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TransurbanismNigel Thrift

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aUniversity of Oxford, Parks Road

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TRANSURBANISM1

Nigel Thrift2

Life and Environmental Sciences DivisionUniversity of Oxford, Parks Road

United Kingdom

Abstract: This essay on transurbanism seeks to get closer to the workings of the contem-

porary city without falling back on previous theoretical technologies. In particular it forgoes the

humanist impulse and thus rather than looking at meaning it looks at performance. Four aspects

of the transurban approach to cities are focused upon: the postsocial world, tinkering, politics,

and affect. This way of looking at the city has implications for how we define urban life and for

a new politics of the city. [Key words: cities, transurbanism, nonrepresentational theory, affect.]

INTRODUCTION

It is all too easy to get trapped by the mounds of words. Cities have been written about

so many times in so many ways that moving off the well-established tramlines of com-

mentary and saying something new about the urban can prove excruciatingly difficult.3

There is already a whole series of established theoretical-cum-empirical territories, all of

which have enthusiastic proponents, only a few of whom see any reason to change their

point of view. Indeed, some would say that nothing new needs to be said: we just need to

keep pointing to the terrible inequities that scar so many cities until something serious

gets done about them.

But there are, I think, good reasons for not doing just this4reasons which arise out of

three different realizations. One of these realizations is that centered perceptions of

the city ought to be viewed with suspicion: a summative view is neither possible nor

desirable. After Benjamin, such an ambition seems either too ambitious or too stilted.

1 I would like to thank the respondents and the audience at the original AAG session at which this paper wasgiven, and the participants at a workshop on Perceptions of the City, held in St. Johns College, Cambridge,who were also subjected to its contents, and especially David Midgley.2 Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Nigel Thrift, Life and Environmental SciencesDivision, University of Oxford, Parks Road, Oxford, OX1 3PD, United Kingdom; e-mail:

[email protected] Though I have tried. I have worked on the city in its many manifestations for a long time now, covering topicsas diverse as various time-geographical interventions (Parkes and Thrift, 1980), the history of urban clock time(Glennie and Thrift, 2004), the footprints left on contemporary cities by international finance (Amin and Thrift,1992)and by dance (Thrift, 2000), and the impact of war on Vietnamese cities (Thrift and Forbes, 1985).However, in recent years, my endeavors have been oriented in three main directions. First, I have attempted tocharacterize new forms of urban space and time (e.g., May and Thrift, 2001). In particular, I have wanted tomove away from standard accounts of urban space and time, often influenced by authors like Simmel and Ben-jamin, that liken the experience of cities to one of shock. Second, I have tried to produce books whose form cantake in the splintered, oligoptic nature of cities (e.g., Pile and Thrift, 2000). Third, I have wanted to sensenew forms of urban theory and politics based on expanded definitions of life and new kinds of mobile energet-ics (e.g., Amin et al., 1999; Amin and Thrift, 2002).4 To fend off any misunderstandings, I am certainly not saying there is no need to continue doing this! SeeAmin et al. (1999) and Graham (2003).

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Another realization is that too much weight has been placed on representation as the key

aspect of the city. But, increasingly, scholars are turning to the practical, nonrepresenta-

tional moments of the city as the key to how and why cities are, and how they are experi-

enced and imagined and rolled over. But the final realization is that we may be getting

increasingly close to a world which is summative and which worships at the altar of rep-

resentation: the world of 24-hour real-time surveillance of just about everything. Though

that world may not be panoptic (well, not yet anyway) it is certainly, in Bruno Latours

(1998) felicitous phrase, oligoptic. There are, in other words, some big political stakes

to play for in trying to produce vocabularies and practices which will live and let live.

Given this minimal scene-setting, how can we get closer to the workings of the con-

temporary city without falling back on to standard theoretical technologies which are not

so much outdated as incorporated as one of many means of description of places, rather

like brands and trademarks? In a recent book on cities, Ash Amin and I have argued thatthis requires foregoing the humanist impulse that still motivates so much writing on

cities, an impulse which sits uncomfortably with a world of postsocial relations which

rely on performance rather than meaning and demand an adequate mimetic reflexivity

rather than a full and fulsome coherence. Our work was meant to provide a transurban

take on cities which would start to construct this new kind of sensibility, in the same way

that a number of other authors have been trying to do. Brouwer et al. (2002, p. 7) stated

the guiding vision rather well:

Cities are growing increasingly complex, increasingly rich in internal and external

linkages, increasingly comprehensive and concentrated, increasingly transparent

and yet incomprehensible. Thats obvious as soon as you abandon the post-

position and move on to a trans- attitudein other words, when you consciously

go along with the developments instead of frantically trying to maintain a position

outside them.

In this paper, I want to consider some of the key aspects of that approach. They do not

constitute a finished theory of the city, not least because the transurban approach is scep-

tical that such a theory is possible or, indeed, that a finished theory is what is necessary.

But they do suggest where more emphasis needs to be placed if we are to both satisfy our

own intellectual curiosity and meet a pressing series of political imperatives that are

unfolding as these aspects are made more of by many actors, some of them too rich andtoo powerful. In the limited space I have, this means that I have necessarily had to be

selective and will miss much out. For example, one of the keynotes of the transurban

approach is its emphasis on mobility and flow. But much, perhaps too much, has already

been written on that topic and I cannot face the dubious pleasures of another exposition

(but see Cresswell [2001], Crang [2003] and Topic[2003] for excellent interventions) or

another rehearsal of the absurdities of invoking notions like scale in an attempt to domes-

ticate it. Similarly, the transurban approach is concerned to emphasize that process

involves a host of times and spaces whose interactions and interferences are not inciden-

tal but constitutive.5Again, much has been written on this issue and its consequences and

5 An exciting new tradition of architecture is working out the insights gained from theory in practice (e.g.,Lynn, 1999; Wigley, 2000).



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726 NIGEL THRIFT

there seems little profit to be had from reprising it. Finally, I do not want to point to the

way in which the transurban approach tries to work across all communicative registers,

rather than just concentrating on the visual (cf. Finnegan, 2002). The turn to performance

has already underlined the paucity of too much current work on the citys signs of life and

the exciting horizons that are opened up when the city is acted out as an all-singing,

all-dancing phenomenon.6

Instead, I want to concentrate on four aspects of the transurban approach which have

received less attention but which seem crucial to me as avatars. These aspects form the

main sections of the paper. The first is taking the nonhuman7aspect of cities much more

seriously. Cities keep getting loaded up with new thingsfrom new technologies to new

kinds of biotawhich can radically change the terms of trade between classes and gender

and ethnic groups and what have you just by forcing the relations between them into newconjunctions and alignments (Buchli and Lucas, 2001; Whatmore, 2002). More funda-

mentally, they may presage new postsocial ways of being.

The second is the continual process of tinkering. Cities are objects which show better

than most the truth of Franois Jacobs dictum that evolution does not so much create as

tinker. Like biological systems, cities work with what is available, with odds and ends,

and so much of what cities produce consists of minor variations on existing structures.

Social scientists have been very good at spotting the big themes but these minor varia-

tions still seem to elude them, even though they use code words like everyday life to

articulate the uncomfortable feeling that something rather important is going on that they

are not quite getting at.8

Novelists and other artists have been much better at giving voiceto this kind of low-key creativity, perhaps because they are themselves so often a part of

it (Blum, 2003).

The third aspect is the practice and content of politics. Cities are so diverse and so

awash with different claims that it is doubtful that there could ever be anything approach-

ing complete agreement about what cities are about or about what to do with them. At

various times in history they have also meant quite different things to quite different

groups of people as new political forms and functions and imaginaries have produced

their own footprints on the city. But this creatively agonistic to and fro of political

practice plays to some basic ground rules which are very rarely challenged at all (Brady,

2003).

The fourth aspect is affect. Cities are sources of numerous affective intensities which

surge through them in ways we do not really understand but which form a constantly

moving map that we can ill afford to ignore, especially in an age when the mass media are

6 Thus, for example, I have spent a good deal of time working on contemporary modes of urban performance,and especially dance, for a number of reasons. One, because it provides an unparalleled archive of expressiveknowledges of the very small spaces and times I am primarily interested in. Two, because it relates to so manyof the theoretical themes which are currently in vogue (e.g., embodied practice) but does not just stop there.Three, because it is replete with the powers of invention that I am interested in stimulating.7 This is, of course, a problematic term, since it assumes an unproblematic divide between humans and nonhu-mans which looks increasingly absurd.8 See the wonderful paper by Jain (2002) on this aspect of cities, drawn against the backcloth of the gendereduse of mobile phones.



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TRANSURBANISM 727

able to act as a very effective means of dissemination and amplification (Blackman and

Walkerdine, 2001).

There is some evidence to suggest that these four aspects are currently changing in

lockstep. And as they do so they may be bringing about quite general changes in urban

perception and perception of the urban. Hence the current emphasis on iconic phrases like

time-space compression, mobility, and the like. But, though I think some quite significant

changes are afoot, I would want to distance myself from these kinds of characterizations.

Not only are they too easy but they seem to me to demand the kind of synchronization of

historical processes which, both as a convinced Tardean/Latourian and as someone who

has worked on the historical record of temporal practices, I find difficult to believe could

ever actually happen in practice. No, cities must be thought of as transductive entities in

which contingency or indeterminacy participates in the constitution of collectives

(Mackenzie, 2002, p. 3).

THE POSTSOCIAL WORLD

The first aspect of a transurban approach that I want to address is new things appearing

in the city which begin to reconfigure all its relations (as well, of course, as a corollary,

all the things that disappear) and which form a material culture which acts as a kind of

Petri dish for the orderings we doggedly continue to call the social. There are so many of

these material interventions now, interventions which by their very ubiquity are changing

our perception of what perception is, that some writers would have it that we live in a

postsocial world in which social principles and relations are emptying out and beingreplaced by other cultural elements and relationships, and most notably objects.

Postsocial theory analyses the phenomenon of a disintegrating traditional social

universe, the reasons for this disintegration and the direction of changes. It attempts

to conceptualize postsocial relations as forms of sociality which challenge core

concepts of human interaction and solidarity, but which nonetheless constitute

forms of binding self and other. The changes also affect human sociality in ways

which warrant a detailed analysis in their own right (Knorr Cetina, 2001, p. 520).

Certainly, there is some evidence to back this point of view up. One example is the

screen. Screens have become a quintessential urban experience, inhabiting all corners of

urban life, from shop windows to check-outs, from doctors surgeries to airports, from

bars to homes, as Anna McCarthys excellent (2001) book and Karin Knorr-Cetinas

work on financial markets both showed so well. Another example is software (Thrift and

French, 2002). All around us an extraordinary new underlay of mechanical writing is

coming in to existence, namely the line upon line of code to be found in objects as mun-

dane as an electric toothbrush (with its 3,000 lines of code) or as vital as the automobile

(with its millions of lines of code). Cities now possess a genuine faerie realm which

ghosts almost every human activity and which is even changing what we can regard as its

material surfaces. This realm makes more and more of what we used to regard as our

decisions and continually pushes human bodies here and there.

Screens and software form a large part of the paratextual dimension of cities, frames

which form a banal background to the activation of urban life rather than the activities



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728 NIGEL THRIFT

themselves, the tramlines or relays of perception if you like. Within and born out of

those frames we can currently see a new track and trace spatial imaginary being born,

an imaginary which relies on a standardization of space which follows on from the stan-

dardization of time in the late 19th century but which has only begun to take place very

recently. This standardization consists of a whole series of conventions concerning the

make-up of space embodied in technologies like global positioning systems, geographical

information systems and various kinds of local-global wireless devices like radio

frequency identifier tags which, when put together, make everything in the city, at least

in principle, continuously locatable. In turn, these technologies not only allow space to be

used in quite different ways but will also make certain classic urban experiences (like

getting lost) very difficult to achieve (so much for drives!) as they generate a new kind

of urban background (Thrift, 2003b).

TINKERING

The second aspect of the transurban approach is its focus on opportunities for tinkering

which I will approach through the issue of consumption. There is a tendency in many

writings on the city to set up a complaint that cities are being evacuated of all creative

impulse by the forces of capitalism: there is a kind of commercial laying waste of urban

culture going on, usually illustrated by icons of consumer capitalism like the shopping

mall and the rehabilitated city center. I have always been deeply skeptical of these

accounts and not just because they are historically dubious (e.g., Orlin, 2000), misrecog-nize the incredible diversity of the practices of what we call consumption, and in

general try to obtain a purity of critique which I think is delusory (cf. Miller et al., 1998).

While not meaning to be uncritical of all kinds of ugly manifestations of commercial

cultures, it seems to me that cities are still brimful of creative vernacular tinkerings with

mass consumer products. Take the case of music. I always think here of Ruth Finnegans

(1989) wonderfully ahead-of-its-time book, The Hidden Musicians, which managed to

find all kinds of musical activity going on even in the unlikely setting of 1970s Milton

Keynes. I think there is no reason to believe that things have got worse since and a lot of

reason to believe that things have got better, mainly because music has become much

easier to create and record as a result of the rise of technologies and databases which

make it much easier to access and produce music.

I can illustrate the same point in a different way this through an urban art form which

has been neglected by so many, namely domestic gardening. Gardening just doesnt

arrive on the radar screen of most urban commentators: it is seen as irredeemably petit

bourgeois, culturally stereotypical and as simply an embroidery of the hard facts of con-

sumer property with none of the consolations of collective goods like city parks. But I

agree with Daniels (2000, p. 32) that in a country like Britain domestic gardening is an

important urban art formBritains most creative contribution to the visual arts

which has been unjustly neglected because it bears none of the signs of artistic life. But

for many ordinary British people, gardening provides an important expressive outlet,

for at least four reasons. One is that it requires a wide range of aesthetic skills, though

these are often born out of active bodily engagement rather than contemplation and appli-

cation. The second is that it requires an evolutionary sense: how things will look as they



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TRANSURBANISM 729

grow in to each other in the future.9Third, it requires a sensitivity to the environment and

a certain amount of desire to care for it. And, fourth, it is as beset by style wars as any

other artistic project. In Britain, certainly, domestic gardening is currently undergoing

something of a renaissance, in part precisely because a rampant commercialization has

made its delights and frustrations open to a wider audience (Lee, 2002).

POLITICS

The third aspect of transurbanism that I want to take up is its sense of the political

stakes that are at issue. I think we are beginning to understand certain aspects of cities

spatial grammar of powerand the kinds of politics that are possible in citieswhich

have often remained opaque up until now. When I want to talk about urban politics Iusually fall back on John Deweys (1927/1991) book The Public and its Problems. Part

of Deweys mission in this book was to make war on pre-formed notions of what consti-

tuted political arenas replete with their own causal forces (like the state or the community;

see Joseph, 2002) in favor of notions of different publics more or less constantly forming

themselves. Thus, for Dewey political democracy has emerged as a kind of net conse-

quence of a vast multitude of responsive adjustments to a vast number of situations, no

two of which were alike, but which tended to converge to a common outcome (p. 84).

Given this piecemeal history, political democracy can be made up of many different

strands of political history which can give different places quite different political styles

and notions of political rectitude (Czarniawska, 2002; McCleod et al., 2003), styles andnotions which can be changed if the political will can be constructed.

Take just one example: the realization that a spatial grammar of power intrudes upon

the modern British city system in ways which have really not changed all that much over

many hundreds of years: I refer here to the spatial structure of political talk (Amin et al.,

2003). In Britain, this structure took its model from the monarchy and it has changed very

little with the advent of democracy: British cities uncomplainingly echo its form and

channel its centralizing imperatives. Take the example of the all but colonial relationship

between London and the other cities of Britain. There we can see how it is accepted as a

political fact of life that a very small part of London should have the right to talk the

political agenda of the rest of Britain into existence. This small area has within it all of thechief political institutions: Whitehall, party headquarters, press offices and consultancies,

bars and restaurants, and so on through which a constant round of talk circulates. But it

would be foolish to reduce all the talk generated by this interpretive machine to simply

the mobilization of the interconnections between its constituent parts. It is much more

than this, for it consists of a series of descriptions and re-descriptions of the world which

have their own force and liveliness. It is a metropolitan talk machine which assumes that

its interests are those of everyone else, that the world can only be seen from this small

space, a self-fulfilling prophecy if there ever was one, and one that has proved very

9 I have read a lot of the theoretical works of Paul Klee recently (cf. Harrison et al., 2004) and it is surprisingjust how many of the tenets of modern art that he lists would be able to be laid claim to by many domesticgardens.



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730 NIGEL THRIFT

damaging to the practice of democracy in Britain. But it is only now that serious thought

is being given to how to combat this kind of discursive exclusion.

AFFECT

By way of moving toward a conclusion, what, I think, links these three urban manifes-

tations is affect.10And what I believe to be one of the most compelling problems now

facing those studying the city is how to take affect into our urban accounts. Whether it be

the happy shouts of children at play, the muffled screams of domestic violence, the glee

as house prices rise, the oceanic roar of a football crowd, the ugly confrontations of road

rage (Katz, 1999), the dolour of a funeral, the passion of an anti-war march, or the highs

of clubbing (Malbon, 1999), to take just a very few examples, cities are shot through with

and continually generate affect. Yet, only recently have we begun to think of cities in thisway or to consider how affect is mobilized: how and in what ways new technologies

stimulate new affective investments, why music and gardening can have such strong

emotional resonances, how political backgrounds can generate affects like indifference,

and so on. But one thing we do know. Space is a crucial element of this mobilization: it

is one of the chief means by which intensity is constructed and maintained and that pro-

cess has important political resonances which we need to examine both theoretically and

empirically, most especially in the construction of very small spaces and times which can

have very large consequences (Thrift, 2004).

Such a task is only underlined by the fact that urban space and time are being more

explicitly designed to invoke affective responses according to the practical and theoreti-cal knowledges of affect that have been derived from a host of sources. It could be

claimed that this has always been the case from monuments to triumphal processions,

from stadiums to masques, and I would have to agree. But what is different now is both

the gathering together of knowledges of affect (whether from formal theoretical back-

10There are, of course, many different definitions of affect (see Thrift, 2003a). The one I prefer isquasi-Deleuzian:

Affects are virtual synesthetic perspectives anchored in (functionally limited by) the actually existing, par-ticular things that embody them. The autonomy of affect is its openness. Affect is autonomous to the degree to

which it escapes confinement in the particular body whose vitality, or potential for interaction, it is. Formed,qualified, situated perceptions and cognitions fulfilling functions of actual connection or blockage are the cap-ture and closure of affect. Emotion is the most intense (most contracted) expression of that capture and of thefact that something has always and again escaped. Something remains unactualized, inseparable from butunassimalable to any particular, functionally anchored perspective. That is why all emotion is more or lessdisorienting, and why it is classically described as being outside of oneself, at the very point at which one ismost intimately and unshareably in contact with oneself and ones vitality. . Actually existing, structured thingslive in and through why escapes them. Their autonomy is the autonomy of affect.

The escape of affect cannot but be perceived, alongside the perceptions that are its capture. This side-percep-tion may be punctual, localized in an event. When it is punctual, it is usually described in negative terms, as aform of shock (the sudden interruption of functions of connection). But it is also continuous, like a backgroundperception that accompanies every event, however quotidian. When the continuity of affective escape is putinto words, it tends to take on positive connotations. For it is nothing less than the perception of ones ownvitality, ones sense of aliveness, of changeability (often described as freedom. Ones sense of aliveness is

a continuous nonconscious self-perception (unconscious self-reflection or self-referentiality). It is the percep-tion of this self-perception, its naming and making conscious, that allows affect to be effectively analyzedaslong as a vocabulary can be found for that which is imperceptible but whose escape from perception cannot butbe perceived, as long as one is alive (Massumi, 2002, pp. 233234).



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TRANSURBANISM 731

grounds like psychoanalysis or practical theoretical backgrounds like performance) and

the sheer weight of available cues in the shape of the profusion of images and other signs

and the more general designs of events that have become available. Though many of

these knowledges have not made their way in to the gaze of the formal academic sphere,

they are of increasing importance in framing how we live (e.g., design, event manage-

ment, logistics, music). They bear the means of constructing affective response, often out

of very little at all, and have become a fertile new field of persuasion and manipulation

of attention.

These developments in the generation and manipulation of affect are beginning to

inspire a number of new kinds of political project (Thrift, 2003a). One such project has as

its motto Nietzsches (1968, p. 263) phrase Between two thoughts all kinds of affects

play their game; but their motions are too fast, therefore we fail to recognize them. Buttoday the dense series of counterloops among cinema, TV, philosophy, neurophysiology

and everyday life mean that we do recognize the realm between thinking and affects and

are beginning to outline a neuropolitics (Connolly, 2002) that might work with them. It

is a politics that recognizes that political concepts and beliefs can never be reduced to

disembodied tokens of argumentation. Culture has multiple layers, with each layer

marked by distinctive speeds, capacities and levels of linguistic complexity (Connolly,

2002, p. 45). Take difference and identity as one example of this geology of thinking. The

political literature in this area has tended to foreground signification at the expense of

affect and has therefore enacted culture as a flat world of concepts and beliefs which can

be changed simply by engraining other new concepts and beliefs. It might be possible topoint to (and domesticate) the vagaries of thinking in everyday life via a concept like

habitus but that is about it. But difference and identity isnt like that. It operates on several

registers, each with their own organizations and complexities. So,

on one register it is a defined minority that deviates from the majority practice. On

a second, it is a minority that varies from other constituencies in a setting where

there is no definitive majority. On a third, it is that in an identity (subjective or

intersubjective) that is obscured, suppressed, or remaindered by its own dominant

tendencies ... as in the way devout Christians may be inhabited by fugitive forget-

fulness and doubts not brought up for review in daily conversations or in church, orin the way that militant atheists may tacitly project life forward after death when not

concentrating on the belief that consciousness stops with the death of the body. The

third register of difference fades into a fourth, in which surpluses, traces, noises,

and charges in and around the beliefs of embodied agents express proto-thoughts

and judgements too crude to be conceptualized in a refined way but still intensive

and effective enough to make a difference to the selective way judgements are

formed, porous arguments are received, and alternatives are weighted. And in a

layered, textured culture, cultural argument is always porous. Some of the elements

in such a fugitive fund might be indicated, but not of course represented, by those

noises, stutters, gestures, looks, accents, exclamations, gurgles, bursts of laughter,

gestures and rhythmic or irrhythmic movements that inhabit, punctuate, inflect and

help to move the world of concepts and beliefs. (Connolly, 2002, p. 4344)



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732 NIGEL THRIFT

So we require a micropolitics of the subliminal, much of which operates in the

half-second delay between action and cognition, a micropolitics which understands the

kind of biological-cum-cultural gymnastics that takes place in this realm which is increas-

ingly susceptible to new and sometimes threatening knowledges and technologies that

operate upon it in ways that produce effective outcomes, even when the exact reasons

may be opaque, a micropolitics which understands the insufficiency of argument to polit-

ical life without, however, denying its pertinence (Thrift, 2000). That micropolitics might

be thought to be composed of three main and closely related components. One is

quasi-Foucauldian and consists of attention to the arts of the self of the kind already sig-

nalled. The second is an ethic of cultivation, an ethico-political perspective which

attempts to instill generosity toward the world by utilizing some of the infrasensible

knowledges that we have already encountered on a whole series of registers (Connolly,

2002). The third involves paying much greater attention to how new forms of space andtime are being constituted. In an era in which several new forms of time and space have

been born (e.g., cinematic time and the movement image, standardized space and the

ability to track and trace) this latter component seems particularly pressing.

CONCLUSIONS

There is, of course, much more I could write on the transurban approach. But what I

want to underline is the fact that currently we are very gradually starting to tackle whole

dimensions of the collective and eventful life of the city that until recently were regarded

as out of court. As we do so we are also having to redefine what we regard as urban life,accepting that urban life might be both less and more than we have hitherto imagined and

attempting to locate what I call a politics of generosity that can add lightness to how we

go about that task of redefinition (Sennett, 2003). None of this is meant to suggest that

older styles of politics do not continue to be important or worthy or, indeed, vital, but it

is to suggest that new kinds of politics are being born in contemporary cities which we

would be foolish and shortsighted to ignore.

REFERENCES

Amin, A., Massey, D., and Thrift, N. J., 1999, Cities for the Many, Not the Few. Bristol,

UK: Policy.

Amin, A., Massey, D., and Thrift, N. J., 2003, Decentering the Nation. London: UK:

Catalyst.

Amin, A. and Thrift, N. J., 2002, Cities. Re-Imagining Urban Theory. Cambridge, UK:

Polity.

Blackman, L. and Walkerdine, V., 2001,Mass Hysteria. Critical Psychology and Media

Studies. Houndmills, Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave.

Blum, A., 2003, The Imaginative Structure of the City. Montreal, Quebec, Canada:

McGill-Queens University Press.

Brady, M. P., 2003,Extinct Lands, Temporal Geographies. Chicana Literature and the

Urgency of Space. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Brouwer, J., Mulder, A., and Martz, L., editors, 2002, Transurbanism. Rotterdam,

Netherlands: V2/NAI.



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