tschofen, b - on the taste of regions

7302019 Tschofen B - On the Taste of Regions

httpslidepdfcomreaderfulltschofen-b-on-the-taste-of-regions 130

Anthropological Journal of European Cultures Volume17200824ndash53copyBerghahnJournals

doi103167ajec200801701003 ISSN0960-0604(Print)

Of the Taste of RegionsCulinryPrcticeEuropen

PolicynSptilCulturendashResercOutline1

BERNhaRdTSChOfEN

AbstrAct

Regional culinary lsquospecialitiesrsquo are usually consideredas indicative of the culture of specific areas of theirtraditions and ways of life Only recently has researchbegun to focus on the processes that constitute re-gional food cultures This article traces the use of lsquoculinary heritagersquo as a concept in regional practicesand European politics developing an analysis of how

everyday food practices are transformed first into cul-tural heritage and then into cultural property It thenpresents a comparative ethnographic project aiming at a cultural analysis of procedures involved in the EUfood quality assurance system In conclusion the ar-ticle proposes perspectives that may help fill the gapsin research identified in this context

Keywords

Cultural property European regulations food culturesregional development terroir

While writing a presentation or for publication in the field of culturalresearch you occasionally find pieces of literature that make you doubt

whether you have chosen the appropriate format Perhaps non-academicempirical experiences and forms of representation could depict culturalfacts more accurately and accurately than theory-led explications of everyday life For that reason two somewhat extensive amuse gueules drawn fromthe more-or-less belles lettres have been consciously chosen to open thesequence of dishes served up in this article



Of the taste Of RegiOns

25

A First Appetizer

ClsoCulinryCiviliztionshellip

The first is a reference to the novel Kochen mit Fernet-Branca [Cooking withFernet Branca] by James Hamilton-Paterson ndash a book that may also beread as a culinary metaphor for the new Europe Significantly situated inTuscany and central to its narrative is the encounter between Gerald andMarta Gerald is a cultivated English ghostwriter for second-degree celeb-rities Marta hailing from the imaginary eastern European region of Voy-novia remains for a time unrecognized by her neighbours in the Tuscan

hill idyll as a composer of soundtracks for Mediterranean art-house filmsThe conflict between the two antagonists ostensibly about tranquility andan unspoilt view takes the form of a culinary petty war The competition(and incongruity) of the different culinary systems represented by the twocharacters becomes a symbol of European contradictions on the onehand is the knowledgeable lsquofoodiersquo Gerald with his exalted connoisseur-ship and cheerful experimentation on the other hand there is the down-

to-earth Marta lacking culinary ambitions who delights in the authenticVoynovian soul foods that her tradition-conscious clan send her from timeto time ndash a clan that by the way has a nomenclatura past while now en-gaging in big business As Gerald and Marta self-consciously begin to eat together their meals turn into a contest of flavours and European systemsMarta seeks to defeat Gerald with the fat sausage traditional in her homeregion lsquoMit schwungvoller Gebaumlrde setzte sie mir eine dicke Wurst vor

beige wie ein Kondom und von Klumpen so voll wie eine Gefaumlngnisma-tratze Sie war ein wenig groumlszliger als die bayerischen Exemplare die knappin nachttopfgroszlige Schuumlsseln passenrsquo [With a flourish she put before me a gross sausage beige as a condom and lumpy as a prison mattress It wasa little larger than those Bavarian specimens that just fit into bowls thesize of chamber pots] (Hamilton-Paterson 2005 17) Thus while Marta is offering him her regional delicacies which he perceives as lsquofuruncles a ldquolesson in anatomyrdquorsquo Geraldrsquos lessons for her are painstakingly composedcrossover-events of stylised regional cuisines The differences between thetwo in terms of alimentary habitus may be exemplified by two quotes

After the first joint meal Marta writes to her sister Marja who livesat home with the family in Voynovia lsquoWie dem auch sei was sollte ichmeinem Gast zu essen vorsetzen als eure Schonka und Pawlu Ein echt

woidisches Mahl eine kleine europaumlische Gastronomielektion Aber ach



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

26

ich fuumlhlte mich so an zu Hause erinnert dass mir die Traumlnen kamen ndash liebeMari ich haumltte die Schonka uumlberall auf der Welt erkannt so unverwech-selbar stammte sie von unserem Landgutrsquo [Anyway what could I give my

visitor to eat but your shonka and pavlu An authentically Voydean meala little lesson in European gastronomy But oh it so reminded me of homeI had tears in my eyes ndash dear Mari Irsquod have known that shonka anywherein the world it was so unmistakably from our estate] (Hamilton-Paterson2005 32) The Englishman Gerald is characterised as lsquogeschmaumlcklerischerAuskennerrsquo [pretentious faddish know-it-all] (Corti 2005) who has beenknown to try mussels in chocolate otter ragout or a pie of smoked cat and hawksbill turtle lsquoDie beste im Handel erhaumlltliche geraumlucherte Katzekommt vom aumluszligersten Rand Italiens nahe Solda (oder Sulden wenn Siegermanisch aufgelegt sind) an der Schweizer Grenze Sie wird verkauft von der Familie Ammering in dem Doumlrfchen Miggrsquo [The best commer-cially available smoked cat comes from just inside Italy up by the Swissborder near Solda (or Sulden if you are Germanically inclined) It is

purveyed by the Ammering family in the little village of Migg] (Hamilton-Paterson 2005 167)What unites the two characters is the shared passion for Fernet Branca

that gives the book its title Gerald would use it to cook with at every op-portunity and both enjoy drinking it (and suspect each other of being ad-dicted) ndash although Gerald should actually despise the liquor for reasons of distinction whereas for Marta it must naturally fall short of the Voydean

schnapps being a rather insipid version of that Galasiya our huntersrsquodrink (Hamilton-Paterson 2005 30)

A Second Appetizer

TreehoursaloneinteCrhellip

One can learn many things from the book Gestaumlndnisse eines Kuumlchenchefs

[Kitchen Confidential] by the American cook and writer Anthony Bour-dain (2001) which caused quite a stir in the media (and a certain disap-pointment in the world of gourmets) ndash some of them surprising othersless so For instance one learns about the rise of gastro trends and theirintegration into the international haute cuisine about economic pressuresin the highly differentiated system of lsquoKonzeptgastronomiersquo [conceptualrestaurants] with all the risks and barely surprising wheeling and dealing

involved and about the tough working conditions that range between de-




27

pendence addiction and (self-) destruction While reading the book writ-ten mainly in the brash style of the initiate revealing it all I became stuckon a relatively unspectacular point Right at the beginning of the book

there is a passage in which Bourdain composes key culinary experiencesinto the plausible arch of his life story We all know what role such themesplay in autobiographical texts ndash they retrospectively actualise experiencesto give meaning and purpose to onersquos own life For young Anthony thechild of a Franco-American family a summer holiday in France becomesan experience that shapes his future thinking and behaviour It is not somuch the gustatory arousal scenes that Bourdain shares with his readersrather it is the idea of culinary spaces which will be rendered plausibleby locating and describing such experiences

The Bourdain family obviously belonging to a well-to-do milieu andoperating in the transatlantic sphere are travelling through France in a Rover they acquired in Europe The children two boys are with their par-ents and gather their own experiences ndash cold soups oysters At one point

the family visits Vienne Once the car is parked the two boys have to sit there waiting for three hours while their parents wine and dine in a res-taurant called lsquoLa Pyramidersquo Bourdain describes his feeling of graduallyrealising that in this region at this place and behind these walls something very special must be happening (Bourdain 2001 12f) Not just something that kids are denied and for which one accepts the need to travel long distances but also something that inscribes itself into space invests it with

meaning and conditions how space is experiencedThe literary representation of an experience during the summer of 1966

has an air of mystery which four decades later we might not perceivein the same way if confronted with contemporary impressions Take thebudget airline which in co-operation with the federal state of Baden-Wuumlrttemberg commissions an Airbus with the Slogan lsquoMhhh Baden-Wuumlrttembergrsquo painted on it to travel as a culinary ambassador for the

state Take the Deutsche Bahn (German federal railways) which during the FIFA championship designs the menu in its dining cars as a refer-ence system of regional and global culinary spaces so that diners havethe choice between dishes representative of the German venues and theregional landscapes in which the high-speed trains traverse or specialitiestypical of the competing nations prepared according to a similar logicNewspapers report that the EU plans to expand measures to protect re-



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

28

gional foods and these should be understood as a contribution to culinaryvariety

In dealing with typical and representative dishes it is perhaps best not

to resort to the use of quotation marks at all Nor do I want to establish a dichotomy of imagined and real culinary travels that would be only mis-leading Suffice it for now to note the dual observation that two distinct patterns of thought and action are inevitable in the everyday of our latemodernity First the idea that culinary practices are predominantly spa-tially configured second the promise that the cultural variety and differ-ence of spaces and regions can be experienced with particular immediacyin the encounter with their culinary systems

I need quote no further examples to support either hypothesis ndash indi-cated in the title ndash of a new meaning of the connection between regionand taste or the linked proposition of a new spatial reordering of culinarypractice In our everyday lives we are well used to representations andpractices in this regard ndash an article on the austere taste of Sardinia in the

in-flight magazine the leisure map of the Swabian Mountains with sym-bols indicating the culinary hot spots of the region the regional cookerycourse for students of an international language school our subtly space-related practices of consumption at home as well as on the road ndash all thiscombined with a fridge full of European ingredients specialised cook-books the availability of ethno- and regional cuisines with the reading of eloquent menus and discussions of our own experiences of taste here as

thereThe questions I want to explore are concerned with further defining

the field outlined here and trying to fathom the spatial conditions of cu-linary practice in late modern constellations Towards this goal I will first of all locate the problem in ethnological food research in order to shedsome light on the transformation processes of food and of taste taking lsquoculinary heritagersquo as an example Using concrete examples such as an

on-going research project on regional specialities as cultural property it will be possible to qualify this dimension and to develop the foundationsfor an analysis The focus will be on identifying key questions rather thanformulating answers By way of conclusion I will examine techniques andpractices of knowledge relating to culinary issues and try to develop per-spectives for ethnographic food research under complex conditions that are centred on the social actors




29

The overall aim is not simply to translate the paradigms of the so-calledlsquospatial turnrsquo (Schroer 2006 Soja 2003) for the purposes of a particularresearch area of our discipline Rather the aim is to develop by using a

relational concept of space approaches that allow us to explain the forma-tion and function of regional gustatory systems and space-related culinarypractices in the precise context of European protection schemes for theso-called culinary heritage Instead of any general theoretical dispositionmy central concern will therefore be with illuminating the domains that emerge

Starter

CulturlanlysisoteCulinryndashProblemsnTritionso

fooReserc

The literary examples cited earlier clarify that food habits are a complexfield where discourses and policies of cultural heritage reach deeply intoour everyday practices Under the label of lsquoculinary heritagersquo ndash a collec-

tive term for traditional and regional foods including specific ways of preparation (lsquocuisinesrsquo and culinary systems) ndash these habits have attractedunprecedented attention in recent years This is in spite of the fact that theculinary complex does not readily fit into the dichotomic model of culturalheritage food is on the one hand very concrete and body-related but onthe other hand a highly abstract good due to its transience and to its con-sumption predicated on sensual experience beyond reliable taxonomies(Barloumlsius 1999) Culinary practice is thus qualified by the synchronicityof material and immaterial aspects and therefore it cannot be exclusivelyclassified as either a material or intangible cultural heritage (Weigelt 2006Brown 2005)

Although hard to grasp culinary traditions have in recent timesincreasingly become a point of departure for lsquometacultural processesrsquo

(Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2004) in many parts of the world Regional cu-linary traditions and culinary systems in particular have attracted newattention not so much as reactions to globalisation but as an aspect of theglobal transformation processes A particular concept of lsquoculturersquo informsnot only the countless regional initiatives and national foundations that have emerged in many countries but also non-governmental organisa-tions acting globally ndash such as the popular Slow Food movement (Petrini

2001) ndash or the European Unionrsquos agricultural policy measures (Johler



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

30

2001 2002) This concept permeates the discourses of world heritage andin addition to the category lsquospacersquo (as the primary organising principle of lsquolocal or regional traditionsrsquo) foregrounds the community base of culinary

knowledge and practicesEthnological and other cultural knowledge invariably provides the

foundation for criteria and justifications ndash whether for the compilation of national inventories of cultural heritage the development of regional spe-cialities that inject added value of produce and expertise into the regionalproduct (Pfriem et al 2006) or the principles of lsquoterroirrsquo (Josling 2006)and of generic specialities (Thiedig and Sylvander 2000) controversiallydebated in European agricultural policy as well as in world trade negotia-tions Conversely this knowledge also reflects everyday conceptions andexperiences and turns them ndash consciously or otherwise ndash into the basis forculinary systems (Tschofen 2005)

There is as yet no major cultural analysis concerned with either theprocesses in which explicit culinary heritages emerge or the problems of

cultural property relating to the transformations of food traditions par-ticular dishes or cuisines Initial forays into this field have been made byScandinavian ethnologists (eg Salomonsson 2002) and more recentlystudies by Welz and Andilios (2007) on the Europeanisation of the foodmarket as exemplified by the Cypriot cheese Halloumi The research fieldas such however is by no means neglected both the practical documenta-tion ndash though often conducted from an essentialising perspective ndash and the

(agro-) economic analysis (Profeta et al 2005) demonstrate its importancein everyday life and economy and point to the historical and socio-cul-tural gaps in the subject (Thiedig 1996)

The study of food habits ndash even though not pursued very systematicallyndash certainly belongs among the classic concerns of ethnological researchThis is not the place to speculate about the various reasons for this otherthan to surmise that in most cases it is due to a conjunction of a range of

motives Despite its perennially static concept of culture German Volk- skunde has long been open for everyday cultural expressions Anotherimportant role has been played by the idea that pre-modern societies andtheir relics and survivals on which ethnological research was focusedfor a long time project themselves essentially in their food habits ndash that their natural conditions and cultural systems would become automaticallyevident in eating and drinking (Tschofen 2000b) Perhaps the affinity to-




31

wards immediate bodily experience arising from the vitalistic dispositionof older Volkskunde approaches may have come into this lending its ownsense of lsquoculinarityrsquo to the topic The discipline ndash as we know it ndash has had

a curiously close relationship with its subjects not only describing andexplaining them but in many cases also living them and re-translating them into an asynchronous practice

The tradition of ethnological food research (Tolksdorf 2001Heimerdinger 2005) is nevertheless the right framework to analyse theformation mediation and transformation of spatially connoted foodtraditions In Europe the interest in these issues dates back to beforethe establishment of a Volkskunde as an academic subject It is reflectedndash following the paradigms of nation and culture ndash in auto-ethnographicand hetero-ethnographic sources of the late eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies The sources range from travelogues concentrating on the more-or-less symbolic representations and differentiation of distinct cultures tothe relatively systematic censuses of the statistical-topographic enterprises

initiated by the new administrative states and their demographic and eco-nomic policies motivated by the goal of comprehensively modernising allaspects of life

The two traditions sketched here as ideal types converge in somemeasure in the styles of thinking prevalent in a Volkskunde that becameinstitutionalised in the late nineteenth century In this process in line withits nostalgic retrospective vision the interest for relics and stereotypical

fixation became inscribed in the disciplinary canon while the aspectsof the everyday which from this perspective appear non-specific andchangeable were disregarded This orientation still determines to a largeextent the surveys for the ethnographic atlas projects which by virtue of their methods and results would exert a lasting influence on the devel-opment of a historico-cultural food research (Schmoll 2005) Howeverthe primary interest has shifted ndash for example in Guumlnter Wiegelmannrsquos

analyses of the atlas materials over many decades ndash towards the historicaldetermination of characteristic spatial layers in the reconstruction of pro-cesses of innovation and diffusion their reasons and their causes Throughits attention to structures and processes ethnological food research guidedinitially by antiquarian motives has since the 1960s become increasinglylinked to international and interdisciplinary developments (Wiegelmann2006) The establishment of a commission for ethnological food research



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32

within the Socieacuteteacute Internationale drsquoEthnologie et de Folklore is important in this context To this day the composition of this commission reflectsthe emphasis on food culture in the Scandinavian ethnologies and in the

disciplinary contexts of Eastern and Central European countries with theirtraditions of national ethnographies

On the margins of dealing with historical landscape cuisines EuropeanEthnology paid increasing attention to what Koumlstlin (1975 1991) first de-scribed as the lsquoRevitalisierung regionaler Kostrsquo [revitalisation of regionalfare] in modernity In German-speaking areas and in Scandinavia in par-ticular we thus find from an early stage intensive engagement with thediscursive construction of regional and national cuisines Following the de-velopment since the 1960s of an awareness of lsquosecond-handrsquo folk culture(combined with the everyday availability of scientific knowledge) a seriesof articles ndash initially still in the tradition of analysing a food folklorismndash depicted and interpreted the revitalisation of regional fare with regard toidentity-confirming strategies of an lsquoinvention of traditionrsquo In recent years

thanks to a conjunction of praxeological and cultural-semiotic conceptsthat have focused attention on the symbolic dimension of culinary sys-tems (Matthiesen 2005) the production of cultural systems through foodhabits has been considered anew This involves depicting and analysing the relevant representations and concentrates notably on social practicesat different levels of actionactors including consumers producers andresearchers (Burstedt 2002) Commonly connected with this is the spatio-

temporal location of the phenomena concerned within the tensions of animagined dichotomy of regionalism and globalism (Heimerdinger 2005)The frame of reference for international and interdisciplinary lsquofood stud-iesrsquo or lsquoculinary studiesrsquo is similarly defined by global developments Animportant perspective for anthropological research is therefore the analyti-cal connection between issues of governance and everyday local practice(Phillips 2006)

Questions about food research thus no longer concentrate on a fieldnarrowly defined by its subject Rather they draw stimuli from an engage-ment with regionality fuelled by the new attention to the spatial dimen-sion of the social world (Loumlw 2001 Schroer 2006) Accordingly questionsabout how spatio-cultural systems are experienced and created are being augmented as central themes by analyses of how identities are managedboth regionally and under conditions of Europeanisation and so-called




33

globalisation (eg Frykman and Niedermuumlller 2003) The theoreticalconcepts of relational systems and situational orientations (Featherstoneand Lash 1999) developed in this context are the basis for a further inves-

tigation of European identities in the nexus of regionculture and super-ordinated processes of simultaneous homogenisation and differentiation(Frykman 1999) However these concepts largely remain to be verifiedthrough a combination of micro- and macro-level ethnographies of every-day experience and the creation of its corresponding regimes

Food research has acquired in this context a clearly reflective elementwhich helps reconsider the ethnological contribution (founded not least in the disciplinersquos history) to contemporary discourses and practices(Tschofen 2000a) and on the whole suggests a concept of food culture as a social domain defined by knowledge and action (Welz and Andilios 2004)Against this background the complex defined in politics and practice aslsquoculinary heritagersquo can be understood as a system of relationships

Whenever the study of culture concentrates on the formation of cultural

heritages the issue of the transformation of spatially and culturally limitedcommodities traditions and bodies of knowledge into boundless and uni-versalising orders ndash a passage normally not without ruptures or conflicts(Nadel-Klein 2003) ndash is unavoidable The focus thus inevitably shifts to-wards conflict over the practical embedding of global cultural processes inlocal frameworks of action the practical formation of European or globalsystems and the systems and networks facilitating these transfers (Csaacuteky

and Sommer 2005) The protection and proprietary creation of culinaryheritage highlight problems with the concept of cultural heritage in gen-eral The key paradox lies in the elevation of a holistic concept of cultureat the normative level at the same time as action is conditioned by a concept of hybridity This paradox reflects the fundamental placeless-ness of global processes as at once homogenising and heterogenising tendencies

To understand this paradox fresh approaches are required aiming their focuses for example on the pragmatics of globalisation to identifydifferences beyond cultural essentialism on the one hand and the out-dated concepts of progress or modernisation on the other With regardto the domain of culinary traditions as cultural property adaptations andcreative spaces should be compared not against an implicit backgroundof highly actual lsquocultural differencesrsquo but by considering cultural heritage



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34

as a relationship Thus we leave behind us the potent images of a lsquocon-tainer theoryrsquo and hence the crux of methodological nationalism Obvi-ously we are dealing primarily with concepts that can do justice to the (not

least cultural theoretical) paradoxes and synchronicities of this complexMere attention to the arrival of global politics at a local level is no moresatisfactory here than concentration on the policies and systems possiblyderived from different conflicting practices

The long history of academic interest in vernacular food habits cannot be discussed here It might however be worth pointing out a certain para-dox connected with the history of ethnological knowledge and research inrelation to food and that could be outlined in a similar manner for othersubject domains The evident paradox lies in the ambivalent relationshipto the category of space that is peculiar to the Volkskunde approach In a nutshell Volkskunde has from its very beginning conceptualised the com-plex of human nutrition in terms of spaces and borders ndash subsequentlymigrations as well ndash without theoretically and systematically examining

the spatial dimension This might be due not least to the fact that theapproach has been shaped by the tradition of Kulturraumforschung [thestudy of cultural spaces] in the 1920s ndash an outcrop of the surveys for theGerman ethnographic atlas and similar national atlas projects ndash which toa great extent determined the post-war decades and included the spatialperspective as a method a priori In a thought-provoking review articleHeimerdinger (2005 206) has highlighted the fundamental role for eth-

nological food research of theoretical studies on cultural fixation and eco-nomic circumstances associated mainly with Wiegelmann and Teutebergfrom the 1960s onwards Central to these studies was the analysis of thesocial ndash but above all spatial ndash distribution and diffusion of various dishesand types of foods

Belatedly and reluctantly ethnologic food research seems to havediscovered space while its domain appears more than ever defined by

complex and intertwined spatial processes The idea of regional cuisinesand culinary regions provides a telling example of the way in which cul-ture acquires space and spaces are constituted and practised Significantlyas mentioned earlier ethnologic food research has so far been orientatedmostly in the opposite direction ndash it has taken the spatial dimension of food traditions as largely essential depicting and historically tracing certain dishes or ways of preparation as typical for certain regions Even




35

where the regional (or ethnic) aspects of eating and drinking have beenquestioned from a constructivist angle the analysis has been confined tocommunicative aspects of such attribution to the role of intercultural com-

munication and to ideas of identity and alterity carried for instance bynational food stereotypes

Broadly speaking there has been little room for a systematic analysisof the spatial dimension in the key interpretive patterns of the culturalcomplex around eating and drinking This is true not only for Volkskunde but also for food research in social science and cultural research generallySociology for example recognised the inclusive and exclusive functionsof culinary systems at an early stage but has only recently learnt to depict the invention of national and regional cuisines as a discursive and practicalcorrelate of social and territorial processes of differentiation rather than asan inevitable process (Barloumlsius 1999 146)

Of particular interest apart from the existential social connection of food and dishes ndash what Tanner (1996) describes as lsquoculinary materialismrsquo

ndash are historical questions of process and questions that with a view tosocial structures throw light on the communicative-socialising functionsof commensuality and convivium that is forms of eating together andon the distinguishing functions of alimentation and taste as instrumentsof differentiation in social space In a Volkskunde modernised empiricallyand along culture-analytical lines Utz Jeggle (1986 1988) for instancehas shown early on that eating is more than just taking in food and how

particularly every day cuisine and the related practices and rituals mediateand implement social systems and value orientations

Obviously the social meaning of what is eaten is not exhausted withinthese coordinates and the success of new regional cuisines and the corre-sponding restructuring and reinterpretation of the markets for agriculturalproduce and culinary experiences surely point beyond them

In an engaging essay on dining culture and regional development

Matthiesen (2005) has argued that in recent years a new interpretivepattern has crossed the culinary landscape one that emphasises the cor-respondence of regional territories and gustatory obstinacy Looking at the contemporary rediscovery of regional cuisines since the 1980s thereis irrespective of a progressive levelling of tastes in some ways much that points towards a development that might be as fundamental as far-reach-ing for European everyday lives



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36

In other words Never before has there been so much space in food somuch territoriality added to representations around eating and drinking as well as to the elementary experiences of tasting and smelling We have

to ask therefore how this connection in turn affects places and spaceslsquomakesrsquo them and provides them with contour and meaning As Cook andCrang (1996 140) writing from the perspective of British material culturestudies have diagnosed lsquoFoods do not simply come from places organi-cally growing out of them but also make places as symbolic constructsbeing deployed in the discursive construction of various imaginativegeographiesrsquo

Clearly this is not valid for the rhetoric of everyday food contextsBoth industrial food production and the various initiatives to protect lsquocu-linary heritagersquo operate with a different concept one that is related to theold conception of food research of ethnology and Volkskunde ndash culturallystatic and focusing on ideas of naturalness and authenticity In the current campaign for Parmigiano Reggiano for example it is claimed that this

cheese is not produced ndash it lsquoevolvesrsquo (Anon 2006a 67) This is just one ex-ample illustrating the fact that the concept of culture we need to study thecomplex of spacetastepractice cannot be the same as the concept currently used in European everyday lives and especially in the EUrsquosagricultural and regional policy To understand its provenance and signifi-cance it is necessary to contextualise the politics and practice of culinaryheritages with reference to what has been operating for some decades

under the label of cultural and natural heritage

Main Course I

CulinryheritgeMetculturlProcessesboutalimenttionnTste

Related to the notion of world heritage is the extension of a concept that was initially designated for spatially and temporally sharply defined

cultures to imply a global community of heirs In late modernity worldheritage seems to have taken the place tradition had in modernity Theconsequences and effects of this process have so far been not so muchanalysed as criticised With its world heritage convention of 1972UNESCO created a global system based on the idea of humanityrsquoscommon cultural and natural heritage for the protection of cultural andnatural monuments of outstanding universal value In recent years due to

criticism of the predominance of a lsquowesternrsquo topological-material concept




37

of heritage UNESCO has amended its programme At the instigation of Japan and Korea it launched a programme to protect intangible heritagecomplemented by a programme to protect cultural diversity

Through the formation of an unbounded community of heirs but moreimportantly through the creation of a uniform global monument cultureworld heritage is placed in the context of cultural globalisation It is not themonuments themselves that become homogenised in consequence ndash theytestify on the contrary increasingly to the diversity of cultures ndash but ratherthe monument cultures that is the ways of dealing with sites lieux desmemoirs and listed traditions This has a lot to do with the appreciation theEuropean-western concepts of monument and tradition have experiencedas a result of being sanctioned by UNESCOrsquos criteria and the creation of uniform rituals of acceptance and nomination developed in accordancewith these concepts Just like the techniques of knowledge brought to bearin the field of representation these criteria and rituals shape perceptions of our global memory space and define how we practically deal with experi-

ence and organise the complexes of heritageThe interpretive patterns and lines of reasoning of all three UNESCOWorld Heritage programmes can be traced in the concept of culinaryheritage as promoted by regional initiatives and non-governmental organi-sations Being a profoundly concrete and tangible good food also pointsdeeply into the realm of the immaterial and intangible It also absorbsideas from the programme for natural heritage which emphasises the

systemic context and refers to natural and living entities While the con-vention of 1972 is couched in terms of territoriality the convention of 2003defines lsquosafeguardingrsquo in terms of communities as bearers of collectiveknowledge including all forms of traditional and popular or folk culturethat is collective works originating in a given community and based ontradition (UNESCO 2003)

Both criteria ndash the regionally confined one and that of the collective

ndash are found analogously in the guidelines on culinary heritage and in me-diated form provide a basis for a range of EU measures to promote andprotect food products such as PDO (Protected Designation of Origin)PGI (Protected Geographical Indication) and TSG (Traditional SpecialityGuaranteed)

The procedures for recognition under these schemes play an impor-tant role in the encounters between the regions and the Union which is



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38

usually perceived as a rather abstract entity They are handled very dif-ferently by different nation states (Thiedig and Profeta 2006) and triggerconflicts between pressure groups regions and indeed member states

For an impression of these procedures reference to the implementationprovisions may suffice These make up a document of about fifty pagesAn association of producers wishing to market its cheeses or its sausageswith the status conveyed by a certified indication has to furnish detailedstatements and reasons It has to provide the product with a narrativebased not only on nutritionally knowledge but also on the mobilisation of considerable ethnographic knowledge Thus the document recommendsthat special care be dedicated to the regional lsquolinkrsquo of the product sinceonly they can justify the unique selling position (European Commission2004 13)

The explanation of the lsquolinkrsquo is the most important element of theproduct specification with regard to registration The link must provide an explanation of why a product is linked to one area and

not another ie how far the final product is affected by the char-acteristics of the region in which it is produced For both PDOsand PGIs demonstrating that a geographical area is specialised ina certain production is not enough in order to justify the link Inall cases the effect of geographical environmental or other localconditions on the quality of the product should be emphasised

Activities depending on EU recognition are often connected ndash and at timesalso in conflict ndash with the activities of semi-state bodies for the protectionof the culinary heritage as they have been created in several Europeancountries Here as elsewhere European politics takes on different localshades ndash the patterns of action and interpretation (Salomonsson 2002)reaching from folklore through culture and tradition sustainable ecologi-cal and social development regional quality of life and regional tourist

marketing to the strengthening of competition innovative potentials of functional regions and hidden protectionist subventions for agricultureCharacteristic is in any case an intertwining of different intentions andinterpretations

In the late 1990s (Barloumlsius 1997 Streinz 1997) the cultural dimensionof food law became the subject for a debate that brought together legaleconomic and politico-cultural discourses These discourses are currently




39

gaining a new audience in the context of regional planning and in thesteering of the European and international agricultural markets (Josling 2006) and offer an avenue for analysing the relationships between legal

concepts and concepts of culture with regard to the formulation of goodsand property rights (Beacuterard and Marchenay 2004) The high expectationsof regional producer lobbies in particular on the one hand and of regionmarketing and identity management on the other make the policies andpractices of designations of origin paradigmatic for the analysis of culturalproperty rights (Gibson 2005 127ff) in relation to cultural location andcommodified concepts of region tradition and identity

This is the point of departure for a current research project at theLudwig-Uhland-Institut2 which we hope to take forward in conjunctionwith the Goumlttingen-based research group on Cultural Property3 Withina comparative framework and using an ethnographic approach that ac-companies the products and processes we will examine specific cases of recognition of lsquoregional specialitiesrsquo in two European countries The fol-

lowing paragraphs offer a brief outline of this projectCopyright law has been concerned with the protection of geographicdesignations for a long time Nowadays the protection and promotion of intellectual property are primary duties of the World Intellectual PropertyOrganization (WIPO) which is administrating a set of international agree-ments that regulate the protection of this special kind of cultural property(Hafstein 2004 Rikoon 2004) With the oldest of these agreements dating

back to 1883 the protection of geographic designations of origin has his-torically been one of the most controversial components of internationalintellectual property law (Houmlpperger 2005) Geographic indications are

judicially defined as marks that in commercial transactions refer to thecharacteristic provenance of a certain product They are based on theidea that such products are characterised by features that are conditionedby their spatial origin In the case of agricultural products such attribu-

tion can be traced back directly to specific natural aspects of the place of origin without being necessarily confined to them According to this legalconcept specific knowledge may contribute to the special properties of a product One can thus understand the characteristics of a product asthe sum of local influences This gives rise to the idea that a particularproduct can be produced authentically only in its proper place of originThe product therefore acquires a status comparable to that of non-material



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40

commodities Consequently geographic indications are dealt with underthe 1994 TRIPIS-agreement (Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Prop-erty Rights) of the WTO (World Trade Organization) Geographic indi-

cations signal quality and profile which in turn promise a competitiveadvantage due to the added value they imply This is sometimes referredto as the CO effect (country-of-origin effect) or in the regional context asa region-of-origin effect (Profeta et al 2005)

Proceeding from a notion of lsquoregionrsquo as a set of discourses and prac-tices that connect different actors with each other (within and outsidethe respective region) our project places the emphasis on the problemof groups and individuals actively involved in processes of establishingvalorising and commodifying specialities with European certification Inthis we direct our special attention to conflicts in the process of transform-ing culinary heritage and examine the divergent power relationships andconflicts of interest and the mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion that are implicit in the protection of regional specialities

With regard to the transnational processes that are both the effect of and the background to the politics of culinary heritages such a researchproject has to be set up from the start as lsquomulti-sitedrsquo and comparative It looks at different levels of decision-making mediation and appropriativepractices and demands institutional field research at the interface betweenpolitics and practice Thus the two studies that make up this sub-project both include the analysis of the role of consultancy and certification agen-

cies that increasingly appear on the stage of regional marketing and theestablishment and commercialisation of lsquoregional specialitiesrsquo in recent years The work of the relevant boards and non-governmental organisa-tions that have established themselves as nodes of the social networkgenerating lsquoheritagersquo and lsquopropertyrsquo in the culinary field will also be con-sidered in that context

Main Course II

TerroirsPrcticeSptilnSptiliseExperience

Using the example of two European regions and lsquotheirrsquo products theformation of rules and the space for manoeuvre in reclaiming food ascultural property will be analysed from a comparative perspective con-centrating on the actors The two regions ndash one in Germany and one in

Poland ndash have been carefully chosen to allow for meaningful comparison




41

as both have enough in common to justify the approach while displaying considerable differences

The product cultures concerned ndash in both cases cheese ndash are conven-

tionally closely associated with the natural and cultural-spatial conditionsof the regions They are in some measure elements of the cultural mem-ory of these regions Allgaumlu and Podhale and play an important role intheir self-perception and the perceptions of outsiders Here as there pasto-ral traditions are a central point of reference for the representation of theregion Their actualisation in the process of modernisation and referenceto related symbols in the course of positioning the region in supra-regionaland national spaces of memory have assured the added value of a culturalheritage formulated in this a way

The regions also share an upland position in the mountains and theirforeland the Alps and the Upper Tatra respectively Related to this istheir marginality ndash historically on the borders of territorial states andthen on the borders of nation states Moreover the historical links of both

regions to nearby centres should be mentioned ndash to the cities of SouthernGermany on the one hand and to Krakow as the metropolis of LesserPoland and capital of Galicia on the other For the regions this brought not only an early discovery by tourists but also situated them in particularcentre-periphery relations that turned them in the bourgeois view intodefinitive folk cultural landscapes and determined the way in which theybecame inscribed in state and national horizons (cf Moravanszky 2002)

as reference spaces with suitable connotations (vernacular architecturemusic traditional costumes and so on) The reconnection to the historicalcultures of production ndash as argued in the applications for the registrationof lsquoAllgaumluer Emmentalerrsquo and lsquoOscypekrsquo ndash shows commonalities betweenthe two regions but at the same time indicates important differences inthe practices of transformation in the respective regional and nationalcontext

The German Allgaumlu is by European standards a fairly prosperousregion Dairy farming plays a key part in this regard and at the supra-regional level has the reputation of a traditional economic system withquasi-elementary structures and meanings The main activity to be pro-tected by geographical indication is the production of hard cheeses andbesides lsquoAllgaumluer Emmentalerrsquo lsquoAllgaumluer Bergkaumlsersquo has also been inscribedas lsquoProtected Designation of Originrsquo De facto however the production of



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42

hard cheeses constitutes an innovation of the modern mercantile state Inconnection with this the processes of lsquoVereinoumldungrsquo [desolation] and lsquoVer-gruumlnlandungrsquo [conversion to pasture] need to be understood as measures

conducted under central dirigism just as the implementation of Swiss-style Emmentaler and Bergkaumlse alpine dairies from the early nineteenthcentury onwards That state-run academies and laboratories for cheese mak-ing were established around 1900 in both the Wuumlrttemberg Allgaumlu and theBavarian Allgaumlu (Wangen and Weiler respectively) illustrates theimportance of this sector for the national economy Regardless of theultra-modern structures (large dairies control systems cheese exchange)the traditional method of production of the raw milk cheese plays a cen-tral role in the presentation of the products today Allgaumluer Emmentalerachieves high prices in direct sales in the tourist area and the cheese ex-change records a lsquopositive tendency in proceedsrsquo (read added value) dueto the indication of the product as lsquoProtected Designation of Originrsquo

The example of the Allgaumlu primarily highlights first the importance of

the image of a region (raising questions about the emotional component of regional specialities and about connections with touristic practices andexperiences) second the problems surrounding generic terms and brand-ing (aptly expressed in the way the paradoxical lsquoGerman Swiss cheesersquois tackled semantically in the representation and communication of theproduct) third the debates about commonage and collective good or in-dividual good and finally the drawing of boundaries vis-agrave-vis the histori-

cally related cheese cultures of neighbouring regions (eg BregenzerwaldAppenzell) that use identical arguments for their products

The region of PodhaleHigh Tatra has been chosen as a comparativelydifferentiable counterpart to the Allgaumlu Podhale is situated in the LesserPoland Voivodeship (Wojewoacutedztwo Małopoldkie) consisting primarily of the Tatrzaacutenski district but including parts of the larger Nowotarski districtDespite significant tourism the region emerged as a typical peripheral

region in the transformation process after 1989 Traditionally character-ised by considerable emigration and temporary migration the region isalso marked by a high unemployment rate and the crisis-driven return tosubsistence types of production in its small-scale agriculture Hence theproduction of Oscypek takes place in the context of a partial return toagrarian structures of the regional economy on the one hand and of theeuropeanisation of the Polish agricultural market on the other hand (Dunn




43

2004) Oscypek is a small smoked cheese made mainly from sheeprsquos milkwith some cowrsquos milk added which was introduced by Vlach shepherdsIn the village of Chocholow the region has a UNESCO World Heritage

Site and the mountain shepherd tradition plays an important role in itstouristic representation (Roszkowskiego 1995) tourism opening up thekey market and advertising medium for the cheese Oscypek gainedparticular importance in the course of the negotiations between Polandand the European Union and in 2004 was stylised as a door-opener forand symbol of Polandrsquos accession That year a three-meter high smokedcheese was pulled through the town of Zakopane by a convoy of farmersshepherds and tourists to mark the successful award of EU certificationas a regional speciality Registration was not without conflicts and to thisday remains marked by contradictory demands of the producers (Fonteand Grando 2006 56f) At the same time conflicts emerged about thedifferentiation from a cheese of similar name and from the same mountainshepherd tradition produced just across the border in Slovakia

With reference to the questions formulated for the Allgaumlu the following aspects are foregrounded for the Podhale region first ndash with regard to theimportance of the image of the region ndash the emotional component of re-gional specialities second the negotiation of EU agricultural governancein transformation regions and the role of the non-governmental organisa-tions such as the Slow Food programme for Oscypek in the formationof politico-administrative measures third the problem of lsquofreezingrsquo that

is the impediment of developments in production due to the fixation of recipes and finally the formation of cultural heritage and cultural property in transitional economies ndash the influence of (post-)communist concepts of property and processes of privatisation on discourses and practices as wellas again the drawing up of boundaries with historically related cheesecultures of neighbouring regions using identical arguments

The project proceeds from an understanding of culinary heritage as

global cultural transfer and as a relationship It focuses therefore on pro-cesses of recording and systematising of food traditions looking especiallyat the EU systems for the protection of regional specialities As the next step the transformations of goods knowledge actors and regions in theprocess of dealing with categories of culinary heritage will be looked atHere changes in semantics and structure of interpretation and action arethe theme The subsequent analysis concentrates on public interests and



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44

conflicting expectations deduced from that transformation Policies of protected specialities are examined in terms of regional value added andidentity management with regard to both the economic and the symbolic

valorisation of the declared products Finally the sub-project integratesthe various levels in the problem of the spatial constitution of culturalproperty It analyses the culinary representations and practices with regardto commodification processes of region and of identity and asks about therelated constitution of regional taste cultures and how they are experi-enced and communicated

In the case of culinary heritage as property intertwining mechanisms at various levels are regulating the usage of and access to culinary heritage4 A vital aspect here is the transfer between cultural (and indeed disciplin-ary) knowledge and institutionalised regulations This brings into being a social network that reaches well beyond primary social relations forinstance between producers and consumers or between EU-Europe andthe regions

We therefore need to ask first and foremost about the processes that constitute culinary heritage What are the interests of the actors in dif-ferent spheres of activity Which orders and orientations are reflected inthe correlate practices One has to ask furthermore about the conceptsof culture heritage and region What are the criteria according to whichthe institutions dealing with culinary heritage operate at the Europeannational and regional level Which concepts of culture and identity are

conveyed in their operations Questions also arise about conflicts in theprocess of transforming culinary heritage What power divergences andconflicts of interests and what mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion arerelated to the protection of regional specialities What attempts have beenmade to resolve these issues

With our research project we want to find out what happens when foodbecomes cultural heritage and taken-for-granted products and practices

are labelled and listed as regional specialities Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gim-blett has characterised such processes as metacultural operations meaning the conversion of selected aspects of localised origin in supra-local con-texts She points out that all heritage interventions ndash just as the pressureof globalisation they try to resist ndash change the relation of humans to theiractions lsquoThey change how people understand their culture and them-




45

selves They change the fundamental conditions for cultural productionand reproductionrsquo (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2004 58)

Two paradoxical moments emerge ndash from our explorations in the field

described here ndash as characteristic of the transformation process On theone hand there is the emphasis on the tie that exists due to collectivetrusteeship and tradition but which is wrested from the presumed actorsby the declaration of a universal value and transferred into a transitionalstatus where it is buffeted by property rights and other effects with theacquisition of heritage status the subject as reflexive actor disappears fromview in favour of a fictive a-historical collective

A second contradictory ndash perhaps dialectical ndash moment refers directlyto the spatial dimension of the transformation process It is due to thesimultaneity of de-localisation and local processes of inscribing We must not imagine the determination and commercialisation of regional foodtraditions simply as a one-dimensional transfer from the local to the globallevel but as a network of various geographies which constitutes new

spaces Besides local practices and global structures we need to take intospecial account the knowledge that accompanies the goods on their waythrough distribution systems Cook and Crang (1996 138) therefore talkabout lsquoknowledges [hellip] which for consumers form part of the discursivecomplexes within which they are increasingly asked reflexively to managetheir food consumption habits and their selvesrsquo

This context poses further questions particularly the question of how

culinary knowledge of space is generated and dealt with The de-locali-sation of goods on the way from the world of production to the worldof consumption causes a vacuum of meaning that has to be filled withnew narratives and promises for experiences (Bell and Valentine 1997)We still know little about the historical and regional variations of thisknowledge about its textual construction and position with regard toculturally manifested power relationships ndash for example between cen-

tres and peripheries and between producers agrarian regimes and thedistribution systems of consumer goods and experience industry What we can assume after our initial studies at least for the present time ndash andprobably also for the era of the discovery and formation of regionalcuisines ndash is that this knowledge has been made popular neither by top down commodification processes alone nor by a structure of meaning or-ganised solely on a bottom up basis Rather one has to conceptualise the



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46

dynamic of space-related culinary knowledge as a lsquocirculating referencersquo(Latour 1999) between common images and individual interpretationsby the consumers Spatial knowledge thus mediates between diversified

spaces as manifold intertwined overlapping orders of variable range andextent (Schroer 2006 226)

At this point it is worth recalling the techniques and media of culi-nary knowledge Anyone concerned with culinary regions and culinaryheritage will soon notice that these are significantly linked with twoforms of representation These are lists on the one hand and mapson the other ndash forms of narration and visualisation have the power of definition precisely in their frequent combination While the lists andinventories of culinary heritage agents (not to forget the Slow Foodmovementrsquos lsquoArk of Tastersquo which virtually biologises and sacralises theprinciple) attempt to define through enumerating thus following tech-niques of knowledge tried and tested in the protection of built heritagesince the nineteenth century culinary maps translate cultural matters

immediately into space (Pitte 1991) A map thus creates imaginary to-pographies that may serve as guidance for the utilisation of landscapesMaps not only transfer knowledge into objectifiable forms they alsogenerate knowledge orientational knowledge that is held availablein what Gerhard Schulze (2000) calls an lsquoArchiv der Ereignismusterrsquo[archive of patterns of events] Maps overlay landscapes with user in-terfaces for every day life

Karl Schloumlgel one of the proponents of a spatial turn in history hasmade the power of maps to create space one of his key themes analys-ing the capacity of maps to transmit the historical world into a territorialdimension With reference to tourist maps a lsquocase of harmlessly apoliticalmapsrsquo whose primary purpose is to provide instructions for the use of landscape he argues that even the simplest maps have considerable powerbecause they implant in our heads images of centre and periphery thus es-

tablishing hierarchies ndash albeit mostly harmless ones (Schloumlgel 2003 106)Cartography itself has if I am not mistaken only recently become

aware of the power of its instruments and has begun to interrogate popu-lar cartography as cultural practice as an imaging technique in the fabricof knowledge power and space (Scharfe 1997 1ndash33 Schneider 2004Tzschachel Wild and Lenz 2007) However these practices of explicationostensibly unspectacular and perhaps indeed harmless should be the




47

starting point for an examination of connections between sensory experi-ence the taken-for-granted life-world with regard to region eating anddrinking and the new regions as spaces of knowledge and practice After

all the popular imagery of regional cultures in its definition of landscapesthrough symbols of the lsquoculturesrsquo ultimately uses a principle that pointsback towards the spatio-cultural thinking of ethnological and cultural stud-ies and the knowledge they manipulate

Dessert

TsteSpcenEmotionndashSomePerspectivesI have sought to show how labels and attributes for regional foods changenot only the products practices and their meaning but also our geogra-phies The indication of origin of the products ndash their lsquolinkrsquo as it is calledin EU application jargon ndash creates spaces inscribed with knowledge ndash a knowledge which in turn feeds back to places and things (as well as inencounters with places and things)

For cultural researchers to learn about meta-cultural processes in theheritage complex it is important to comprehend the grammar of thingsand places their narratives and their epistemes intended for use by dif-ferent actors The different actors do not represent separate worlds of producers and consumers but rather complex negotiation processes that increasingly erode that separation Transformed regional cuisines do not

live on the simple dichotomy of local actors (Allgaumluer mountain farmers)and global systems (EU) They need to be conceptualised as communica-tively constructed (Knoblauch 1995) cultural contexts and hence less asresults than as relationships of cultural correspondence

The power of the local in globalising systems is not confined to con-crete acquisition and adaptation (down to the stubborn or recalcitrant interpretation of the rules) It needs to be taken seriously in the sense of the

(however mediated) potential of places the lsquosenses of placesrsquo as DoreenMassey (1994) has interpreted them Here a further aspect would need tobe introduced one about which we know far less than about the multi-lo-cal negotiation processes and the transcultural dynamics that have startedto change radically our perception of and our dealings with culturallegacy in recent years

To learn more about this aspect it is necessary to develop attention

and methodological instruments for experiencing places that reach be-



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48

yond estimations based on visual perception Clearly over the past fewdecades the visual has received most of our attention not least due tothe accessibility and clearness of the sources As the title of John Urryrsquos

(1990) influential book The Tourist Gaze indicates much intellectual effort has been devoted to understanding the tourist ways of seeing and themedial construction of tourist places We need to hone our awarenesstoward the fact that other senses are also involved in this The non-articulated and non-articulable has its meaning especially for humanknowledge of space Moreover the sense of smell the sense of tasteand the experience of bodies in space produce a knowledge that allowsthe production of order and its translation into practice The discursivesense of vision ndash and its actual visualisations ndash may sometimes obstructso to speak the view of this

This concluding plea for a new understanding of the effect of presenceof things and places also highlights the important and concrete current postulate of an lsquoanthropology of emotionrsquo and the call for a history of

sensory experiences and emotions What matters here is the develop-ment of attention towards the affect of places and for affective sites NigelThrift (2006) who put forward an elaborated theory of a lsquospatial policyof affectrsquo argued that emotions offer a wide moral palette through whichwe can think the world and feel various things even if not everything can be named Taste and emotion are not an accident They are con-nectors between actors and social structures Because they contain the

experience of social figurations and cultural interpretations they canserve as translators of social orders into the subjective experiences of individual actors and may help internalise experiences of what unitesand what separates

If one separates the questions raised by ethnological food researchand regional research from their essentialising attributions one quicklyreaches relatively uncharted yet promising terrain An important step

ndash apart from the investigation of the politics and practice of systems of culinary heritage ndash should be to make gustatory experiences increas-ingly a subject of discussion in various spatial and spatially connotedcontexts They should not be seen as an lsquoelementaryrsquo counter-model tothe structural dimensions of the complex but as the crucial connector inthe entangled transformation processes between systems of knowledgeand everyday practice




49

Bernhard Tschofen is Professor of Empirical Cultural

Studies [Empirische Kulturwissenschaften] with particular

emphasis on regional ethnography at the Ludwig-Uhland-

Institute of the University of Tuumlbingen His research inter-

ests include regional identities and tourism

Notes

1 This is a revised version of my inaugural lecture as Professor of Empirical Cultural Stud-ies at Eberhard-Karls-Universitaumlt Tuumlbingen delivered on 24 July 2006

2 For hints and comments I am indebted to Felicitas Hartmann MA and Esther Hoff-mann MA both at Tuumlbingen

3 Die Konstituierung von Cultural Property Akteure Diskurse Kontexte Regeln (Speaker Regina Bendix Goumlttingen) submitted in 2007 as a DFG Research Group following an outlineproposal in spring 2006

4 Valuable inspiration came from the Goumlttingen-based Cultural Property research group

References

Anon (2006) lsquoAdvertisement in Slow Food-Magazine rsquo Genieszligen mit Verstand 14 no 1 67

Barloumlsius E (1997) lsquoBedroht das europaumlische Lebensmittelrecht die Vielfalt der Esskul-turenrsquo in H Teuteberg (ed) Essen und kulturelle Identitaumlt Europaumlische Perspektiven (Berlin Akademie) 113ndash127

Barloumlsius E (1999) Soziologie des Essens Eine sozial- und kulturwissenschaftliche Einfuumlhrung in die Ernaumlhrungsforschung (Weinheim and Muumlnchen Juventa)

Bell D and Valentine G (1997) Consuming Geographies We Are Where We Eat (LondonRoutledge)

Beacuterard L and Marchenay P (2004) Les produits de terroir Entre cultures et regraveglements (ParisCNRS)

Bourdain A (2001) Gestaumlndnisse eines Kuumlchenchefs Was Sie uumlber Restaurants nie wissen wollten (Muumlnchen Blessing)

Brown M (2005) lsquoHeritage Trouble ndash Recent Work on the Protection of Intangible Cul-tural Propertyrsquo International Journal of Cultural Property 12 40ndash61

Burstedt A (2002) lsquoThe Place on the Platersquo Ethnologia Europaea 32 145ndash158



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50

Cook I and Crang P (1996) lsquoThe World on a Plate Culinary Culture Displacement andGeographical Knowledgesrsquo Journal of Material Culture 1 131ndash153

Corti S (2005) lsquolsquoGeschmaumlcklerische Auskennerrsquo Interview with James Hamilton-Pater-

sonrsquo Der Standard Beilage Rondo 29 July 2005Csaacuteky M and Sommer M (2005) (eds) Kulturerbe als soziokulturelle Praxis (Innsbruck and

Wien Studienverlag)

Dunn E (2004) Privatizing Poland Baby Food Big Business and the Remaking of Labor (IthacaNY Cornell University Press)

European Commission Directorate-General for Agriculture (2004) (ed) Food Quality Policy in the European Union Guide to Community Regulations (Brussels European Com-

mission)Featherstone M and Lash S (1999) (eds) Spaces of Culture (London Sage)

Fonte M and Grando S (2006) lsquoA Local Habitation and a Name Local Food and Knowl-edge Dynamics in Sustainable Rural Developmentrsquo httpwwwrimisporggetdocphpdocid=6351 (accessed 7 July 2007)

Frykman J (1999) lsquoBelonging to Europe Modern Identities in Minds and Placesrsquo Ethno- logia Europaea 29 13ndash24

Frykman J and Niedermuumlller P (2003) (eds) Articulating Europe ndash Local Perspectives (Co-penhagen Museum Tusculanum)

Gibson J (2005) Community Resources Intellectual Property International Trade and Protection of Traditional Knowledge (AldershotBurlington Ashgate)

Hafstein V (2004) lsquoThe Politics of Origin Collective Creation Revisitedrsquo Journal of Ameri- can Folklore 117 300ndash315

Hamilton-Paterson J (2005) Kochen mit Fernet-Branca (Stuttgart Klett-Cotta)

Heimerdinger T (2005) lsquoSchmackhafte Symbole und alltaumlgliche Notwendigkeit Zu Standund Perspektiven der volkskundlichen Nahrungsforschungrsquo Zeitschrift fuumlr Volkskunde 101 205ndash218

Houmlpperger M (2005) lsquoDer Schutz geografischer Herkunftsangaben aus der Sicht der Wel-torganisation fuumlr geistiges Eigentum (WIPO) unter Beruumlcksichtigung der Verordnung (EWG) 208192rsquo httpwwwgeo-schutzdeservicevortraege_downloadpraesen-tation_hoeppergerpdf (accessed 20 March 2008)

Jeggle U (1986) lsquoEssen in Suumldwestdeutschland Kostproben aus der schwaumlbischen KuumlchersquoSchweizerisches Archiv fuumlr Volkskunde 82 167ndash186

Jeggle U (1988) lsquoEszliggewohnheiten und Familienordnung Was beim Essen alles mitgeges-sen wirdrsquo Zeitschrift fuumlr Volkskunde 84 189ndash205

Johler R (2001) lsquoldquoWir muumlssen Landschaften produzierenrdquo Die Europaumlische Union undihre ldquopolitics of landscapes and naturerdquorsquo in R Brednich A Schneider and U Wer-ner (eds) Natur ndash Kultur Volkskundliche Perspektiven auf Mensch und Umwelt (Muumlnster

Waxmann) 77ndash90




51

Johler R (2002) lsquoLocal Europe The Production of Cultural Heritage and the Europeani-sation of Placesrsquo Ethnologia Europaea 32 7ndash18

Josling T (2006) lsquoThe War on Terroir Geographical Indications as a Transatlantic Trade

Conflictrsquo Journal of Agricultural Economics 57 no 3 337ndash363Kirshenblatt-Gimblett B (2004) lsquoIntangible Heritage as Metacultural Productionrsquo Museum

International 56 52ndash65

Knoblauch H (1995) Kommunikationskultur Die kommunikative Konstruktion kultureller Kon- texte (Berlin and New York de Gruyter)

Koumlstlin K (1975) lsquoDie Revitalisierung regionaler Kostrsquo Ethnologische Nahrungsforschung Vor- traumlge des zweiten Internationalen Symposiums fuumlr ethnologische Nahrungsforschung (Helsinki

Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistys) 159ndash166Koumlstlin K (1991) lsquoHeimat geht durch den Magen oder Das Maultaschensyndrom in der

Modernersquo Beitraumlge zur Volkskunde in Baden-Wuumlrttemberg 4 147ndash164

Latour B (1999) lsquoZirkulierende Referenz Bodenstichproben aus dem Urwald am Ama-zonasrsquo in B Latour (ed) Die Hoffnung der Pandora Untersuchungen zur Wirklichkeit der Wissenschaft (FrankfurtMain Suhrkamp) 36ndash95

Loumlw M (2001) Raumsoziologie (FrankfurtMain Suhrkamp)

Massey D (1994) Space Place and Gender (Oxford Polity Press)

Matthiesen U (2005) lsquoEsskultur und Regionale Entwicklung ndash unter besonderer Beruumlck-sichtigung von ldquoMark und Metropolerdquo Strukturskizzen zu einem ForschungsfeldAntrittsvorlesung 27 Mai 2003rsquo Berliner Blaumltter Ethnographische und Ethnologische Beitraumlge 34 111ndash145

Moravanszky A (2002) lsquoDie Entdeckung des Nahen Das Bauernhaus und die Architek-ten der fruumlhen Modernersquo in Akos Moravanszky (ed) Das entfernte Dorf Moderne Kunst

und ethnischer Artefakt (WienKoumllnWeimar Boumlhlau) 105ndash124Nadel-Klein J (2003) Fishing for Heritage Modernity and Loss along the Scottish Coast (Oxford

Berg)

Petrini C (2001) Slow Food La ragioni del gusto (Rom Laterza)

Pfriem R Raabe T and Spiller A (2006) (eds) Ossena ndash Das Unternehmen nachhaltige Ernaumlhrungskultur (Marburg Metropolis)

Phillips L (2006) lsquoFood and Globalizationrsquo Annual Review of Anthropology 35 37ndash57

Pitte J (1991) Gastronomie Franccedilaise Histoire et geacuteographie drsquoune passion (Paris Fayard)

Profeta A Enneking U and Balling R (2005) lsquoDie Bedeutung von geschuumltzten geogra-phischen Angaben in der Produktmarkierungrsquo GEWISOLA - Schriften der Gesellschaft fuumlr Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften des Landbaus 40 195ndash202

Rikoon S (2004) lsquoOn the Politics of the Politics of Origin Social (In)Justice and theInternational Agenda on Intellectual Property Traditional Knowledge and Folklorersquo Journal of American Folklore 117 325ndash336



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52

Roszkowskiego J (1995) (ed) Regionalizm ndash Regiony ndash Podhale materialy z sesji naukowej (Zakopane np)

Salomonsson K (2002) lsquoThe E-economy and the Culinary Heritagersquo Ethnologia Europaea

32 125ndash145Scharfe W (1997) (ed) International Conference on Mass Media Maps (Berlin Fachbereich

Geowissenschaften der Freien Universitaumlt)

Schloumlgel K (2003) Im Raume lesen wir die Zeit Uumlber Zivilisationsgeschichte und Geopolitik (Muumlnchen Carl Hanser)

Schmoll F (2005) lsquoWie kommt das Volk in die Karte Zur Visualisierung volkskundlichenWissens im ldquoAtlas der deutschen Volkskunderdquorsquo in H Gerndt and M Haibl (eds)

Der Bilderalltag Perspektiven einer volkskundlichen Bildwissenschaft (Muumlnster Waxmann)233ndash250

Schneider U (2004) Die Macht der Karten Eine Geschichte der Kartographie vom Mittelalter bis heute (Darmstadt Primus)

Schroer M (2006) Raumlume Orte Grenzen Auf dem Weg zu einer Soziologie des Raums (Frank-furtMain Suhrkamp)

Schulze G (2000) Kulissen des Gluumlcks Streifzuumlge durch die Eventkultur (FrankfurtMain

Campus)Soja E (2003) lsquoThirdspace ndash Die Erweiterung des Geographischen Blicksrsquo in H Geb-

hardt P Reuber and G Wolkersdorfer (eds) Kulturgeographie Aktuelle Ansaumltze und Entwicklungen (Heidelberg Spektrum)

Streinz R (1997) lsquoDas deutsche und europaumlische Lebensmittelrecht als Ausdruck kulturel-ler Identitaumltrsquo in Hans Juumlrgen Teuteberg (ed) Essen und kulturelle Identitaumlt Europaumlische Perspektiven (Berlin Akademie) 103ndash112

Tanner J (1996) lsquoDer Mensch ist was er isst Ernaumlhrungsmythen und Wandel der Esskul-turrsquo Historische Anthropologie Kultur Gesellschaft Alltag 4 399ndash418

Thiedig F (1996) Regionaltypische traditionelle Lebensmittel und Agrarerzeugnisse Kulturelle und oumlkonomische Betrachtungen zu einer ersten Bestandsaufnahme deutscher Spezialitaumlten (Weihen-stephan Professur fuumlr Marktlehre der Agrar- und Ernaumlhrungswirtschaft)

Thiedig F and Sylvander B (2000) lsquoWelcome to the Club An Economical Approachto Geographical Indications in the European Unionrsquo Agrarwirtschaft 49 no 12428ndash437

Thiedig F and Profeta A (2006) Leitfaden zur Anmeldung von Herkunftsangaben bei Lebensmitteln und Agrarprodukten nach Verordnung (EG) Nr 51006 (MuumlnchenBonn DUV)

Thrift N (2006) lsquoIntensitaumlten des Fuumlhlens Fuumlr eine raumlumliche Politik der Affektersquo inH Berking (ed) Die Macht des Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen (FrankfurtMainNewYork Campus) 216ndash251




Tolksdorf U (2001) lsquoNahrungsforschungrsquo in Rolf W Brednich (ed) Grundriss der Volkskunde (Berlin Reimer) 239ndash254

Tschofen B (2000a) lsquoHerkunft als Ereignis Local food and global knowledge Notizen zu

den Moumlglichkeiten einer Nahrungsforschung im Zeitalter des Internetrsquo Oumlsterreichische Zeitschrift fuumlr Volkskunde NF 54GS 103 309ndash324

Tschofen B (2000b) lsquoRestudying the Nature of Food Culture How European Ethnologieshave made the Most of Naturersquo in P Lysaght (ed) Food from Nature Attitudes Strate- gies and Culinary Practices Proceedings of the twelfth conference of the InternationalCommission for Ethnological Food Research Sweden 1998 (Uppsala Royal Gusta-vus Adolphus Academy for Swedish Folk Culture) 33ndash42

Tschofen B (2005) lsquoListen Archen Inventare Oder Was gehoumlrt zum ldquokulinarischen

Erberdquorsquo in G Muri C Renggli and G Unterweger (eds) Die Alltagskuumlche Bausteine fuumlr alltaumlgliche und festliche Essen (Zuumlrich Volkskundliches Seminar der Universitaumlt Zuumlrich) 24ndash29

Tzschachel S Wild H and Lenz S (2007) (eds) Visualisierung des Raumes Karten machen - die Macht der Karten (Leipzig Leibniz-Institut fuumlr Laumlnderkunde)

UNESCO (2003) lsquoConvention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritagersquohttpwwwunescoorgcultureichindexphppg=00022 (accessed 19 March

2008)Urry J (1990) The Tourist Gaze Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies (LondonNew

York Sage)

Weigelt F (2006) Cultural Property and Cultural Heritage Eine ethnologische Analyse inter- nationaler Konzeptionen im Vergleich (Thesis for the Magister Artium at Universitaumlt Goumlttingen)

Welz G and Andilios N (2004) lsquoModern Methods for Producing the Traditional The

Case of Making Halloumi Cheese in Cyprusrsquo in P Lysaght and C Burckhardt-Seebass (eds) Changing Tastes Food Culture and the Processes of Industrialization (BaselSchweizerische Gesellschaft fuumlr Volkskunde) 217ndash230

Welz G and Andilios N (2007) lsquoEuropaumlische Produkte Nahrungskulturelles Erbe unddas qualkulative Regime der EU Anmerkungen am Beispiel eines zypriotischenKaumlsesrsquo in D Hemme M Tauschek and R Bendix (eds) Praumldikat ldquoHeritagerdquo Wertschoumlp- fungen aus kulturellen Ressourcen (Muumlnster LIT)

Wiegelmann G (2006) Alltags- und Festspeisen in Mitteleuropa Innovationen Strukturen und

Regionen vom spaumlten Mittelalter bis zum 20 Jahrhundert (Muumlnster Waxmann)




25

A First Appetizer

ClsoCulinryCiviliztionshellip

The first is a reference to the novel Kochen mit Fernet-Branca [Cooking withFernet Branca] by James Hamilton-Paterson ndash a book that may also beread as a culinary metaphor for the new Europe Significantly situated inTuscany and central to its narrative is the encounter between Gerald andMarta Gerald is a cultivated English ghostwriter for second-degree celeb-rities Marta hailing from the imaginary eastern European region of Voy-novia remains for a time unrecognized by her neighbours in the Tuscan

hill idyll as a composer of soundtracks for Mediterranean art-house filmsThe conflict between the two antagonists ostensibly about tranquility andan unspoilt view takes the form of a culinary petty war The competition(and incongruity) of the different culinary systems represented by the twocharacters becomes a symbol of European contradictions on the onehand is the knowledgeable lsquofoodiersquo Gerald with his exalted connoisseur-ship and cheerful experimentation on the other hand there is the down-

to-earth Marta lacking culinary ambitions who delights in the authenticVoynovian soul foods that her tradition-conscious clan send her from timeto time ndash a clan that by the way has a nomenclatura past while now en-gaging in big business As Gerald and Marta self-consciously begin to eat together their meals turn into a contest of flavours and European systemsMarta seeks to defeat Gerald with the fat sausage traditional in her homeregion lsquoMit schwungvoller Gebaumlrde setzte sie mir eine dicke Wurst vor

beige wie ein Kondom und von Klumpen so voll wie eine Gefaumlngnisma-tratze Sie war ein wenig groumlszliger als die bayerischen Exemplare die knappin nachttopfgroszlige Schuumlsseln passenrsquo [With a flourish she put before me a gross sausage beige as a condom and lumpy as a prison mattress It wasa little larger than those Bavarian specimens that just fit into bowls thesize of chamber pots] (Hamilton-Paterson 2005 17) Thus while Marta is offering him her regional delicacies which he perceives as lsquofuruncles a ldquolesson in anatomyrdquorsquo Geraldrsquos lessons for her are painstakingly composedcrossover-events of stylised regional cuisines The differences between thetwo in terms of alimentary habitus may be exemplified by two quotes

After the first joint meal Marta writes to her sister Marja who livesat home with the family in Voynovia lsquoWie dem auch sei was sollte ichmeinem Gast zu essen vorsetzen als eure Schonka und Pawlu Ein echt

woidisches Mahl eine kleine europaumlische Gastronomielektion Aber ach



BeRnhaRd tschOfen

26






A Second Appetizer








27










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

28












29



Starter


fooReserc








BeRnhaRd tschOfen

30












31










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

26






A Second Appetizer








27










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

28












29



Starter


fooReserc








BeRnhaRd tschOfen

30












31










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










27










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

28












29



Starter


fooReserc








BeRnhaRd tschOfen

30












31










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

28












29



Starter


fooReserc








BeRnhaRd tschOfen

30












31










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










29



Starter


fooReserc








BeRnhaRd tschOfen

30












31










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

30












31










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










31










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

32










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










33










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

34











35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










35












BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

36






Main Course I








37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










37










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

38











39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










39










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

40






Main Course II







41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










41










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

42











43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










43









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

44











45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










45











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

46











47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










47



Dessert










BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

48











49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










49






Notes





References











BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

50




Wien Studienverlag)















Waxmann) 77ndash90




51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)










51















Berg)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)









BeRnhaRd tschOfen

52































York Sage)



















York Sage)







tschofen, b - on the taste of regions

Documents