towards understanding arakan history(abu anan)

7/30/2019 Towards Understanding Arakan History(Abu Anan)

1/201

Towards Understanding Arakan History(Part I)

A Study on the Issue of Ethnicity in Arakan, Myanmar

by Abu Anin

Preface

A mirror reflects exactly any object that stands before it. So does history reflect the past of a people or a nation? History gives us knowledge of past. Buthistory can be a forgotten past, especially for literally less advanced people. After a few generations, history cannot be remembered unless it is written orrecorded, and observation of illiterate tribes all over the world shows, thatthey are helplessly wrong with regard to the events of their history for morethan a couple of generations back. Thus recording of history in various forms

took place from the early stage of human society.

Records of history are very important such as roots are for trees. Withoutproper records of history it is very difficult for a people to go ahead. For futureplanning we need the knowledge of past.

Hence, I have been studying the history of Arakan in particular and of Myanmar in general and have been collecting some important facts and

records related to them. Here some of my friends requested me to compile a brief but precise history of Arakan with special attention to the evaluation of Muslim society there and I complied with their request. Writing a history book needs knowledge and experience. It is a big job for me as it will consume time,mind and energy. At the same time I was not free enough because of my
http://merhrom.wordpress.com/2009/03/04/towards-understanding-arakan-history-part-i/http://merhrom.wordpress.com/2009/03/04/towards-understanding-arakan-history-part-i/http://merhrom.wordpress.com/2009/03/04/towards-understanding-arakan-history-part-i/http://merhrom.wordpress.com/2009/03/04/towards-understanding-arakan-history-part-i/http://merhrom.wordpress.com/2009/03/04/towards-understanding-arakan-history-part-i/


2/201

personal engagements. Non-availability of some reference books is anotherfactor. Next most of the history books on Arakan, by Arakanese themselves arefound to be irrelevant with the latest researches of scholars. Many facts thereare illogical, imaginary and exaggerative in nature.

So to bring historical nucleus in to light with authentic references and correctdocumentations become an essential part of my task here. Further, factsconcerning Muslims role in Arakan, traditionally have been covered up ordistorted. In this treatise my attempt to bring them in to light may be subjectto refutation from some circles. Especially three historical nucleuses here may be found deviated from our traditional concept though they are real and true.

The main object of this treatise indeed is to shed light on these points.

These three points (nucleus) of Arakans history are:

* The existence of a cultural and political transition from Indian Wethaliperiod to Burmese Lemyo period in early 11th century.* The fact that genealogically Rakhine people are a branch of Tibeto-Burman

in contrast to some Rakhine writers attempt to show the ir origin in the Indo- Aryan people of Dannyawaddy and Wethali with whom they of course havemixed up to a limited extent.* The fact that in the light of racial and linguistic affinity with Wethali people,Rohingya of Arakan today are to be designated as the descendants of thoseearly Indo-Aryan people of Arakan.

These new findings of mine may draw criticism from some circles. But these

are historic realities supported by prominent researchers of today like Dr.Pamela Gutman of Australia. So it is up to our new generation to research and bring light on these issues.


3/201

Records of Muslim role in Arakan are amply found in the chronicles of Indiaand Bengal. But to avoid refutation and denial from some circles, I gavepreference to quote from the works of Arakanese, Burmese and some westernhistorians. Most of the points and facts in this thesis are rarely found in the works of present day Arakanese and Burmese writers. Nonetheless, greaterparts of my writing are extracted from the works of eminent Arakanesehistorians and prominent Arakanese politicians of early period. Someinscriptions recently showing the roles of Muslim Kings in Arakan were brought into the light by the researches of Professor G. H. Luce and Dr. ThanTun of former Myanmar Historical Commission. So I have extracted someportions in my thesis from their writings.

References from English books are kept in its original form, where as forBurmese, I Have tried my best not to deviate from the tract and meaning of original writers.

Traditionally, we see Arakanese chronicles always distort or belittle the rolesof Muslims in Arakan. Yet we find in them a lot of valuable facts and points,

which substantiate the remote past of Muslims and their role in thesociopolitical life of Arakan.

For some issues, which seem contentious, and subject to criticism from somecircles I have tried, here, to substantiate them or to authenticity them with theanalyses and commentaries of some Arakanese writers. I used the terminology Magh for Rakhine, somewhere in this text, not deliberately but unavoidably to conform to the original writings. I am aware that the Arakanese Buddhists

used to disclaim that name.

Anyhow, I hope this attempt of mine will give a clear and precise account of both Arakanese history and the roles Muslims had had in it. It will of course


4/201

help the readers to have a comprehensive and chronological knowledge of Arakanese history.

Even, Dr. Pamela Gutman, an Australian, specialist on the history of ancient Arakan said, Many gaps in our knowledge of ancient Arakan are soon to befilled by the publication of the catalogue of Burmese manuscripts by BSPP1.So this research of mine cannot be said to be perfect and complete. I admit my ability not being able to bring all essential facts and points here, in this booklet. Of course my effort is like a drop in an ocean. History is wide andsomewhere much complicated. It is up to our younger generation to researchand bring to the light the reality of history for our coming generations.

I have avoided the trend, which some people forcibly want to take. History ishistory. It should be as it was. It cannot be what I want it to be. Sometimesnew findings may overshadow old ideas. Further if someone happens to be indisagreement with some facts and points here, he is advised to see the originaltext concerned. In chapter XI, Muslim influence in the medieval period, somefacts will sound repetitive. It is only to substantiate their authenticity I have to

quote the opinions and commentaries of different writers on the same subjector fact.

Here, in this thesis Rohingyas, Muslims, Arakanese Muslims or RakhineMuslims are used frequently to indicate the same entity Rohingya.

Since this is a precise and chronological study of whole Arakan history, I would like to name this treatise as Towards understanding Arakan history.

Publicity of Rohingyas true historical and legal background is essential topromote their stand among the national peoples of Myanmar. So here in thistreatise I did try my best to fulfill that object. It is up to my readers tocomment how far my maneuvers are successful in achieving that objective.


5/201

Lastly I highly appreciate and acknowledge the help contributed by some of my friends who gave me valuable advices and encouragement, and took agreat burden to bring this copy up to its fair stage, especially by computerizingit. Without their cooperation this copy is hardly possible to reach itscompletion. Presently they prefer to remain anonymous.

BRAJ in Japan is given my consent to publish it there. Copyright otherwise in book form or website is reserved by the author. Welcome your constructiveopinions and commentaries through the publisher.

Abu Anin

A Researcher of Arakan history Yangon,Union of MyanmarDated: November 2002

Introduction

Arakan, the western most province of Myanmar, for most part of its history was an independent kingdom. As there were frequent incursions and attacks

from the east as well as from the west, its central authority sometimes was weak. For many times Arakanese had to seek help from Burma proper tomaintain stability in their country. It fell under Burmese (then Ava Kingdom)rule in 1786 and then under British rule in 1826. After Burmese independencein 1948, it became part of Burmese Dominion again.

Dr. Pamela Gutman says the early history of Arakan has been generally considered to be that of a province of India, and hence its study had beenneglected by both Indian and South-east Asian historians.2

There always have been a section of people who disfavor to highlight on any political role played by Muslims of Arakan. The roles of Muslims or Rohingyas


6/201

have been concealed or belittled, in some cases distorted in the writing of that(said above) circle.

Therefore, an attempt hereby is being made to highlight on Muslim roles, butnot neglecting the abridgement of Arakan history as a whole. Main sources of reference here are the works of Arakanese and Burmese writers. As regard toforeign sources, Dr. Kanungo, Dr. Pamela Gutman, Moshe Yegar, D. G. E.Hall, G. E. Harvey, Sir Arthur Phayre and M. Collis are frequently quoted.

In this treatise I give more emphasis on the transitional period from Chandradynasty (Vesali) to Burmese dynasties after the mid 10th century. Some new

facts of researches are brought here about the transition. Until now most Arakanese chronicles described this transitional period in a vague manner. According to Rakhine chronicles, the last king of third Wethali (Vesali) KingSula Chandra was succeeded by two Mro Chieftains, Amarathu and his son(some say his nephew) Paipru one after another. They were attacked by Pyusand Shans. Paipru had to flee to the northwest. In the mean time the Sak (Thek) in the north grew stronger. A Sak king Ngamin Ngadon, whom

Rakhine chronicle supposed to be a son of late Sula Chandra, seized the throneof Wethali and shifted the capital to Sambowet, not very far from Wethali. Dr.Pamela said there were invasions of Tibeto-Burman from the east and the Sak had revolted against them. But finally the Burmese or the present Rakhinegained the control of the plain and Ngamin Ngadon was dethroned.3 NgaminNgadons being son of Sula Chandra is an issue subject to question. Sula

Chandras wife, Chandra Devi, married Amarathu, a Mru. So her infant son, if there was one, should fall in the hands of Mru, not in the hand of Sak, the rivalof Mru tribe, who gain the throne of Wethali after Sula Chandra.

Arakan State Council in its publication of Arakan history says Ngamin Ngadon was killed by the conspiracy of eastern people (the Burmese). He wassucceeded by Kettathin, who had shifted the capital to Pyinsa. Establishment


7/201

of Pyinsa is a change and a new phase of Arakan history.4 It further says Wethali is counted up to the end of Sambowet, by historians. U Hla Tun Pru,an eminent Arakanese politician and historian says they (the Burman)performed other Yatras which contributed to his(Ngamin Ngadons) ruin. No wonder Ngamin Ngadon fell in a wan with king of Pagan in 380 A. E. (Perhaps818 A. D. according to Arakanese chronicles and 1018 A. D. according to western writers.). Arakan nevertheless kept her independence. The next king was Khettathin, a grand nephew of Sula Chandra. He set up a new capital atPyinsa. After his death Arakan continue to be ruled by his descendants.5

Here the interesting thing is Kettathin, the successor of Ngamin Ngadon (a

Sak) cannot be a half brother of him or a grand nephew of Sula Chandra as Arakanese chronicles try to say. Pamela says when Kattathin was ruling atPyinsa, there was a parallel king at Wethali. She refers the Prasasti on thenorth face of Shitthaung pillar, which indicates an effort of a king of Candraline. The king could have been a legitimate member of old Candra family,attempting to counter act from the old capital (Vesali) the influence of puppetkings (Mro, Sak and Burman) owing their allegiance to Pagan and ruling in

the new capital, Pyinsa.6 Pamela Gutman continues to say that the Prasasti onthe northern face of Shitthaung pillar is a cry for help from the old capital andthe last gasp of an Indianized line and the last Sanskrit inscription in Burma.7So the puppet king, Kettathin at Pyinsa could not be from the family of SulaCandra. The cause or reason behind the Burmese raid was of course to gainthe sovereignty over the land. So the successor on the throne would naturally and logically be a man of their own i.e. a Burmese, not a Klansman of defeated

Ngamin Ngadon. Further the name Kettathin and the name of successivekings of his descendants were all Burmese, where as Sula Candra and hisdescendants had been Indians, and if Kettathin and his descendants had beenfrom Sula Candra family line their name would had been Indianized ones too.


8/201

That is why Dr. Aye Chan, formerly from Yangon University history department and an Arakanese himself, said there might have been a greatpolitical and cultural change or a great upheaval in Arakan in early 11thcentury A.D.8

So the question of genealogical and cultural affinity between the people of Wethali and present day Rakhine people is a matter subject, to furtherresearches for scholars. To relate homogeneity between the two groups, in my opinion is short of truth. However we will analyze it further in the nextchapters especially in the chapter transition.

In this treatise the events of late colonial period and post independenceperiods are discussed on a lengthy basis. The reader may find many new factsin it.

In the mid of Mrauk-U dynasty (AD. 1430 1786) Arakan was on its zenith.Its authority extended to the East Bengal (Arakanese chronicle say up to the border of Nepal) in the west and to Pegu and Marttaban in the east. Yet thisempire like-kingdom diminished. It is interesting to study how and why?

Next, the chapters, early Muslim contact with Arakan, Muslim influence in Arakan in late medieval period, and patronizing of Bengali literature by Arakanese kings will portray a picture that Muslims in Arakan are not aliens,as many used to think, but an integral part of Arakans socioeconomic life.This little treatise will help the readers to judge the Muslims of Arakan (theRohingyas) from the right geo-political perspective and understand their

historical and legal background. This understanding, I hope, will lead toharmony and unity and finally to prosperity.

Rohingya and Rakhine make the major portion of the population of Arakan.There are some differences between them. But if we judge with broader


9/201

spectrum we will find a lot of similarities and affinities too. So we must utilizethese similarities for our common goods.

Arakan population at present is roughly estimated near about 3 million. Approximately half of this total population is Muslims, who are known asRohingyas, which literally means settlers of Rowang (alias) Arakan. Arakanformerly was known by various names such as Argyre, Rakhapura, Rakhasa,Rakhasha, Arkhoung, Rakhanj, Rakham, Racham, Recon, Rohang, andRowang respectively varying on the language of different nations who had hadclose contact with Arakan. We will find it in the chapters Etymolog y of Arakan.

Finally I have added a new chapter, The survey of UNHCR. From thischapter, we can learn the viewpoints of international communities over thesocio-economic life of Arakan.

At the end of the book some appendices of illustrative maps, photo copies of coins, historic edifices and Rohingya leaders of early period are attached for better documentation.

Abu Anin A Researcher of Arakan History YangonDated: November 2002

CHAPTER I

GEOGRAPHY

A: THE LAND

The physical boundaries of Arakan determined on one hand the extent of control possible by central authority and on the other the opportunities formigration of people and cultures from Bengal on the west and Burma proper


10/201

on the east. Through out most of her history, the country reached from Lat.26 20 N to Lat. 16 N at the pagoda point and from Long. 92 20 E at theNaf River to Long. 95 20 E at the crest line of Arakan Yoma. The latitudinalspread varies from about 160 Km in the north to about 40 Km about thelatitude of Sandoway narrowing to a point at pagoda point.9

It is a narrow mountainous strip of land along the eastern coast of Bay of Bengal. It stretches north and south, wider in the north and tapering down tothe south. It is cut off from Burma proper by a long range of mountains: Arakan Yoma that has some passes to cross along. It has 176 miles long boundary, both land and water with Bengal i.e. now Bangladesh.

Having a long coastal area, its sea communication has been very easy andthere were foreign merchant colonies in Arakan. Moshe Yegar, an Israeliresearcher says Arakan extend some 250 miles along the eastern shore of theBay of Bengal and the northern part of it today call May yu district was thepoint of contact with East Bengal. These geographical facts explain theseparate historical development of that area, both generally and in terms of its

Muslim population until it was conquered by Burmese Kingdom at the close of 18th century. In addition, from the very beginning of Muslim commercialshipping activities in the Bay of Bengal, the Muslim trading ships reached theport of Arakan just as they did the port of Burma proper. And as in Burma, sotoo in Arakan there is a long tradition of old Indian settlements Bengal became Muslim in 1203, __ In northern Arakan close over land ties wereformed with East Bengal. The resulting cultural and political influence was of great significance in the history of Arakan. Actually Arakan served to a largeextent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration to other parts of Burma,although the Muslims never attained the same degree of importance elsewhereas they did in Arakan.10


11/201

The present Rakhine State (Arakan) has an area of a little more than 14,000sq. miles. According to Albert Fytche, from Combermere bay, twenty milessouth of Akyab the coast is rugged and rocky, offering few harbors for ships;Kyauk Pru harbor inside the island of Ramree is safe and easy of approach;and at the mouth of Gwa River further south there is a fairly shelteredroadstead and inner harbor easy of access through a channel with two fathomsof water at low tide; the rise and fall of the tide is seven feet only. The coast isstudded with fertile islands, the largest of which are Cheduba and Ramree.Owing to the nearness of the mountain range which bounds Arakan, there arenot large rivers; the principal ones are the Naf estuary on the extreme west,the Mroo (May Yu) river and the Kaladan River rising some where near the blue mountain in 23 N Lat. Kaladan is navigable for fifty odd miles by vesselsof 300 or 400 tons burden, and on the right bank of which, close to its mouth,is situated the town and port of Akyab, the headquarter town of Akyab districtand of the Arakan Division.11

In the east of Kaladan there is Lemyo river on which bank were situated all(except Thabaik taung) ancient cities of Arakan. The high ranges of Arakan

Yoma extended from Chin Hills to the pagoda point, forming a series of ridgesand spurs reaching to the sea the series of rivers, Naf, Mayu, Kaladan andLemyo have built up narrow alluvial flood plains. The plains are criss-crossed by tidal streams ringed withmangroves.

Agriculture is the main base of economy. The hot wet tropical monsoonclimate allows continuous cultivation through out the year.

Most internal and external communication is by water. Today communication with Myanmar proper becomes easier through Ann, Taung Gup, and Gwapasses. There are airports in Akyab, Kyauk Pru and Sandway.


12/201

There are about 2 million acres of cultivatable land, a little more than half of which is presently cultivated. The land is fertile with wood and bambooreserves. There are some natural waterfalls such as Sein Daing waterfall of Buthidaung. There is reserved crude petroleum too. Salt cooking and fishingare other main sources of economy. Sandoway is famous for its Ngapali sea beach recreation center. The official figure of population in 1983 is a littleabove 1.9 million. Present population may exceed 3 million. There are 17towns, northern most towns is Maung Daw and the southern most is Gwa. Akyab is the capital of the State (Arakan).

B- THE PEOPLES

Pamela Gutman, an Australian specialist on ancient Arakan, in her Ph.D.thesis described about the peoples of Arakan as the following. The nature of the population during our period is a complex question and only the broadestoutline can be attempted here. The present minority groups Mru, Sak, Kumiand other Chins can be seen to have preceded the Rakhine and the relatedChaungtha. A. Phayre noticed that the names of Bilu, or Raksasas, the demon-

like creatures in the chronicle accounts of the coming of Buddhist missionariesto Arakan bear a strong resemblance to names common among the Khumi andChin, and certainly the reputation of some Chin tribesis consistent with theactivities of the Bilus. Before the slow drainage and formation of the alluvialplain of the Kaladan valley, the population was confined to limited ecologicalniches; the ridges, where Taungya agriculture has long been practiced, for now most of the natural tropical rain forest has been replaced by secondary growthand the bank of the streams and rivers where sedentary dry rice and milletproductions is possible. These remain the habit of the minority groups today.

Presently the population of Aakan mainly consists of Rakhine and Rohingya.Other minorities are Mru, Sak, Daing Net, Chin, Kaman and Myanmargyi (a)


13/201

Bruwa. Some of these minorities still live a tribal lives. Most of them havetheir mainstream clans in Chittagong hill tracts.

MRU: Mruin Arakan numbered 14,000 in the 1931census. Most of theminhabit the northern part of Akyab and the Chittagong hill tracts. ProfessorLuce considers that the Mru entered Arakan from central Burma, noting thatLinguistic connections with Sak -Cantu, Karen and old Burmese seemcertain., a few influences from old Mon likely . They are he says essentially hill men, slow in progress from the state of hunters and food gatherers to thatof food producers and were never wetrice cultivators. Their original claim tothe land is reflected in the Arakanese chronicles, which refer to the Mru as

inhabitants of the country when the Arakanese entered it. They are sometimescalled Mro, in old Burmese Mru1. Their name for themselves is Maru Tsa

Children of Men.12 Arakanese chronicles say there were two or three Mrusuccessive kings in late 10th century. They ruled in Wethali for more than twodecades after the last Candra king Sula Candra. In 12th century the Mrus hadhelped king Datharaza in his search for Mahamuni image.13 This Mrus hadsome political roles-in Arakan history. Phyare further mentions that once

Mrus were a powerful tribe on Kaladan, but were driven out by the Khumis who came from the north.

Most of them presently live on the ridges of Buthidaung, Mrauk-U, Min Byaand Kyauk Taw Townships. They formed a political party in 1990; most of them became Christians recently.

KHUMI: They are neighbors of Mru living on the ridges in Akyab District and

western part of Paletwa subdivision. They numbered over 30,000 in 1931census. About 2,000 Khumi also live over the border in Chittagong hill tracts.They speak a language more akin to the western Tibeto-Burman. Their dialectis nearer to Kukhi Chin than the Mru and regarded them as a Tibetan tribe.14


14/201

Now-a-days Khumi has some political alliance with Mru. And they jointly registered a political party before the 1990 parliamentary election.

SAK (THET): U Hla Tun Pru shows some affiliation between the people inChittagog hill tracts and the Sak in Arakan. According to U Hla Tun Pru theSak speak a Bengali dialects.15 But Dr. Pamela Gutman says they wereprobably the next group to move into Arakan. Once they spread over ttle northof Burma, from Manipur perhaps to northern Yunnan, the Sak and the closely reiated Kadu people are fragmented a series of tiny minorities in remoteplaces. Luce describes ttleir Tibeto-Burman language as remarkably pure, as well as old, with little admixture. Pamela Gutman tries to relate this Sak with

Thet of early Burma. Their numbers in 1931 census was only 691. More than3,000 Sak live in 14 villages in southern Chittagogn hill tracts, and in othersalong side Mru and Marmas (Arakanese). The Sak attained higher culturallevel than any of the other minority peoples in Arakan. Luce writes it seemsfrom the Burmese chronicles that there were Thets in the Arakan Voma(Macchagiri the fish mountains) with whom some early Pagan Kings wererather shame facedly in conflict in particular with Thet-min Kadon, king of

Sak. A giant king with a similar name Ngamaung Kadon, appeared in the folk lore of Saingdin valley and waterfall in north Arakan, not far to the east of Dodan. During the Pagan Dynasty the pioneers of the invading Burmans, theRakhuin, must have been pushing over the passes into north Arakan. Was thegiant king really one of the pioneer Burmans whohad met himself the king of the Sak; perhaps it was a result of Burman invasion into central plains that Arakan suffered another Sak invasion, or uprising, in the 10th century. In the

10th century when they are said to have destroyed the Mahamunni Shrine in Arakan. They were pushed to the plain of Arakan in 10th century by invadingRakhine (Burman) and there were Sak insurrection in Arakan in 10th century. When Pai Pru, a Mru king, was attacked by Shan and others he fled away from Wethali in 994 A.D. This time there was Sak upheaval. They grew stronger and


15/201

their chief Ngamin Nga Don gained the throne of Pai Pru, in Wethali. Heshifted the capital to Sambowet. Later, he was attacked by the Burman and he was succeeded by Kettathin, who moved the capital to Pyinsa, 16 on the LemyoRiver.

CHIN: Pamela Gutman says the Chins are the Kyekyan of old Burma. They are widely spread and diverse. They usually practice hill cultivation. ProfessorLuce considered that the Chin might have been in the low land of Burma, eastof Chindwin Division from the middle of first millennium A.D. Theirinfiltration into Arakan had certainly begun before the arrival of BurmanRakhaing. Rakhaing were the last significant group to come into Arakan.17

DAIGNET: Daignet was classed as Sak and their number was 6,159 in 1931census. But they are mostly regarded to be more akin to modern Chakma of Chittagong hill tracts. They appear to be of Tibeto-Burman origin with strainof Chittagonian blood and speak Bengali. In features they differ from other hilltribes of Arakan. They dress in white and wear their hair at the back of thehead and they do not tattoo their bodies. They do not intermarry with other

races and speak a corrupted Bengali.18THE BRUWA: They are also called Mramagyi in Rakhine and Mara Magi inBangladesh. About Bruwa, Dr. S. B. Kanungo says, the Buddhists of Chittagong belong to three groups; the plain Buddhists, the Magh and theChakma the plain Buddhists are most closely related to Hindus inappearance, dress and diet than their Magh and Chakma co-religionists.19They speak a dialect similar but not identical to Rohingya language. There are

some differences in vocabularies and accents. Yet they can communicate withone another, without much difficulty. Despite their difference in religionRohingya and Bruwa, genealogically seem to have a close link in remote past.There are a few thousand Bruwas in Arakan today. SLORC Governmentdesignated Bruwa as indigenous race of Myanmar. Arakan politicians try to


16/201

say Bruwas are from Rakhine group of family. But in language and featuresBruwas are more identical with Rohingyas. Unlike the Hindus, Bruwa have nocaste distinction and food restriction.

THE KAMANS: They are a branch of Muslims. They are said to be thedescendants of palace guards of Rakhine kings. U Hla Tun Pru says thefollowers of prince Shujah were also merged with them in the unit of archers.They recruited new members from northern India. They grew in number lateras some Rakhine personal of the same unit converted to Islam. They speak Rakhine language. They are nearer to Rakhine in all aspects except theirreligion.20 The Kaman version of their history is not far away from this. More

about these Kaman will come in the next chapters. The word Kaman (aPersian word) comes for bow and arrow. Kamanchi means bowman.

RAKHINE: Rakhine is greater in number than other ethnic peoples in Arakan.The composition of Rakhine and Rohingya is roughly half and half in Arakanspopulation. Rakhine people is educationally advanced and control almost allgovernment departments in Rakhine State (Arakan) and they have ethnic as

well as cultural affinity with Burman and that is a reason they gets upper handin socio-political life of Arakan. The latest research of Australian researcher of Arakan history, Pamela Gutman, says Rakhine were the last significant groupto come into Arakan. The date of their arrival is contentious, the chroniclesexaggerating the antiquity of their hold on the land. Both culturally andlinguistically the Rakhine are closely related to the Burman, although they regard themselves as the older branch of the race. It is well known the Rakhinelanguage preserves a number of archaisms, particularly the use of r and y, nodoubt because of the relative isolation by the Yoma, but the same isolationhave also led to the development of new forms.21 Hence there are sayings inBurmese Ping Reik manaing Rakhine Mey (i.e. Ask the Rakhine for correc tspelling), and Rakhine vocabularies are Burmans glossaries.


17/201

Lincanzo Sangermano says the Rakhine people is ethnically related to thedominant Burman, which had descended from central Asia, hence theirphysical resemblance and affinities of language with the people of Tibet.22

J. Layden on the Arakanese language states, the Rakhaing race is admitted to be of the same radical stock as the Burman or Burmans, and is understood tohave greatly preceded that nation in civilization they consider the Rekheng asthe most ancient and original dialect of the Burma language.23

Today, some Rakhines live in Chittagong hill tracts. They call themselvesMrama. Encyclopedia Britannica narrates; most of the tribal people of

Bangladesh inhabit the Chittagong hill tracts in the southeast, the leastdensely populated area of the country. Of the approximately 12 ethno-linguistic tribes of Chittagong hill tracts the four largest are the Chakma, theMarma (Magh), the Tripura (Tipera) and the Mrus.24

An eminent Rakhine politician and historian U Hla Tun Pru says Arakaneseand Burmese have affinities of blood, language and alliance between themindeed; does not a celebrated Burmese classic Lawkidbitna Nagat declare.25

w&mh wyg; vlrsdK;rsm;ukd pum;om,m/edgef;jzmvdrfh/ jrefrmw vkdif;/ &ckdifxm;0,f/ b&efawmifol/ ajymvlurf;,H/ckESpfwefukd jrefrm rkcsa&xGufqav

Meaning Let me say to hundred of tribes, Myanmar, Taliang, Rakhine, Tavoy,Barem, Taungthu and so called Katyan are all the seven groups counted asMyanmar.

A related group of Rakhine, speaking an almost identical language, theChaung Tha river son live as their name implies, along the bank of the rivers,principally practiced Taung Ya (Hill) cultivation.26


18/201


19/201

Maghadhi Parakrit overflowed into Chittagong through the progress of Aryanization and infiltration of Maghadhi settlers.31 Here Chittagonglanguage and Rakhine language are quite different. Ethnically Chittagoniansand Rakhine cannot be at the same par. Rakhine people do not like to becalled Magh. They disclaim the name. So far scholar did not find out theetymology of the terminology Magh. It is subject to further researches.Burmese senior politician and writer U Thein Pe Myint writes; on his journey to India in 1942, he found Magh police officer and Magh settlers in the side of India along Myanmar-India border. He further says they (Maghs) areMyanmar-Rakhines and are heavily influenced by Bengali culture.32

ROHINGYA: Presently Rohingyas are not in the official list of so-calledindigenous races of Arakan, though they constitute almost half of the total Arakan population. In the context of religion almost all Rakhines areBuddhists, Bruwas and Dainets are Buddhists too. Kamans and Rohingyas areMuslims. Most other tribal races are mainly animist whereas a few low Landers of them are Buddhists. It is found in the late 1980 s that most of theMru had converted into Christianity.

There were some European hybrids during 17th and 18th centuries, whenthere were intense European intercourses with Arakan; especially Portuguese were given many privileges during .this period. There were intermarriages,especially with Portuguese. These hybrids were not allowed to take away by Arakanese law then.33 These hybrids today are assimilated in the Arakanesesociety.

In the words of Albert Fytche, the kingdom of Arakan or Magh, has for many years been the resort of Portuguese settlers. It has thus contained numerousChristian slaves or Portuguese half-breeds; as well as Europeans called fromthe various parts of the world. It has been a place of refuge for fugitives fromGoa, Ceylon, Cochin, Malacca and other Portuguese settlements in India. No


20/201

persons were better received than those who had deserted their monasteries,married two or three wives or committed great crimes. Those people wereChristian only in name. In Arakan they threw off all restraints, their levies were more detestable. They massacred or poisoned one another withoutcompunction or remorse. They sometimes assassinated their ownpriests, andto confess the truth, the priests were often no better than their murderers.

The king of Arakan lived in a perpetual threat of great Mogul. So he kept theseChristian foreigners as a kind of advance guard for the protection of hisfrontier. He permitted them to occupy a seaport called Chittagong and madethem grants of land in its neighborhood. They were in no way amenable to

government; it is therefore not surprising that their only trade was rapine andpiracy. 34

Lastly there are some other minorities such as Hindu, Sanche, and Heins whoare very little in number today. Some of them are assimilated to the nearestcommunities.

The prime object of this treatise is to explore all aspects of Rohingyas life,

which we will analyze in the next chapters. So I am not going into details of Rohingya here.

CHAPTER II

ETYMOLOGY OF ARAKAN

Arakan has a long coastal Area. It has been open to the Shipping of many

countries from the west. It falls on the way from India to Malacca. Accordingto Ptolemy, the 2nd century A. D. geographer, there were about 198 tradecenters or towns along the coast of Arakan. He called the country Argyre fromNaf River to Pagoda Point. His records mention Parapura a town in theextreme north and Sandoway at the farthest south.35


21/201

In Arakan, a number of trading centers were established along the coast,engaged in the export of forest products of the hill tribes. By the beginning of 3rd century this has resulted in the emergence of local chiefs, half remembered, in the early historical portion of Ananda Candras prasasti (11.9 -17) as the ancestral monarch whose power extended beyond the limits of the village or group of villages. However, the narrow plains behind the coastaltowns of Sandoway, Ramree and Man Aung prohibited the formation of agriculturally; based urban centers; and it was not until the second half of the4th century A.D.that Dvan Candra Established the city of Dhannya Vati(Dannya Waddi) on the rich alluvial plain of Kaladan Valley.36 (Some say it was not Dannya Waddi but Wethali).

So from the early Christian era there were the presences of many foreignnationals. Many nations had commercial contacts. Each people from differentnation called Arakan in its own term. Some names called by different nationsare similar with slight difference of accent. The root cause of this difference isdifficult to explore, the naming of a place by a nation may base on its myth,language, and culture and on some historic facts.

China is a western term where as Arab called it Sin and we Burman callTayoke. Why are these differences? In this way we will find in this chapter Arakan has been called by different names historically.

Phayre said the name Rakhaing is traditionally derived from Pali Rakha,Sanskrit Rakhasha synonymous with the Burmese Bilu. The country is named Yakkapura by Buddhist missionaries from India, because of the ferocious

nature of its inhabitants.37

Parmela Gutman in her book writes it is interesting to note that the old Tamil word for demon (Bilu), derived from Sanskrit Rakhasha, is Arracan. Thereappears to be some connection here with Tamil Arracan, Shallac, which is


22/201

said to have derived from the Lexical Sanskrit Raksa Lac. It may be that Arakan in .the first century Christian era was a major Source of Lac, still aproduct of its oldest hill tribes. The earliest trade route to Arakan originated inthe south of India. Ptolemy, whose informants seem to have obtained theirinformation, on coastline of South Asia from South India, may have beeninclined to equate Tamil Accalan or Kannadaaragu with Argyre.38 (SouthIndian language is Tamil). So early traders from the west (perhaps) got thename from south Indians and the Persian called it Recon and the Arab calledit AI-Recon.

Classical geographers referred to South East Asia as the golden land, Chryse

and the silver land, Argyre. Ptolemy in the second century A. D. referred Arakan as Argyre, his name for the country stretching from Naf River to CapeNegris.39

Pamela Gutman writes the fragmentary Prasasti on the north face of Shitthaung Pillar written in the mid 11th century A.D. mentions Areka Desa.She further says in the inscriptions of Pagan, Ava from 12th to 15th centuries,

the country is referred to as Rukuin or Rakhaing.40 She explains we find inHobson-Jobson, Srilankan chronicles and Tharanat history; the names in various forms, such as Arakan, Arraccan,Rakhanga, Racchami, Rakhan andRecon. Nidcolo dei Conti in 1420 A.D. called it Raccani where as Babosaquoted in 1516 as Arraccan.41 Srilankan chronicle says Rakhanga, which inBengali became Rohang, because Bengali pronounces kh as h. Khan inBengali is pronounced as Han.

According to Dr. S. B. Kunango, in Persian source book the name Arakan is written as Arkhaunk and in its slight variation.42


23/201

The name Rakhine, it seems is of much antiquity. Sir H. Yule wants to identify the country named Argyre in Ptolemy with Arakan, the name being supposedto be derived from silver mines existing then.43

Yules assumption is supported by M. C. Crindle and D. G. E. Hall.

In Rashiddudins (14th century Indian historians) work the name appeared asRohan. He said the country of Rohang was subjugated to Khan44 (MongulKhans). Sidi Ali a Turkish navigator belongs to the middle of 16th century wrote it Rakhanj or Rakhang. The authors of Aini-i-Akbri, Bahristan Gaibi,and Siarul Mutha Kharin write Arkhaung, which appears also with a slight

change in Alamgir Nama and Fathya-i-Barial.45 In the medieval Bengali works and Rennells map the name is written Roshang.46 Incolloquial Chittangonian dialect the country is called Rohang; SH beingreplaced by H [Still today, we found Hindu Bengali say Roshang, where asMuslim Bengali say Rohang].

Here as people of Chittagong are called Chatghannya, so do people of Rohangare called Rohangya. It is very comprehensive from linguistic point of view of Bengali language.

Medieval Portugue and other European travelers mention it as Recon, Rakan,Rakhanj, Arracao, Oracao, Aracan and Vanlir Schoter writes it Arakan, whichis nearest to the present name.47

Ralf Fytch, an English merchant toured India and Burma in the last decade of 16th century. He writes Arakan as kingdom of Ruon. So A. P. Phayre quotingRalf Fytch, described Arakan as Ruon48, which sounds like Rowang.

Rajamala chronicle (Tripura chronicle) says their king Dania Maneikhaconquered Roshang in mid 16th century. His commander was namedRoshang Mardan i.e. conqueror of Arakan. He returned after keeping


24/201

Roshang Mardan as Governor of Chittagong.49 In the records of Italiantraveler Manucci, it is said Recon, r ferring Persian source.

There are names of places in Bangladesh indicating reference to Arakan. A section of people, east of Shanka River in Bangladesh still today are calledRowangi meaning people of Rowang or Arakan. Due to racial suppression, which we will see in the next chapter many Muslims took refuge in Bengal inRakhine period.

Rohingya classified the Rakhine as Rohingya Magh and Anaukiya Magh, which means Rakhine from Arakan and Rakhine from Anouk Pyi (Bengal). So

here Rohingya means settlers of Rohang alias Arakan. Thus Rohingya issynonymous to Arakanese.

There were many many Bengali courtiers in the palace of Arakan Kings.They were encouraged by the Kings to flourish Bengali literature. Daulat Qazi andShah Alaol were two ministers and writers in the time of both Thiri Thudamaand Sanda Thudama in mid 17th century. In their works, Arakan is Roshang orRohang and its people are Rohingya. Even there was a narrative poetry book in the name of Roshang Panchali.50

Still today there are some people who say Rohingya is a creation. This termhas no historical background. This is just an imaginary terminology, created by some political circle. Some say it was given by Pa-Ta-Sa Government. Yetsome other say it was given by Thakin Soe, formerly Red Flag CommunistParty boss.

What so ever we find researches of foreigners to authenticate the antiquity andhistoricity of Rohingyas. Gil Christ and F. Buchanan researched about thispeople and their language. Buchanan was an English diplomat in the Embassy of Michael Syme, in Ava. Francois Buchanan studied the languages of Burmese Empire. He said Burmese language has four dialects, that of Burma


25/201

proper; that of Arakan; that of Yo and that of Tanasserim. About the languagesof Arakan, F. Buchanan writes: I shall now add three dialects spoken in BurmaEmpire, but evidently derived from the language of Hindu nation. He detailsthe first (language of Arakan) is that spoken by Mohammedans, who have longsettled in Arakan, and who calred themselves Rovinga or native of Arak an.The second dialect is that spoken by Hindus of Arakan. I procured it from aBrahmin and his attendant, who had been brought to Amarapura by the kingseldest son, on his return from the conquest of Arakan. They call themselvesRossawn, and for what reason I dont know they wanted to persuade me thattheirs was the common language of Arakan. He (Buchanan) further states thelast dialect of Hindustani, which I shall mention is that of a people called by the Burman Ayokobat, many of who are slaves in Amarapura. By one of them I was informed that they call themselves Banga, that formerly they had kings of their own; but that in his fathers time, their kingdom had been overturned by the king of Manipura, who carried away a great part of the inhabitants to hisresidence, when that Manipur was taken last by Burman fifteen years ago.This man was one of the many captives who were brought to Ava fromManipur.

Buchanan said the native Mughs of Arakan dill themselves Yakain, a namegiven by Burman. By the Bengal Hindus, at least by such of them as have beensettled in Arakan, the country is called Rossawn _____ the Mohammedanssettled in Arakan called the country Rovingaw, the Persian called Rekon.

Buchanan continued, Mr.Gil Christ has been so good as to examine thesedialects, which come nearest to the Hindustani spoken on the Ganges.

They have studied comparatively the three dialects, which appeared in the Asiatic researchers, Calcutta, Vol. 5, 1801. This study of Mr. Gil Christ andF.Buchanan proved the antiquity and historicity of Rohingyas.


26/201

In the late 8th century, some ships wrecked Arab having been washed ashoreon an Island in the west coast of Arakan, called the land Raham-bri in Arabic, which means the land of Allahs blessing.51 Later the whole land of Arak an was called Raham-bri or Mukh-e-Rahmi; the same meaning in Arabic. Theterm Raham-bri is still in vague with slight corruption in Burmese asRambree.

Arab geographers refer to this place as Jazirat-ur-Rahmi, or Mulk-Rahmi.Here both Mulk and Jazirah means (in Arabic) country. Ibn Khudadbhi, an Arab geographer of 10th century said Jazirat -ur-Rahmi come after Sarandip(Ceylon) and contain peculiar unicorn animals and little naked people.52 AI

Masudi mentioned it as a riparian country after Sarandip (Ceylon) and on theIndian Ocean. Yacuts identification placed it as the farthest land of Indiatowards the Strait of Malacca.53 Sulaiman the merchant who lived in themiddle of 9th century A.D. mentioned that the king of Rahmi was a powerfulruler with fifty thousand elephants and an army of 150,000. 54

In fact Jazirat-ur-Rahmi of Arab geographers was attributed to the kingdom of

Rohang, because it still has elephants in the north.55 Persian was officiallanguage of Muslim Indian rulers for many centuries. They used Arab orPersian terminology in naming places. So people in India called Arakan inPersian term Rohang. Besides, many different places, rivers and mountains in Arakan also bear names of Persian or Arabic origin. These include Rambre(Island), Akyab (the capital), Kaladan, Naf, Kalapanzan (rivers) and so on.

In early 12th entury A.D. there was Kamal Chega son of Rama Thonza becameking of Rohang. During his reign there was war in the country and theChakmas (Daiknets) migrated to that country.56

It is a fact that Arakan in Bangladesh is colloquially called Rohang, Roshang,and Rowang with a little difference of accent, region wise.


27/201

Rohingya is a mixed race. They trace their origin to Arabs, Moors, Turks,Persians, Moguls, Pathans, native Bengali and Rakhine. But some Rakhinepeople reject the notion that Rohingyas have Rakhine blood or Muslims in Arakan consists of some Rakhines. The real phenomenon is, a great many kids of Rakhine are found to have been brought up in Muslim households.Next, there, though very rare especially in the north, are some mixedmarriages. Finally there are authentic chronicles testifying mass or groupconversion of natives in 15th and 16th centuries. Rakhine Maha Razwin (GreatHistory of Arakan) by Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung, an honorary archeologicalofficer of Mrauk-U Museum, gives a clear description of how Rakhine ornatives of Arakan did convert to Islam village by village in the time of ZelataMin Saw Mun, the 9th king of Mrauk-U dynasty. [See detail in Chapter X].

In this context the remark of a British army officer is noticeable. Anthony Irwin, a front commander of Second World War remarked about the ethniccharacter of Arakan Muslims as follows:and to look at, they are quiteunlike any other product of India or Burma that I have seen. They resemblethe Arabs in name, in dress and in habit. The women and more particularly

the young girls have a distinctive Arab touch about them.57

Rohingya language is an admixture of different languages as Rohingya iscomposed of different ethnic groups. They wrote in Persian alphabets whenPersian influence was great in India as well as in Arakan. Some even say theofficial language of Arakan, since early Mrauk-U period till the coming of British was Persian. However, I dont hav e clear proof to testify it, but BurmaGazetteer Akyab District states, about the historic Badr Mokam of Akyab. Itsays there are orders in Persian in the deputy commissioners court at Akyabdated 1834 from William Pam pier, Esq., commissioner of Chittagong and alsoDichenson, Esq., commissioner of Arakan, to this effect that one Hussein Ali(then the thugyi Headman of Buddawmaw circle) was to have charge of Budder Mukam in token of his good services rendered to the British force in


28/201

1825), and to enjoy any sum that he might collect on account of alms andofferings.58 Since official orders in early British time was in Persian, it can beassumed that Persian was official language until then.

But later when Bengali courtiers got high-ranking posts in Arakan palace in17th and early 18th centuries, Rohingyas used to write their language inBengali alphabets, many copies of, which are, still in the possession of Rohingya people in Arakan, In remote past i.e. during the Wethali period they used Nagari letters to write as was proved in the inscriptions of that period.

There are region wise names for the Burmans. Upper Burmans are called

Anyatha or Pagantha, lower Burmans are called Auktha and people in Arakan are called Rakhaintha. On the same pattern, Roh ingyas callChatghannya to Chittagonians, Rambizziya to Rambrians and Rohingyato people of Rohang alias Arakan Proper.

Here one thing, some senior Burmese politicians and imminent personalitiessuch as Saya Chae formerly a member of Myanmar election commission usedto raise the question why the Rohingyas are all Muslims? Is there a race with asingular religion? In fact all the native peoples in ancient Arakan were calledRohingya disregard of their faith just as all the people of Burmese extractionin Arakan have been called Rakhine Thar by Burmans. Whatsdever there aretoday in the world so many ethnic peoples whose religion is the same. Further we get the answer of the said question in Arakan itself. In Arakan all Bruwasand Dainets are Buddhists where as all the Kamans are Muslims. SoRohingyas being all Muslims in no way infringes to their being an ethnic

group.

Generally Muslims, all over the world are not called by their ethnic names butonly as Muslims. Muslims too prefer to be called Muslims. So in Bosnia,Philippines and in many other places peoples know there are Muslim


29/201

problems. In fact these peoples involved in problems have their own ethnicorigin. The same log worked in Arakan; Rohingyas in the early periods wererecorded as Muslims.

This fact reduced the weight of Rohingyas historicity. However, in the contextof socio-political background of Arakan, Rohingya is Muslim and Muslim isRohingya though there are a few people of other faiths who are also Rohingyasand they indeed have genealogical affinity with Rohingya.

During Burmese invasion of Arakan, ironically, Muslim infantry assisted bothBurmese and Rakhine forces. On Burmese side King Bodaw Pya enlisted a

Muslim force (originally) migrated from Arakan to Ava in early 18th century), which had served as bodyguard in his palace for years. Settled in 1784, the unitserved as a standing army posted to Thandowe (Sandway). Their descendants,albeit few in numbers still live in Thandowe and are called Myedus. TheBritish census of 1931 enlisied 5,160 Myedus in total. From outsidersperspective they cannot be distinguished from their Rakhine neighbors, but by their religious habits. As their ancestors lived near Myedu in the district of

Shwebo, they are called Myedu Kalah.59CHAPTER III

ANCIENT ARAKAN

(A) ANCIENT PEOPLE OF ARAKAN

The early most settle s before Indian or Indo Aryan infiltration into Arakan

were said to be Austroloid or proto Austroloid, who were also known asRakhasa or Rakhasha. These peoples were also described by historians asdemons, half man half monsters. So this land formerly was called asRakhapura, land of Demons by Indian missionaries.60 Buddhist people fromnorth and northeastern India drove out this wild people.The terminology


30/201

Rakhaing is said to have derived from Rekhasa or Rekhasha. First it became-Rakhait, and then it turned into Rakhaing.61

(B) INDO ARYAN SETTLEMENT

Arakan chronicles trace its history nearly two millennium back. Mostly theirchronicles were based on legendaries. But we have records or inscriptionsshowing historical facts of last millennium. The most authentic record is Anada Sandra Monument or Shitthaung stone pillar still stands on the groundof old Palace in Mrauk-U. The Dannya Waddy (Dannya Vadi) dynasty of pre-Christian era and the Wethali (Vesali) dynasty of Candra (Sandra) king was

said to have rooted from early Christian era. Wethali dynasty lasted until mid11th century. Judging from the point of their literature and culture, they aresaid to be an early Indian people, like the one in east Bengal. All eminenthistorians researching ancient Arakan recognized it.

H. W. Wilson says before 10th century A.D. in Arakan only Indians and Indianculture including the literature were found. Burmese and Burmese culturesare found only after 10th century.62

Major Tun Kyaw 00 (Rtd.), formerly chairman of a political party, in hispartys booklet Vol. VII explains about the setters of early Arakan. He writes itis obvious settlers in Dannya Waddy and Wethali were from central lndia.They are extractions of Indo-Aryan people. The political system of Wethali andDannya Waddi were autocratic king systems like that of central India. In early period there exist caste systems in Dannya Waddy as Hinduism flourished

there.In Wethali period Buddhismbegan to take root in Arakan, caste systems were not found in temples but in social life there still exist some segregatedtendencies. The language, literature, culture, religion, food and even cookingsystems were similar to that of central India. So these peoples were not calledRakhine in those days, but they were just the peoples of Wethali. Their


31/201

language was not like that of present day Rakhine and Burman. Rakhines are basically Mongoloid in blood; later they mixed with Kashitriya Indo-Aryansand became the Rakhine race.63

The Arakan chronicles were mostly based on legends. In this regard, R. B.Smart says the early history of the country is involved in mist; the existingrecords, compiled by the Arakanese, are filled with impossible stories inventedin many cases, and in others based on tradition but so embellished as almostto conceal their foundation and all made to show for the glories of the race andof the Buddhist religion.64 U San Than Aung, former Director General of Higher Education Department and an Arakanese himself, recognized that

there are in fact discrepancies in chronicles written by Arakanese.

According to D. G. E. Hall, from very early days the older and purer form of Buddhism, the Hina Yana or less vehicle, was established there. It must datefrom before the arrival of the Burmese in the 10th century, when Arakan wasan Indian land with population similar to that of Bengal.65 If we are to pointout a people in Arakan today similar to abovementioned Bengali, Rohingya

shall not be discounted. Those Bengalis became Muslims by the works of Arabs and other Muslim missionaries.

Maurice Collis, who is generally regarded by Burman as a fair-minded westernhistorian, says the Hindus of early centuries A.D. migrated eastwards via Arakan, founding kingdoms as they went. The present Akyab district beingnest door to Bengal, was necessarily the first kingdom they founded and may date before the first century A.D. For thousands of years it was an Indian land,

dynasty following dynasty. Then in 957 A.D. the whole area was overrun by Mongolian incursions from the north the Mongolian mixed with the Indiansand created the Rakhine race.66 Maurice Collis say this is an answer to hisquestion about the Rakhine race, by U San Shwe Bu, an honorary archeological officer of Mrauk-U Museum: Maurice Collis further says when


32/201

he asked about the Arakanese language, which is very similar to Burmese, whether the invading Mongolians were Bruman? Collis says (U San ShweBus) opinion was that; it was a matter for experts, though common senseassumption seemed to be that either the original Mongolians or succeeding waves of Mongolian immigrants imposed the Burmese language on the area.

Maurice Collis asked U San Shwe Bu, and what happened after 957? U SanShwe Bu replied Arakanese history proper then began and lasted eightcenturies until the Burmans conquered the country.67

D. G. E. Hall says too, the (present) people of Arakan are, basically Burmese.

Writers in the past have applied them the name Mugg (Bengali Magh), butthe Arakanese disclaim the name and apply it only to the product of mixmarriages on the Bengal frontier. So far scholars had failed to discover itsetymology.68

Rohingyas claim to be the descendants of this early Indian people of Arakan.Linguistically and Genealogically Rohingyas are the only people to have shownaffinity with those early Indians in Arakan. Language of early inscriptions in Arakan is much similar to Rohingya language than any other languages in Arakan. Early people were Hindus and Buddhists. Religian alane is nat afactar to. disawn Rahingyas their genealagical link with thase early peaple. Atthat time Bangladesh presently a Muslim majority state, too was a Hindu orBuddhist dominated region.

(C) ANCIENT CITIES

The cities or capitals were successively Thabeik Taung, Dannya Waddy (Dannya Vati), Wethali (Vesali) dawn to 11th century. Then came Sambawet,Pyinsa till 1118 A D., Parin 1118-1167, Hkrit (1167-1180), Pyinsa (again) (1180-1237), Launggyet (1237-1433) and Mrauk-U (1433 -1785). All were in Akyabdistrict on or near Lemyo River except Thabaik Taung, which stood on the


33/201

Yochaung River.69 There are of course some discrepancies of dates between Arakanese and western chranicles.

The authenticity of chronicles written by Arakanese or their correctness issubject to further researches. Still these chronicles say there were threedynasties in Dannya Waddy period. They are:

* Marayu Dynasty (B.C. 3325 1507) 57 kings ruled far 1818 years. Note:There were dynasties in the name of Marayu in India, too.* Kamaraja Dynasty (B.C. 1507 580) 28 kings ruled for 927 years.* Chandra Suriya Dynasty (B.C. 580 A.D. 326) 25 king ruled for 907

years.70Then came the Wethali (Vesali) Dynasty. Sometimes it is called Wethali Kyauk Hlega (stone ladder) period. The issue of the root of wethali is contraversial.Some say first Wethali was rooted before Christian era. Some say it was 4thcentury A.D., the city of Wethali was established. What so ever Wethali andChandra family have some connections? Perhaps someone from ChandraSuriya family had established first Wethali city, which we can postulate by observing the Shitthaung Stone Pillar. Thus there were Wethali periods in Arakan and it has three phases. That is first, second and third Wethali; most of the historic facts of this period, are found in some inscriptions though Wethaliis not yet completely excavated by Archeological Department of Myanmar.

There are variations in the narration of U Hla Tun Pru 71 and U San Tha Aung72 both of whom are Arakanese, in regard of Wethali periods and times. U Hla

Tun Pru says Wethali period extends from AD. 327 to A.D. 818. Where as USan Tha Aung says Wethali period began from B.C. 518 and lasted until 10thcentury.

U Hla Tun Pru described Wethali as follows:


34/201

* DVEN CHANDRA Dynasty (AD. 327 557) 13 kings ruled for 230 years.* MAHAVIRA Dynasty (A.D. 557 686) 9 kings ruled for 129 years.* BALA CHANDRA Dynasty (A.D. 686 818).

Further U Hla Tun Pru categorized Arakanese political history as fallows:

* Dannya Waddy period B.C. 3325 A.D. 327 3, 652 years* WethaliPeriod A.D. 327 A.D. 818 491 years* Lemyo period A.D. 818 A.D. 1430 612 years* Mrauk-U period AD. 1430 AD. 1784 354 years* Burmese period AD. 1784 AD. 182 6 42 years

* British period AD. 1826 AD. 1948 122 yearsBala Chandra period of U Hla Tun Pru is not found in the description of U SanTha Aung which is based on Shitthaung Pillar inscriptions. So here we mustaccept the fact that there are discrepancies on some date and facts between Arakanese chronicles and inscriptions.73 U San Tha Aung writes it is learnedthere are 48 chronicles written by Rakhines. Each of them differs in regard of kings and the time of their rule. It is difficult to choose the right one. All theseare written in our present day language. So facts of the period prior to 10thcentury AD are not reliable. Annanda Sandra Stone Pillar of ShitthaungTemple is a valuable record of Arakan history. So we must say theseinscription is more authentic and reliable.74

&ckdif&mZm0if tvkd a0omvDacwf atD 327 ol&D,auwk.om; r[mpjENm; ESifh tpjyKjyD;

794 plXpjENm;rif;om; irif;iwkH ESifh at'D 794 rSmqkH;onf?

There were at least three breaks in Wethali period: first in early 4th century,second in late 7th century and third in late 8th entury. During these breaks therule of Candra kings was destabilized, but finally they could reorganize andmaintained their family rules.


35/201

The Chandras called themselves Chandra Vamshi, descendants from themoon, and they worshipped the moon. After the end of third Wethali the ruleof Candra family line was over and the country turned from Indian to Burman. After Sula Candra's death two Mru successively got the sovereignty of Arakanfrom 957 A.D.

Arakanese chronicles say Kanraza Gyi the eldest son of Abhi Rajah whofounded the kingdom of Tagaung some 3,482 years before Christian era,founded the first Dannya Waddy dynasty. During third Dannya Waddy periodabout 554 B.C. in the reign of Sanda Thuriya a statue (Image) of Buddha, whoflied to Arakan on his Divinely Journey was allowed to erect. But western

historians say the reign of Sanda Thuriya was A.D.146 -198. This variationlead to the differences of dates throughout Arakan history between Rakhine'sand westerner's Chronicles.

Pamela Gutman says the last king of third Dannya Waddy, first built the city atKan Thon Sint and shortly after moved southwards and built Vesali in A.D.327.

The city of Vesali 9.6 Km south of Dahnna Vati, is flanked by Rann Chaung, atributary of Kaladan to the west and the ridge between Kaladan and Lemyo valleys in the east. The city was also known as the city of stone stairs.

According to Rakhine chronicles, first Wethali dates back in 4th entury;second Wethali in 6th and the third Wethali in 7th century. But the inscriptionon the Shitthaung Pillar says first Wethali rooted in some centuries before

Christian era.

The political situation in Wethali found in 4th century became very confused.The king saw some Evil Omens. The control of center deteriorated. But at the beginning of 6th century Bala Candra again maintained the stability. And aking (described in Shitthanung Pillar as Maha Vira) from the west established


36/201

the third Wethali, but it too lost stability in mid 7th century, which again wascontrolled by a king of Chandra family Maha Taing Chandra, rebuilt thecapital near the old city in 788 A.D. This Wethali or the last dynasty of Chandra kings lasted until mid 11th century. Sula Taing Chandra (A.D. 951 -957) wasn't last king of Chandra family in the Wethali as some used toassume. North face of Shitthaung Pillar indicates that there was ChandraKings even in 11th century.

All students of Arakan history accept Shitthaung Pillar of Mrauk-U, as themost authentic historical record. But some portions of this Pillar areunreadable. Yet scholars have tried to bring the best from the worst. The

following are the recorded Wethali Dynasties as shown in the ShitthaungPillar inscription. This inscription was in Nagari script and Indian language.Dr. John Stan and Dr. Sarcir read it. According to Shitthaung Pillarinscription;

(a) First Wethali Dynasty

Sr: No. Name of King Period of Rule

1 Unreadable B.C. 518 - 398



4 Bahu Boli B.C. 158 - 38

5 Raya Palhi B.C. 38 - A.D. 82

6 Unreadable A.D. 82 - 202

7 Sandra Daya A.D. 202 - 229


37/201

8 Anna Waka A.D. 229 - 234

9 Unreadable A.D. 234 - 331

10 Ribia Pwa A.D. 331 - 334

11 Kawer Ram Devi A.D. 334 - 341

12 Uphawira A.D. 341 - 361

13 Zahguna A.D. 361-368

14 Lanki A.D. 368-370 75

The version about Wethali in Arakanese chronicles seemed incomplete.Chronicles say Wethali was founded in 327 A.D. and lasted up to 794 A.D.Only 12 kings ruled during this period. According to them Sula Sandra is thelast king.76 Some say Wethali period is from A.D. 370 to A.D. 818.77 Someeven say (Wethali) or Sandra rule in Arakan was from 8th to 10th century. Tothem there were 9 kings from Mahataing Sandra to Sula Sandra.78

But the name of kings and time of their reign mentioned on coins andShitthaung Pillar are familiar. The records of inscriptions are moreauthentic.79 So quoting the inscriptions I mentioned the king list of first wethali, which took root in a remote time before Christian era in contrast tothe descriptions of other Rakhine chronicles.

The list of second Wethali dynasty according Shittaung Pillar as was read by

Dr. Sarcar is:

Sr: No. Names Reigning Years

1 DvenCandra A.D. 370 425


38/201

2 Raja Candra A.D. 425 - 445

3 Bala Candra A.D. 445 - 454

4 Deva Candra A.D. 454 - 476

5 Yajna Candra A.D. 476 - 483

6 Candra Bandhu A.D. 476 - 483

7 Bhumi Candra A.D. 483 - 489

8 Buthi Candra A.D. 489 - 496

9 Niti Candra A.D. 520 - 575

10 Vizya Candra A.D. 575 - 578

11 Prifi Candra A.D. 578 - 590

12 Prethvi Candra A.D. 590 - 597

13 Dhrli Candra A.D. 597 - 600

During the second dynasty the capital was moved to Kan Thon Sint and laterto Wethali, some say to Dannya Vati, which seemed safer. Lying further south, Vesali was even more open to the western influence than Dannya Waddy.More easily reached by over land route, and it also took advantage of increasedtrade in the Bay of Bengal during 6th cntury and later. When that trade was

interrupted by Cola invasion of mid 11th century and increasing incursion of Myanmar from the east; the economic viability of the .city was undermined.The next period was characterized by the establishment of smaller capitals of Lemyo Valley, resulting in the influx of population and cultural influence fromthe east.80 Dvendra Candra, the founder of second Wethali is said to have


39/201

conquered the usual number of 10 kings and to have built a city complete with walls and moat. The city can be identified as Dhannya Vati (Sanskrit), Dannya Waddy (Burmese) where the archeological evidence points to occupation inlate 5th and early 6th centuries. Nothing is mentioned of the capital shiftmentto Vesali, which apparently took place at the beginning of 6th century. Thename Chandra Bandhu suggests that he was a re-unifier of the country and hemust have ruled in a period of confusion, which led to the move, southwards.The threat of kingdoms emerging in Bengal and Assam following thedisintegration of Gupta Empire, and possibly a Sak invation in the east, led tothe transfer of the capital to Vesali further south at the beginning of 6thcentury.81

After Dhrti Candra, the country passed a period of instability, which again wasmaintained by Mohavira, a king of the same Candra line and from the westperhaps connected with Candras in east Bengal. So here, taking Sarkar'schronology we have our third Wethali:

Sr: No. Name Duration Regin

1 Mohavira A.D.600 612

2 Wiyazab A.D 612 624

3 Sevinran A.D. 624 636

4 Dharmma Sura A.D. 636 649

5 Wizziya Shakti A.D. 649 6656 Dharmma Vizaya A.D. 665 701

7 Narindra Vizaya A.D. 701 704


40/201

8 Dharmma Sandra A.D. 704 -720

9 Ananda Candra A.D. 720

When we study Shitthaung Pillar (also called Ananda Sandra StoneMonument, because it was erected and inscribed by King Ananda Sandra), wefind on the east face of the inscriptions, some descriptions, which are assumedto have taken place before sixth century A.D. The inscriptions on the west faceare postulated to have written in 729 A.D. North face of the monument is inearly Bengali script and is estimated to have written in 10th century. [So herethose Arakanese chronicles, which show the end of Candras at early 9th

century, is found to be incorrect.]First dynasty have 15 kings, some of them are unreadable. The second dynasty had 13 kings and the third had from Mohavira to Sulatiang Sandra, 18 kings.The Candra line of kings established their reign first at Dannya Waddy andthen in Wethali.

U San Tha Aung says Arakanese chronicle denotes Candra kings ruled Arakan

from 8th to 10th centuries. There were successive kings. That successionceased in 957.82 (This very year a Mro chief, Amarathu, came to power in Arakan. First he makes a capital in Mrauk-U. Then his successor Paipru,attacked by the Shans, fled to Thabaik Taung).83

That 957 was a landmark in Arakan history. Morris Collis Says, it was the beginning of Rakhine (Burman) domination. After making a thorough study of coins, chronicles and ruins of the city, M Collis reached a conclusion that Wethali (Vesali), the Arakanese capital must be regarded not an early Burmese but a late Hindu State.84

On the north face of the Shitthaung Pillar, there exists the list of the kings whoruled at Vesali from about 788 -1050 A.D.85 But we also learned a Mru


41/201

Chieftain gained sovereignty of Arakan in 957. Hence there were parallelreigns of Chandras and the others (Mru, Sak and Burman), which we willdiscuss, in next chapters in detail.

Note: The researches of Pamela Gutman say, in so called Wethali the Candraruled of course. But the capital was first Dannya Vati and only at the beginningof 6th century, it was shifted to Wethali, further south.

The last lineage of kings from Candra family from 788 to 1050 A.D. as seen inRakhine chronicles is as follows:

Sr: No. Name Time of Reiqn

1 Moha Taing Candra A.D. 788 810

2 Suria Taing Candra A.D. 810-

3 Maula TaingCandra

4 Paula Taing Candra

5 Kala Taing Candra

6 Tula Taing Candra

7 Thiri Taing Candra

8 Seingha Taing Candra A.D. 935 951

9 Sula Taing Candra A.D. 951 957 86

The next kings of Sandra lineage after Sula Taing Sandra are not recorded inRakhine chronicles but found on the north face of Shitthaung Pillar.


42/201

Maha Taing Candra of this lineage restored the Mohamuni as a royal shrine.87They renovated it many times.

Pamela says the historicity of Chandra dynasty is confirmed by the coinsissued by the 4th king to 13th king of second Wethali and the two routineinscriptions. The inscriptions state that 16 kings ruled for 230 years wherethree short-lived kings were excluded in the list.88 Their rule lasted from A.D.370 to A.D. 600. Still Mohavira dynasty from A.D. 600 to 720, Bala Candradynasty and Maha Taing Candra dynasty are also related to the Candras. Thecapital of these dynasties was Wethali.

There was a period of confusion after Ananda Candra who got the throne in A.D. 720, and before the reestablishing the dynasty by Maha Taing Candra in788 A.D. In a way Maha Taing Candra is the retainer of Candra dynasty in Arakan though there were attacks from many sides.

The cult of Saivism and Buddhist Tantricism gained royal patronage duringthe Chandra Rule (788-957 A.D.) in Arakan-Chittagong region. The discovery of Tantrik sculpture in Wethali (Capital of Chandras) shows that, besidesMahayanism, Buddhist Tantricism also gained footing in the kingdom of Chandras.89

The rule of Chandras (788 -957 A.D.) in Arakan-Chittagong region bear witness of the overflow of Saivism and Tantricism. Noticing this Sir ArthurPhayre remarks: From coins still existing and which are attributed to the kingsof the dynasty coupled with obscure references to their acts in the chronicles

of Arakan. In the chronicles of Arakan it appears probable that they (TheChandra kings) held Brahmanical doctrine.90

The 11th century, however, saw the increasing influence of Burma proper andthe gradual adoption of Theravada. However the later culture of Arakan and


43/201

indeed of Burma proper was to retain many of the political and religiousinstitutions evolved at Dannya Waddy and Vesali.91

So far the Bala Chandra dynasty of U Hla Tun Pru (A.D. 686 718) is notfound in the narration of U San Tha Aung.Pamela Gutman,too, does notdescribe the name of Bala Chandra.Nevertheless the chronicles of India andBengal go into much details of Bala Chandra.

The literary, epigraphic and numismatic sources give evidence of somedynasties of same surnames in Arakan. The Shitthaung Temple Pillarinscriptions supply a long list of Chandra rulers 92 reigning for more than five

hundred years in Arakan and its adjoining areas. The first king of this lineage was Bala Chandra who was also the founder of the dynasty. This king BalaChandra seems identical with king Bala Chandra in Thanaraths history. The

Shitthaung Temple inscription doesnt specifically mention the territorial jurisdiction of the kings who reigned several hundred years earlier than thetime of engravement of the inscription. Tharanaths history states that kingBala Chandra was driven out of his ancestral kingdom. He established a new

kingdom in Bengal. It might be that one of his successors conquered Arakanand established an administrative headquarter there.93 Here Pamela says, the Ananda Candras Prasasti even implies that a king from across the Naf Riverruled Vesali between 600 and 612 A.D. He might be Mohavira (The so calledfounder of Wethali) because his capital was said to be on Parapura on Naf.

Here again Mohavira, the first king of third Wethali in A.D. 600-612 wasnamed as king of Purempura, which by adjusting with Ptolemys record,

localized on Pruma, on the Arakanese bank of Naf River. It was, according toPtolemy, a commercial center at that time. It is likely that a ruler of this area with its economy based mainly on maritime trade would seek to extend histerritory to rich alluvial plains of Arakan when opportunity allowed.94


44/201

The inscription implies Candra dynasty collapsed in 600 A.D. Conditions wereconfused in Arakan with the rule reverting partly to indigenous kings. ButMohavira (A.D. 600) founded his kingships some where in the west (perhapson Naf River) and contracted the whole kingdom of Vesali, but the dynasty again collapsed in late 8th century, which was reintegrated by Maha TaingCandra.

It is difficult to give a correct picture of the political condition of Chittagong atthe time of Muslim invasion in western and northern Bengal. According toTharanaths evidence a king named Babla Sandra was the king of Chittagongand Tripura, sometime after the fall of Maghadha at the hands of Turks. It

further says that his first son was the king of Arakan.95

According to Tharanath, a Buddhist dynasty ruled in Bengal before the Palas.Their names end in Chandra. He (Tharanath) writes: in the east, VimlaChandra (Bala Chandra) extended his power to Tirhat and Kamarupa. At thistirpe the elder son of king Harsha ruled Maghadha. But in Shitthaunginscription king Bala Chandra is said to be the first king of the Shri Dharma

Rajanuia Vamsa. Scholars express the opinion that King Bala Chandra of Shitthaung Temple inscription is identical with King Bala Chandra of Tharanath narration. According to Mr. Hirananda Shastri, the inscription is written in characters resembling those of the late Gupta Script.96

Shri Jogendra Chandra Gosh tentatively puts the date of king Bala Chandra of inscription sometime between 647 A.D. and 833 A.D.97 This roughly corresponds to the date of king Bala Chandra of Taranaths narration. Allthese evidences and opinions naturally give an impression that king BalaChandra of Taranath narration and the king of the same name in ShitthaungTemple inscription were identical person.,It is like ly that king Bala ChandraHeld both Eastern Bengal and Arakan under his away and established hiscapital at Chittagong, which held central position in (his) empire.98


45/201

The cultural history of this period was largely the outcome of multifariouspolitical influence on the country.99

The first principle task of kings at Dannyavati and Wethali was makingarrangements for water supply. The kings secondary role was that of protectorof the people in the four quarters of the country of Arakan against the inroadsof hill tribes and occasional foreign invaders.100

In regard of culture, Pamela writes: the early inscription on an image of Mahamuni Shrine is in the script used by the Guptas in central India in thesecond half of the 5th century.While certain central Indian characteristics are

retained in the first half of the 6th century,notably in the two Prasasti on theeast face of Shitthaung Pillar and the reverse of Suria Image, the formgenerally belong to the script used in Bengal and Assam during that period The remaining epigraph, the north face of the Shitthaung Pillar, is again in ascript derived from East Bengal in the mid 10th century.

Maha Taing Candra is said to have rebuilt Veasali on the side of an oldercapital and late 8th century sculptures found there, confirm this. The greathero of the dynasty Sula Taing Candra is said to have sent an expedition toChittagong in 953 A.D., when the Candras dynasty of southeast Bengal wasgaining power and prestige under Sri Caildra.101 Soon after his return he setout for either China or Tagaung suggesting a threat from Ta-Li. After hisfailure to return, his queen, Chandra Devi, married two Mro tribesmen insuccession, indicating that the hill tribes were becoming urbanized and weretaking advantage of the confused state of the country. Vesali was abandoned,

the country invaded by Shan and Pyus, while the Mons of Pegu occupied thesouth for eighteen years. A new capital was eventually established at Pyinsa(Panca) with the aid of the Sak (Thet). From around the beginning of the 11thcentury, Arakan became increasingly Burmanized as can be noticed in thefrequent use of Burmese names and titles in the king list of chronicles and the


46/201

name of Arakanese in the inscription in Pagan.102 The situation is reflected inthe archeological remains at Vesali, which show a gradual limiting of Indianinfluence to the northeast, particularly to Bengal, and an increasing contact with central Burma.

Arakanese chronicles say historians count Wethali period up to 1018 A.D., theend of Mro reign in Arakan. From there the Arakan history proper (or) Lemyoage began. The last king of Mro (some say Sak) age was Ngamin Ngadon 994-1018 A.D. who was attacked and killed by eastern Mongolian (Burman) and was succeeded by Kettathin, who shifted the capital to Pyinsa. Hisdescendants ruled Arakan for next century.103

Concerning about the expedition of Cula Taing Candra to Chittagong, there isa legend in Arakanese chronicles. The most reputed and eminent historian as well as politician of Arakan, U Hla Tun Pru says, the 9th king of Vesali (of Moha Taing Candras lineage) Cula Taing Candra in 953 invaded the Thuratanof Bengal; the Thuratan sought to appease his anger by sending him a Princessand a tribute in money. His nobles advised him not to make war with a king

who acknowledged his sovereignty. Not to make war means in BurmeseSitmataik -gong which later changed into Sittaikgong or Chittagong. Hereturned without making war. From that time onward the town acquired thename Sitmathaikgong which l ater shortened to Chittagong.104

But latest researches of eminent historians say Cula Taing Candra was in thelineage of Candra family. His culture and language was Indian. His language was not Burmese. Then how can the name of Chittagong take root from

Burmese word Sitmathaikgong as is described in Arakanese chronicles.Probability of his (Cula Taing Candras) speaking Burmese is very faint.

Whatsoever Pamela Gutman says, the mid 11th century was a period of greatstress in the country; the dynasty was under pressure from Pagan, where


47/201

Anawrattha (B.C. 1044 77) was attempting to unite Burma for the first time.Both Burmese and Arakanese chronicles refer to his incursion into Arakan, which seem, however, to have eventually retain semiautonomous status. In the west, Candra dynasty of southeast Bengal had fallen, or was about to fall,threatened by the Varmans and the Palas. The Cola raid into Bengal in A.D.1013 23 had also no doubt weakened the Candras; the great Cola raid of Southeast Asian ports in 1025, although apparently not actually included Arakan, would have disrupted her important sea routes.105

By the mid 11th century, the economy was weakened after the Cola raids and atemporary decline in the power of Srivizia in east Bengal, and control of the

kaladan valley was threaten by raids from wild tribes and Pala expansion tothe East Bengal. The capital (in Arakan) was moved to the east to the Lemyo valley and central Burma dominated Arakan history for the next threehundred years. 106

Here we have seen that up to early 11th century Arakan was politically,culturally connected with India, where as its relation with Burma was

deepened from mid 11th century. So there was indeed a transformationpolitically and culturally. Thus a systematic study of this transitional periodand its phenomena are essential to understand Arakan history from its correctangle.

CHAPTER IV

THE TRANSITIONAL PERIOD

The more deeply we study the history of Arakan the clearer we will see, there was great political and cultural change in 11th century. The latest research of Dr. Pamela Gutman will enlighten us better on this subject. Frankly to admit,the writer of this treatise is much attracted to study history of Arakan by reading her thesis on ancient Arakan. Thanks to Major Tun Kyaw Oo (Rtd.) an


48/201

Arakanese, who provided me a copy of her thesis, to study for a long period.First of all, let us see what the Rakhine chroniclers say,The evaluation of

Arakan History Vol.I(Rakhine Pyi Phyitsi n Thamine Vol. I) Published by Rakhine State Council in 1984, comments on the destruction of Wethali. Itsays official excavation of the old Wethali ruins is not completed yet. So theearth doesnt testify how it (Wethali) ruined. We can only say the follo wing, basing our opinion on the Rakhine Chronicles. Sula Candra, the last king of (third) Wethali perished at Cape Nagerais on his return from Tagaung journey where he lived for three years. This time three Mros (father and sons) got thethrone and ruled successively. They erected a Palace at Kettare Taung inMrauk-U. They also made Sandra Devi, the queen of late Sula Candra, theirqueen, perhaps for the legitimacy of their succession. But these father andsons were not united. Pyu from the east invaded. King Paipru repels them in976 AD. (U Hla Tun Pru says, Paipru is the nephew of Amarathu, the first Mroking.(Arakan chronicles indicated the dates always 200 years ahead of otherchronicles). Then in A.D. 978 the Shan (Mongolian) invaded again. Paipru wasoverpowered and could not resist. Finally he had to flee to upper Yo Chaung where he died one year later. The Shan destroyed the city, looted its valuable belongings including the jewelleries from the Mahamuni Temple, and returnafter 18 years. They took away a lot of inhabitants as captives from RamreeIsland too. This time Sandoway was under the rule of Mons, for decades. Inthis period of chaos, the Sak in the north grew in strength. A Sak leaderNgamin Ngadon107 (Arakanese chronicle say Sula Sandras son ), got thethrone. He shifted the capital to Sambowet, not very far away from old Wethali. The chronicle say Ngamin Ngadon was brought up in the midst of Sak as his father died before. But in 818 (Arakan chronicle), 1018 A.D.(Western chronicles) he was attacked from the east. Pagan king Khin Saw Hnitinvaded him for the second time. He was killed in the hands of Eastern people(Burman) by conspiracy. Kettathin a half brother108 of Ngamin Ngadon (UHla Tun Pru says, grand nephew of Sula Candra) got the throne or enthroned.


49/201

He shifted the capital to Pyinsa. So, Kettathins getting throne in 1018 A.D. ismarked by historians as the end of Mro age and counted it as the beginning of Lemyo period.109

U Hla Tun Pru says Ngamin Ngadon fell in the wan with the king of Pagan.Kettathin became king. Arakan nevertheless kept her independence. Kettathinset up a new capital at Pyinsa. After his death his descendants ruled Arakanfor next centuries.110 Here we find that Sula Candra was of Candra family,and Candras names sound Indian where as the name of Kettathin and all hissuccessors sound Burmese. Further it is not logical that the invading Burman would enthrone a family member of Ngamin Ngadon whom they killed to get

the sovereignty of the country. Further if Ngamin Ngadon were the son of SulaTaing Sandra as said in Rakhine chronicles, he would have been brought up by the Mru, not by the Sak, because S

towards understanding arakan history(abu anan)

Documents