productive’capacitiesand
thusdeservingofassistance;cleaveapartthosewhorunfromthosewhodonot,thus
delineatingwhocanreceivecare;reproducediscoursespositioningthehomelessas
30
lazy,dependent,orincapableevenamongstthoseinrecovery;andultimatelyproduce
subjectswhoevincetheself-sufficientandself-responsibleethosofneoliberalism.
Runningforrecoveryreconfiguresrunningasacontrolling,regulating,anddisciplining
activepractice(Markula&Pringle,2006;Spaaij,2009).
Initiativesthatemphasizeandfocusupontheindividualareproblematicforjustthis
reason:Theyengenderlargelysymbolicandbehavioralsolutionstowhatarepowerful
andsystemicforcesandcausesofinequalities.BackonMyFeetreifiestheideathat
issuesrelatedtothecausesofhomelessness—suchascrime,unemployment,substance
abuse,racism,deindustrialization,disability,mentalillness,poverty,orphysical
abuse—arenotpublicsocialissuessharedamongstapopulacebutratherissuesofself-
care(Lemke,2001),whichresonatewithneoliberaltechniquesofgovernance.This
reaffirmshowsportandexerciseinitiatives,SportDevelopmentprograms,orPositive
YouthDevelopmentendeavorsintargeting‘at-risk’groupsrisk(re)producing
paternalisticvaluesandmoralizeddiscoursesthatpositionpeopleasproblemstobe
solved.Foranythatstudy,volunteerwith,organize,orparticipateinsomecapacitywith
suchinitiatives,attentionmustbepaidtomotivationsthatappearpositive,
compassionate,andprogressivebutalsomayberootedinbias,fear,orpejorative
ascriptionsandthedesiretodominateorcontrol(Hartman,2012).Locatingand
articulatingthewaysinwhichthebodymoves,participates,isexperienced,andis
discursivelyconstitutedwithinspecificcontextscanbehelpfulinthisvitaltask.
Acknowledgements
31
Thankyoutothefourreviewersandeditorialboardfortheirtime,energy,and
feedback.Thankyoualsoto:DavidL.Andrews,JacobJ.Bustad,ShannonJette,Psyche
Williams-Forson,CassandraPhoenix,andTessLegg.Supportforthisresearchwas
partiallyprovidedthroughanawardmadebytheUniversityofMarylandKinesiology
GraduateResearchInitiativeFund.
1Asof2016,BackonMyFeetreformeditsmissionstatementtwice.In2012,thestatementchangedtothefollowing:‘BackOnMyFeetisanationalfor-purpose501(c)3organizationthatusesrunningtohelpthoseexperiencinghomelessnesstransformtheirownlivesandachieveemploymentandindependentliving.’Asof2016,themissionstatementread:‘BackonMyFeet,anationalorganizationoperatingin11majorcitiescoasttocoast,combatshomelessnessthroughthepowerofrunning,communitysupportandessentialemploymentandhousingresources.’2Ethnography’sclaimstothe‘real,’likeallqualitativeinquiries,arealwaysnegotiatedthroughthevoiceoftheauthor.Ireflectedonmypositionintheresearchprocessthroughmyrelationtothebodyandidentity(Giardina&Newman,2011;Clift&Bustad,2018),myrelationshiptoparticipants,ourexperientialdifferences,andmyuneasewithcharityandvoluntarism(Clift,2014).Aswithanyethnographicaccount,lookingatorseeingsomethingcomesattheexpenseoflookingatorseeingsomethingelse(Wolcott,2008).Myapproachwascontouredinseveralwaysby,forexample:theephemeralnatureoftheorganizationandthuslimitedtimeinthefield;thecityandsiteinwhichIworked;andmyknowledge,experience,andtheoreticalinclinations.The‘ethnographicI’isbroughttobearhere—adeviationfromethnography’sobjectivist,traditionalroots(Ellis,2004;Emerson,2001;VanMaanen,2011;Wolcott,2008)—andembracesinterpretivistapproaches(Denzin,1997).3ThematicAnalysis(TA)wasusedbecauseitisarobustprocessforidentifyingpatternsacrossadatasetandallowsfortheoreticalandparadigmaticflexibility(Braun&Clarke,2006).TAfacilitatedtheempiricalandconceptuallinkageofparticipants’experiencestothehistoricalandculturalcontextoutofwhichtheytakeshape.Codesweredevelopedfrommultiplereadings,acknowledgingthatcodesandthemesdonotsimply‘emerge’fromnowherewithindata.Dataextractsrepresentthethemesaroundwhichanalyticalnarrativeswerewritten.Acrosstheanalyticaldiscussion,themeswerefurtherinterpretedandbraidedtogetherwithliterature.
32
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