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ModernAsian Studies 29, 2 (1995), pp. 257-269. Printed in Great BritainodernAsian Studies 29, 2 (1995), pp. 257-269. Printed in Great BritainodernAsian Studies 29, 2 (1995), pp. 257-269. Printed in Great Britain

Sakti andBarakat: ThePowerof Tipu'sTigerAn Examinationf theTigerEmblem f TipuSultanofMysore

KATE BRITTLEBANKMonash University

A figure who walks larger than life through the pages of eighteenth-century south-Indian history is Tipu Sultan Fath Ali Khan, who heldpower in Mysore from 1782 until his death at the hands of the Britishin 1799. In general, scholars of his reign have taken a mainly Euro-centric approach, essentially concentrating on his external relation-ships and activities, particularly with regard to the French and theBritish,' while more recently there has been some examination of hiseconomy and administration.2 Recent research into both kingship andreligion in south India raises issues which suggest that it is time thisruler was reassessed in his own terms, from the point of view of thecultural environment in which he was operating.3 Little attempt so farhas been made to do this.4 One matter which merits closer attentionis his use of symbols, particularly in connection with the symbolicexpression of kingship. Given Tipu's somewhat ambiguous status asa parvenu, whose legitimacy as ruler was questionable, this would

I am grateful to Dr Ian Mabbett for his critical comments on this paper.i See, for example, Mohibbul Hasan, Historyof TipuSultan,2nd edn (Calcutta,1971); B. Sheik Ali, A Studyof Diplomacy ndConfrontationMysore, 1982).2 For example, Nikhiles Guha, Pre-BritishStateSystemn SouthIndia: Mysore 76i-i799 (Calcutta, 1985); Asok Sen, 'A Pre-British Economic Formation in India of theLate Eighteenth Century:Tipu Sultan's Mysore', Barun De (ed.), PerspectivesnSocialSciences (Calcutta, I977), pp. 46-I 19; Burton Stein, 'State Formation and EconomyReconsidered: Part One', ModernAsian StudiesI9, 3 (I985), pp. 387-413.3 See, for example, Arjun Appadurai, Worship nd ConflictUnderColonialRule: ASouth ndianCase(Cambridge, i98I); Susan Bayly, Saints,GoddessesndKings:MuslimsandChristiansn South ndianSociety 7oo-90oo(Cambridge, I989); Nicholas B. Dirks,TheHollowCrown:EthnohistoryfanIndianKingdomCambridge, I987). Also influentialhas been Burton Stein's PeasantStateandSocietyn MedievalSouth ndia (Delhi, 1980).4 While Hasan addresses the question of religion, for example, he does so only ina minor way. Stein's article is really the only work which attempts to place Tipuwithin his cultural context.oo26-749X/95/$5.oo+.oo ? 1995 Cambridge University Press

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KATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKappear to be a fruitful area for research.5 His most famous symbolwas the tiger, yet while it has captured the imagination of scholarsin other disciplines,6 it has not exercised the minds of historians toany extent.7 It is the aim of this paper to restore the balance bylooking at this symbol in the light of the work of Susan Bayly, whohas underlined the strongly syncretic nature of religion in south India.Drawing upon both written and oral material, Bayly has describedthe interaction which has taken place between Muslim, Hindu andChristian traditions, the result of which is a borrowing of symbolsand ideas, a frequently shared vocabulary, and an interweaving ofmotifs within a common sacred landscape, at the centre of which isthe imagery associated with the ammans or goddesses of the region.8It is my contention that an examination of Tipu's tiger symbol willreveal that it is firmly rooted in this syncretic religious environmentand that this should emphasize to us the importance of placing theMysore ruler within his cultural context in order to understand hisactions, particularly from the point of view of kingship.

Tipu's adoption of the tiger as an emblem took two forms: thenaturalistic representation of the tiger (often just the head) as decora-tion and the tiger stripe motif alone. The latter is commonly referredto as babri, from babr,meaning tiger, although in actual fact the termappears more properly to refer to the cloth on which the motifappeared.9 His use of this emblem seems to have almost borderedupon the obsessive.10 In one or other form it appears, inter alia, onhis arms, both large and small, on the uniform of his soldiers, on hiscoins, as wall decoration, on his flags and, in probably the most3 Tipu's status in relation to the Wodeyar Kartars, or Rajas, of Mysore is acomplex matter and one which will be addressed elsewhere.6 See, for example, Mildred Archer, Tippoo'sTiger (London, I959); Anne Buddleet al., Tigers round the Throne: The Courtof Tipu Sultan (i75o-I799) (London, 1990).7 Hasan, for example, pays it no attention.8 Susan Bayly, Saints;also 'Hindu Kingship and the Origin of Community: Reli-gion. State and Society in Kerala, I750-1850', Modern Asian Studies 18, 2 (1984),pp. 177-213; 'Islam in Southern India: "Purist" or "Syncretic"?',C. A. Bayly andD. H. A. Kolff (eds), Two ColonialEmpires:Comparativessayson theHistoryof IndiaandIndonesian theNineteenthCenturyDordrecht, 1986), pp. 35-73.9 William Kirkpatrick, SelectLettersof TippooSultan to VariousPublicFunctionaries(London, I8i I), Letter CCCLIII. The term is used by Tipu.10This type of 'obsession' is not without precedent, however. Ibrahim Adil ShahII of Bijapur displayed a similar attachment to the word nauras. Iftikhar AhmadGhauri, 'Kingship in the Sultanates of Bijapur and Golconda', Islamic Culture46

(1972), pp. 43, 46. It should be noted that the tiger was not the only emblem usedby Tipu. A sun motif, a not uncommon Indian royal symbol, and the initial letterof the name of his father, Haidar Ali, are also frequently found.

appear to be a fruitful area for research.5 His most famous symbolwas the tiger, yet while it has captured the imagination of scholarsin other disciplines,6 it has not exercised the minds of historians toany extent.7 It is the aim of this paper to restore the balance bylooking at this symbol in the light of the work of Susan Bayly, whohas underlined the strongly syncretic nature of religion in south India.Drawing upon both written and oral material, Bayly has describedthe interaction which has taken place between Muslim, Hindu andChristian traditions, the result of which is a borrowing of symbolsand ideas, a frequently shared vocabulary, and an interweaving ofmotifs within a common sacred landscape, at the centre of which isthe imagery associated with the ammans or goddesses of the region.8It is my contention that an examination of Tipu's tiger symbol willreveal that it is firmly rooted in this syncretic religious environmentand that this should emphasize to us the importance of placing theMysore ruler within his cultural context in order to understand hisactions, particularly from the point of view of kingship.



appear to be a fruitful area for research.5 His most famous symbolwas the tiger, yet while it has captured the imagination of scholarsin other disciplines,6 it has not exercised the minds of historians toany extent.7 It is the aim of this paper to restore the balance bylooking at this symbol in the light of the work of Susan Bayly, whohas underlined the strongly syncretic nature of religion in south India.Drawing upon both written and oral material, Bayly has describedthe interaction which has taken place between Muslim, Hindu andChristian traditions, the result of which is a borrowing of symbolsand ideas, a frequently shared vocabulary, and an interweaving ofmotifs within a common sacred landscape, at the centre of which isthe imagery associated with the ammans or goddesses of the region.8It is my contention that an examination of Tipu's tiger symbol willreveal that it is firmly rooted in this syncretic religious environmentand that this should emphasize to us the importance of placing theMysore ruler within his cultural context in order to understand hisactions, particularly from the point of view of kingship.



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THE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERspectacular example, on his throne, which displayed a massive goldtiger head with crystal teeth." The stripe was stamped on the bind-ings of his books and served as the watermark on his paper.'2 Tipuis described leaving the palace '. . . in a dress and accoutrementsadorned with the tyger's head"3 and the main entrance to his privatearea at Seringapatam was guarded by four tigers chained within apassage.'4 A particularly well-known artefact from his reign is themechanical man-eating tiger, now in the collection of the Victoriaand Albert Museum in London.15 However, the most evocative rep-resentation, I believe, and the one of most significance for this paper,is to be found on a green silk banner which is still extant. It showsa calligraphic design of a tiger's mask (see Fig. I), the words ofwhich read 'The Lion of God is Conqueror' or, alternatively, 'TheVictorious Lion of God'. 'Lion of God' (Asad Allah) is an epithet ofAli, one of the first four Caliphs of Islam and believed by the Shi'asto be the true successor to Muhammad.16

Tipu's use of the tiger motif is not as original as some havethought.'7 Within India itself tigers are clearly associated with roy-alty. Two contemporary writers refer to the 'royal tiger18 and a tigerskin seat is found among the royal regalia of Shivaji.'9 Tigers are also1 A large number of illustrations of the different uses made of the tiger motif canbe found in Buddle, Tigers.See also Denys Forrest, Tigerof Mysore:TheLifeand Deathof TipuSultan(London, 1970) and J. R. Henderson, TheCoinsof HaidarAli andTipuSultan(Madras, 192i). Henderson fails to identify the babristripe, which he merelyrefers to as an 'obliquely twisted pointed oval', but it is clear from illustrations thatthis is in fact what it is, p. 31.12 Kirkpatrick, Letters,p. 395.13 Munshi M. Qasim, 'An Account of Tipu Sultan's Court', India Office Library,MS Eur.C.io.14 Francis Buchanan,JourneyromMadras hroughheCountriesf Mysore,Canara,andMalabar,3 vols (London, 1807), I, p. 72.15 For a description of this gruesome machine, see Archer, Tiger.16 A photograph of the banner can be found in Buddle, Tigers,p. 18. Kirkpatrickstates that this image appeared on most of Tipu's arms. Letters,p. 155. See alsoVictoria and Albert Museum, TheIndianHeritage:CourtLife and Arts underMughalRule (London, 1982), p. 139.17 Buddle, Tigers,p. i8; Kirkpatrick, Letters,p. 138, n. I.18 Alexander Beatson, A Viewof theOriginandConductf theWarwithTippooSultaunComprisingNarrative f theOperationsf theArmyunder heCommandf Lieutenant-GeneralHarris,andof theSiege of SeringapatamLondon, 800o),p. 154; MMDLT, Haidar AliandRevolutionn India (The Historyof HyderShahAlias HyderAli KhanBahadur), irstpublished 1784 (Delhi, 1988), p. 28.19Michael H. Fisher, A Clash of Cultures:Awadh, The British, and the Mughals(Riverdale, 1987), p. 158. See also Ronald Inden, 'Ritual, Authority, and CyclicTime in Hindu Kingship', J. F. Richards (ed.), KingshipandAuthorityn SouthAsia,2nd edn (Madison, I98i), pp. 45, 53. It is interesting to note that in Tibet tiger

spectacular example, on his throne, which displayed a massive goldtiger head with crystal teeth." The stripe was stamped on the bind-ings of his books and served as the watermark on his paper.'2 Tipuis described leaving the palace '. . . in a dress and accoutrementsadorned with the tyger's head"3 and the main entrance to his privatearea at Seringapatam was guarded by four tigers chained within apassage.'4 A particularly well-known artefact from his reign is themechanical man-eating tiger, now in the collection of the Victoriaand Albert Museum in London.15 However, the most evocative rep-resentation, I believe, and the one of most significance for this paper,is to be found on a green silk banner which is still extant. It showsa calligraphic design of a tiger's mask (see Fig. I), the words ofwhich read 'The Lion of God is Conqueror' or, alternatively, 'TheVictorious Lion of God'. 'Lion of God' (Asad Allah) is an epithet ofAli, one of the first four Caliphs of Islam and believed by the Shi'asto be the true successor to Muhammad.16


spectacular example, on his throne, which displayed a massive goldtiger head with crystal teeth." The stripe was stamped on the bind-ings of his books and served as the watermark on his paper.'2 Tipuis described leaving the palace '. . . in a dress and accoutrementsadorned with the tyger's head"3 and the main entrance to his privatearea at Seringapatam was guarded by four tigers chained within apassage.'4 A particularly well-known artefact from his reign is themechanical man-eating tiger, now in the collection of the Victoriaand Albert Museum in London.15 However, the most evocative rep-resentation, I believe, and the one of most significance for this paper,is to be found on a green silk banner which is still extant. It showsa calligraphic design of a tiger's mask (see Fig. I), the words ofwhich read 'The Lion of God is Conqueror' or, alternatively, 'TheVictorious Lion of God'. 'Lion of God' (Asad Allah) is an epithet ofAli, one of the first four Caliphs of Islam and believed by the Shi'asto be the true successor to Muhammad.16


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KATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKrevered in various parts of India, most notably Bengal and Rajasthanas well as the Deccan.20 This appears to have led to the use of thetiger as a symbol both on arms and standards.21 The motif, moreparticularly the stripe, is also found within the Islamic world. TheOttoman rulers were especially fond of this design (although it wasnot identical to Tipu's stripe), which they used on textiles, forexample, and which was often accompanied by three dots, thoughtto represent leopard spots.22 Sulayman the Magnificent used thestripe to decorate the seat of his campaign throne.23 Although theMughal emperors are known to have copied this pattern, they do notappear to have used it extensively.24 Even so, it is very possible thatTipu was familiar with this motif since the influence of Ottomandesigns and fabrics had been particularly strong in the Deccani states,as opposed to the north.25 That there is a connection is also suggestedby the dictionary definition of babri bayan: 'A kind of military cloakmade of a leopard's skin (such as worn by Rustam)'; among its otherdefinitions is: 'a linen garment worn by kings in battle and heldominous'.26 It does seem, therefore, that although the pattern mayhave been original, this type of decoration was not an invention ofthe ruler of Mysore.Furthermore, in the past the tiger as an emblem or crest had notbeen unknown in the region under Tipu's sway. Each ruling dynastyin this area had its own insignia which played an important role inthe symbolism of kingship. It appeared on royal seals, copper-plateinscriptions, lithic records and flags, and when a ruler was conqueredby another, the victor adopted the insignia of the vanquished.27 Mais-skins were symbolic of '... wealth, power, authority, status and guardianship.'Daniel Shaffer, 'In the Forests of the Night', Hali 41 (Sept-Oct 1988), pp. 44-5.20 Asutosh Bhattacharyya, 'The Tiger-Cult and its Literature in Lower Bengal',Man in India 27 (1947), pp. 44-5.21 Examples can be found in Sadashiv Gorakshkar (ed.), Animal in Indian Art(Bombay, 1979), p. 31; Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage, p. I57.22 Arts Council of Great Britain, The Artsof Islam (London, 1976), p. 82. Colourphotographs can be found in Donald King, 'Treasures of the Topkapi Saray', Hali34 (April-June I987), pp. 28, 3I. I am grateful to Susan Scollay for discussing withme the Ottomans' use of the stripe.23 Viewed by the author.24 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage,pp. 98-9. A Mughal girdle with thisdesign is illustrated in Leigh Ashton, TheArt of India andPakistan(London, I950),P1. 76.25 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage,pp. 25, 92. Curiously enough, an ident-ical stripe to Tipu's can be found on a Syrian 8th-century stone carving of a tiger.Illustrated in Claude Humbert, IslamicOrnamental esign (London, I980), P1.995.26 F. Steingass, A Comprehensiveersian-EnglishDictionaryNew Delhi, 1981).27 T. V. Mahalingam, South ndianPolity,2nd edn (Madras, 1967), p. 87.

revered in various parts of India, most notably Bengal and Rajasthanas well as the Deccan.20 This appears to have led to the use of thetiger as a symbol both on arms and standards.21 The motif, moreparticularly the stripe, is also found within the Islamic world. TheOttoman rulers were especially fond of this design (although it wasnot identical to Tipu's stripe), which they used on textiles, forexample, and which was often accompanied by three dots, thoughtto represent leopard spots.22 Sulayman the Magnificent used thestripe to decorate the seat of his campaign throne.23 Although theMughal emperors are known to have copied this pattern, they do notappear to have used it extensively.24 Even so, it is very possible thatTipu was familiar with this motif since the influence of Ottomandesigns and fabrics had been particularly strong in the Deccani states,as opposed to the north.25 That there is a connection is also suggestedby the dictionary definition of babri bayan: 'A kind of military cloakmade of a leopard's skin (such as worn by Rustam)'; among its otherdefinitions is: 'a linen garment worn by kings in battle and heldominous'.26 It does seem, therefore, that although the pattern mayhave been original, this type of decoration was not an invention ofthe ruler of Mysore.Furthermore, in the past the tiger as an emblem or crest had notbeen unknown in the region under Tipu's sway. Each ruling dynastyin this area had its own insignia which played an important role inthe symbolism of kingship. It appeared on royal seals, copper-plateinscriptions, lithic records and flags, and when a ruler was conqueredby another, the victor adopted the insignia of the vanquished.27 Mais-skins were symbolic of '... wealth, power, authority, status and guardianship.'Daniel Shaffer, 'In the Forests of the Night', Hali 41 (Sept-Oct 1988), pp. 44-5.20 Asutosh Bhattacharyya, 'The Tiger-Cult and its Literature in Lower Bengal',Man in India 27 (1947), pp. 44-5.21 Examples can be found in Sadashiv Gorakshkar (ed.), Animal in Indian Art(Bombay, 1979), p. 31; Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage, p. I57.22 Arts Council of Great Britain, The Artsof Islam (London, 1976), p. 82. Colourphotographs can be found in Donald King, 'Treasures of the Topkapi Saray', Hali34 (April-June I987), pp. 28, 3I. I am grateful to Susan Scollay for discussing withme the Ottomans' use of the stripe.23 Viewed by the author.24 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage,pp. 98-9. A Mughal girdle with thisdesign is illustrated in Leigh Ashton, TheArt of India andPakistan(London, I950),P1. 76.25 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage,pp. 25, 92. Curiously enough, an ident-ical stripe to Tipu's can be found on a Syrian 8th-century stone carving of a tiger.Illustrated in Claude Humbert, IslamicOrnamental esign (London, I980), P1.995.26 F. Steingass, A Comprehensiveersian-EnglishDictionaryNew Delhi, 1981).27 T. V. Mahalingam, South ndianPolity,2nd edn (Madras, 1967), p. 87.

revered in various parts of India, most notably Bengal and Rajasthanas well as the Deccan.20 This appears to have led to the use of thetiger as a symbol both on arms and standards.21 The motif, moreparticularly the stripe, is also found within the Islamic world. TheOttoman rulers were especially fond of this design (although it wasnot identical to Tipu's stripe), which they used on textiles, forexample, and which was often accompanied by three dots, thoughtto represent leopard spots.22 Sulayman the Magnificent used thestripe to decorate the seat of his campaign throne.23 Although theMughal emperors are known to have copied this pattern, they do notappear to have used it extensively.24 Even so, it is very possible thatTipu was familiar with this motif since the influence of Ottomandesigns and fabrics had been particularly strong in the Deccani states,as opposed to the north.25 That there is a connection is also suggestedby the dictionary definition of babri bayan: 'A kind of military cloakmade of a leopard's skin (such as worn by Rustam)'; among its otherdefinitions is: 'a linen garment worn by kings in battle and heldominous'.26 It does seem, therefore, that although the pattern mayhave been original, this type of decoration was not an invention ofthe ruler of Mysore.Furthermore, in the past the tiger as an emblem or crest had notbeen unknown in the region under Tipu's sway. Each ruling dynastyin this area had its own insignia which played an important role inthe symbolism of kingship. It appeared on royal seals, copper-plateinscriptions, lithic records and flags, and when a ruler was conqueredby another, the victor adopted the insignia of the vanquished.27 Mais-skins were symbolic of '... wealth, power, authority, status and guardianship.'Daniel Shaffer, 'In the Forests of the Night', Hali 41 (Sept-Oct 1988), pp. 44-5.20 Asutosh Bhattacharyya, 'The Tiger-Cult and its Literature in Lower Bengal',Man in India 27 (1947), pp. 44-5.21 Examples can be found in Sadashiv Gorakshkar (ed.), Animal in Indian Art(Bombay, 1979), p. 31; Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage, p. I57.22 Arts Council of Great Britain, The Artsof Islam (London, 1976), p. 82. Colourphotographs can be found in Donald King, 'Treasures of the Topkapi Saray', Hali34 (April-June I987), pp. 28, 3I. I am grateful to Susan Scollay for discussing withme the Ottomans' use of the stripe.23 Viewed by the author.24 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage,pp. 98-9. A Mughal girdle with thisdesign is illustrated in Leigh Ashton, TheArt of India andPakistan(London, I950),P1. 76.25 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage,pp. 25, 92. Curiously enough, an ident-ical stripe to Tipu's can be found on a Syrian 8th-century stone carving of a tiger.Illustrated in Claude Humbert, IslamicOrnamental esign (London, I980), P1.995.26 F. Steingass, A Comprehensiveersian-EnglishDictionaryNew Delhi, 1981).27 T. V. Mahalingam, South ndianPolity,2nd edn (Madras, 1967), p. 87.

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THE POWER OF TIPU'S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU'S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU'S TIGERtre de la Tour refers to this practice when describing the magnificentstate procession of Haidar Ali, in which these 'marks of honour' werecarried.28 The choice of emblem seems often to have been related tothe religious affiliation of the holder. For example, the Wodeyars ofMysore, who were Vaishnavas, had among their insignia the boar,the discus (Chakra) and the garuda, all of which are associated withVishnu.29 As for the tiger as an emblem, this was adopted by theColas, who were Saivites, who used it on their crests and banners, asdid the Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra.30 That there is an association ofthe tiger with rulers of Mysore is also suggested by the fact that theold city (later destroyed by Tipu) is described in the early eighteenthcentury as having 'tiger-faced' gates.31 The Wodeyars, however, donot appear to have used it as an emblem, which may have beensignificant from Tipu's point of view, since, no doubt, he would havewished to distance himself from the previous ruling dynasty. Thisseems to be confirmed by the design on the heel plate of one of hissporting guns, in which two tigers are depicted killing the double-headed eagle, or ghandabherunda,an emblem of the deposed royalline.32 From his gift of a piece of babri cloth to one of his commanders,to be used in an article of clothing,33 one can infer that he was operat-ing within the same cultural meaning of the symbol. As an incorporat-ive mechanism, emblems were made as gifts by south Indian rulersto their inferiors.34Let us now turn to the central issue of this paper: why should Tipuhave chosen the tiger and not some other feature as his main emblem?Why not choose something more overtly Islamic? He does not appearto have inherited it from Haidar, whose uniform, for example, isdescribed as being mainly yellow with gold flowers.35 It has beenclaimed that Tipu means tiger in Kanarese but this is not the case.3628 MMDLT, Haidar,p. I80.29 Mahalingam, Polity, pp. 87-90. C. Hayavadana Rao, Historyof Mysore(i399-'799 A.D.), 3 vols (Bangalore, 1943-46), I, pp. 66, 95, 507.30 Mahalingam, Polity,pp. 90-2. The Hoysalas had a close affiliationwithJainism.

31 Rao, History,I, p. 389.32 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage,p. I39.33 Kirkpatrick, Letters,CCCLIII.34 Dirks, HollowCrown,p. 47. On incorporationsee also Bernard S. Cohn, 'Repres-enting Authority in Victorian India', An Anthropologistmong heHistorians nd OtherEssays(Delhi, I987), pp. 635-7, 641: M. N. Pearson (ed.), LegitimacyndSymbols:TheSouthAsian Writings f F. W.Buckler Ann Arbor, 1985), pp. 177-8.33 MMDLT, Haidar,p. 23. Haidar seems to have particularly favoured the use ofyellow, a colour '. . . much affected by the emperor and the Subas'. Ibid., p. I80.36 Archer, Tiger,p. 4. Rao, History,III, p. 914. Rao, however, later contradictshimself. III, p. 1030.

tre de la Tour refers to this practice when describing the magnificentstate procession of Haidar Ali, in which these 'marks of honour' werecarried.28 The choice of emblem seems often to have been related tothe religious affiliation of the holder. For example, the Wodeyars ofMysore, who were Vaishnavas, had among their insignia the boar,the discus (Chakra) and the garuda, all of which are associated withVishnu.29 As for the tiger as an emblem, this was adopted by theColas, who were Saivites, who used it on their crests and banners, asdid the Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra.30 That there is an association ofthe tiger with rulers of Mysore is also suggested by the fact that theold city (later destroyed by Tipu) is described in the early eighteenthcentury as having 'tiger-faced' gates.31 The Wodeyars, however, donot appear to have used it as an emblem, which may have beensignificant from Tipu's point of view, since, no doubt, he would havewished to distance himself from the previous ruling dynasty. Thisseems to be confirmed by the design on the heel plate of one of hissporting guns, in which two tigers are depicted killing the double-headed eagle, or ghandabherunda,an emblem of the deposed royalline.32 From his gift of a piece of babri cloth to one of his commanders,to be used in an article of clothing,33 one can infer that he was operat-ing within the same cultural meaning of the symbol. As an incorporat-ive mechanism, emblems were made as gifts by south Indian rulersto their inferiors.34Let us now turn to the central issue of this paper: why should Tipuhave chosen the tiger and not some other feature as his main emblem?Why not choose something more overtly Islamic? He does not appearto have inherited it from Haidar, whose uniform, for example, isdescribed as being mainly yellow with gold flowers.35 It has beenclaimed that Tipu means tiger in Kanarese but this is not the case.3628 MMDLT, Haidar,p. I80.29 Mahalingam, Polity, pp. 87-90. C. Hayavadana Rao, Historyof Mysore(i399-'799 A.D.), 3 vols (Bangalore, 1943-46), I, pp. 66, 95, 507.30 Mahalingam, Polity,pp. 90-2. The Hoysalas had a close affiliationwithJainism.


tre de la Tour refers to this practice when describing the magnificentstate procession of Haidar Ali, in which these 'marks of honour' werecarried.28 The choice of emblem seems often to have been related tothe religious affiliation of the holder. For example, the Wodeyars ofMysore, who were Vaishnavas, had among their insignia the boar,the discus (Chakra) and the garuda, all of which are associated withVishnu.29 As for the tiger as an emblem, this was adopted by theColas, who were Saivites, who used it on their crests and banners, asdid the Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra.30 That there is an association ofthe tiger with rulers of Mysore is also suggested by the fact that theold city (later destroyed by Tipu) is described in the early eighteenthcentury as having 'tiger-faced' gates.31 The Wodeyars, however, donot appear to have used it as an emblem, which may have beensignificant from Tipu's point of view, since, no doubt, he would havewished to distance himself from the previous ruling dynasty. Thisseems to be confirmed by the design on the heel plate of one of hissporting guns, in which two tigers are depicted killing the double-headed eagle, or ghandabherunda,an emblem of the deposed royalline.32 From his gift of a piece of babri cloth to one of his commanders,to be used in an article of clothing,33 one can infer that he was operat-ing within the same cultural meaning of the symbol. As an incorporat-ive mechanism, emblems were made as gifts by south Indian rulersto their inferiors.34Let us now turn to the central issue of this paper: why should Tipuhave chosen the tiger and not some other feature as his main emblem?Why not choose something more overtly Islamic? He does not appearto have inherited it from Haidar, whose uniform, for example, isdescribed as being mainly yellow with gold flowers.35 It has beenclaimed that Tipu means tiger in Kanarese but this is not the case.3628 MMDLT, Haidar,p. I80.29 Mahalingam, Polity, pp. 87-90. C. Hayavadana Rao, Historyof Mysore(i399-'799 A.D.), 3 vols (Bangalore, 1943-46), I, pp. 66, 95, 507.30 Mahalingam, Polity,pp. 90-2. The Hoysalas had a close affiliationwithJainism.


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KATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKThis misconception could possibly have arisen from the fact that theBritish called the Mysore ruler 'the Tiger of Mysore', although I havefound no evidence to suggest that Tipu referred to himself in thatway. British writers of the time believed the answer lay both in Tipu'sreverence for Ali, who we have seen is referred to as the Lion of God,and in the coincidence of Haidar, the name of his father, also meaning'lion' and also being a title of Ali.37 The basis for this argument is thatat the linguistic level in India there is no distinction made between thelion and the tiger, the words used for each being interchangeable.38Thus, to Tipu, Asad Allah could have meant 'Tiger of God'.39 This isan important point and one which is vital to our understanding ofTipu's choice. It is my view that the early writers were on the righttrack and that this is supported by the calligraphic design of the tigermask referred to above. It is this design which I believe is the key tothe issue.

Before proceeding further, we need to examine the reasons for theMysore ruler's quite obvious reverence for Ali, for here there liesanother clue. First and foremost, Tipu was a warrior; as a successor toVijayanagara traditions, the society in which he moved was a warriorsociety.40 Such was his son's zeal as a youth, Haidar feared for hissafety.41That he should have chosen Ali as '. .. the guardian genius, ortutelary saint, of his dominions; as the object of his veneration, and asan example to imitate'42 is not surprising. As well as being revered bythe Shi'as, Ali is honoured by Muslims as a great warrior, with allSunnis invoking his name in battle.43 The words 'God' and 'Ali' arefound inscribed on the sword of Aurangzeb and the names of royalweapons listed by Manucci include 'Ali's Help'.44 The following coup-let in Persian is said to have appeared on Haidar's seal:

Fath Haidar was manifested, or born to conquer the world;There is no man equal to Ali and no sword like his.4537 Beatson, View,pp. I55-6. Kirkpatrick, Letters,p. 394.38 This is well demonstratedn Rao, History, II, p. 525, n. 39, wherean Indianwriter tates that '. . . Haidarmeans igerandthatit was thetitleof HazratAli .. .'.In addition,in Tipu's MarineRegulations he word used for tiger to describe adecoration n the modelof a warships sher nd not babr. hers frequentlyranslated'lion'.Kirkpatrick, etters, ppendixK, p, lxxix,n.6.39 It does seem, though,that a visualdistinction s made.Tipu's choiceis veryclearly he tiger;nowhere s the lionfoundvisuallyrepresented.40 Dirks,HollowCrown,p 43 ff;Bayly,Saints,p. i59.41MMDLT, Haidar, p. 299.42 Beatson, View,p. I55.43 S. A. A. Rizvi,ShahWali-AllahndHis Times:A Studyf Eighteenthenturyslam,PoliticsandSocietyn India (Canberra, I980), p. 75.44 Abdul Aziz, ArmsandJewellery f theIndianMughals Lahore, I947) pp. 21-2, 29.45 Citedin Rao, History,II, p. 524, n. 39. FathHaidarwasTipu's grandfather.

This misconception could possibly have arisen from the fact that theBritish called the Mysore ruler 'the Tiger of Mysore', although I havefound no evidence to suggest that Tipu referred to himself in thatway. British writers of the time believed the answer lay both in Tipu'sreverence for Ali, who we have seen is referred to as the Lion of God,and in the coincidence of Haidar, the name of his father, also meaning'lion' and also being a title of Ali.37 The basis for this argument is thatat the linguistic level in India there is no distinction made between thelion and the tiger, the words used for each being interchangeable.38Thus, to Tipu, Asad Allah could have meant 'Tiger of God'.39 This isan important point and one which is vital to our understanding ofTipu's choice. It is my view that the early writers were on the righttrack and that this is supported by the calligraphic design of the tigermask referred to above. It is this design which I believe is the key tothe issue.



This misconception could possibly have arisen from the fact that theBritish called the Mysore ruler 'the Tiger of Mysore', although I havefound no evidence to suggest that Tipu referred to himself in thatway. British writers of the time believed the answer lay both in Tipu'sreverence for Ali, who we have seen is referred to as the Lion of God,and in the coincidence of Haidar, the name of his father, also meaning'lion' and also being a title of Ali.37 The basis for this argument is thatat the linguistic level in India there is no distinction made between thelion and the tiger, the words used for each being interchangeable.38Thus, to Tipu, Asad Allah could have meant 'Tiger of God'.39 This isan important point and one which is vital to our understanding ofTipu's choice. It is my view that the early writers were on the righttrack and that this is supported by the calligraphic design of the tigermask referred to above. It is this design which I believe is the key tothe issue.



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THE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERThe sword is Ali's symbol and on the respective chases of a pairof Tipu's tiger-muzzled cannon are found the sword of Ali and abroad-bladed dagger within tiger stripes.46 The extent of Tipu's devo-tion is demonstrated by his wish to fund the building of a canal fromthe Euphrates to Ali's burial place of Najaf.47 One of his servantsdescribes him wearing a turban wound in a plaited style known as'Moula Alee's shield'.48

To understand the significance of the above we need to understandthe nature of the world in which Tipu lived. This was a world inwhich forces were at work which needed to be propitiated or invoked.Long before they arrived in India, Muslims did not doubt the efficacyof magic, the influence of the stars, the mysterious qualities of pre-cious stones, and the importance of signs and omens.49 Humayun'sfaith in astrology, for example, is well known. Both Haidar and Tipuconsulted Brahman astrologers about the most auspicious days tocarry out military manoeuvres, and their tenacious enemies, the Mar-athas, did the same.5? The sacred number seven also featured stronglyin Tipu's life. Munshi Qasim writes thatOn every Saturday he unfailingly made an offering to the seven stars, ofseven different kinds of grain, and of an iron pan full of sesame oil, and ablue cap and coat, and one black sheep, and some money according to theadvice of the astrologers,which was bestowed on the Brahmins and others.51The colour of the stone in the ring on his finger was changed everyday, '.. . according to the course of the seven stars', and the Depart-ments in his government numbered seven.52 These were matterswhich were taken very seriously and were not mere 'mumbo-jumbo'or superstition. Francis Buchanan, who interviewed many astrologers

46 Victoria and Albert Museum, Heritage, p. 140.47 Kirkpatrick, Letters,CCXXXIII. The implementation of this plan was to becarried out on the way by the embassy despatched in 1786 to the Ottoman Sultanat Constantinople. With his customaryattention to detail, Tipu writes to the Daroghaof the Tosha-Khana at Seringapatam that the chest containing the funds for thisproject should be labelled: 'In this chest are deposited the rupeesomposing the Nuzrto be appropriated to the construction of an aqueduct [from the Euphrates] to thesepulchre of holy.' Ibid., CCCC. The project never came to fruition.48 Qasim, Account.49 M. Mujeeb, TheIndianMuslims(London, 1967), p. 379.50 Narendra Krishna Sinha, HaidarAli, 4th edn (Calcutta, 1969), pp. Iio, n. 3,184; Mir Hussein Ali Khan Kirmani, TheHistoryof theReign of TipuSultanBeinga

Continuationf theNeshaniHyduri,tr. W. Miles, rpt 1844 edn (New Delhi, 1980), p.178. On the day he was killed, Tipu had been advised by his astrologers that theday was inauspicious. To counteract this he gave gifts to Brahmans and alms to thepoor, as well as carrying out certain rituals. Ibid.31 Qasim, Account.52 Ibid.

The sword is Ali's symbol and on the respective chases of a pairof Tipu's tiger-muzzled cannon are found the sword of Ali and abroad-bladed dagger within tiger stripes.46 The extent of Tipu's devo-tion is demonstrated by his wish to fund the building of a canal fromthe Euphrates to Ali's burial place of Najaf.47 One of his servantsdescribes him wearing a turban wound in a plaited style known as'Moula Alee's shield'.48




The sword is Ali's symbol and on the respective chases of a pairof Tipu's tiger-muzzled cannon are found the sword of Ali and abroad-bladed dagger within tiger stripes.46 The extent of Tipu's devo-tion is demonstrated by his wish to fund the building of a canal fromthe Euphrates to Ali's burial place of Najaf.47 One of his servantsdescribes him wearing a turban wound in a plaited style known as'Moula Alee's shield'.48




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264 KATE BRITTLEBANKduring his survey of the dominions of Tipu, was at pains to point outthat astrology was '. . . looked upon as a common science, as nothaving anything miraculous in it . . ..53 As well as consulting dailywith his astrologers, Tipu also consulted his physicians.54 The powerto heal of these hakims who practised unani medicine, was believed tobe closely associated with the supernatural.55 In addition, he kept arecord of his dreams, writing them down as soon as he awoke andsometimes recording his interpretation of them.56 The Mysore ruleralso drew upon the power of the written word. A turban, of whichhe was particularly fond, had woven in it the following quatrain:

O God! may thy fortune be ever awakeMay fate ever be propitious to theeMay the flower of thy greatness forever loom,And be a thorn in the sides of thy enemies.57

On his right arm when he died was found a ta'wiz or talisman. Beat-son describes it thus: '. .. sewed up in pieces of fine flowered silk, anamulet of a brittle metallic substance of the colour of silver, and somemanuscripts in magic, Arabic, and Persian characters ...'.58 Thepower of these lines in Arabic is the barakat they convey to theonlooker.59 This power, literally blessing or prosperity and sent byGod, is often referred to as the 'charisma' of a Sufi saint, which istransferred to his descendants upon his death and to his tomb whichbecomes a shrine. The meaning of Tipu's banner now becomes clear.The barakat conveyed by the complex calligraphic design which itcarried would have been a powerful protection for the warrior Tipu.Apart from the power of Ali's name, the incomprehensibility orillegibility of the design would have added to its sacred quality.60

33 Buchanan,Journey, , p. 235.34 Qasim,Account.35 Bayly,Saints,p. 99.36 MahmudHusain, (tr.), TheDreams f TipuSultan:TranslatedromtheOriginalPersianwith ntroductionndNotes Karachi,nd).37 Qasim, Account.38 Beatson, View,AppendixXXXIII, p. ciii. These magiclineswould no doubthave beengivento Tipu by a Sufipirzada.Eatontells the storyof Sultan Ali II ofBijapurreceivinga pieceof paperwith a prayerwrittenon it to be attachedoverthe muzzleof the city'scannonbefore iring t at the Marathas.RichardM. Eaton,Sufisof Bijapur1300-1700:SocialRoleof Sufis n Medievalndia(Princeton, 1978), p. 242.59 Annemarie Schimmel, CalligraphyndIslamicCulture New York and London,1984), pp. 84, 86. Schimmel writes: 'Even seemingly meaningless, unconnected letterscan convey some blessing, provided they have been written with the proper intentionby a skilled amulet maker; and inscriptions on metalwork, which often consist ofmere fragments of blessing formulas, may still bear the barakaof the full prayer.'60 Ibid., p. 0o.











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THE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU S TIGERBut does this really explain why Tipu chose the tiger as his symbol?If the key element is his reverence for Ali, why did he not choose thesword, for example? What was it that attracted Tipu to the epithet'Lion (or tiger) of God'? Why should it have had so powerful aninfluence upon him that he chose the tiger as the predominantemblem in his life? Was it just the prevalence of tigers in south Indiawhich prompted this choice, or their association with royalty?6' Theanswer, I believe, can be found if we look at the cultural environmentin which Tipu was operating.In what are almost throwaway lines, without further elaboration,two twentieth-century south-Indian writers provide the starting-point

for this enquiry, their inevitable closeness to the culture perhapsgiving them a better understanding of the emblem than someonemore distant. Mahalingam, referring to the use of the lion as anemblem, believed it was chosen '.. . on account of its powerandenergy',and Rao, in his History of Mysore, wrote that 'The tiger . . . wasadopted by Tipu as emblematic of himself and his power'.62What isthis power to which they refer and why should it be so represented?That a ruler should be seen to be powerful was extremely important.Buchanan found that the Wodeyar family had '. . . been so long inobscurity, that it [was] no longer looked up to in awe; which amongthe natives in general [was] the only thing that supplie[d] the placeof loyalty.'63 More significantly, there is a direct link between thepower of kings and the power of gods. Bayly writes: 'Indians havelong perceived the power of divine beings as a particularly awesomeform of the power which was claimed and exercised by kings andwould-be rulers';64and in south India the syncretic nature of religionleads to the same perception of this sacred power being held by boththe Hindu and Muslim communities.65 The most important figureswithin the religious landscape to all south Indians are what Baylyrefers to as 'divinities of blood and power', which in the Hindu tradi-tion are warrior goddesses, locally known as ammans, and warriorgods, both of whom are representations of activated divine power. Inthe Muslim tradition this power is represented by the Sufi warriorpir, who is perceived in virtually the same terms as the blood-taking

61 One only has to read Buchanan to realize that tigers were a constant threat inthe lives of villagers and travellers in the area.Journey, , p. 49 and passimI, II, III.62 Mahalingam, Polity, p. 87; Rao, History, III, p. 1030. Emphasis added.63 Buchanan, Journey, II, pp. 72-3.64 Bayly, Saints, p. 2. See also pp. I84-5.65 Ibid., p. 147.

But does this really explain why Tipu chose the tiger as his symbol?If the key element is his reverence for Ali, why did he not choose thesword, for example? What was it that attracted Tipu to the epithet'Lion (or tiger) of God'? Why should it have had so powerful aninfluence upon him that he chose the tiger as the predominantemblem in his life? Was it just the prevalence of tigers in south Indiawhich prompted this choice, or their association with royalty?6' Theanswer, I believe, can be found if we look at the cultural environmentin which Tipu was operating.In what are almost throwaway lines, without further elaboration,two twentieth-century south-Indian writers provide the starting-pointfor this enquiry, their inevitable closeness to the culture perhapsgiving them a better understanding of the emblem than someonemore distant. Mahalingam, referring to the use of the lion as anemblem, believed it was chosen '.. . on account of its powerandenergy',and Rao, in his History of Mysore, wrote that 'The tiger . . . wasadopted by Tipu as emblematic of himself and his power'.62What isthis power to which they refer and why should it be so represented?That a ruler should be seen to be powerful was extremely important.Buchanan found that the Wodeyar family had '. . . been so long inobscurity, that it [was] no longer looked up to in awe; which amongthe natives in general [was] the only thing that supplie[d] the placeof loyalty.'63 More significantly, there is a direct link between thepower of kings and the power of gods. Bayly writes: 'Indians havelong perceived the power of divine beings as a particularly awesomeform of the power which was claimed and exercised by kings andwould-be rulers';64and in south India the syncretic nature of religionleads to the same perception of this sacred power being held by boththe Hindu and Muslim communities.65 The most important figureswithin the religious landscape to all south Indians are what Baylyrefers to as 'divinities of blood and power', which in the Hindu tradi-tion are warrior goddesses, locally known as ammans, and warriorgods, both of whom are representations of activated divine power. Inthe Muslim tradition this power is represented by the Sufi warriorpir, who is perceived in virtually the same terms as the blood-taking


But does this really explain why Tipu chose the tiger as his symbol?If the key element is his reverence for Ali, why did he not choose thesword, for example? What was it that attracted Tipu to the epithet'Lion (or tiger) of God'? Why should it have had so powerful aninfluence upon him that he chose the tiger as the predominantemblem in his life? Was it just the prevalence of tigers in south Indiawhich prompted this choice, or their association with royalty?6' Theanswer, I believe, can be found if we look at the cultural environmentin which Tipu was operating.In what are almost throwaway lines, without further elaboration,two twentieth-century south-Indian writers provide the starting-pointfor this enquiry, their inevitable closeness to the culture perhapsgiving them a better understanding of the emblem than someonemore distant. Mahalingam, referring to the use of the lion as anemblem, believed it was chosen '.. . on account of its powerandenergy',and Rao, in his History of Mysore, wrote that 'The tiger . . . wasadopted by Tipu as emblematic of himself and his power'.62What isthis power to which they refer and why should it be so represented?That a ruler should be seen to be powerful was extremely important.Buchanan found that the Wodeyar family had '. . . been so long inobscurity, that it [was] no longer looked up to in awe; which amongthe natives in general [was] the only thing that supplie[d] the placeof loyalty.'63 More significantly, there is a direct link between thepower of kings and the power of gods. Bayly writes: 'Indians havelong perceived the power of divine beings as a particularly awesomeform of the power which was claimed and exercised by kings andwould-be rulers';64and in south India the syncretic nature of religionleads to the same perception of this sacred power being held by boththe Hindu and Muslim communities.65 The most important figureswithin the religious landscape to all south Indians are what Baylyrefers to as 'divinities of blood and power', which in the Hindu tradi-tion are warrior goddesses, locally known as ammans, and warriorgods, both of whom are representations of activated divine power. Inthe Muslim tradition this power is represented by the Sufi warriorpir, who is perceived in virtually the same terms as the blood-taking


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KATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKATE BRITTLEBANKgoddesses.66 Known under various names, such as Kali or Kaliamma,Durga or Mariamma, these goddesses have 'an extra endowment' ofsakti, the dangerous female energy of the gods, and are associatedwith Siva.67While Bayly is writing mainly of the Tamil country, there is nodoubt that these figures were (and still are) found in the Mysoredominions.68 In nearly every village which Buchanan visited he en-countered what he called 'destructive spirits', named, for example,'Marima, Pualima, Mutialima, and Gungoma', and commonlyreferred to by the local Brahmans as 'Saktis, or ministers of Siva'.69The Bedars of Chitaldrug, in the north of the State, built a templeto Kali on top of their durg or fort, and propitiated the goddess withofferings of the heads of their victims in battle. As a result theybelieved their fortress was unassailable.70 It is claimed that the nameMysore itself is derived from Mahishasura, the buffalo-headed demonslain by Durga, who, as Chamundi or Chamundesvari, is the tutelarygoddess of the Wodeyars.71 Whitehead identified seven 'Mari' deitiesof Mysore city, all sisters, who were associated with Siva, and inMysore villages, Mahadeva-Amma, or the great goddess, and Huli-amma, 'the tiger-goddess', were worshipped.72 These goddesses, fre-quently associated with sickness, like small-pox for example, areobjects of great power and awe, which rather than being worshippedare propitiated. Srinivas encountered them when he carried outfieldwork in the late i940o in a village not far from Seringapatam,the site of Tipu's capital. Referring to Mari (also known as Kali),the local goddess, he wrote that she demanded blood sacrifices and'. .. killed her offspring right and left when she was angry with them',

66 Ibid., pp. 27-3I, I34.67 Ibid., p. 28. For a discussion of Durga-Kali as the martial deity or warriorgoddess see Wendell Charles Beane, Myth,CultandSymbolsn SaktaHinduism:A Studyof theIndianMotherGoddessLeiden, 1977), pp. 177-80.68 The assumption here of cultural continuity between the area examined by Baylyand that of Mysore is based primarily upon Stein's discussion of an identifiablemacro-region within southern India, which, with some regional variation, has dis-played over the centuries a cultural homogeneity. Peasants,pp. 30-62; see alsopp. I00-I, 366-4i6. In addition, Tipu's patronage of a Sufi shrine at Penukonda(see below), in the area examined by Bayly, reinforces this assumption.69 Buchanan, I, pp. 242-3 and passim.Although the Brahmans claimed to abhorthe worship of these divinities, they sent surreptitious offerings in times of sickness.70 Rao, History, III, p. 251.71 Ibid., , p. 5I7; see also Henderson, Coins, p. ii6.72 H. Whitehead, TheVillageGodsof South ndia,2nd edn (Calcutta, 1921), pp. 29,8o-i. The seven sisters are probably the 'Seven Mothers' or saptamatrikaseferredtoby Burton Stein in Peasant,p. 238.

goddesses.66 Known under various names, such as Kali or Kaliamma,Durga or Mariamma, these goddesses have 'an extra endowment' ofsakti, the dangerous female energy of the gods, and are associatedwith Siva.67While Bayly is writing mainly of the Tamil country, there is nodoubt that these figures were (and still are) found in the Mysoredominions.68 In nearly every village which Buchanan visited he en-countered what he called 'destructive spirits', named, for example,'Marima, Pualima, Mutialima, and Gungoma', and commonlyreferred to by the local Brahmans as 'Saktis, or ministers of Siva'.69The Bedars of Chitaldrug, in the north of the State, built a templeto Kali on top of their durg or fort, and propitiated the goddess withofferings of the heads of their victims in battle. As a result theybelieved their fortress was unassailable.70 It is claimed that the nameMysore itself is derived from Mahishasura, the buffalo-headed demonslain by Durga, who, as Chamundi or Chamundesvari, is the tutelarygoddess of the Wodeyars.71 Whitehead identified seven 'Mari' deitiesof Mysore city, all sisters, who were associated with Siva, and inMysore villages, Mahadeva-Amma, or the great goddess, and Huli-amma, 'the tiger-goddess', were worshipped.72 These goddesses, fre-quently associated with sickness, like small-pox for example, areobjects of great power and awe, which rather than being worshippedare propitiated. Srinivas encountered them when he carried outfieldwork in the late i940o in a village not far from Seringapatam,the site of Tipu's capital. Referring to Mari (also known as Kali),the local goddess, he wrote that she demanded blood sacrifices and'. .. killed her offspring right and left when she was angry with them',


goddesses.66 Known under various names, such as Kali or Kaliamma,Durga or Mariamma, these goddesses have 'an extra endowment' ofsakti, the dangerous female energy of the gods, and are associatedwith Siva.67While Bayly is writing mainly of the Tamil country, there is nodoubt that these figures were (and still are) found in the Mysoredominions.68 In nearly every village which Buchanan visited he en-countered what he called 'destructive spirits', named, for example,'Marima, Pualima, Mutialima, and Gungoma', and commonlyreferred to by the local Brahmans as 'Saktis, or ministers of Siva'.69The Bedars of Chitaldrug, in the north of the State, built a templeto Kali on top of their durg or fort, and propitiated the goddess withofferings of the heads of their victims in battle. As a result theybelieved their fortress was unassailable.70 It is claimed that the nameMysore itself is derived from Mahishasura, the buffalo-headed demonslain by Durga, who, as Chamundi or Chamundesvari, is the tutelarygoddess of the Wodeyars.71 Whitehead identified seven 'Mari' deitiesof Mysore city, all sisters, who were associated with Siva, and inMysore villages, Mahadeva-Amma, or the great goddess, and Huli-amma, 'the tiger-goddess', were worshipped.72 These goddesses, fre-quently associated with sickness, like small-pox for example, areobjects of great power and awe, which rather than being worshippedare propitiated. Srinivas encountered them when he carried outfieldwork in the late i940o in a village not far from Seringapatam,the site of Tipu's capital. Referring to Mari (also known as Kali),the local goddess, he wrote that she demanded blood sacrifices and'. .. killed her offspring right and left when she was angry with them',


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THE POWER OF TIPU'S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU'S TIGERHE POWER OF TIPU'S TIGERwhile her devotees felt craven fear, not love.73 In addition, the villa-gers also w

tipu sultan on shakti

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