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TITLE PAGE

RELIGION AND GENOCIDE: THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE (1950-2011)

BY

NWAMAH GRACE OZIOMA

PG/M.A/09/51867

DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA

MAY 2012

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REQUIREMENT PAGE

RELIGION AND GENOCIDE: THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE

BY

NWAMAH GRACE OZIOMA

PG/M.A/09/51867

A PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION AND CULTURAL STUDIES, FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA

NSUKKA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER’S OF ARTS DEGREE IN RELIGION

SUPERVISOR: REV. FR. DR. H. C. ACHUNIKE

MAY, 2012

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APPROVAL PAGE

This dissertation has been supervised and approved as meeting the requirement for the award of Master of Arts (MA) in Religion and Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

By

............................................... ..................................... Rev. Fr. Dr. H. C. Achunike Date Supervisor ............................................ ..................................... Rev. Dr. E. A. Ituma Date Head of Department ............................................ ...................................... External Examiner Date ............................................ ....................................... Prof. E. O. EZEANI Date Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences

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CERTIFICATION

Nwamah, Grace Ozioma a postgraduate student of the Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka with Reg. No: PG/M.A/09/51867 has satisfactorily completed all the requirements for the course and research works for the award of Master of Arts (MA) Degree in Religion and Cultural Studies.

The work embodied in this project is original and has not been in any way submitted

in part or full for any other Degree or Diploma of this University or any other University.

.............................................. ................................................ Rev. Fr. Dr. H. C. Achunike Date Supervisor

............................................... .................................................. Rev. Dr. E. A. Ituma Date Head of Department

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DEDICATION

This project is dedicated to the loving memory of my dear parents Reverend Lazarus and Mrs. Justina Nwama whom God Almighty used to bless my world. The project is also dedicated to the unforgettable memory of Easter Oluebube Anele whom I believe my study leave may have limited her chances of survival when tragedy struck.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

With sincere love and deep satisfaction, the admirable contributions of numerous

hands which added up to the successful completion of this study in particular and my general

academic wellbeing to this day are dully acknowledged.

Indeed, I consider myself lucky and equally privileged to have worked under the

versatile academic, Rev. Fr. Dr. Hilary Achunike. His wealth of excellent scholarship,

devotion to duty, nobility of heart and particularly, his up-to-date library (which he readily

places at the disposal of his students) proved invaluable asset to me. Father Achunike’s

insistence on fresh insights, new directions and challenges in scholarship leaves more to be

desired. Truly, I am genially thankful to Father Achunike for his refined academic

stimulation, motivation, endearing friendship and genuine, deep seated and Godly sense of

altruism.

Similarly, I feel special sense of thanks to the staff academic and non academic of the

Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria Nsukka for their

friendship and love. I am particularly thankful to the present Head of Department Rev. Dr. E.

A. Ituma for his untiring efforts in administration, and the Secretary, Mrs. Onyeisi for her

commitment. May God Almighty reward you all, Amen!

At the beginning of this study, I was almost set back at the death of my parents, but

my siblings, in-laws, relations, personal friends and colleagues stood by me, spurred me on

and made my life and studies a little more pleasant. Like Ejizu, I want to say that this little

contribution is as much theirs, as it is mine1. My unreserved gratitude thus, goes to all of

them. When payment of fees was a serious challenge, many of them distinguished themselves

by paying off the fees freely. I am indeed very grateful to them all. In a very special way, I

commend the assistance of Pastor and Mrs Ben Nwamah, Mrs Felicia Laz Nwama, Mr. and

Mrs. Kenneth Anyanwu, Mr. and Mrs. Remi Ekwem, Dr. and Mrs. Eric Orunta, Barrister and

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Mrs. Edwin Ajoku, Mr and Mrs Iheakam, Mr. and Mrs. Paul Israel, Mrs. Franca Jando, Mrs.

Charity Onyemechara, Mr. and Mrs. Andy Ituma, Mr. and Mrs. Jude Ani, Rev. Sister Dr.

Mary Jerome Obiorah, Engr. Ericson Otavboruo, Sister Bekka, Mr. Udeagha Nduka,

Professor Ogbonnaya, Jude, Rose, Prisca, Uzomam, Nwannem and a host of others.

Above all, I am most thankful to God for seeing me through to the successful

completion of this program. May all thanks be to God forever, Amen!

Nwamah Grace Ozioma Department of Religion and Cultural Studies University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

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ABSTRACT

The Igbo ethnic group in Nigeria, who are mainly Christians, had been subjected to sporadic persecutions since the idea of Nigeria as one nation was conceived. The persecutions were stepped up with pogrom-like massacres during the twentieth century. With the outbreak of Nigeria/Biafra Civil War, the Federal Government of Nigeria proceeded far more radically against the Igbo ethnic group. Inspired by rabid nationalism, the Nigerian Military largely populated by Northern Muslims drove the Igbos from their homes and massacred them in such numbers that outside observers at the time remarked that what was happening was ‘a massacre like none other’. Although there is no reliable figure on the death toll, many historians believe that between two to four million people were killed, often in unspeakable cruel ways. The persecutions have continued up to the present under different religious guise. This study contextualizes the past and present cases of mass murder in Nigeria as a case of genocide. Using the phenomenological research approach, the study undertook a thorough examination of the issues of recurring violent crises in Nigeria as they are perceived and accurately established a case of genocide in Nigeria. A causal analysis of the events was explored by the study, with a view to transforming or resolving it. While the aftermath of genocide reveals that we need one another to live a fulfilling life, the study found out that extremism in religion, nationalism or in any other human emotion is self destructive in addition to possibly destroying other people. Again, it is found out that the colonial creation of Nigeria as one nation begot the country many troubles. Besides the need for a National Conference in Nigeria, the study further recommends that it is advisable that more time and money be spent in achieving social stability in Nigeria. The conclusion is that Nigeria appears to be having an experience of religion and genocide at the present.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

TITLE PAGE i

REQUIREMENT ii

APPROVAL PAGE iii

CERTIFICATION iv

DEDICATION v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi

ABSTRACT viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ix CHAPTER ONE --- INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Background of the Study 1 1.2 Statement of Problem 8 1.3 Aim of Study 9 1.4 Significance of Study 10 1.5 Scope of Study 10 1.6 Research Methodology 11 1.7 Definition of Terms 13 CHAPTER TWO --- LITERATURE REVIEW 20 2.1 Crises in Nigeria, 1950-1970 20 2.2 Carnage in Nigeria, 1970-1990 29 2.3 Religious Massacres in Nigeria, 1990-2010 37 2.4 Comments on Literature 46 CHAPTER THREE --- THE PHENOMENON AND CAUSAL

ANALYSIS OF GENOCIDE 54 3.1 Genocide as a Phenomenon 54 3.2 Causal Analysis of Genocide in Nigeria 59

1. Colonialism and Genocide in Nigeria 60 2. Nigerian Leadership and Genocide 66 3. The Mix of Religion and Politics 70

CHAPTER FOUR --- THE AFTERMATH AND RESPONSE TO GENOCIDE IN NIGERIA 80 4.1 Aftermath of Genocide in Nigeria 80 4.2 Government Response to Issues of Genocide in Nigeria 89 CHAPTER FIVE --- SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 94 5.1 Principal Findings 94 5.2 Contribution to Knowledge ... 95

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5.3 Recommendations ... 96 5.4 Suggestion for Further Research ... 98 5.5 Conclusion ... 99 Bibliography ... 103

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Endnotes CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of Study

Life when properly led is peaceful and progressive but the reality in the contemporary

time is that around the world, life is a continuous struggle. Chaos seems to be present almost

everywhere. Destruction of life and property appears to be the order of the day. Individuals

blow up themselves in public places, killing innocent people and destroying properties. In

some circumstances, groups of people come together in the form of society, coalition or

movement to wreck havoc on human lives. In most cases, people are uprooted, displaced and

made refugees. Indeed, the prevalence of violence has manifested very much devastation in

human civilisation. In Nigeria for instance, politics or religious and ethnic intolerance has

taken the way of genocide. Genocide is the crime of destroying or conspiring to destroy a

group of people because of their ethnic, national, racial, political or religious identity2. The

on-going mass murder in Nigeria is contextualized as genocide in this study. This concept of

genocide in the above definition is adopted throughout the writing of this research work. A

phenomenological look at the previous and on-going massive destruction of life and property

in Northern Nigeria will suffice to prove the point of genocide in Nigeria beyond reasonable

doubt. Consequently, Northern Nigeria has been severally described as a hotbed of crisis.

The destruction of human life and property of members of a nation is obviously a

serious problem and in fact amounts to genocide. Raphael Lemkin, a Polish legal scholar,

coined the term genocide in 1944 to describe Nazi Germany’s annihilation of groups by

direct murder and indirect means during World War II (1939 – 1945)3. Lemkim viewed

genocide as a crime against humanity and made a proposition to United Nations (UN) that the

crime of genocide be made an offence in international law. In 1948, the UN enacted the

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The Convention

which entered into force in 1951 has been ratified by more than 130 countries including

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Nigeria. Afterwards, genocide had been reckoned as a crime whether committed in time of

peace or in time of war.

Both before and after the Nigeria and Biafra Civil War (1967 - 1970), there have been

many episodes of genocidal killings and massive forced displacements which have claimed

thousands of lives in Nigeria. Only few of such incidents are unconnected to religion. The

discussion of religious related crises in Nigeria today have become even more intensified,

given the nature of its recurrence and implications. Institutionalised religions have practiced

violence against both their adherents and their real or imagined opponents4. Practically, many

people have been murdered in Nigeria because of their religious affiliations, though, religion

seem not to be the cause of major crises in Nigeria. While aggression, hatred, politics,

economic and other factors contribute to tensions in Nigeria, they have often led to

polarization along religious lines. At the slightest provocation, some Muslims in Nigeria rise

against Christians and the result has as always, been nothing short of genocide.

Genocide in Nigeria has a colonial origin and its spread was tied to the nature and

purpose of colonialism. There is no gainsaying that the interest of the colonialist in Nigeria

was economic. It was this interest that controlled most of the colonial activities in Nigeria.

Any activity that conflicted with this economic interest was vehemently opposed by the

colonialists. In furtherance of this colonial economic interest, the Northern and Southern

protectorates of Nigeria were amalgamated in January 1914. Akinjide has described this

amalgamation of Nigeria as a fraud, arguing that Nigeria was created as British sphere of

interest for business5. Also in the economic interest of the British, indirect rule system of

governance and separate development policy were maintained in the two sections of the

country, with the amalgamated administration based in Lagos6. As a result, there existed a lot

of differences in social, political, economic and cultural development within the country.

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Colonialism through the advancement, encouragement and promotion of ethnicity

(regionalism) instead of true unity and oneness sowed the seeds of genocide in Nigeria. Also,

through favouritism, the colonialists fostered genocide in Nigeria. A lot have been

documented on how the colonial rulers sheltered and protected the Northern part of Nigeria

from integrating with the Southern part7. As an example, Nnoli remarked that it is an open

secret that the British colonial officials were sympathetic to the Native Administration in the

North. They were determined to protect it from radical nationalistic influences from

Southerners and their Northern allies8. The establishment of segregated settlement for the

Southerners residing in the North and the prohibition of Christian missionaries in Northern

Muslim areas also give credence to this point. The Southerners residing in the North lived in

segregated quarters known as Sabon-Gari (strangers’ settlement) quite distinct from the

walled towns (Birai) of the indigenes. These strangers’ settlements exist in the Northern part

of Nigeria till date and have helped to emphasize the difference between the peoples. It has

also made for easy identification in times of crisis as the communities have become the major

target for genocidal massacres.

As observed earlier, the pattern of colonial administration created opportunity for

separate development among Nigeria’s Northern and Southern regions. Colonial education

was at the heart of this development and religion seems to have played great role therein.

Nnoli has reflected that colonial education was designed to prepare Nigerians for meaningful

participation in colonial activities9. Christian missionaries in Nigeria worked assiduously in

regard to education with their arrival in nineteenth century. The missionaries not only

preached the gospel, they also built schools and colleges and introduced the art of western

technology. Consistent with available reports, the activities of Christian missionaries were

achieved without protest and difficulty in Southern Nigeria but it was not so in Northern

Nigeria10. The conquest and occupation of the North by Lord Lugard at the beginning of the

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20th century did not help matters in this regard. In fact, it has been variously reported that

Lord Lugard introduced the indirect rule system of administration in the North which seem to

correspond to the course of development chosen by the Northern rulers. Also, Lord Lugard is

quoted to have promised not to encourage the operation of the Christian missionaries in the

Muslim North11. This policy was followed by his successors a long time afterwards.

The Christian education and western training stimulated and enriched the native

resourcefulness, industry and dynamism of the South. Education provided the South the

opportunity to take a leading role in the development of independent Nigeria. With education,

the South was able to capitalise upon the myriad subsidiary economic and political

opportunities which western civilisation created. It was not so with the North. Northern

Nigeria consist mainly of the dominant Fulani and Hausa whom history records as coming

from North of Africa and conquered the land area which they occupy today. The bulk of the

population was influenced by Islamic ideas, norms and practices. For whatever reasons one

can come up with, the fact remains that Northern Nigeria was left out of the main stream of

educational, technological and industrial development which has taken place in the rest of

Nigeria. The major reason seems to be their persistent resistance to western influence and

education12 and perhaps a preference for Arabic education.

To the colonised Nigeria, education was a very valuable commodity. The government,

business houses and missionary institutions needed the services of trained men and women to

man their establishments. As to be expected, these institutions naturally turned to employ

Nigerians who acquired the requisite education and training. It so happened that such people

were mainly from the South13. (At this point in the history of Nigeria, Southern Nigeria is

made up largely of two major dominant ethnic groups, namely - the Western Yoruba and the

Eastern Igbo). Majority of the Southerners that were given employment outside the Southern

region were mainly people of Eastern Nigeria origin. Thus, Igbo natives were employed in

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the North and elsewhere. It could be said with Ikejiani that Nigeria as a whole became an

Eastern Nigeria in Diaspora14. Notably, the population pressure in the heart of Igbo territory

along with the general desire for upward mobility in the nature of the Igbo and the available

means of transportation provided by the railway had in no small measure contributed to this

fact.

As the years passed on, the number of Southerners occupying administrative positions

in the North became domineering. The North feared this dominance and did everything

possible to bring it to an end. First, the Northerners resorted to the Northernization policy

which they defined as a system wherein ‘if a qualified Northerner is available, he is given

priority in recruitment, if no Northerner is available, an expatriate may be recruited or a non-

Northerner on contract terms’15. In practice, the policy emphasized the exclusion of

Southerners rather than expatriates. With the implementation of this policy, 2,148

Southerners were dismissed from the Northern public service within a short period of time16.

Secondly, Northerners made use of nepotism. Simply put, nepotism is favouritism shown by

somebody in power to relatives and friends, especially in appointing them to good positions.

Lastly, the North resorted to the use of violence. Genocide in Nigeria which this research

work aims to establish is a product of the use of violence by citizens of Northern Nigeria to

address issues.

Plotnicov reported that in 1932, an ethnic riot nearly erupted in Jos17. The city of Jos,

it should be recalled, owed its existence to the tin mining industry which was established in

1910. The three major ethnic groups in Nigeria – the Hausa, the Igbo and the Yoruba were

represented in the mining industry. The cause of this near riot was the anticipated end of

colonial rule which the exodus of the Europeans, due to the scarcity of resources within the

depression period foretold. During the height of Depression, European miners exited from the

tin mines in Jos in large numbers. The fear of who will replace the Europeans in the

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leadership of the tin mines created a tensed atmosphere. Nevertheless, the anticipated end of

colonial rule which the exodus of Europeans predicted did not take place and the impending

violence failed to materialise18.

In 1945 violence actually erupted in Jos. What led to this violence was the economic

situation in the country. In line with available reports;

... socio-economic hardship was pervasive; and the nationalists and labour unions, to protest the hardship in particular and colonial rule in general, called a general strike. The strike adversely affected food supplies to the town by rail, causing a general feeling of anxiety and severe shortage of food. Every morning the District Officer rationed out food to people on a long queue outside the market. Since the strike was a nationalistic outburst against colonial rule, the British colonial officials seized on the resultant hardship in the North to incite Northerners against the strike, Azikiwe and the Igbo. Azikiwe was the preeminent nationalist leader at the time. They also manipulated Igbo-Hausa animosity over competition in trading and occupation of residential area to incite the Hausa against the Igbo. In the ensuing conflict the Hausa and Igbo fought for two days. Two people were killed, many others injured and considerable property was destroyed or damaged. It took the combined operations of the police and army sent from Kaduna to restore public order19.

The 1945 ethnic killings in Jos were among the first recorded case of ethnic killing

involving the two ethnic groups – Hausa/Fulani and Igbo. This study observed earlier that

genocide in Nigeria has a colonial origin and its spread, tied to the nature and purpose of

colonialism. The role colonial administration played in the incident reported above supports

the assertion. Since this 1945 violence in Jos, the Hausa have lived to see and relate to the

Igbo in sheer hostility. The colonialist thus, nurtured the Hausa to see particularly the Igbo as

both a rival group and an enemy. As a result, Igbo natives who certainly were seen as the

major socio-economic competitors of the Hausa became the traditional victims of Northern

hostility.

The memories of the near violence reported by Plotnicov in 1932 and the violence in

1945 were reinforced by the violent events in Kano in 1953. In the Kano riot of 1953, Ikejiani

reported that conservative estimates gave 52 persons as killed and 277 wounded20. With this

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event, the image of the Igbo as the traditional victims of Northern hostility and violence was

increasingly perpetuated and consequently, it became easier for the Hausa to unleash

animosity on the Igbo. The massacres of the Igbos in 1953, the pogrom of 1966 and the Civil

War give credence to this. Thus, genocide kicked off in Nigeria, happening sporadically and

taking different dimensions but with the same victim group. From the killing of 2 in 1945 to

the massacre of about 52 in 1953, it graduated to the pogrom of 1966 with a death toll of over

60,000 Igbo and the Civil War in which more than 3 million Igbo were gruesomely murdered

by Nigerian military largely populated by Northern Muslims. Afterwards, this genocide

continued in Nigeria in the form of religious or ethno-religious violence as seen in the events

of Maitatsine uprising in the 1980s and the likes. Today, genocide has continued in Nigeria

under the umbrella of Boko Haram. What we have had in this country is genocide because a

substantial number of people have been put to death and despite the varied attacks; one

victim group – ‘Igbo’ have been the major target.

While the UN and some other agencies speculate that the killing and the level of

organisation among the perpetrators suggests that atrocities may rise to the level of crimes

against humanity21 (genocide), the contention here is that the interplay of politics and religion

in ethnic crises have already produced genocide in Nigeria. Since many of the episodes of

mass killing in Nigeria followed religious paths, this work uses the term Religiocide and

defines it as mass killing in which the victims are defined primarily in terms of their religious

affiliation. As the work proceeds, a decadal account of violence in Nigeria is presented to

buttress the point that there has been genocide in Nigeria. Though sporadic, genocide has

occurred with systematic destruction of both lives and properties as experienced in many

cases of genocide world over.

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1.2 Statement of Problem

All world religions advocate peace. There is no religion that does not teach or preach

peace. Many religions stressed that human beings should seek, pursue, try to achieve, and

strive to maintain peace with all persons. Every religion, including the three major religions

in Nigeria (Islam, Christianity and Traditional religion) uphold the sanctity of human life. In

times of peace, human life is secure. Life is seen to be sacred in all religions. In traditional

Nigerian society, life is the summum bonum (highest good) and thus regarded as sacred and

supreme. As a result, other values were placed under human life and anything that violated

human life was utterly despised. In Christian religion, life is seen as a gift of God and every

human person is said to be created in the image and likeness of God. This origin of man as

stressed by the Christian religion accounts for the human dignity. As a result, Christianity

upholds life sacredness and prohibits the killing of human beings (Exodus 20:13 and

Deuteronomy 5:17). Islamic religion is not different in this regard. Islam is popularly referred

to as a religion of peace. The Koran teaches that human life is sacred (5:32) and views the

murder of one person as the murder of all people. However, the reality is that in Nigeria and

elsewhere, adherents of these religions seemingly kill and destroy human life.

The killing of human beings and destruction of properties are not inherent in the

nature of religions. Destruction of life and property arguably, represents a seeming deviation

from established religious practice and thus constitutes a problem. Ignorance is part of this

problem. Many adherents lack proper understanding of religious doctrines. Other factors that

form part of the problem include narrow mindedness, misunderstandings, weird ideologies,

fundamentalism or fanaticism22. Individuals who had experienced the effects of the above

factors may doubt the idea of any positive contribution of religion in the society. There will

seemingly be a tendency to believe that religion kills or that religion is used to justify killing

in the name of God.

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Nigeria for instance, has had great experience of religious crises. On 25th December

2011, an Islamic sect made a gruesome murder through suicide bombing of St Theresa’s

Catholic Church Madalla, in Niger State with the claim of responsibility. Also, New

Jerusalem a popular abode for Christians in Yobe State was on Friday, November 4, 2011

razed by Boko Haram, killing more than 150 persons and destroying churches, public

buildings, commercial houses and other properties worth millions of naira. From the global

scene, in 2001 September 11, religious fundamentalists bombed the World Trade Center in

the financial district of New York City, killing thousands. In the case of India, religion

became the basis for a bitter war and split, etc. Thus, the way religion is used to execute

destruction of human life and property constitutes a problem for this study. The problem will

be thoroughly studied and investigated to be able to highlight its root causes and the

impediments to further development.

1.3 Aim of study

It does not seem out of place to discuss the issue of genocide in a country that is

bedevilled by mass killing of its civilians. Therefore, the aim of this work is to thoroughly

examine the issues of recurring violent crises in Nigeria in order to establish the fact that

there has been genocide in Nigeria. Consideration shall be given to the fact that there appears

to be increasing cases of religious driven crisis in the country. An attempt shall be made to

determine what has led to this increase and the scale of violence despite religious teachings

on morals.

The study is therefore set to determine how colonial, religious and western values

bequeathed to Nigeria have influenced her attitude towards violence. Ethical view points of

two of the three major religions in Nigeria (Islam and Christianity) are examined on the

issues of life and violence in order to determine if there are theological warrants for genocide.

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The study aims to also examine how technological advancement has aided religious terrorism

to carry out genocide in Nigeria and subsequently outline the effect it has on the society.

1.4 Significance of Study

1. It is hoped that the study contributes significantly to improving the current situation of

violence and despair in Nigeria. As a result, the work is dedicated to the core

proposition that all human life is sacred, and that the task of our species should be to

expand the capacity to protect all human lives from unnatural destruction.

2. It is also intended that the study enlightens religious adherents in Nigeria on the

crucial needs of peace keeping and peaceful co-existence. Tolerance is a virtue.

Therefore, this work is significant in reminding Nigerians that maintaining the virtues

of religious tolerance and shunning provocations is worthwhile.

3. The need for dialogue in peaceful co-existence cannot be over emphasized. Attention

should thus be refocused on the indispensible use of dialogue in peace talk. The

common root or heritage in God can be a reason for dialogue reconciliation and

peace. It appears convincing to affirm that peace could be God’s will for all people

not regarding religious persuasions. Peace is universal. Dialogue is a sure way to

peace. Nigeria needs peace. Islam and Christianity emphasize peace in their belief

systems. This study thus draws all attention to Dialogue for peaceful co-existence in

Nigeria.

1.5 Scope of study

The likelihood of genocide in Nigeria preceded the period of Nigeria’s independence.

In the period after independence, there have remained glaring incidences of genocidal

activities in the country. Politics and ethnicity have remained the drive for these activities

while religion has been its major means of expression.

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As a way of focus, this study intends to cover the period within 1950 – 2011 of

Nigeria’s history. This period has witnessed diverse eruptions of violent activities in the

history of Nigeria. Where references are cited prior to 1950 or after 2011, this is done to help

explain some underlying basis surrounding violent actions in contemporary Nigeria.

However, it is important to state that not all violent activities that took place within the period

under focus are considered. Cases that involved massive destruction of life and property are

given more consideration as this assists the researcher in buttressing the point of genocide.

The scope of this work therefore is Nigeria as a whole and in part, the Northern and Eastern

Nigeria. Where necessary, reference will be made to other parts of the country.

The area of research in Nigeria on genocide may sound bogus and too large for

adequate coverage of this research work. On the other hand, taking a particular area within

the country may not constitute a good basis for an objective assessment of genocide in

Nigeria in the researcher’s opinion.

1.6 Research Methodology

The method used in the writing of this research work is the phenomenological

method. The word phenomenological is an adjective derived from the noun

‘phenomenology’. Phenomenology is a philosophical doctrine proposed by Edmund Husserl

based on the study of human experience in which consideration of objective reality are not

taken into account23. The primary objective of the phenomenological method of research is

the direct investigation and description of phenomena as consciously experienced (without

theories about their causal explanation and) as free as possible from preconceptions and

presuppositions. Phenomenology studies appearances of phenomena objectively. It does not

pander to any particular theory or view but analyzes things as they appear. Phenomenology in

essence removes biases and enables the researcher full grasp of the possible nature of

immediate experiences as it presents itself. Hence it could be said with Achunike24 that

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phenomenology when thoroughly and objectively used gives human experiences some

richness and depth.

Phenomenological method of research has, to a large extent, gained currency in the

science of religion25. Scholars like Gerardus Van der Leeuw, Rudolf Otto, Joachim Wach,

Ninian Smart, C. J. Bleeker, H. Frick, C. I. Ejizu, H. C. Achunike and J. Juri made great

efforts in the application of phenomenological approach to both the science and history of

religion. As a scholarly method, phenomenology concerns the application of the principles of

the epoche and of the eidetic vision26. Epoche means suspension of judgement. The concept

indicates the attitude of impartiality, the attentive listening which is the absolute condition for

a right understanding of the import of phenomena. In using the epoche a researcher puts

oneself into the position of a listener, who does not judge according to preconceived notions.

Applied to the present study, the epoche will provide the researcher adequate knowledge for

establishing the point of genocide in Nigeria. The eidetic vision is the research for the eidos,

i.e. the essence and the structure of facts. The concepts are borrowed from the philosophical

phenomenology of Husserl and his school. In this connection, it should be remarked that the

phenomenological method can also be applied to the study of genocide. In the writer’s

opinion, it is imperative that this method be applied whenever the researcher wants to reach

valuable results.

The phenomenological method of research is therefore preferred for the purposes of

this present research for the following reasons;

1. The method is best suited for unravelling the issue of genocide in Nigeria as it

allows the events of mass destruction to speak for itself rather than to be

forced into any preconceived scheme.

23

2. The approach is, through its attitude of excessive prudence able to assist the

researcher by providing insight into the essence and structure of the

phenomena under study.

3. Phenomenology as a method of research enables the scholar to exercise

scholarly courage and power of imagination.

4. In connection to Heidegger’s27 claim, phenomenology is also able to make

manifest what is hidden in ordinary everyday experience.

Therefore, in using this scientific method of direct examination of event as it presents

itself, the researcher undertook an examination of massive killing of Nigeria citizens and the

accompanying systematic destruction of property, using the primary and secondary sources of

data to establish the point of genocide in Nigeria. The major instruments for data collection in

this study are the library, newspapers and magazines. In addition, oral interviews are carried

out when and where it seems necessary. All through the study, keen effort is made to study

genocide as it shows itself in the Nigerian contemporary society.

1.7 Definition of terms

Religion

As a concept, religion does not have a generally accepted definition. It means

different things to different people. The word ‘religion’, even though lacks a universally

accepted definition is pertinent to man. As Kellogg observed, it is yet to be proved that any

tribe has ever been found so degraded as to be utterly destitute of religious ideas28. Thus,

religion is universal and equally relevant to man.

Conceptually, religion is rooted in the Latin words relegere (to unite or link) and

religio (relationship, bond)29. This concept reveals a unique and strong relationship between

humans and a Supernatural Being. Religion therefore, can be defined as a system of beliefs

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and practices by which groups of people interpret and act in response to the Supernatural and

Sacred.

Specifically, religion is a feature that encompasses all human life and at the same

time, expresses faith in the existence of superhuman being(s). Ekwunife expressed this

understanding in defining religion as man’s awareness and recognition of his dependent

relationship on a transcendent being – the Wholly Other, expressible in human society

through beliefs, worships and ethical and moral behaviour30. This definition of religion

suggests that religion is an aspect of human experience that may intersect, incorporate or

transcend other aspects of life and society. It is without a doubt, a feature that encompasses

all human life.

In Nigeria, religion is a very sensitive matter. It undoubtedly has a very important

place in the daily lives of Nigerian citizens. A significant majority of Nigerians are not only

believers but regularly observe religious rituals and are active members of their religious

communities. For this reasons, religions also constitute a sensitive feature of today’s Nigeria.

Religion has helped in delineating certain differences the boundaries of State of origin and

ethnic affiliations could not reveal in Nigeria. A good example of such difference is seen in

dress style.

It is somewhat difficult if not impossible to separate a typical African from his

religious belief. This is particularly so with the Nigerian man. In this sense, Mbiti described

the African (Nigerian inclusive), ‘as notoriously religious’31. Religion is necessary in life and

human beings practice religion the world over. This is because religion has the potency to

make and shape man. It is surprising however, that the practice of religion often leads to

crises that betrays its massage. This is part of the problems addressed in this study.

25

Genocide

The term ‘genocide’ as earlier observed, was coined by a Polish lawyer Raphael

Lemkin in 1944, from the ancient Greek word ‘genos’ which means race or tribe and the

Latin word ‘cide’ that refers to killing or to kill. Genocide therefore suggests an act of killing

a racial group.

Lemkin the proponent of this concept argued that genocide can be;

... a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves. The objectives of such a plan would be the disintegration of the political and social institutions, of culture, language, national feelings, religion, and the economic existence of national groups, and the destruction of the personal security, liberty, health, dignity, and even the lives of the individuals belonging to such groups.”32

Ordinarily, this involves creating conditions calculated to cause the death of a group, which

may include destroying the means of life as much as actually executing the victims. Again, a

criminal intent to destroy or to cripple permanently a human group is portrayed in the

description above. The acts are directed against groups as such and individuals are selected

for destruction only because they belong to these groups.

According to the article II of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and

Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, genocide refers to any of the following acts committed

with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as

such:

a) Killing members of the group;

b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; c) D

eliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;

d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group33.

26

What has transpired on account of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria ranks as genocide

especially on the definition given in (a), (b), (c) and (d) of the UN convention definition. The

destruction wrecked on human lives and the systematic destruction of properties, especially

in Northern Nigeria speak volume of a pure genocide even though, the UN like some

scholars34, avoid the use of the term ‘genocide’ when describing the episodes of mass murder

in Nigeria. This work therefore, through phenomenological study of the events of mass

murder in Nigeria is set to establish that genocide as it were, has been taking place in Nigeria.

It is important to note that the UN convention definition has not been accepted as the

last word on the definition of genocide. This definition has often been criticized for excluding

some groups, e.g. political and social groups from the list of possible victims of genocide.

Many scholars find the clause ‘the intent to destroy in whole or in part’ problematic. Two of

the most common objections are that such intent can be difficult to establish and that the

attempt to assign such intent to individuals makes little sense in modern societies, where

violence can result as much from anonymous social and economic forces as from individual

choices.

In an attempt to further define genocide, Charny has made an observation that

genocide be seen as “the mass killing of substantial numbers of human beings, when not in

the course of military action against the military forces of an avowed enemy, under

conditions of the essential defenselessness and helplessness of the victims”35. Charny’s

observation conveys the insistence that all events of mass or collective murder be subsumed

as genocide.

Following the line of Charny’s observation, it can be argued that the incessant mass

killing in Nigeria is genocide. In the course of the researcher’s argument, it suffices to tell

that genocide in this present study is taken in the sense which Charny assigned to it, namely -

the mass killing of substantial numbers of human beings, when not in the course of military

27

action against the military forces of an avowed enemy, under conditions of the essential

defenselessness and helplessness of the victims.

Endnotes 1 Ejizu, Christopher. I. “Ofo as a Religious Symbol in Igbo Traditional Life”, Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, U.N.N., June 1984. v. 2 Fein Helen. "Genocide." Microsoft Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, (WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2008). 3 Ibid 4 Omer Bartov and Phyllis Mack, eds. In God’s Name: Genocide and Religion in the Twentieth Century. (New York: Berghahn Books, 2001) 1. 5 Richard Akinjide, “The Amalgamation of Nigeria was a Fraud” [article online]. (July 9, 2009, accessed 30 January 2012); available from http://www.dawodu.com/akinjid3.htm. 6 Abubakar A. Atofarati, The Nigerian Civil War, Causes, Strategies, and Lessons Learnt, [book online]. (US Marine Command & Staff College, 1992, accessed 14 December 2011); available from http://www.africamasterweb.com/BiafranWar.html. 7 See Miriam Ikejiani Clark “Nigeria-Biafra Civil War” in Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader, ed. Miriam Ikejiani Clark (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2009), 453. See also Okwudiba Nnoli, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Ltd., 1978), Godfrey Okeke, The Bafra-Nigeria war: A Human Tragedy. (London: E.A.W Curt Ltd., 1968), among others. 8 Okwudiba Nnoli, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Ltd., 1978) 112 9 Ibid, 77. 10 For more details on the activities of the Christian missionaries in Nigeria, see Ogbu U. Kalu, ed. Christianity in West Africa: The Nigerian Story. (Ibadan: Daystar Press, 1978), Edmund Ilogu Christianity and Igbo Culture: A study of the interaction of Christianity and Igbo Culture. (Enugu: NOK Publishers, 1974), E. A. Ayandele, The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria, 1842-1914: A Political and Social Analysis. (London: NOK Publishers, 1966). 11 See James Coleman, Nigeria Background to Nationalism. (Berkeley and LosAngeles: University of California Press, 1958). 12 See Miriam Ikejiani Clark “Nigeria-Biafra Civil War” in Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader, ed. Miriam Ikejiani Clark (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2009) 446. 13 See Okwudiba Nnoli, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Ltd., 1978), See James Coleman, Nigeria Background to Nationalism. (Berkeley and LosAngeles: University of California Press, 1958), Miriam Ikejiani Clark “Nigeria-Biafra Civil War” in Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader, ed. Miriam Ikejiani Clark (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2009) among others. 14 Miriam Ikejiani Clark “Nigeria-Biafra Civil War” in Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader, ed. Miriam Ikejiani Clark (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2009) 447. 15 B. Dudley, Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria. (London: Frank Cass, 1968) 220.

28

16 See R. Sklar, Nigerian Political Parties, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963) 327 cited in Okwudiba Nnoli, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Ltd., 1978). 17 Leonard Plotnicov, “An Early Nigerian Civil Disturbance: The 1945 Hausa – Ibo Riot in Jos”, Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. Ix No. 2 (August 1971), 298-299 cited in Okwudiba Nnoli, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co. Ltd., 1978) 233. 18 Ibid 19 Ibid. See Okwudiba Nnoli “Ethnic Violence in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective” [document online] ( accessed 12 December 2011); available from http://www/nnoli021003.pdf. See also the account of 1945 disturbances in Jos reported by Leonard Plotnicov which is documented above. 20 Miriam Ikejiani Clark op cit. 459. 21 “Atrocities in Nigeria’s Plateau State and the Responsibility to Protect” POLICY BRIEF of Global Centre for the RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT March 2010, paragraph 3. (accessed 10th July, 2010, available from globalr2p.org/media/pdf/Atrocities_in_Nigeria_ Plateau_State_and_RTP.pdf 22 See Cletus O. Obasi “The Role of Religion on Issues of Conflict and Peace” in Peace and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader, ed. Miriam Ikejiani Clark (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2009) 301-320. 23 Antony Lewis, WordWeb 4.5a Dictionary of English Language. (Princeton University Software and Database, 2006). 24 Hilary C. Achunike, Catholic Charismatic Movement in Igboland, 1970-1995. (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers, 2009) 3. 25 Christopher. I. Ejizu, “Ofo as a Religious Symbol in Igbo Traditional Life”, (Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, U.N.N., June 1984) 15. 26 C. Jouco. Bleeker “The Contribution of the Phenomenology of Religion to the Study of History of Religion” in Problems and Methods of the History of Religions, ed. U. Bianchi, C. J. Bleeker, & A. Bausani (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972) 40. 27 German philosopher, counted among the main exponents of existentialism. His groundbreaking work in ontology and metaphysics determined the course of 20th-century philosophy on the European continent and exerted an enormous influence in virtually every other humanistic discipline, including literary criticism, hermeneutics, psychology, and theology. 28 Samuel Henry Kellogg, A Handbook of Comparative Religion. (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1899) 6. 29 Hilary C. Achunike, “Religious Practices in Nigeria as Sources of Social Conflict,” Journal of Liberal Studies Vol. 12, NOS. 1 & 2, (December 2008): 286. 30 Ekwunife A. N. O., Politics and Religious Intolerance in Nigeria. (Enugu: SNAAP Publishers Limited, 1999) 3. 31 Mbiti J.S. Prayers of African Religion. (London: SPCK, 1976)

29

32 Rafael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress (Washington, D.C., 1944), 79–95. This chapter can be found at http://www.preventgenocide.org/lemkin/AxisRule1944-1.htm. 33 Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. 34 The UN in many of her reports, prefer the use of the term ‘Human Right Atrocities’, ‘Massacre’, ‘Religious Violence’, ‘Ethnic and Religious Killings’, etc to refer to the genocide that religion is promoting in Nigeria. Similarly, scholars in different fields use different terms such as; ‘The Killing Fields’, ‘Religious Crisis’, ‘Religious Conflicts’, ‘Ethno-Religious Killings’, etc. Only some prolific writers such as journalists seem to use the term genocide in describing the events. Whatever term the episode of mass killing in Nigeria assumes, it has one singular defining feature, and is seen in this work as genocide. 35 Charny, Israel W., Encyclopedia of Genocide,Volume 1, A-H. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO Publishers, 1999) 7.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

For a long period of time, there has been an unending circle of violent crises in many

parts of Nigeria. These crises have claimed lives in millions and systematically destroyed the

cities in question. Initially, Kano and Kaduna were mainly the places most prone to this circle

of crises. Afterwards, places like Bauchi, and Bornu became known as such. In the last

decade (2000 - 2010) up to date, the city of Jos in Plateau State came to the limelight in this

vice and has so far made gruesome records. Gombe, Jigawa, Kastina and Yobe States have

equally had their share of the crisis. Virtually every part of Northern Nigeria has been known

for one violent crisis or another. The best way to describe the events of these crises in relation

to the deaths and destruction it had caused is purely in genocide. It is in this connection that

the researcher thinks it is not out of place to discuss the issue of genocide in a country

bedevilled by the massive killing of civilians. Related literature in the topic is here reviewed

for a better understanding of the subject matter. Again, to buttress the point of genocide in

Nigeria, the study analyzed the crises in Nigeria every twenty years. But within the twenty

years the analysis is done decadenally.

30

2.1 Crises in Nigeria 1950 – 1970

The period under survey covers two decades. The first of these decades (1950-1960)

falls within the pre-independence period while the second (1960-1970) is post independence

period. The major cause of the crises witnessed in these periods was fundamentally politics.

The first recorded crisis took place in 1953 at Kano the capital of Kano Emirate and a famous

trade centre in Northern region. It is on record that politics created the opportunity for this

crisis.

Prior to 1953, Nnoli reflected that the issues of self government had created a lot of

political disagreement between Northern and Southern Nigeria. Within this period, the

Southern part of Nigeria was prepared for self government and hence intensified agitation for

independence. In 1953, precisely on the 31st of March, Anthony Enahoro from the Southern

region moved a motion in the House of representative to implement this policy. In line with

available reports, the Northern region at this time was not as prepared as the South for self

government35. Hence, the North resisted the move and instead sought for an amendment. This

amendment was rejected by the South and the meeting ended in disagreement. As a result of

this disagreement there was exchange of offensive words by the two groups. On the part of

the South, the newspapers further subjected the Northerners to vitriolic criticism and

ridicule35. It was the attack that seemingly exacerbated the anger of the Northerners and

perhaps led to the 1953 riots.

Waugh and Cronge in Biafra British Shame reported that on May 16, 1953 (barely

two months from the House of Representative disagreement in Lagos), violent anti-Southern

rioting broke out in Kano and in three days of violence about 40 people died and 241 were

injured35. The immediate cause of the crisis, as Waugh and Cronge remarked, was an Action

Group Party Conference held in the city. In their remark, the authors pointed out that it is

31

interesting to know that although the Action Group Party was based on the Yoruba West,

most of the victims of the riot were Eastern region Igbo. According to the authors, the real

cause of the riots was the Northern fear of Southern political demands and the relentless

approach of independence35. The riots were so violent and bloody that the then British

Administration set up an official commission of inquiry to investigate what happened.

The commission of inquiry reported among other things, that the attack was organised

and well planned. Mallam Inua Wada, the then secretary of the Kano branch of the Northern

People’s congress (NPC) and later the Federal Minister of Works in the Federal Government

of the late Sir Abubakar Tafawa Belewa was the principal organiser of the riot. The official

report disclosed that the immediate cause of the riot was the proposed visit of Western

Yoruba politician Chief S.L. Akintola of Action Group party which was then a bitter

opponent of the NPC the dominant Northern party. Consistent with the report;

On Saturday 16th May 1953 these organised crowds swooped down in bloody massacre on innocent citizens in spite of the fact that the visit of Chief Akintola’s team had been previously banned. Chief Akintola did not show up in Kano35.

One would have expected that the anger of this organised crowd of Northern youths would

have been directed towards the Yoruba populace but on the contrary, the line of massacre

showed that the target group was the people of Eastern Nigeria origin. According to the

official reports;

The irony in the whole incident was that the Northern rioters switched the attacked from Westerners (Yorubas) whom they scarcely touched to Easterners whom they butchered with a ‘universally unexpected degree of violence’35.

This 1953 Kano riot presaged subsequent large scale ethnic violence in Nigeria and was

apparently the beginning of genocide in Nigeria.

32

In genocide studies, three central themes are predominant. The first is the intent to

destroy a group, the second is a perpetrator of the genocide and the third is a victim group35.

In the case reported above, the way and manner in which the massacre was carried out

seemed to have reflected the resentment of the Igbo ethnic group by the indigenous Muslim

Hausa population. Thus, the intent to destroy in whole or in part of a group, which forms a

central theme of genocide, is perceived. Obviously, the perpetrator of the genocide is the

Muslim Hausa population and the victim group is the Igbo ethnic group. It is possible that

some other ethnic groups might have recorded a number of deaths but it is evident that the

Igbo ethnic group was the most affected. At first, the reports clearly stated that Easterners

were butchered with a ‘universally unexpected degree of violence’. Secondly, it is to be

recalled that the Easterners at this time were also the major socio-economic competitors of

the Northerners, a position that largely exposed them to Northern hostility. The pogrom that

took place in Nigeria’s first decade (1960-1970) as an independent nation, the Nigeria-Biafra

Civil War and the unending circle of violent crises in the country prove this point of genocide

beyond doubt.

There is no doubt that in one way the 1953 riot in Kano was a retaliation of the self

government disagreement at the House of Representatives in Lagos. Nkemdirim for instance

acknowledged that it was the news about the Action Group planned meeting for self-

government campaign in Kano that stirred up agitation in Kano35. But a phenomenological

survey of the 1953 Kano riot showed that the riot itself was more than that. In this writer’s

opinion, the riot was clearly a mission of genocide. Two reasons lead to this conclusion.

Firstly, the official report indicated that the meeting of Akintola was suspended. In spite of the

suspension of this meeting, the organised group went ahead to carry out the genocidal

instructions of their organizers. If the group’s obsession was actually against the intended

33

self-government campaign of the Action Group in the city, the suspension of its visit should

settle the grievances. The second point lies in the restraint and selectivity that characterised

the riot evident in the manner of looting and pillage of property which loomed large in the

rioting activities of the crowd.

The official report and newspaper reports both acknowledged that looting and pillage

were on considerable scale in the riot35. Nkemdirim reflecting on this showed that although

looting and pillage were on considerable scale, the rioters showed particular violence against

shops, furniture stores, commercial houses, and market stalls owned by the Southerners in

Sabon Gari. On the other hand, the writer continued, European stores and commercial houses,

schools and hospitals escaped the attention of the rioters35. The reports however, did not tell

why the targets of the looters were highly selective and not indiscriminate. This observation

led Nkemdirim to a plausible conclusion thus:

While there is no doubt that looting is illegal and constitutes a criminal act, the motives of the looters were not criminal. ..., the looting was not just an extension of normal (in statistical sense) criminal activity, but an indication of a structural desire on the part of the natives for change with regards to property ownership in Northern Nigeria. The magnitude of looting of Southern-owned properties in Kano during the civil disorder ... was an expression of deep resentment over the Southern social and economic dominance in the North35.

Nkemdirim’s suggestion is particularly strong when one observes that after the riots, an

influential association of businessmen called the Northern Amalgamated Merchants’ Union

was organised in Kano primarily to pressure government into providing opportunities for

businessmen of Northern origin in order to counterbalance the economic dominance of the

Southerners in the North. The leading spokesman of this association was Alhaji Ahmadu

Dantata a member of the House of Assembly who is reported to have urged that the

government’s Northernization policy which has been mentioned elsewhere in this study be

extended from the civil service to the economic sphere. It is to be recalled also, that it was in

34

response to this pressure that the Northern government established Loan Corporations which

granted loans to Northern businessmen35.

Again, Nkemdirim, unlike Ikejiani and Nnoli clearly saw the point of genocide but

could not name it out-rightly. What is needed to make the point of genocide clearer is the

census of the riot. Who were killed, wounded, captured and interrogated should serve as a

rough index of determining the victim and the perpetrator of this genocide. Unfortunately,

there is no available record for this. However, from every fact that could give an idea of what

a census might show supports the present writer’s observations and conclusion. Nkemdirim

and Nnoli citing the Northern Region of Nigeria Report on Kano Disturbances reported 36

deaths (15 Northerners and 21 Southerners) and 241 injured. On the other hand, Waugh and

Cronje reported that at least 40 died and 241 were wounded while Ikejiani noted that

conservative estimates gave 52 persons as killed and 277 wounded35. This 1953 incident in

Kano is therefore, the point of departure of genocide in Nigeria. This conclusion

unquestionably, calls for criticism and a far more reliable testing.

Albert35 in ‘Inter-Ethnic Relations in a Nigerian City: A Historical Perspective of the

Hausa- Igbo Conflicts in Kano 1953-1991 discussed the immigration of the Igbo into Kano;

the context in which the hostility between them and the Hausa-Fulani host population was

built up and the extent to which it could be said to have threatened the safety of the Igbo in

Kano. The author used the theoretical framework of the predominance of economic

considerations in the decision of people to migrate from one place to another, to try to

establish that the Igbo of Eastern Nigeria migrated to Kano in search of better economic

conditions. According to the author, the conflicts between the two groups were largely caused

by the socio-cultural, religious and economic differences. The study concluded that until the

broad national question in the country are realistically addressed at the appropriate level, the

35

relationship between Southern Nigerians in Kano and their host population may continue to

worsen. Indeed, Albert presented his arguments convincingly but he failed to point out the

role politics plays in propelling the crises between the two groups he studied.

The decade 1960 – 1970 is a very important decade in the history of Nigeria. Nigeria

got political independence from the British colonial masters in this decade, precisely on

October 1, 1960. From this date, political leadership of Nigeria became vested in Nigerians.

The decade however, witnessed the worst crises ever in the history of Nigeria. More than four

million Nigerians lost their lives in this decade. The period could be described as the peak of

genocide in Nigeria.

The controversies and crises of 1960-1970 kicked off in 1962, barely two years after

the political independence. Ikejiani discussing the crises that took place in this decade before

the Civil War reported of Western Nigeria Emergency of 1962, The National Census

Controversy of 1962, The Federal Election Crises of 1964 and Western Nigerian Election

Crisis of 196535. A common feature of this era was ethnic or tribal consciousness. It could be

said with Ikejiani that within this period, tribalism was more than ever deep rooted35. A

phenomenological examination of the events suggested that the Igbo ethnic group that are

often referred to as the ‘Jews of Nigeria’ were not wanted in any part of the country beyond

the East. In this connection, it should be recalled that the Vice Chancellor of University of

Lagos and Ibadan (who both happened to be Igbo) were replaced by Yorubas35 within this

period. Dr Biobaku replaced Professor Eni Njoku at the University of Lagos. The West

African Pilot reflecting on the incident described Njoku as having been shoed out to make

room for a child of the bedchamber, reflecting a war against the Jews of Nigeria for no other

offence than that they are pushful and alert35.

36

In the event of the widespread violence, law and order had broken down and

thousands of lives were lost. As Obiagwu and Odinkalu reported;

Between 1964 and 1965, there was widespread civil unrest in many parts of the country following the general elections in 1964. In the Western region for instance, the civil unrest led to loss of thousands of lives. Consequently, the central government declared a state of emergency in the entire western region, and suspended some officials of the western regional government. This led to more crises and more loss of lives.35

This sporadic genocide continued due to the prolonged civil crisis and on 15th January 1966,

the Nigerian military stepped in to at least save the country from total collapse. This military

incursion was the bloody military coup d’état of January 1966 which was followed by a

countercoup in July 1966. Many literature point to the coup d’état as the origin of crisis in

Nigeria, but thus far, it seems that such conclusions are erroneous. The analysis of the coup is

of little importance here but suffice it to say that both coup d’états were ethnic in character.

The major interest here is on the genocide that accompanied the coup.

In his reported findings, Okeke revealed that on 28th – 29th of May 1966, there was

simultaneous rioting in the towns and villages all over the Northern region, following the

General A. Ironsi’s 24th May Media Broadcast. The (January 1966 coup d’état produced

General Ironsi as the Military Head of State) riots started as demonstration against the

General Ironsi’s proposal for a unitary government. According to Okeke, when a count was

taken, over one thousand people mainly of Eastern region had lost their lives and several

thousands were injured. However, Nnoli reported that at the end of the debacle, over 3000

Igbo have been killed or wounded35. This massive killing of Easterners reportedly, led to a

phase of the exodus of the people of Eastern origin out of Northern region. The exodus of the

people later gave rise to a refugee problem. In line with the Okeke’s report,

the refugees were in actual fact just more than ordinary dispossessed and tired refugees, some of them had their arms and legs broken, hands hacked off,

37

mouths split wide open, pregnant mothers were cut open and the unborn children killed, school girls raped and students had their eyes gorged out35.

Surely, the above was genocide in a very pronounced sense. Okeke writing at this time

referred to the incident as human tragedy. Genocide is of course, a crime against humanity.

So, a human tragedy is genocide. What took place May 1966 in Nigeria was genocide and

especially a continuation of the genocide that kicked off at Kano in 1953. The intent to wipe

out an ethnic group is expressed in the way and manner the killings were carried out. The

extent of the massacre that included the killing of pregnant mothers and their unborn babies

expresses the point (d) of the article II of the UN Convention definition of genocide which

reads; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group. It is customary to

conceal the level of atrocities unleashed on people in times of violent crises world over. In

this light, the number of casualties was played down and Eastern Nigerians were not told the

magnitude of the atrocity the Northerners had unleashed on their kin.

Scholars like Dike, Azikiwe, Nwankwo, Uwechue, Ikejiani and Nnoli used the word

pogrom in describing the genocidal massacre of the Igbo in this decade. Pogrom is a planned

killing of large numbers of people, usually done for reasons of race or religion35. A pogrom is

also a form of violent riot, a mob attack, approved or condoned by government or military

authorities, directed against a particular group, whether ethnic, religious or any other group

and is characterized by killings and destruction of the homes and properties, businesses, and

religious centres of such group. Pogrom usually carries connotation of spontaneous hatred

within the majority population against certain (usually ethnic) minorities, which are seen as

dangerous and harming the interests of majority. The term was originally used to denote

extensive violence against Jews in the Russian Empire and a series of anti-German pogroms

in Russia in 1915. In extreme cases, pogrom results to genocide35. Within the period the

above scholars researched, the use of the term pogrom could adequately describe the events of

38

mass killing in Nigeria. However, it can be argued that what is experienced in the present is

an extreme case of pogrom which could be rightly described as genocide.

Following closely in the wake of the May 1966 killings, the July massacre of the Igbo

within the armed forces commenced. Nnoli reported that on the 29 July Northern soldiers

descended with ethnic vengeance on the Igbo officers and men, eliminating them in large

numbers35. This July massacre of the Igbo was followed by what many scholars described as a

most destructive pogrom ensued in the North against the Igbo. In the genocidal massacre that

ensued between 29th September 1966 and the end of November of the same year, over 50,000

Igbo were gruesomely murdered, usually under inhumane conditions, maimed or horribly

mutilated. The official reports35 put the death toll at about 60,000 and over 2 million Igbo that

survived the killing and maiming became refugees in Eastern Nigeria.

It was reported that the scale and spread of the violence together with the participation

of mutinous soldiers was unprecedented35. Okeke also observed that the acts of killing were

executed by soldiers in uniform against innocent and defenceless civilians. This complicity of

security personnel in violent situation in Nigeria still persists to date and have given rise to

some ugly situations. For instance, in recent genocidal massacres in Northern Nigeria, some

miscreants are reported to have appeared in either police or military uniforms in order to carry

out a smooth genocidal act usually uninterrupted.

It is important to note that it was these planned and mediated acts of genocide which

in May, July, September and October claimed the lives of over 60,000 Eastern Nigerians

prepared the ground for the Civil War. The Nigerian-Biafra Civil War (July 1967 – January

1970) was the worst genocide of this decade. In the raid, over 3 million Igbo were massacred

by the Nigerian military. It is unfortunate that in spite of the huge human and material loss of

the Nigerian-Biafra Civil War, the point of genocide turned a subject of debate. The

39

Organisation of African Unity (OAU), United Nations and Nigerian government failed to

recognize the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War as an act of genocide. On the contrary, Nigerian

government argued that its principal objective was to bring back the Eastern State to the

federation, not the destruction of the Igbo. In other words, they sought to address the threat of

secession. The rebuff of genocide notwithstanding, it is evident in genocide studies that the

mass murder of members of a particular group constitutes genocide. In addition, it should be

recalled that before the commencement of the Civil War, nothing less than 60,000 Igbo were

massacred by the Northerners. Again, with the majority of Northerners in Nigerian military,

the Civil War served as an opportunity for Northerners to complete their intentional

extermination of the Igbo which it has pursued since 1953 or even 1945 as records show. So,

the Nigerian-Biafra War is genocide of the Igbo.

2.2 Carnage in Nigeria, 1970 – 1990

The early period of the decade 1970 – 1980 was relatively peaceful in Nigeria. The

violent activities within this period included the Maitatsine religious uprising of the eighties.

From 1980, most incidents of collective violence in Nigeria assumed religious character.

Remarkably, religious beliefs not only constitute a very emotional issue in Nigeria, it also

provides a relatively simple and easy way to identify an opponent. Arguably, Nigeria seems

to be divided into the Muslim North and the Christian South. While the reasons for the

violence that has produced genocide in Nigeria are manifold and complex, the instigators

have found that they gain more support when they put their arguments in religious terms.

This way, the tensions generated by economic, politics and other factors have often led to

polarization along religious lines. As Padan remarks, religious violence in Nigeria must be

understood as part of a complicated political context in a country striving to maintain national

unity amongst an ethnically diverse population split evenly between Christians and

40

Muslims35. Therefore, it should be understood that the problem in Nigeria is not necessarily

caused by religion but is unfortunately seen from religious perspective.

Akaeze’s report35 shows that the period 1980-2010 witnessed different dimensions in

the history of crises in Nigeria. Violent attacks were launch against life, property and places

of worship leading to the loss of thousands of lives and properties to ethnic and religious

crises. A lot of people were killed because of their religious affiliations as the Maitatsine

religious sect reigned supreme. In the report, Akaeze provided a comprehensive review of the

activities of the duo up to 2009. The report noted that the very first violence in Kano shocked

many Nigerians to their marrow. The Kano incident known as the Kano Maitatsine religious

riot of December 1980 stands out for being the first religious violent crisis that took a huge

toll on human life and property35. 4,177 lives were lost in this crisis alone.

The Maitatsine sect is a group of religious fanatics led by Muhammad Marwa a

Cameroonian. In December 1980, members of this group took to the streets of Kano,

proclaiming their brand of Islam to be superior to every other one, including Christianity. In

the process of this demonstration the sect initiated an orgy of violence that claimed enormous

human lives and property. Hamza expressed the degree of violence thus:

The city of Kano was shaken to the marrow, pandemonium erupted and the whole country under the leadership of the first civilian executive president, Shehu Shagari was gripped with fear of the outbreak of civil war ...35.

After the outrageous massacre of about 4,177 in Kano in 1980, Akaeze reported that

the Maitatsine shifted base to Bornu State. In Bornu the Maitatsine sect collaborated with

other Islamic groups (Kala-Kota) to instigate violence. One of the famous crises led by the

duo is the Bulumkutu Maiduguri crisis with a record of about 118 deaths in October 1982

while a huge loss of property was recorded.

41

In this sporadic genocide Akaeze observed that the Maitatsine sect further spread their

tentacles to the old Gongola State and instigated violence in 1984. Consistent with the

reports, by the time security forces battled to restore order in parts of the State like Jimeta,

Dobeli, Zango, Yelwa, Va’atita, Rumde and Nassarawa, no fewer than 568 persons had lost

their lives while property worth millions of Naira were destroyed35.

Another phase of religiocide35 linked to the Maaitatsine sect was between April 26-

28, 1985 in the Pantami area of Gombe State in the then Bauchi State. 105 Nigerians

reportedly lost their lives in the crisis and as usual, properties worth several thousand were

equally destroyed. One year after the massacre and destruction of human lives in Pantami, in

a seeming religiocide, Akaeze reported that Christians and Muslims engaged each other in a

superiority fight in Ilorin. The actual cause of this fight according to the reports was the

attack mounted on the Christians who were on Palm Sunday procession by militant

Muslims35. This incident made a record of destruction of properties including church

buildings. In March 1987 confrontations were witnessed in Kafanchan between Muslims and

Christians. As usual, a record of loss of both lives and properties was made. An assessment of

Akaeze’s reports revealed that from 1980-2009 there was no single year without some

number of crises in Nigeria.

In the entire crisis involving the Maitatsine and Boko Haram sect, the sight of cudgel

wielding fanatics, mutilated bodies, burnt houses and vehicles were common scenes. The

victims of the Maitatsine and Boko Haram sects were defined primarily by their religious

affiliations. Many Christians and possibly some Muslims who do not subscribe to the sects

brand of Islam were abruptly massacred. This study identifies such incidents of killings along

religious lines as religiocide.

Gofwen in his book Religious Conflicts in Northern Nigeria and Nation Building: The

Throes of Two Decades 1980-200035 analyzed the causes and pattern of religious conflicts in

42

Northern Nigeria and their impact on nation building. In the study which covered two decades

of conflicts (1980-2000) Gofwen categorized the trends of religious conflicts into two. The

first are those whose immediate and remote causes where either socio-ethnic, political or

economic but in their blow out form, find expression and assume a religious dimension. The

second are those which are products of religious disputes and competitions35. In the analysis,

Gofwen demonstrated that the crises occurred partly because the state became entangled in

religious issues and partisanship. It is in this regard that the present writer considers the issues

of this study namely; Religion and Genocide: The Nigerian Experience. With a careful study

of Kafanchan March 1987 Crises and Kano Reinhard Bonkke Crisis of October 1991 this

scholar suggested that the solution to ethnic and religious crises in Nigeria is to roll back the

state from the sphere of religion and to excise religious fundamentalism from the public

sphere. In so doing, Gofwen pointed out that the Nigerian state can discharge its primary

function which is guaranteeing the citizens a dignified, free and safe life without

discrimination on the basis of religion, ethnicity and linguistic association, place of origin,

political opinion, sex, status and circumstances of birth.

In contextualising the historical roots of religious conflicts in northern Nigeria,

Gofwen observed that colonial experience of the nation laid the foundation35 which were

rooted in the following (1) the creation of Northern Nigeria as a region, (2) the policy of

separate development and the entrenchment of values of a particular ethnic/religious group

within the multi-ethnic and multi-religious region. The consequence of these actions in the

scholar’s view resulted in the politicisation of religion in the postcolonial State which

assumed a national dimension in the wake of intra-elite power struggle within the context of

an ailing economy. In this regard Gofwen like Sani35 identified the manipulation of religion as

43

a weapon which consequently has resulted in the pragmatic involvement of the Nigerian State

in religious matters which undermined its principle of secularity.

With due reference to Balogun’s observation in 1988 that religious intolerance should

be seen as hostility towards other religions as well as the inability of religious adherents to

harmonise between the theories and practical aspects of religion35, Gofwen identifies religious

intolerance as the major source of conflicts in all societies existing as long as history of

mankind and permeating all forms of human civilizations with attendant destructive

tendencies. In an attempt to analyze the relationship between religion and politics in Northern

Nigeria, Gofwen establishes that the fossilised intra-elite struggle for the control of the

Nigerian State has resulted in the absolute manipulation of religion: a situation which is

worsened by the national economic crisis which has limited State capacity in meeting its

welfare and social security responsibilities to its citizenry. This, the writer observes has

resulted in high level of discontent as poverty bites hard and conflicts become rife as citizens

are seen to use this opportunity to express their discontent against leadership and at the same

time, making it an avenue for material reward either from their sponsors or the looting carted

away during this crises35. It is within this context that some individuals argue that most crises

in Nigeria are not religious. As an example, Salisu Yakasai the chairman of the Nigerian

Union of Journalist (NUJ) in Kano commenting on the Reinhard Bonkke crusade crisis of

October 1991 in Kano stated that:

... the riot was essentially economic, for its main participants and vanguard were the unemployed: This is not a religious riot at all. Its genesis was purely economic. Even while the Emir was speaking, looting had begun. Religion does not sanction looting35.

Subsequently, Gofwen drawing from analysis of the immediate and remote causes of religious

conflicts especially within the period 1980-2000, concluded that economic depression in the

country is the pre-eminent factor. In the scholar’s argument, economic depression had an

44

attending effect on the socio-political fabric of the Nigerian society, resulting in untold

hardships which gave boom to a burgeoning fundamentalism among adherents of the two

major religions.

Sani presented a narration of the volatile issues of religion, ethnicity and reprisal

killings in Northern Nigeria which he describes as the killing fields. The scholars work is an

insight into the horrific killings and the consequences of religious and ethnic conflicts in

Nigeria. In the work, Sani characteristically went into detail to describe how Northern Nigeria

uses ethnicity and most especially religion as its main weapon of power acquisition. This

agrees with Akinjobi and Ayandele’s observation in 1980 where they both stressed that civil

and religious affairs were intertwined35 and that no major political decisions were made

without the sanction of religious chiefs.

Sani made good attempts in providing details of the genocidal killings ethno-religious

conflicts have caused in the 19 States of Northern Nigeria from the late 70s to 200435,

pointing out that the Igbo suffered more loss than other ethnic groups in terms of human and

material loss. Phenomenologically, Sani observed that Indigene Settler Syndrome,

Unemployment and Poverty, Marginalization, the Process of the Creation of the Foci of

Power Allocation, Rise of Ethnic Militia, Boundary Land Disputes and Differences of Value

are among the major causes35 of conflict in Nigeria.

In enumerating the consequences of the killings and systemic destruction which this

writer contextualizes as genocide, Sani pointed out that the 80s and 90s were decades that

witnessed the resurgence of violent ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. The consequences

Sani remarked were obvious, including political instability, negative international image,

breakdown of social order and heightened mutual suspicion between the adherents of different

faiths35. This coincides with Charny’s35 observation of the aftermath of genocide in which

45

survivors and the society that witnessed genocide have to contend with its often inextricably

intertwined political, religious, social, psychological and moral implications and

repercussions. The process entails repression to normality, empathy with the suffering of

others and preoccupation with one’s unique pain and sorrow.

The scholar further pointed out that dislocation in relationships and physical

settlement as exemplified by Kaduna situation where there is a sharp segregation in settlement

along religious and ethnic divides is also a consequence of this vice. Genocidal massacres are

known with savage and excessive killing of people and destruction of property. Sani reflected

this thus:

Ethno-religious conflicts have also resulted in the destruction of property and deaths of several thousands of people, an irreparable loss of human resources that could have been used for developmental purposes35.

Usually, it seems almost impossible to determine the exact number of loss in terms of human

life in violent crises. Sani admitted this fact, but remarked that media records bear a clear

testimony to the fact that indeed, thousands of lives were lost in the killing fields35. In

suggestion of possible solutions as a way of conclusion, Sani referred Nigerian nation to place

priority on the nations’ educational development which will contribute to the eradication of

illiteracy and by extension ethno-religious conflicts. Also, the issues of endemic poverty

especially in Northern Nigeria should be addressed by government. Security votes which are

meant for ensuring the safety and stability of States should be closely monitored and its

expenditure supervised by government. Media practitioners need to be adequately trained in

the area of conflict and security reporting by both government and civil societies. With

reference to Bala Mohammed35, Sani pointed out that the manipulation of religion in national

politics which in no small measure has undermined the nation’s peace and democracy has to

be checked. This check for Sani is to include the re-orientation of Nigerians particularly

46

among the youths, the review of school curriculum so as to lay emphasis on the application of

religion to orientate the young minds to support national goals and the incorporation of peace

studies and conflict resolution as part of school curriculum. All these for Sani, are measures of

regulating religion so as to avoid low level of religious knowledge among the people, the

manipulation of religion and also to encourage the reformation or dismantling of the Almajiri

system of education which the author decries has outlived its value and essence as the school

has become a harbinger of young drug addicts, thieves, dreadful criminals and ready-made

tool for political thuggery and religious violence.

The scholar emphasized that Arts, Music and Sports which are emerging factors that

synthesize the consciousness of Nigerians of diverse faith should be encouraged by

government for national unity and harmonious co-existence. Also, government should

endeavour to enforce the implementation of probe panel reports in order to prevent criminal

impunity on the side of the offenders and their sympathizers. At last, with proper reference to

chinua Achebe’s Trouble With Nigeria35, Sani pointed out that leadership should be selfless as

a self-serving leadership with narrow socio-economic and political interest, characteristically appeasing the class of a privileged few and ostracising the mass of the people through economic policies that disempower them, and entrancing socio-economic injustices has by its conduct created a volatile atmosphere for all forms of crises35.

The above re-emphasizes the observation of Chinua Achebe that

The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing wrong with Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate, or water or air or anything else. Nigeria’s problem is the unwillingness or inability of leaders to rise to the responsibility; to the challenges of personal examples which are the hallmark of true leadership35.

Sani has indeed formulated the question and also pointed out possible solutions but

has not worked out the issue in full details. As a writer, he rightly described Northern Nigeria

as the killing fields but avoided the use of the word - genocide. Sani’s examination of the

47

massacres is not in-depth because even though he pointed out that the Igbo ethnic group

suffered more loss; he failed to see the killings as planned way of eliminating a preconceived

enemy. The genocidal massacres in Northern Nigeria speak volume of segregated settlement

in most of the cities informed by mutual suspicion about religious/ethnic groups that are still

nursing grudges and preparing themselves for the unexpected. It also speaks of businesses that

have suffered irreparable dislocation, families that have been ruined, even exterminated. The

contention here is that unless clear cut self defence can be reasonably proven, whenever a

large number of people are put to death by other people, it constitutes genocide. The human

slaughter in the killing fields was neither accidental nor unintended result of the actions of the

perpetrators. In virtually every case of these killings, a calculated and generally premeditated

set of actions designed to achieve certain goals is always visible. The perpetrators in all cases

were either aiming at the removal of competitors or the silencing of opponents. This is why

this writer argues for genocide.

2.3 Religious Massacres in Nigeria 1990 - 2010

Within this period, the sporadic genocide in Nigeria shifted base to Jos Plateau State.

This is not to say that other parts of the North did not witness crisis within this period. But the

city of Jos made gruesome record in the history of crises within this period. As Ajaero and

Philips35 pointed out, The Jos crisis dates back to April 1994 when the once popular tin city

lost its innocence. The two reporters traced the genesis of the problem to the creation of Jos

North Local Government Area (L.G.A) in 1991 by General Ibrahim Babangida. According to

their report, the creation of Jos north L.G.A by Babangida tended to have sown the seeds of

discord that has continued to hunt Jos to the present.

Shedrack Gaya Best in Conflict and Peace Building in Plateau State, Nigeria35

examines the burning issues that led to the various ethnic and religious conflicts in different

48

parts of Plateau State of Nigeria from the 1990s till 2006. In the work, Best employed various

scientific methods to source the data used to determine the causes of conflicts and the

dynamics. The author provided reasons for the recurrence of the crises and discussed

measures taken so far to manage the crises. On the whole, Best indicated that Nigeria has

witnessed the upsurge in the occurrences of violent crises since the eighties35.

Similarly, Ostein’s35 study which centres on Jos Plateau State indicated that while

conflict between indigenes of particular localities and settlers there, is widespread in Nigeria,

sometimes religious difference compounds the problem. The essay studies the indigene-

settler tensions in Jos, the capital of Plateau State, which have erupted into violent clashes

claiming many hundreds of lives within the period under survey. According to Ostien, the

story of the 2008 outbreak is told against its background of ethnicity, religion, local history,

local politics, the ambivalent state of Nigerian law on the subject of indigene rights, and,

perhaps most harmfully and most intractably, corrupt and incompetent government. The

conclusion suggests little hope for quick improvement.

Likewise, Hagazi35 in the study on Jos noted that violence in Plateau State began after

two decades of increasing collective violence in other parts of northern Nigeria, the worst of

which occurred in Kano, Kaduna and Bauchi States. According to the author, Plateau State is

currently the main site of ethnic and religious violence in northern Nigeria. The study

observed that episodes of mass killing and destruction which had claimed several thousand

lives have occurred in Jos in 2001, 2002, 2008 and 2010. In Hagazi’s opinion, there is lack of

clarity on what the causes of the conflict are, though the dominant discourses in the conflicts

refer to political exclusion on the basis of ethnicity and religion, on the Muslim side, and fears

of religious and cultural domination, among Plateau Christians. A key issue in the conflicts in

49

Plateau State in the author’s view is the relationship between the state and different sections

of the citizenry.

Certainly, the total number of people killed in Plateau State in the decade 2001-2010

run into several thousands. The fact that there are no institutions of data collection to present

the actual data of the killings after crisis makes it very problematic to ascertain the actual

number of victims. Consequently, the number of deaths is often manipulated for unknown

reasons. This forms partly the reason why some scholars avoid entirely the use of the word

genocide. Scholars and researchers should be reminded to focus on genocide. The parameters

are clear, the manner and style of killing all point to the fact of genocide.

A committee set up by the Plateau State government to investigate crises in the State

reported that there have been 53,787 violent deaths in Plateau from 7 September 2001 to 18

May 2004, when a six month state of emergency was imposed by the federal government and

the state governor and legislature suspended from office35. To some writers, this figure seems

to be exaggerated but the Chairman of the committee Thomas Kagnaan said the committee

had arrived at the figure after visiting communities in Plateau that had been affected by the

violence. Survivors there listed the relations they had lost in the fighting between rival militia

groups armed with guns and machetes. The day after the report of this committee was

published, IRIN, a media project of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian

Affairs, wrote:

The Committee of Rehabilitation and Reconciliation of Internally Displaced People said in a report published on Thursday that almost 19,000 men and more than 17,000 women and 17,000 children had been killed during 32 months of retaliatory violence between Christians and Muslims --- 53,787 deaths in all. The committee reported that 280,000 people had been forced to flee their homes as a result of the violence in Plateau State, although the majority had now been resettled. But at least 25,000 houses had been razed to the ground and some 1,300 herds of cattle had been slaughtered during the battles.35

50

No doubt, there are no established institutions for relevant data gathering and analysis that

could serve as database to know the exact number of deaths and displacements after crises.

However, it is possible for a committee of enquirer to ascertain the actual figures after a field

work. The population of death from the reports basically, reflects the magnitude of genocidal

massacre that was carried out in the city of Jos. It is erroneous to think that genocide must

always refer to the holocaust. The killing of substantial number of human beings and large

scale destruction of property as have been witnessed in many parts of Northern Nigeria

suffice for genocide.

Ugwu’s study on Religious Conflicts in Kaduna and Kano States of Nigeria35

describes Kano and Kaduna as the hotbeds generating religious crises in Nigeria. Ugwu

observes that a plethora of factors have been responsible for the innumerable high toll of

religious crises in these States. Some of the causes Ugwu pointed out include; government

supports, long standing disagreement, unfounded rumours, aggressive and chauvinistic

ethnicity, distortion of history, crass ignorance and disagreements which bother on needs and

value judgement to poverty. Remarkably, Ugwu observed that;

One of the principal and outstanding factors fanning the embers of religious crises in our nation and especially that has continued to fuel in Kano and Kaduna States are deeply motivated by colonial government support and favouritism. Right from Lord Lugard regime and that of Donald Cameroun, the policies appear to have favoured the Northern part of this country more than the South35.

The present study has stated earlier that genocide in Nigeria has a colonial origin and its

spread tied to the purpose of colonialism. Ugwu’s observation apparently, bears this out.

Elsewhere in this study, it has been shown how Lord Lugard prevented the Christian

missionaries from evangelising in the North. Also, Donald Cameroun took a similar stance

when reportedly in an effort to persuade some Christian missionaries from evangelising the

North said:

The task of inculcating into the Northern leaders the idea of religious tolerance was a hard task that needed time to accomplish35.

51

Some writers however argue that what informed the apparent government over-protection of

the North from the South is simply because it did not want to disturb the flourishing state of

the indirect system of government in the North.

Analysing the causes of these crises, Ugwu noted that a monumental cause of the

continued and constant crises in Kano specifically is the consequence of the 15th January coup

d’état led by Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu which eventually led to the 1966 pogrom35.

Details of this coup d’état and the role it has played in the scheme of thing in Nigeria will be

thoroughly examined in subsequent sections of this study but it suffices to say with Ugwu that

the scar in the minds of common Igbo man who feels that what appears to be a political

situation was swiftly and quickly an opportunity converted by irate Muslims to pour their

venom on the targeted enemies (the Christians of the South)35.

Ugwu further noted that ignorance, unguarded utterances and rumours were also

fundamental to religious crises. In conclusion, some recommendations were raised by the

author which if adopted in the author’s opinion is able, not only reduce the recurring issue of

religious crises but to completely place it behind the history of the nation.

Achunike studied religious practices in Nigeria as sources of social conflict and

constructively demonstrated that the plural nature of Nigerian nation has sadly exacerbated

the conflict in the society which often is religious in origin35. The study shows that social

conflicts particularly in Nigeria that are traced to religious practices have claimed many lives

and property worth billions of naira. While the scholar noted that the conflicts at the moment

have shown no signs of abetting, the study suggested that education, tolerance, dialogue and

reconciliation should serve as remedies to social conflicts that emerge from the practice of

religion in Nigeria.

52

Instructively, Achunike’s study pointed out that the pluralist nature of Nigeria calls for

careful practice of religion35. He further observed that a look at the many factors that inspire

social conflicts through the practice of religion betray the fact that there is prevailing

ignorance of what other religions stand for as some writers posit.

Abdulrasheed A. Muhammad35 interrogates the interaction between religion and

society in Nigeria. He perceived that the high sentimental attachment to religion by people of

different culture and background makes it a politically active instrument in both national

politics and the country’s external relations which at times assume destructive dimension. The

study concluded that although the country may not have experienced a full-blown religious

war, nothing seems to suggest that such will not occur given the trend and character of

religious conflicts in the country. Suggesting a possible solution to the problem, Muhammad

stressed that the issue of religion and harmonious inter-faith relation should be given more

than a passive attention35 by all and sundry.

In a close survey of religion and religious conflicts in Nigeria between 2000/2005,

Muhammad clearly foresaw genocide in Nigeria and expressed it thus:

... a more worrisome dimension is that while both religions (Islam and Christianity) preaches peace, the conflicts that often arises from their relations have remained a source of sorrow and agony to the citizens and a deep sour to the nation. This is as a result of destructions and catastrophic occurrences that often accompany religious crises in the country. Espousing a global view of this trend, David Smock noted that religion is a factor in many of the world’s most intractable and violent conflicts. Quoting Martin Marty, he went further to note that most of the time, religion - as a way to find “communion, consolation and integration into system of meaning and belonging-is not an instrument for killing. But it has revealed itself many times as a suitable weapon for destruction and killing. This is true in places such as kashmir, Sudan and Israel/Palestine. But while the above examples of countries cannot be compared with that of Nigeria in terms of intensity of the conflicts, there is nothing to suggest that Nigeria may not witness such in the future especially where there is a declining capacity of the state to mediate conflicts. Equally, the rate of geometrical occurrence of these religious conflicts speaks volumes of the likely future implications of this trend35.

53

Within the period Muhammad wrote, speculations of a seeming religious war could appear

reasonable but with the emergence of Boko Haram with its trend of violence, such speculation

will be out of place because the war is now within reach.

Muhammad made a distinctive contribution to the study of ethno-religious conflicts in

Nigeria by presenting an analysis of the character of religious conflicts35. In his

documentation, religious conflicts in Nigeria have revealed about three distinct

characteristics. The first is that some conflicts may start initially as religious but eventually

produce ethnic outburst. This happens, as Muhammad explains, particularly in cases where

such conflicts come with some level of political undertone introduced to the issue at stake.

The various conflicts over the Sharia controversy fall within this category.

The reason Muhammad gave for the above scenario is that the political class often

find in religion a potent instrument that is used along with ethnicity to advance political

interest and the nature of the Nigerian State which is such that permits to an extent, the

interplay of religious and ethnic issues especially in moments of crises. Mention is made of

the different origin of Islam and Christianity coupled with their being rooted in separate

geographical localities as accounting for this. In Nigeria, while the Northern Hausa is

predominantly Muslim, the Eastern Igbo (including the South-South minority groups) is

predominantly Christian while Western Yoruba are partly Christians and partly Muslims.

Thus, Muhammad establishes that it is within the context of ethno-geographical leaning of

Islam and Christianity that one can explain the prevalence of religious conflicts in the North

and its consequent reprisal attacks in the South-East and South-South whereas the South-

West appear less prone to such.

54

Muhammad further pointed out that the second character of religious conflict in

Nigeria is that some purely domestic issues at times generate international outcry. The Miss

World beauty pageant conflict of November 2002 is cited as a case in point. The third

character of religious conflicts in the country lies in the fact that some conflicts are inspired

by happenings within the larger international system. Examples include the violence that

erupted in parts of the North and South-East in February 2005 over controversies arising from

the carton caricature of the holy prophet Muhammad. Another is the spontaneous riots that

broke out in parts of the North in 2001 which was a direct response to the Nigerian

government pronouncement over the United States offensive on Osama bin Laden and other

terrorist groups in the wake of the September 11 attack on some cities in the United States.

Alanamu and Adeoye35 et al., reflected that one factor that have generated religious

conflicts and ethnic cleavage in Nigeria between Christians and Muslims is the natural

superiority feeling of human beings regarding their own societal beliefs and culture as the

best and most reasonable in relation to others. This habit manifest in the ways an adherent

that is attached to a particular religious belief and ethnic group tends to disregard other

beliefs and culture. From the authors theoretical appraisal of ethno-religious crisis, a

conclusion was drawn that Nigeria is an ethnic and religious ridden country and that the

activities of both religion and ethnicity can either make or mar the country. This position was

observed after a careful study of the conflict theory.

Egwu after a thorough study of Ethnic and Religious Violence in Nigeria35 observed

that Nigeria has demonstrated a very high propensity for ethnic and religious crises in the

past three decades which has become the bane of national integration with nihilistic effects on

development. According to Egwu, the prevailing trend of the crises in the country threatens

both the state and civil society, driving home in a telling manner the dangers of relative social

and political mobilization of ethnicity and religion.

55

Asamu also indicated that violence has been part of Nigerian landscape since the

80s35. To show this the scholar noted that;

Nigeria is a country inherent in deadly ethnic political and religious violence. Since 1980, the country has had a bizarre experience in the domain of violent religious conflicts between some Christians and Muslims. These violent conflicts have led to wanton destruction of human lives and property with devastating consequences on political stability and human development35.

With the above demonstration, Asamu further documented a chronology of significant

categories of violent religious crises experienced from 1980-2006 which revealed massive

destruction of both human life and property which according to the scholar cannot be

quantified. Large scale destruction of lives and properties is peculiar to genocide.

In mere conflict situation based on disagreements between parties, loses in terms of

human life and properties are probably less, may be; 0-10 and even in 100s. But, in the case of

genocide, death toll number in large scale, such as; several hundred, thousands and even in

millions. In Nigeria, several hundred, thousands and even millions of people have been

gruesomely murdered. Also, properties worth several billions have been destroyed. It

therefore, seems logical to argue for genocide in Nigeria. It is on this premise that the

researcher’s argument is based.

Salawu examines the manifestations of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria, their

causes and also provided proposals for new management strategy. The study reported that

lack of cordiality among the various ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria explains why

ethno-religious conflicts which have manifested in riots, armed struggle, guerrilla warfare etc.

have become a permanent feature of Nigeria as a nation. In Salawu’s opinion, this lack of

cordiality have made many parts of Nigeria, especially the north become theatres of war

characterized by an increasing number of ethnic and religious crises35.

56

The study further observes that religion and ethnicity in Nigeria are critical factors in

conflict. It is so because at different levels and times, people seem to experience religious and

ethnic discrimination or complain of past and present religious and ethnic discrimination.

People demand for religious and ethnic rights in their State and above all the State uses

religion or ethnicity in political discourse or action. Thus, manipulation of religion and

ethnicity is a major impediment to Nigeria. In this regard, Salawu argued that the causes of

ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria are multi-dimensional.

Some of the causes mentioned and discussed by the author are accusations and

allegations of neglect, oppression, domination, victimization, discrimination, marginalization,

nepotism and bigotry; the inability of the Nigerian leaders to establish good governments;

breakdown of traditional vehicles of social control; the long history of military intervention in

politics, which legitimizes the use of force and violence as instruments of social change and

attainment of set goals and demand; and historical antecedent.

Convincingly, Salawu identified the poor conflict management record of Nigerian

government and hence suggested some viable mechanism of conflict management. Salawu

though not particular about genocide used terms that show the link to genocide. For instance,

Salawu referred to the conflict situations as armed struggle, guerrilla warfare and described

Northern Nigeria as ‘theatres of war’.

2.4 Comments on literature

Pulled together, literary material on genocide and religion in Nigeria which emerges

from the existing scholarly literature on ethno-religious conflicts, reports of human right

violations and official reports of commissions of enquires set up to investigate violent

conflicts in Nigeria adds up to something substantial. The concept of mass murder which

itself is a synonym for genocide is well identified in the literature. There is also the

57

recognition of the position of religion in mass murder in Nigeria. Despite different views,

most authors agreed that the Igbo ethnic group has been the worst hit in terms of loss in both

human and material resources.

The literature for instance shows that in 1966 nothing less than 60,000 Igbo were

gruesomely murdered in Northern Nigeria. Afterwards, over 3 million Igbo also lost their

lives in the Civil War Nigerian military heavily populated by the Northerners waged against

the secession of Eastern Nigeria 1967-1970. In December 1980, a record of 4177 deaths was

made in a single religious riot in Kano State. Between 2001 and 2004 a death toll of about 53,

787 was recorded in Jos Plateau State. More than 5000 lives according to human right

estimates were slaughtered in Kaduna over the Sharia crisis of 2001. The Miss World crisis

also in Kaduna claimed the lives of several thousand. The on-going Boko Haram killings

which have not been fully reported are already presenting staggering estimates, to mention

only a few. While the Igbo are not the only group that recorded loses in some of the incidents,

the entire literature shows that the Igbo have been the worst hit.

Viewed from another angle, it does appear that the case of genocide in most of the

available literature presents a typical illustration of mere conflicts other than a systematic

study of the concept. As a result, a number of questions which are fundamental in a serious

treatment of the concept have either not been raised at all or only received a passing mention.

It does not for instance, bother most of the scholars afore-mentioned, to enquire

seriously into why and how a particular ethnic cum religious group became a major target.

What was the importance of religion as institution, as theology and as personal experience?

Were specific theological ideas particularly important to the perpetrators of genocide or those

who tried to come to terms with their own or other peoples’ destruction? Was Christian

universalism or Islam rigidity important in propelling genocide? Since the enlightenment,

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religion has been attacked as encouraging impulses toward fanaticism. Do Northern Nigeria

acts of genocide bear this out? What is the connection between religion and genocide? How

much of religious fanaticism is seen in Nigeria? These and other related questions revolve

around the vital issues of this study. None of the authors has thought it relevant to go into any

meaningful discussion of the issues of the recurrent mass killings in Nigeria to see if there is

any resemblance of genocide in the events so as to make the case for genocide.

The point of genocide in Nigeria has not been adequately exposed in the existing

literature. Individually, many of the writers who handled the subject of mass murder in

Nigeria have settled for vague generalizations in their various discussions. The authors tolled

the part of reporting the events of mass killings and massive destruction of properties with

special concern for its implication for development in the country. A few examples from the

more prominent contributors will serve to illustrate this point.

Sani’s The Killing Fields grew out of the concern to provide comprehensive data on

the origin, consequence and prevention of ethno-religious conflicts in Northern Nigeria.

Rotgak Gofwen on the other hand had as a main objective the duty to analyze the pattern of

religious conflicts in Northern Nigeria, and their impact on nation building. Besides, his

research on Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Northern Nigeria: The Throes of Two Decades

1980-2000 was fully sponsored by the Human Right Monitor.

Official reports of the commission of inquiries were usually written from the

background of a political crisis and from the perspective of providing much needed and

politically relevant information for the government. Conversely, Human Right Violations

Report on Nigeria presents good representations of the abuse to human life evident in

genocidal massacres. Although the reports contain certain valuable material on genocide in

Nigeria, they were written primarily from the concern for the right to life and the equality of

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all human beings35 enshrined in the universal declaration of human right. With this frame of

reference, it is easy to appreciate that the discussion of an issue such as genocide in Nigeria is

harnessed to the realization of the reports defined objective than from the desire to render a

logical and systematic account of the concept.

This is a major task of the rest of this study, to carry out a comprehensive analysis of

religion and genocide in Nigeria. Chapter three makes a start by attempting a detailed

phenomenological survey of the concept of genocide.

Endnotes