timespace matters - chapter 2 temporospatial order: a matter for urban and regional design and...
TRANSCRIPT
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Asetofrelationsbetweentheseelementattributesandtheenvironmentofthedistinguishedsystem(Harvey,1973:451;citedbyKlaasen,2004:12).
Theenvironmentofasystemmaybeunderstoodas
Thelargersystemwithinwhichthefirstmentionedsystemisembeddedbeingsimilarandhierarchicallypositioned(e.g.cityneighbourhood),or
Thelargersystemwithinwhichthefirstmentionedsystemisembeddedbeingsimilarandofthesameorder(e.g.differentpartsofcities),or
Dissimilar systems thatoccupy the same space (and time) (e.g. ecologicalsystem,
economic
system,
cultural
system),
or
The largersystemwithinwhich (a)dissimilarsystem(s) is/arehierarchicallyembedded, i.e. occupying the same time, but not the same space (e.g. a
gatheringofpeoplewithinacity)
(seefigure2.1fromtoplefttobottomright;adaptedfromKlaasen2004:12).
Inthecaseofthefirsttwo,andofthelatter,onemayspeakofsystemsondifferent
systemlevels.InthisthesisIfocusonthefourthtypeofrelationbetweenenviron
mentandsystem,ormoreaccurately,betweentwo levelsofsystems.Iconsiderur
bansystemsasenvironmentandactivitysystemsasembeddedsystems.
Figure2.1
The
environment
of
asystem:
four
types
of
relations
between
system
and
environ
ment.AdaptedfromKlaasen(2004:12)
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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2.1.2 SpatialorderandtemporalorderThevisualandthusspatialdescriptionofsystemsinfigure2.1andtheirenvironment
usesspatialordertodescribetherelationbetweensystemandenvironmentandthe
relationsbetween systems.Thesedescriptionsarehighly simplified spatialmodels.
Klaasen(2005b)rightfullystatedthattherelationbetweenspaceandtime inurban
and regionaldesignandplanning isproblematic.Foran importantpart, this isbe
causeof itsrelianceonspatialmodelswithoutgivingmuchattentiontotime inthe
systems itsmodels represent.Temporalorder isas important in systemsas spatial
order.Andaswithspace,timeknowsdifferentarrangementsbetweensystemorder
andthe
environment,
ifthe
latter
is
also
defined
in
terms
of
time.
Setsofelementsandrelationsinsystemsarenotaggregated,butarearranged
inrelativespatialortemporalpositions(Angyal,1941(1969)citedbyKlaasen,2004).
Assuch,asystemrepresentsperdefinitiontemporalorderandspatialorder.Systems
should ratherbeseenas compositionsor patterns if theyareonly temporallyor
only spatiallyordered.Any system that isboth temporally and spatiallyordered
such as an urban system is by definition constituted by processes rather than
compositions.
Figure2.2Relationsbetweencyclicaland linear temporalphenomena,basedon theprinciple
thatincyclicalprocesseswitha linearcomponentthegrainofperceptiondeterminestheper
ceptionofaprocessas linearorcyclical:(a)shiftingdownin levelofscalefromacyclicaltoa
linearperception(FigurebySchaick,2004:72);(b)shiftingupinscalefromacyclicaltoalinear
perception(FigurebyKlaasen,2004:14).ForthelineofreasoningseeKlaasen(2004).
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Processesare
in
first
instance
characterised
by
means
of
temporal
order,
but
have
a
directeffectonoraresimultaneouslycharacterisedthroughspatialorder.Thetem
poralorderofprocessesmay,forexample,belinearorcyclical,continuousordiscon
tinuous, routinised or irregular in nature or a combination of such characteristics
dependingonthetemporalgrainofobservation(seeFigure2.2)(Klaasen,2004).For
differentnotionsofspatialorderIrefertoJong(1992).Timespacecanthusbeinitially
definedintermsofprocessesdisplayingtemporospatialorder.
Processesondifferent system levelsmay influence the spatialand/or temporal
orderofarelatedsystemonanothersystem level.Processesmaytakeplaceonthe
higher system level (change of the system) or on lower system levels (action
withinthe
higher
level
system)
or
between
systems
on
the
same
level
(interaction)
orbetweensystemandenvironment (adaptation).Theseprocessesoccursimulta
neously inreallifesystemsandcanbecharacterisedaccording tothe grainofob
servation,bothtemporalgrainandspatialgrain.Thischapterdevelopstheideathat
it isnecessary to focuson adaptationofboth temporalorderandspatialorder to
understandactivitypatternsinthecontextofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.
2.1.3 Conceptualisation oftimeinrelationtotemporospatialorderThereisnoroomoruseinthisbookforanindepthtreatmentofphilosophicalworks
onthe
nature
of
time
or
space.
The
focus
from
the
following
section
onwards
is
on
issuesof timespace inactivity systemsandurban systems.There,aswellas in the
tracingofthetimegeographicalconcepts insociologicaltheory insection2.3, Iwill
dealwiththemostimportantnotionsoftimeastheyrelatetonotionsofspaceasfar
astheyarerelevanttothisthesis.
Inconceptualisingtheorderingoftimeinrelationtospace,itisimportantthough
tohighlightthepositionofthisthesisinabriefdiscussiononmajorcategoriesoftime
inthecontextofgeography.Thesecategoriescontributetothenotionoftimespace
order as it isused in this thesis. I referhere to Parkes and Thrifts (1980) Times,
spacesandplacesAchronogeographicperspective.ParkesandThrift(1980:36107)
distinguishthree
major
categories
of
time:
universe
time,
life
times
and
social
times.
These times, byoperatingtogether,providethebasis foramoreor lesscoherent
environmentfordailyliving(ParkesandThrift,1980:108).
Universetimeorstandardtimeisthetimerecordedinandmeasuredbycal
endarsandclocks,andzonedbytheregionalisationoftheworldintotimezones.This
notionof timealso includes theunderstandingof relationsbetweenuniverse item
relations,inparticularthe interrelationbetweenearthmovements inrelationtothe
sunthatisthebasisoftimemeasurement.Lifetimesrefertonotionoftimeasitis
inseparablefromtheconceptofself(ParkesandThrift,1980:50).Lifeisacomplex
systemof interlocking items,relatingtooneanotherperiodicallyandoften inasys
tematic or rhythmicmanner. (ibid: 51) The concept of life times contains, on a
rangeof timescales, thenotionsofbiological timeandcircadian rhythms,and the
notionofpsychologicalormentalsenseoftime,alsorelatedtoanotionofthepat
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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terningof
time
through
complex
feedback
loops
between
potential,
motive,
percep
tion,judgmentandstimuliinandoftimepatterns.Thislastnotionofpatterningcon
nects life times intowhatParkesandThriftcall social times; thisnotionof time is
basedon the idea that social roles,attitudes,values,etc.,eachmove in theirown
characteristic time.Theyvary in theirdurations, in their rhythm,on thedegree to
whichtheyaredominatedbythepastorprojected intothefuture,etc.(Parkesand
Thrift,1980:72).Thereisnosinglenotionofsocialtimethatisuniversal.
Thiscategorisation isnotundisputed.Urry (2000:4)argues inhisSociologybe
yond societies, for example, that thedistinctionbetween universe time and social
time is uncalled for as apparently natural clocktime is in fact socially produced
and
has
exerted
apowerful
role
in
the
subduing
of
nature.
And
that
is
aview
that
comesbackinthisthesis.
Iwillnotcoverallnotionsofuniversetime,lifetimesorsocialtimesinthisbook.
Inparticular,Iwillpay littleattentiontotimeregardinghowitscharacteristicsdiffer
acrosssocietiesandcultures.Withlifetimesintermsofbiologicaltimeorpsychologi
cal time Iwillonlydeal indirectly.Clockandcalendar time is takenasa reference,
althoughlookeduponcriticallyandnottakenforgrantedasagiven.Thefocusofthe
thesiswithin thisbroader conceptualisationof time is ledbymyunderstandingof
timegeographyandsocietalmechanismsaselaboratedintheremainderofthischap
ter.Of these threemain categories, thenotionof social times is thereforemost
central
to
this
thesis.
This
thesis
is
positioned
such,
in
this
range
of
notions
of
time,
thatitlooksnotonlyatthetimespacepatternsofactivitybehaviouritself,butalsoat
theprocesses societalmechanismsthatputastrainonthecoherenceofuniverse
time, lifetimesandsocialtimes,asthey,together,constitutethetemporalenviron
mentfordaily living,asParkesandThriftput it.The ideathatdifferentsocialtimes
andlifetimes,andtoalesserdegreedifferentwaysofmeasuringtime,coexist,coin
cideandmayconflict,andsoformwhatBoelens(2005)callsalayeredreality,within
whichurbanandregionaldesignersandplannersoperate,isinherenttothenotionof
timespaceusedinthetheoreticalframeworkofthisthesis.Attheendofthischapter
Iwillcome tothemechanisms thatplayan importantpart inshaping this layered
reality.
2.2 Whataboutpeople?:activitysystemsandurbansystems
2.2.1 AlatestartTheideaofembeddingknowledgeofactivityandmobilitypatternsofpeopleinthe
oryandpracticesofthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningwasnot
fundamentaltotheideasofthedomainwhenitaroseattheendofthe19th
century
inGermany, theUKand theNetherlands,andelsewhere.Researchonactivityand
mobilitypatternsofpeople in the contextofurbanplanningonly startedwith the
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introductionof
the
systems
approach
to
planning
in
the
decades
after
World
War
II
(seeChapter3).Untilthendemographyhadbeenthemajorconcernforsociological
surveyson cities spatialorganisation in addition to engineeringdriven surveyson
aggregatetrafficvolumes.
TheworkoftheAmericanurbanplannerFrancisStuartChapinJr.waspivotal in
bringingtheconceptof activitysystemsto lightandforthatreason Idevotesome
spaceandtimetohisworkhere.However,alargepartofthissectionwillconcernthe
work of Torsten Hgerstrand, whose ontology of activity andmobility behaviour
provestohavebeenquiteinfluentialforthegrandtheoriesofsociologyinsection2.3.
2.2.2 ActivitysystemsandspatialorderChapin introduces theconceptofactivitysystemsasoneofseveralkeyurban land
usesystems for thedomainofurbanplanning in thesecondeditionof theseminal
workonUrbanLandUsePlanning(Chapin,1965).Chapinisalsoamongstthefirstto
systematically study theseactivity systems (Chapin,1968).Activity systemsarede
finedbyChapinasbehaviourpatternsofindividuals,families,institutions,andfirms
whichoccur inspatialpatternsthathavemeaning inplanningfor landuse(Chapin,
1965: 224).Of particular interest to this thesis is one type of behaviour pattern,
namelythedaytodaytemporospatialactivitypatternsofindividualpeople.
Infirst
instance,
Chapin
shows
here
to
be
concerned
with
activity
systems
as
they
are spatiallyordered; a spatialmodel (map)may represent that spatialorder (see
Figures2.3,2.4and2.5).Chapinssuppositionisthatchangesinactivitysystems,for
examplebypeoplemovinghouse,reciprocallyinteractwithchangesinlandusesys
tems.Howthatinteractiontakesplacewasoneofhiskeyconcerns.Ontheonehand,
Chapin refershere toactivity systemsand landuse systemsasequivalent systems
(seeabove)while implying,ontheotherhand,anurban (ormetropolitan)environ
mentthatformsasystem inwhichthosesystemsareembedded.Thatenvironment
maybeseenaseitheraphysicalsystem,economicsystemorasocialsystemwitha
certainspatialandtemporalorderwhichcreatesthestableconditionsforthatactiv
itysystem
to
be
embedded
in
it.
Activitysystemsaresystemsorderedonthree levels:thatofthe individual,that
ofanindividualsnetworks,andtheaggregateleveloftheenvironment.The ideaof
routinisedbehaviourasanindicatorofsocialspace(i.e.thenetworklevel)inurban
ecologicaltheorytowhichChapinsworkmaybeattributedhadbeenpreceded
bytheworkofPaulHenryChombartdeLauwewithadepictionoftheroutinesofa
youngParisiangirlduringtheperiodofayear(ChombartDeLauwe,1952)(seeFigure
2.3).Chapindevelopedhisideasonactivitysystemsonlyfullyintherunninguptohis
thirdeditionofUrbanLandUsePlanning(Chapin,1974;ChapinandKaiser,1979)and
hefocusedonoutcomesonthenetwork levelandtheaggregate level,whilebasing
hisfindingsondatacollectionontheindividuallevel.
Chapinsworkwasunique in theway itconnected thethenprimarilyeconomy
based theories of location choice, urban structure and urban growthwith activity
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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behaviourin
terms
of
both
input
and
output
for
the
metropolitan
system
as
well
as
in
termsof social, routinisedbehaviour (seeFigure2.4and2.5).Buthisworkon the
individuallevelactivitysystemremainedsomewhatawkwardlydisconnectedfromhis
workon landuse systems (cf.Chapin,1974).While the former focused largelyon
spatialorder, the latter focused largelyon temporalorder.As a consequence, the
temporalorderofactivitysystemsand itsrelation tospatialorderremainedsome
whatofablackboxinurbansystemstheory.
Figure2.3Trajectoriesduringoneyearofayounggirlofthe16th
arrondissement.Thecentral
triangle has at its corners: the home, piano lessons and political science lessons. Source:
ChombartDeLauwe(1952:106)
Figure2.4Inputandoutputinurbansystems.Interactioninprocessingactivities.TheFigureto
theleftpresentslinkagesintermsofoutputrelations.Clearlytheinputofoneplantmaybethe
outputofanotherplantinthemetropolitanarea.Asshownhere,thetofromrepresentationof
withininteraction
involves
approximately
the
same
areas.
The
dotted
pattern
suggest
that
theseareasmaybetreatedasoneclassoflanduseinlanduseplanning.(Chapin,1965:233)
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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haviourin
terms
of
aggregates
and
in
terms
of
mass
probabilistic
behaviour
as
was
usedinmuchurbansystemstheory.Hgerstrandaimed
toeliminateimprecisethoughtprocesseswhichconceptuallydeceiveusintohan
dlingpeopleaswehandlemoneyorgoodsoncewecommencetheprocessofag
gregationWhat [he had] inmind is the introduction of a timespace concept
whichcouldhelpustodevelopakindofsocioeconomicwebmodel.Themodel
wouldbeaskedwhatsortsofwebpatternsareattainableifthethreadsintheweb
(i.e. the individuals)may not be stretched beyond agreed levels of liveability.
(Hgerstrand,1970:8)
Thecentral
question
he
put
forward
was:
what
about
people?
(Hgerstrand,
1970).
AtthecoreofHgerstrandsthinkingistheideaoftimespacetrajectories.Theseare
universalbeingfollowedbyallhumansplusallnaturalandmanmadephenomena
(Pred,1977).Tofurtheranswerhisownquestion,Hgerstrand(1970:11)developsa
comprehensive taxonomy of constraints for activity and mobility behaviour by
whichthechoiceforpeopletotakecertaintimespacetrajectoriesarelimited:
Threelargeaggregationsofconstraintsimmediatelypresentthemselves.Thefirst
ofthesecouldbetentativelydescribedascapabilityconstraints,thesecondascou
pling constraints, and the third as authority constraints. (Hgerstrand, 1970: 11)
Severalothergeneralconstraints impingeupon the individual's freedomofaction,
forexample:
the
indivisibility
of
each
individual
(no
person
may
be
at
two
different
places simultaneously); the limited ability of anyhuman being toundertakemore
thanonetaskatatime;thefactthatmovementisalwaystimeconsuming;andthe
factthateverysituationisinevitablyrootedinpastsituations(Pred,1977:208).The
factthatmovementinspaceisalsomovementintimeandthatthehumanlifespanis
finite,completesthissetofmoregeneralconstraints(seeGiddens,1984:111).
Alltheseconstraintsarefundamentallytemporospatialinnatureasdemonstrated
byHgerstrands, thenhighlyoriginal,visualsystemofannotation todescribeboth
behaviourandconstraints(seeFigures2.6through2.9).Atfirstglance,itismainlyin
capabilityconstraintsandincouplingconstraintsratherthaninauthorityconstraints
wherethe
domain
of
urban
and
regional
design
and
planning
comes
into
play.
Al
though the focushere isondailypaths in timespacebasedpredominantlyon the
timescaleof24hours,Hgerstrandstaxonomyalsoappliestoothertimescalessuch
asthetimescaleofthelifepath(cf.Giddens,1984).
Capability constraints are thosewhich limit the activities of the individual be
causeofhisbiologicalconstructionand/orthetoolshecancommand.(Hgerstrand,
1970:12)According toHgerstrand, themost importantcapabilityconstraintscon
cernthenecessitytosleepand toeatatregular intervalsandminimumnumberof
hours.Suchconstraintsare thebasis for theconceptof the timespaceprism,origi
nallyoperationalised intermsofthe principleofreturnbyLenntorp (1976),which
shape
and
volume
indicates
the
timespace
budget
available
for
activities
(see
Figure
2.6).Thetimespacebudget intheformoftheprism iscentraltoHgerstrandscon
ceptualisation of temporospatial behaviour. Besides sleeping and eating which
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Timespacematters
42
largelydetermine
the
height
of
the
prism
within
a24
hour
scale
this
principle
prism
is shaped by the availablemeans of transportation formoving between places of
activity,determining thewidthof theprism.Forexample, figure2.7demonstrates
thedifferenceinreachforapersonwalkingorcycling.
Thesecondtypeofconstraintsconcernswhere,when,andforhow long,thein
dividualhas tojoinother individuals, tools,andmaterials inorder toproduce,con
sume,andtransact.Heretheclockandthecalendararethesupremeantidisorder
devices.Wemayrefertoagroupingofseveralpathsasabundle(Hgerstrand,1970:
14) (Figure2.8).AlthoughHgerstrandpays relatively little attention to the spatial
locationaspectwithinthesetypesofconstraints,itisofcoursethelocationofactivi
ties,in
time
as
well
as
in
space,
that
determine
the
degree
to
which
these
types
of
constraints limit thepossibilities for an individualpersonsbehaviour.Hgerstrand
considers the possibility to overcome these constraints to some degree by using
communicationtechnologies(seeFigure2.8),aconcept laterelaboratedasextensi
bility(e.g.Janelle,1973;Adams,1995;Kwan,2000a).
Figure2.6Thetimespaceprism.Source:WuandMiller(2001:4)
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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Figure 2.7 The difference in reach between apersonwalking and aperson cycling. Source:
Lenntorp(1978);reproducedbyParkesandThrift(1980:252)
Thethirdtypeofconstraints,relatedtoauthority, ismoredifficulttograsp. It isof,
relevance to thedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning intermsofau
thoritybeinginformedbythepackingcapacityofplaces(seebelow;cf.Pred,1977;
Giddens,1984)
as
well
as
in
terms
of
differentiating
between
public,
parochial
or
privatespaces,e.g.inhowitcreatesforbiddenplacesthroughrequiringpaymentfor
entryorformalrulesofaccesssuchascyclingbeingforbiddenonhighways.Thistype
ofconstraintreferstotheconceptofacontrolareaoradomain.atimespaceen
titywithinwhich thingsandeventsareunder thecontrolofagiven individualora
givengroup.Thepurposeofdomainsseemstobetoprotectresources,naturalas
wellasartificial,toholddownpopulationdensity,andtoformcontainerswhichpro
tectanefficientarrangementofbundles,seen from the insidepointofviewof the
principal. In timespace,domainsaredescribedascylinders the insidesofwhichare
eithernotaccessibleatallorareaccessibleonlyuponinvitationoraftersomekindof
payment,
ceremony,
or
fight.
(Hgerstrand,
1970:
16)
(see
figure
2.9)
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Timespacematters
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Figure2.8Bundlesoftimespacetrajectoriesandarudimentaryvisualisationoftheextensibility
concept.Source:Hgerstrand(1970)
Figure2.9ThenestingofseveraldomainsSource:Hgerstrand(1970)
2.2.4 Temporalorderandspatialorder:timespaceHgerstrandsontologyofactivityandmobilitybehaviourwidensthe ideaoforder
inactivitysystems (seealsoHgerstrand,1985,andLenntorp,2004,on pocketsof
localorder). In contrastwithChapins initialdefinitionof activity systems,Hger
strandfindsthatoneneedsnotonlythespatialpattern, i.e.spatialorder,tounder
standactivitysystems,butalsothepattern intime, i.e.temporalorder.Thusspatial
orderandtemporalordercannotbeseenasfullyseparatespheres,butthenneedto
beseenasahomology(Kellerman,1987):timespace.Thisshiftfromspacetotime
space isnotone to take lightly. Ithasseveral implicationsregardinghow tounder
standurban
systems.
Such
implications
can,
in
first
instance,
be
traced
in
sociological
theoryontimespace,asIwilldointhefollowingsections.
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2.3 Timespaceinsociologicaltheory:Implicationsoftimegeography
2.3.1 ThetracesoftimegeographyHgerstrandsworkwouldnothaveproliferatedasithas,ifnotforbeingadoptedto
enrichseveralofthegrandertheoriesinthesocialsciencesofthelastthreedecades
of the twentiethcentury.However, letmebegin tostate that it isnotmypurpose
heretotreatthegrandtheoriesofsocialscienceforalltheirdetail.Iaminterestedin
onething
only:
the
traces
left
by
time
geography
in
such
work,
and
the
implications
andcriticismsasaresultoftheimplicationsoftimegeographyasabuildingblockfor
understandingtimespace inthecontextofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.
BoLenntorponeofHgerstrandsdiscipleshasdoneasimilartracingexerciseby
comparing theentry for timegeography inthe1981and1994editionsoftheDic
tionaryofHumanGeography (Lenntorp,1999),butsuchanapproach focusingona
singulardomain is too limited todrawout the key concepts that areof relevance
here.Iamratherinterestedinthewiderscopeoftimegeography.
After introducing initial traceswithin thedomainof geography itself, Iwillde
scribe the appropriation and influence of the ideas from time geography in three
bodiesof
sociological
work:
in
the
work
of
Anthony
Giddens,
in
the
work
of
David
Harveyand intheworkofManuelCastells.Iwillconcludethisreviewofthetraces
thattimegeographyhasleftinsocialsciencetheorybyidentifyingsomeoftheimpli
cations for thinking aboutdesign and about planning aswell as about the roleof
communication and transport technologies. Note that an indepth, similar line of
argumentation, althoughwithout the focus on time geography,wasdevelopedby
Lash andUrry (1994). Their book complements the argumentation herewith rich
referencetosociological literatureandanempiricalanalysisofsocialchange; italso
highlightstherelevanceofpayingattention,insociology,totransportation,informa
tionandcommunicationtechnology.
2.3.2 GeographyandtimegeographyThemajordomaininwhichthetracesofHgerstrandstimegeographycanbetraced
isgeographyitself.Notethatit,infact,thecoretheoreticalworkontimegeography
cannot only be attributed to Hgerstrand, but is, at and from its beginning, also
shapedanddisseminatedbyotherssuchas,notably,BoLenntorp(1976,1978,1999,
2004).Threetracesareofdirectrelevancehereforthewaytheyhavesetthestage
for timegeography tobeconnected intoadebateon the relationbetweensociety
andspace.However,thischapterdoesnotallowforamoredetailedaccountthana
concise introductiontosomeofthekeyauthorsand literature.Besidesahistoryof
ideas,this isalsoahistoryofsocialandprofessionalconnectionsbetweenresearch
ers.
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AnneButtimer
met
Torsten
Hgerstrand
at
the
end
of
the
1970s
when
she
workedonTheDialogueProjectabout thehistoryofgeography inSwedenatLund
University. Buttimersworkhad focused thus far and focused thenon historiesof
geographic thought.HerPhDthesisonSocietyandMilieu inFrenchgeographypro
videdherlaterworkwithaframeworkrestingintheworkofFrenchgeographerVidal
deLaBlachewhoisgenerallyknownforhistheoreticalcontributiontoanecological
geography and the introduction of the conceptof genre de vie (Buttimer, 1971;
VidaldelaBlache,1922;VidaldelaBlache,1911).ThismadeherreceptiveofHger
strandswork. ThusButtimerwas concernedwith connecting time geographywith
phenomenological theory and sociological theory notably the concept of social
spaceused
by
Chombart
de
Lauwe,
exemplified
in
her
widely
cited
paper
on
dyna
mismof lifeworld (ChombartDeLauwe,1952;Buttimer,1976). In thatpaperBut
timer defines how time geography combinedwith phenomenological thought
providesthreenovelavenuesforstudyinthreemajorresearchareas:senseofplace,
social space,and timespace rhythms.Similar concernshad,during the sameyears,
inspired thework of Henri Lefebvre, French sociologist and philosopher,who has
been in turn influential for theworkofDavidHarvey (Lefebvre, 1974 (1991)) (see
below).
TommyCarlstein,workingdirectlywithHgerstrandinthe1970s(seePred,1977),
isasecondpersonthroughwhomitispossibletotracethelegacyoftimegeography.
His
own
work
mainly
extended
on
Hgerstrands
by
aiming
to
refine
the
types
of
constraintsthatcanbeidentified.Oneisofparticularinteresthere,namelythecon
ceptoftimespacepacking,whichistermedecologicalconstraintsbyGiddens:
Thepackingofmaterials,artefacts,organismandhumanpopulation insettlementspacetime
Thepackingoftimeconsumingactivitiesinpopulationtimebudgets Thepackingofbundlesofvarioussizes,numbersanddurationsinthepopu
lation system, i.e. group formation because of indivisibility and continuity
constraintsofindividuals
(Giddens,
1984:
116;
cf.
Parkes
et
al.,
1978,
Vol.
2:
146
161).
Howeverforthe largepart, it isnot ina long lineofworkofhisown,butrather in
bringing the subject to light for others, in particular for Nigel Thrift, in which
Carlsteinscontributionlies(seeThrift,1977).MuchofNigelThriftsworkinwhichhe
refers to time geographyoften in collaborationwithothers such asDonParkes,
John May or Ash Amin has been concerned with bringing the discourse in
geographywithasingularlyspatial focus inconfluencewithdiscourse ingeography
(aswellasotherdomains)witha singularly temporal focus. It isparticularly in the
1970sthatThriftswork isdominatedbyreferencetotimegeography.Duringthese
years,hecoeditsthethreevolumeworkonTimingSpaceSpacingTime(Parkeset
al., 1978) and coauthors the comprehensivework Times, Spaces and Places AChronogeographic Perspective (Parkes and Thrift, 1980). The core of these two
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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projectswas
to
place
time
firmly
in
the
minds
of
human
geographers
where
the
discourse isratherdominatedbyconcernsoverspace(ParkesandThrift,1980:xi).
Timegeographyisseenaspivotalindoingthat,butaccordingtoParkesandThriftit
needstobebroadenedtoawiderunderstandingoftimeingeographyforwhichthey
reserve the term chronogeography.Muchof theircontribution toa geographyof
time lies inconnectingthephilosophicaldebateonwhattime istotacklingtime in
geographicalresearch.Theydistinguishbetween(i)universetimes,familiarbyhowit
isrecordedincalendarsandclocks,(ii)lifetimes,whichcanbedividedintobiological
andpsychologicaltime,and(iii)socialtimes,derivedfromgroupuseandawareness
of frequency, duration and sequence of relations among socially relevant times
(Parkesand
Thrift,
1980:
37).
Another
contribution
lies
in
the
introduction
of
the
term
timing space as the maintenance or adjustment of the space context by time
manipulationand isboundby reference touniverse time (ParkesandThrift,1980:
109);andof therelatedtermofspacingtime. Withthenotionofspacingtimethe
focus shifts to the intervalbetween events and the recurrence of events. Spacing
becomestheadjustmentofevent(or item)relationsandthereforeoftime.(Parkes
andThrift,1980:116)Thesedualconceptsprovideamajorstepforwardintermsof
theproductionormakingoftimesandspacesincomparisontoHgerstrandswork.
In light of these concepts, Parkes and Thrifts also gives more substance to
Hgerstrands ideas by introducing a vocabulary of markers, pacemakers, and
Zeitgebers
(Parkes
and
Thrift,
1980:
19
21).
However,
in
connecting
their
comprehensivetreatmentoftimeasitrelatestophysicalspaceandsocialspace,they
loosemuchof the clarity and simplicitywhichmakesHgerstrands framework so
graspableandelegant(seeFigure2.10)(cf.Pred,1977).
Muchof Thrifts laterwork ishighly theoretical innature and veers intomany
other subjects thathave littledirect relation to timegeographyor theoryon time
space.But there are twobooks from theearly2000s inwhich Thrift reasserts the
importanceheattachestohis initialconcernfortimespace. InTimespaceGeogra
phies of Temporality JohnMay andNigel Thriftbring together a collectionofnew
essaysonthetheme.Somewhatdisappointingly,itagaindivergesinmanydirections
(ThriftandMay,2001). It isof interest, though, todrawattention to theessayon
Rhythms of the City byMike Crang in that volume (Crang, 2001). Linking Hger
strands thinking to that of Elizabeth Grosz and Henri Lefebvres Rhythmanalysis
(Grosz,1995;Grosz,1999;Lefebvre,1995)andusingBakhtinsvocabulary (Bakhtin,
1930s(1981)),Crangdevelopstheconceptofthe chronotope:aunityoftimeand
placeaplacenotnecessarilyofsingulartimebutaparticularconstellationoftem
poralitiescomingtogetherinaconcreteplace(Crang,2001:190)(cf.Chapter6).So,
CrangheredevelopsthenotionoftimespacerhythmsasButtimerintroduceditas
anavenueofresearchas theproblemofasimultaneouslycoexistingpluralityof
rhythms;i.e.ofthecityasrhythmsandurbanlivingasrhythmiccomposition(Crang,
2001:191).Thisbringstheideasofharmonisationandsynchronisationofrhythmas
wellas
conflicts
over
mastering
ones
own
time
(cf.
Rinderspacher,
2002)
(see
Chap
ter6)centraltoanyargumentonageographyoftimespace.
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Figure2.10Socialspace,physicalspaceandtimeintheecologyofthecity.Thecomprehensive
treatment
of
time,
as
it
relates
to
physical
space
and
social
space,
makes
losing
much
of
the
clarityandsimplicitywhichmakesHgerstrandsframeworksograspableandelegant.Source:
ParkesandThrift(1980:361)
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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Alast
account
of
time
geography
and
how
it
informed
the
development
of
new
con
ceptsoftimespacewithinthedomainofgeographyitselfconcernsthedevelopments
underthebanneroffeministgeography,inparticularthestrandofresearchassoci
atedwith transportgeographyand geographyofeveryday.There isanawkward
relationshipbetweenfeminismandtimegeography.Ontheonehand,thereisfierce
criticismof the inherent masculinity in timegeography (Rose,1993),whileon the
otherhandtimegeographyisusedinseveralfeministgeographicaccountstomakea
gendersensitiveagendavisible (e.g.Kwan,2000c).Thepotentialoftimegeography
to enlighten gender issues in geographywas recognised early on, for example by
PalmandPred (1974).However,as in theaccountsabove, Iamherenotasmuch
interestedin
applications
of
time
geography
as
much
as
Iam
interested
in
the
influ
enceoftimegeographyonthedevelopmentofconceptsingeography.
Astimegeography,feministgeographyneedstobeseennotasasubdisciplineof
geography, but as amodeof thinking that pervades virtually all subdisciplinesof
geography (seeGregory,Johnston,Pratt,WattsandWhatmore,2009).Thisenlight
ensthefactthattimegeographicconceptshaveemergedinfeministtransportgeog
raphywhichemergedwith thesocalled quantitativerevolution ingeography (see
HansonandHanson,1981),geographyofeveryday life (PalmandPred,1974),but
also a form of feminist time geography proper (Kwan, 2002; Kwan, 1999;
DroogleeverFortuijnetal.,1987).
Figure2.11Thedifferences in timespace trajectoriesemergingfrom themappingofmultiple
timespacetrajectoriesofgroupsofwomenfromAsianAmericansandfromAfricanAmericans.
Source:Kwan
and
Lee
(2003)
(original
in
colour)
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Centralto
the
notion
of
feminist
geography
is
the
notion
of
differences
and
this
is
alsowhere time geography is enriched by feminist geography. And this notion of
differenceextendsbeyondthemalefemaledistinction,extendingintodebatesabout
racial differences, the position of elderly and disabled people and the position of
childrensgeographies(e.g.Kwan,2002;Karsten,2002).Asecondkeyconceptfrom
feministgeographycontainsthenotionsofpersonalaccessibilityandplaceaccessi
bility,conceptsthathavegainedmuchmeaningsincetheintroductionoftimegeog
raphy(cf.WeberandKwan,2003;Kwan,Murray,O'KellyandTiefelsdorf,2003;Dijst,
1995).
TheworkbyMeiPoKwanisexemplaryofhowtheseconceptsgetcombinedina
feministtime
geography
(e.g.
Kwan,
2000b).
She
also
demonstrates
the
importance
ofvisualisationandatheorisationoftheuseofgeographicinformationtechnologies
thatfocusontheoryratherthanon technique (cf.KwanandLee,2003) (seeFigure
2.11).Moreover,hervisualworkdemonstrates the importanceofpatternsas they
differbetweengroupsemergingfromtheaccumulationofmultipletimespacetrajec
tories.What infactcomesto lightwiththis lastaccountoftimegeography isthata
geographyoftemporospatially determineddifferencesinaccessibilityisanimportant
partofwhattimegeographyhastoofferthroughoutthedomainofgeography.
2.3.3 TimegeographyinstructurationtheoryAsalreadybecameclearfromtheaccountsoftimegeographywithingeography, its
conceptshaveextendedbeyondthedomainofgeography intothedomainofsocial
theory.Althoughsome lamentthis(e.g.Lenntorp,1999),timegeographywouldnot
haveplayedtherole ithasnow, if ithadnot. It isthetheoryofstructuration,as it
wasdevelopedbyGiddens,whichtookonfirstinthismannertheconceptsfromtime
geography.Andtounderstandhowthisevolveditisnecessarytotakealookatakey
personinlinkingtimegeographywithstructurationtheory:AllanPred.
AllanPredwasmaybeoneof themostactive inadvocatingHgerstrandswork
bothinsideandoutsidethedomainofgeography(e.g.Pred,1977).Predworkedwith
Hgerstrandduring
much
of
both
their
careers.
Allan
Pred
stood
for
the
embedding
of time geography in a social notion of space and found starting points for it in
Hgerstrandsconceptual framework.Predadvocated theconfluenceof timegeog
raphyand social theory,andheexpressed thisatastage that structuration theory
wasstillonlyinitsinfancy(Pred,1981;ThriftandPred,1981;Giddens,1979):
itisanentreatyforhumangeographerstodirectlyaddressthatmostcentraland
challengingsetofquestionsconfrontingallofthesocialsciencesandhistory:the
dialecticbetweensocietyand individual; therelationbetween the individualand
thecollective,oneandmany,subjectandobject,Iandyou,usandthem;thein
terplaybetweenindividualbehaviourandexperience,theworkingsofsociety,and
societalchange
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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and
ifonelooksbeyondtheimmediatelyapparent,onefindsinHgerstrandstime
geographyahighlyflexiblelanguageandevolvingphilosophicalperspectivewhose
coreconceptsofpathandprojectreadily lend themselves todialectical formula
tionsconcerningtheindividualandsociety.
(Pred,1981:56)
InaperiodinwhichPredaswellasThriftperceivethatthereisagrowingconsensus
in social theoryalong these lines (Pred,1981;Thrift,1983),AnthonyGiddenspub
lisheshiselaboratetheoryofstructuration(Giddens,1984).AlthoughGiddenshim
selfseesstructurationtheoryasanovelresearchprogrammeforsociology,the2009
editionoftheDictionaryofHumanGeographystatesthatstructurationtheorywas
alwaysmoreofsensitisingdevicethanaresearchprogramme(Gregoryetal.,2009:
725). Amongst a range of other theoretical constructs, structuration theory intro
ducestwomajorideasfortacklingtheagencystructuredualityinsocialtheory:
The importanceofseekingtodialectically linkstructuraldeterminist(objectivist)andvoluntarist(subjectivist)approachesbydevelopingatransforma
tional/recursivemodelforsocial(inter)action;andthat
Timeandspacearecentraltotheconstructionofallsocialinteractionand,therefore,totheconstitutionofsocialtheory(Thrift,1983:112).
Timegeography iscentral inGiddensconceptualisationoftimeandspace,although
Giddensalsoacknowledgesitslimitations(Giddens,1984:132133).Giddensgoesto
quitesomelengthtoexplaintheconceptsoftimegeography.BydoingthatGiddens
setshimselfapartfrommuchofhiscontemporariesinthesocialsciencesinhischap
teronTime,spaceandregionalisationinTheConstitutionofSociety:
Mostsocialanalyststreattimeandspaceasmereenvironmentsofactionand
acceptunthinkingly
the
conception
of
time,
as
measurable
clock
time,
charac
teristicofmodernWesternculture.[S]ocialscientistshavefailedtoconstruct
theirthinkingaroundthemodesinwhichsocialsystemsareconstitutedacross
timespace. [I]nvestigation on this issue is onemain task imposed by the
problemoforderasconceptualisedinthetheoryofstructuration.Itisnot
aspecific type areaofsocial sciencewhichcanbepursuedordiscardedat
will.Itisattheveryheartofsocialtheory
As Ihave already addressed the central conceptsbrought forwardbyHgerstrand
himself,IwillfocushereonhowGiddensextendedonandcritiquedthoseconcepts.
The firstplacewhereGiddensextendson time geography iswherehe frames the
notionof
capability
constraints
by
introducing
the
concept
of
timespace
convergence
as itwasdevelopedby thegeographerand transport scientistDonald Janelle (Gid
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densrefers
to
Janelle,
1969;
see
also
Janelle,
1966,
for
the
original,
or
Spiekermann
andWegener,1994,forarenewedviewoftheconcept).Bytimespaceconvergence,
Janelleimpliesthat,asaresultoftransportinnovations,placesapproacheachother
intimespace;thatis,thetraveltimerequiredbetweenplacesdecreasesanddistance
declines insignificance(Janelle,1969).InGiddensviewtimespaceconvergence isa
usefulconcept toplot thechanges in theouterboundsoftimespaceprisms. It fails
however, Giddens says, to indicate themajor discrepancies between and within
social communities as to how they are differently affected by shrinking of such
virtualdistances(Giddens,1984:114).
WhywouldGiddensbe interested inJanellesconcept? Inmyviewbecause it is
embeddedin
arudimentary
model
of
spatial
reorganisation
(see
Figure
2.12);
atype
ofmodelGiddens isaiming toconstruct fromasociologicalviewpoint fleshingout
thetimespacestructuringofthesettingof interactionwhichtendstoappear in
writingsasgivenmilieuxof social life (Giddens,1984:116),asopposed to froma
technological viewpoint (cf. Lash andUrry, 1994). This concepthas later been ex
tendedbyJanelle inapaper inwhichhe identifiesseveralkeyspacetimeadjusting
technologiesthathavesimilar powerfortransformationthoughothermechanisms
e.g.compression,extensibility(JanelleandGillespie,2004)thanonlyacceleration.
Figure2.12Aprocessofspatialreorganisationinwhichtimespaceconvergenceandadaptation
arekeyconcepts(Janelle,1969)
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Althoughin
principle
Giddens
is
right
in
his
critique
of
the
concept,
in
my
view,
Gid
dens leavesthistechnologicalangletoosoontofocusonhismajorextensionofthe
timegeographical framework: theconceptof regionalisation.Regionalisation refers
tothedependenceofthecontinuityofsociallifeoninteractionswithotherswhoare
either copresent in time and/or space or who are absent in time and/or space
(Gregoryetal.,2009:726).
The leaving of the technological angle byGiddens is,moreover, remarkable in
lightoftwokeyconceptsmechanismsofspatialreorganisationinGiddensstheo
risationof structuration (Giddens,1984)andmodernity (Giddens,1990):distancia
tion thestretchingofsocialsystemsacross timespace (Giddens,1984:377)and
disembedding
the
lifting
out
of
social
relations
from
local
contexts
of
interaction
and their restructuring across indefinite spans of timespace (Giddens, 1990: 21).
Thesemechanismsare inmyview,which issupportedby Janelleswork, inherently
althoughnotexclusivelytechnologicalinnature.
ThesecondplacewhereGiddensstartstoextendontheconceptsoftimegeog
raphyhedoessobyadoptingecologicalconstraintsconcernedwiththepackingof
timespace(seeabove)(Giddens,1984:116).Giddensmovestheseunderthebanner
ofauthorityconstraintsasconcerningthepacking,i.e.inhabitingormovingthrough,
andconstitutionof domains;asrepresentingthe overallorganisationofcapability
andcouplingconstraints.Here,beforedevelopinghisconceptsofregionalisationas
intimately
related
to
a
dynamic,
social
conceptualisation
of
place
as
locale
and
presenceavailability,Giddensdevelops anumberof critical viewpointsonHger
strandsframework.InsummaryGiddensfindsthat:
Timegeographyrepresentsanaveanddefectiveconceptionofthehumanagent in itscorporeality independentofthesocialsettingswhichtheycon
frontintheirdaytodaylives;fromthisfollowsthatthenatureandoriginof
projectswhichtheypursueremainunexplicated.
Forthatreason,Hgerstrandsanalysestendtorecapitulatethedualismofactionandstructure,albeit innovelformbecauseofhisconcernwithtime
and
space.
Stations,
domains,
etc
appear
as
givens.
Thus
little
emphasis
is
placedonthetransformativecharacterofallhumanaction,eveninitsmost
utterlyroutinisedforms.
The concentration solely upon constraining properties of the body in itsmovement through timespace isunwarranted.All typesof constraintsare
also typesofopportunity,media for theenablementofaction.Moreover,
thenotionofconstraintsiscultureboundwithitsfocusonscarcityandeffi
cientuseoftimeandspaceasresources.
Timegeographyinvolvesonlyaweaklydevelopedtheoryofpower.TheconstraintsasHgerstrandproposesthemareallmodalitiesoftheengendering
andsustainingofstructuresofdomination.
(Giddens,1984:117118)
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Thiscritique
is
the
basis
for
Giddens
to
explain
his
concept
of
regionalisation.
As
this
isatthecoreofGiddenstheory, it is impossibleheretodrawacomprehensivepic
tureofthecharacteristicsandtheimplicationsoftheconcept.Ilimitmyselftoabrief
outline,whichmaythusregrettablybetosomedegreeflawed.
It is inoneofthekeyconceptsthatHgerstrandusestodescribeauthoritycon
straints thatGiddensplaceshis conceptof regionalisation of timespace:domains.
ForHgerstrandthesewerecontrolareas,butGiddensextendsonthisdefinition,in
lightofhis critique that it is toomuch seenasa given.Giddens seesdomainsas
dynamic regions thatare shaped in continuous interactionbetween agentanddo
main.Thus,regionalisationoftimespace is themovementof lifepaths throughset
tingsof
interaction
that
have
various
forms
of
spatial
demarcation
(Giddens,
1984:
116).Despitethisratherindirectdefinition,Giddenscontinuesthatthepropertiesof
domains canbe subjected todirect study in termsof coupling constraintswhicha
givendistributionofstationsandactivitybundlescreatesfortheoverallpopulation
whoseactivitiesareconcentratedwithin thosedomains. (Giddens,1984:116) He
continues to identify the process of regionalisation: it should be understood not
merelyaslocalisationinspacebutasreferringtothezoningoftimespaceinrelation
to routinised social practices (Giddens, 1984: 119; cf. Zerubavel, 1981, and other
workbyZerubavel).
Structurationtheoryhasbeenhighly influential inprovidingarangeofnewcon
cepts
and
contextualising
of
preceding
concepts
for
sociology
and
geography,
though
isnotwithoutcriticism.JeremyRoseprovidesausefulconciseoverview(Rose,1998);
Archer develops an elaborate critique arguing formore amore realist approach
(Archer,1995).Oneofthe issueshighlightedbyRoseisthatthedynamicsofagency
andthoseofstructureunfoldondifferenttimescalesandthuscanandneed tobe
conceptuallyseparatedratherthanbroughtinconfluenceasGiddensdoes(cf.Archer,
1990);moreover,thatGiddenstendstonegatetherelevanceofstructureandprivi
legesagency.
Incontrast,BrunoLatourfindsthatGiddensdoesnottaketheimplicationsofthe
confluenceofstructureandagencyfarenoughbyproposingformsofmediationbe
tween structure and agency; Latours proposal for actornetwork theory however
doesnotpayattentiontotheissuesoftemporalandspatialorderingofferedbyGid
dens (see Latour,2005; cf.Boelens,2009).Others critiqueGiddens fornotpaying
sufficientattentiontopowerrelationsintermsofpoliticsandeconomy(e.g.Harvey,
1990:102).Or forhis focusonontologywithoutpaying sufficientattention to the
implications formethodology,describing itasGiddenss failure toprovideaviable
epistemology(Hekman,citedinRose,1998)andhislackofcriticalstanceintermof
normativeconcepts(Bernstein,citedinRose,1998).Thus,althoughGiddenssworkis
helpful inprovidingamoredetailedvocabularyon timespace,hedoesnotprovide
thefulloronlystorytobetoldabouttheimplicationsoftimegeography.
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2.3.4 TimegeographyintheworkofDavidHarveyDavidHarvey isthesecondofgrandtheoryproducersafterGiddenstoposition
Hgerstrand central in hiswork.Harvey finds time geography to be the simplest
descriptorofdailypractices (Harvey,1990:211). In thatcapacity,Harveypositions
timegeographyatthebasisofhistreatmentoftheexperienceofspaceandtimeas
it is characteristic forpostmodernity (Harvey, 1990, Part III,p.201 ff), afterhaving
introduced the conditionofpostmodernity (thecentral themeofhiswork) firstas
thepassagefrommodernitytopostmodernityincontemporaryculture,andasthe
politicaleconomic transformation of late twentiethcentury capitalism. Harveys
centralargument
is
that
there
has
been
asea
change
in
cultural
as
well
as
in
politi
caleconomicpracticessincearound1972andthatthisseachangeisboundupwith
theemergenceofnewdominantways inwhichweexperiencespaceandtime;but
that these changes ... appear as surface appearance rather than as signs of the
emergenceofsomeentirelynewpostcapitalistorevenpostindustrialsociety(Harvey,
1990:vii).ItmaybeclearthatwiththeimportanceHarveyattachestoexperiencing
spaceandtimeheisalsocriticaloftimegeography.Harvey(1990:211212)states:
Hgerstrandsschemeisausefuldescriptorofhowthedailylifeofindividualsun
foldsinspaceandtime.Butittellsusnothingabouthowstationsanddomains
are
produced,
in
the
way
it
palpably
does.
It
also
leaves
aside
the
question
of
how
andwhycertainsocialprojectsand theircharacteristic couplingconstraintsbe
comehegemonic,anditmakesnoattempttounderstandwhycertainsocialre
lationsdominateothers,orhowmeaninggetsassignedtoplaces,spaces,history,
andtime.Unfortunately,assemblingmassiveempiricaldataontimespacebiogra
phiesdoesnotgetattheanswerstothesebroaderquestions,eventhoughrecord
ofsuchbiographies formsausefuldatum forconsidering the timespacedimen
sionofsocialpractices.
To provide an answer to this critique, Harvey proposes to consider the socio
psychologicalandphenomenological approaches to timeandspace thathavebeen
putforward
by
writers
such
as
de
Certeau,
Bachelard,
Bourdieu
and
Foucault
(Harvey,
1990:213);asimilarmovetowardsphenomenologyasButtimerproposed(Buttimer,
1976).RemarkablyHarveysworkontimespaceshowsanalmostcompleteneglectof
Giddenswork on distanciation and structuration, concepts that are important to
Giddens understanding of timespace.Harvey shows outright criticism onGiddens
being a macrosocial theorist (Harvey, 1990: 102), but by building in part on
Bourdieusnotionofpractices andhisnotionof time (Bourdieu,1977),Harvey re
mains,inmyview,quiteclosetosomeofthekeynotionsofstructurationist theory,
perhapsnotwithregardtoitsideaofreflexiveaction,butinparticularwithregardto
itsconceptualisationof timespace.However,Harveysworkdiverges fromGiddens
workwithhisfocuson representationsofspace,aconceptheborrowsfromHenri
Lefebvresworkonsocialspace(Lefebvre,1974(1991)).
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Inconnecting
his
thinking
about
timespace
to
Lefebvres
notion
of
social
space
andBourdieusnotionofpracticesandof time (cf.above theworkofPredandof
Buttimer), Harvey exposes some of the centralweaknesses of the annotations of
behaviour intimegeography, inparticularwithregardtothesocialnatureof (tem
poro)spatialpractices.InspiredbyLefebvrestriadofconceptsonsocialspacespa
tialpractice(perceivedspace),representationsofspace(conceivedspace)andrepre
sentational spaces (lived space) (Lefebvre, 1974 (1991): 3839) Harvey takes an
important conceptual step by developing a grid of spatial practices along these
threedimensions (seeTable2.1).Thefourthdimensionheusestodelineatespatial
practicesisdefinedbymoreconventionalunderstandingsofspatialpractice:acces
sibilityand
distanciation
(cf.
Giddens,
1984),
appropriation
and
use
of
space,
the
dominationandcontrolofspace(seeaboveforthediscussionondomains),andthe
productionofspace in termsofhownew technologicalandothersystemsarepro
duced.
He highlights that these dimensions are not independent of eachotherwith,
particularly, relations between distanciation anddominationor appropriation; and
appropriationanddomination(Harvey,1990:222).Harveyspurposewiththisgridis
nottoattemptanysystematicexplorationof thepositionswithin it[but] to find
somepointofentrythatwillallowadeeperdiscussionoftheshiftingexperienceof
spaceinthehistoryofmodernismandpostmodernism(Harvey,1990:222).Interest
ingly
Harvey
also
exposes
the
weaknesses
of
his
own
work
with
this
scheme.
With
his
furthermorealmostexclusivefocusonrepresentationsofspaceinculturalexpres
sionsofspatialandtemporalorderasaresultofhispostmodernstancehefails,
withintentImustsay,toprovideneitheranempirical(episteme)noratechnicalview
of knowledge (techne; cf. Chapter 3) on temporospatial practices, particularwith
regardto theproductionofspace.However,heputssomethingelse inplace.After
having introducedHgerstrandsconceptsof timegeography,Harvey in fact leaves
themaside intermsofreferencingalmost immediately.Hisreasonsforthiscan
befound inhisstatementthat it isafundamentalaxiomof[the]enquirythattime
and spacecannotbeunderstood independentlyof socialaction.Harvey focuses
thusonpower relationsbeing always implicated inspatialand temporalpractices
whichpermitustoputtheseratherpassivetypologiesandpossibilities[indicatedin
thegrid]intothemoredynamicframeofhistoricalmaterialistconceptionsofcapi
talist modernisation (Harvey, 1990: 223225); in my view an almost Giddensian
move.
There, inhisanalysisofsocialaction intermsofpower,Harveyfindsanew de
scriptorofhowdailylifeunfolds.And,althoughitlargelyrefrainsfromtheindivid
ualleveltowhichHgerstrandwassoferventlyattached,itbuildsthoughnotexclu
sivelyontheintegraltemporospatialnatureofdaytodaypracticesasitwasdevel
opedbyHgerstrand.Thisnewdescriptoristheconceptoftimespacecompression:
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Chapter2Temporospatialorder
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Accessibilityand
distanciation
Appropriation
anduseofspace
Dominationand
controlofspace
Productionof
space
Materialspatial
practices
(experience)
Flowsofgoods,
money,people,
labourpower,
information,etc.;
transportand
communications
systems;
market
and
urbanhierarchies;
agglomeration
Landusesand
built
environments;
socialspacesand
otherturf
designations;
social
networks
of
communication
andmutualaid
Privateproperty
inland;stateand
administrative
divisionsofspace;
exclusive
communitiesand
neighbourhoods;
exclusionary
zoningandother
formsofsocial
control(policing
andsurveillance)
Productionof
physical
infrastructures
(transportand
communications;
built
environments;
landclearance,
etc.);territorial
organisationof
social
infrastructures
(formaland
informal)
Representations
ofspace
(perception)
Social,psychological
andphysical
measuresofdistance;
mapmaking;
theories
ofthefrictionof
distance(principleof
leasteffort,social
physics,rangeofa
goodcentralplace
andotherformsof
locationaltheory)
Personalspace;
mentalmapsof
occupiedspace;
spatialhierarchies;
symbolic
representation
ofspaces;spatial
discourses
Forbiddenspaces;
territorial
imperatives;
community;regionalculture;
nationalism;
geopolitics;
hierarchies
Newsystemsof
mapping,visual
representation
communicationetc.;newartistic
andarchitectural
discourses;
semiotics.
Spacesof
representation
(imagination)
Attraction/repulsion;
distance/desire;
access/denial;
transcendence
mediumisthe
message.
Familiarity;
hearthand
home;open
places;places
of
popular
spectacle
(streets,squares,
markets);
iconographyand
graffiti;
advertising
Unfamiliarity;
spacesoffear;
propertyand
possession;
monumentality
andconstructed
spacesofritual;
symbolicbarriers
andsymbolic
capital;
constructionof
tradition;spaces
ofrepression
Utopianplans
imaginary
landscapes;
sciencefiction
ontologiesand
space;artists
sketches;
mythologiesof
spaceandplace;
poeticsofspace;
spacesofdesire
Table
2.1
A
grid
of
spatial
practices
inspired
by
Henri
Lefebvres
conceptualisation
of
social
space.Source:Harvey(1990:220221)
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Figure2.13Theaccelerationoftravelling inFranceoveraperiodof200yearsasdepictedby
EmileCheyssonin1889(Cheysson,1889;depictedinBretagnolle,2003)
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Imean
to
signal
by
that
term
processes
that
so
revolutionise
the
objective
qualities
ofspaceandtimethatweareforcedtoalter,sometimes,inradicalways,howwe
representtheworldtoourselves[noteagainthefocusonrepresentationofspace,
JvS].Iusethewordcompressionbecauseastrongcasecanbemadethatthehis
toryofcapitalismhasbeencharacterisedbyspeedupinthepaceoflife,whileso
overcomingspatialbarriers that theworldsometimesseems tocollapse inwards
uponus.(Harvey,1990:240)
The timespace compression conceptwas and still is very compelling, for a part,
exactlybecause it isassociatedwithvisualdepictionsofa shrinkingworld. Itcon
juresupmuchstrongerthantheannotationsofHgerstrand,Giddensoranyother
geographeror
sociologist
aview
of
timespace
that
acknowledges
the
role
of
tech
nology (artefacts,cf.Simon,1969), theproductionof technologyand its territorial
effectsasitorganisesspacearoundnetworks(cf.Dupuyetal.,2008).However,often
sinceHarveyintroducedtheconceptoftimespacecompressionasadescriptor,ithas
beeninterpretedexclusivelyintermsofaccessibilityanddistanciationshrinking
(see the firstcolumnofspatialpractices inTable2.1) rather than inother typesof
(temporo)spatialpracticesasHarveyoriginallyintended.
Timespace compression is in those cases reduced to and translated into time
spaceconvergence,whichisafaultyconceptualisation oftimespacecompressionasI
willexplicatebelow.Moreover, ifconsideredonly in those terms, the ideaof time
spacecompression
was
not
particularly
new,
as
Emile
Cheysson
depicted
the
idea
of
a compressed France already at the end of the 19th century (see Figure 2.13)
(Bretagnolle, Paulus and Pumain, 2002). In Hgerstrands terminology, that faulty
conceptionoftimespacecompressiononlyconcernscapabilityconstraints,whereas
Harvey implies significance for both coupling and authority constraints aswell.As
such it is thenotionof timespacepacking (seeabove)rather thanbutnotapart
fromdistanciationthatisofrelevancetotheconceptoftimespacecompression.
2.3.5 TheNetworkSocietyWith
Giddens
and
Harvey,
the
sociologist
Manuel
Castells
belongs
to
the
grand
theo
ristsofthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury.Althoughherefrainsfromreferring
toHgerstrandIwillshowthatCastellsworkstillbelongsherewiththetracesoftime
geography insocialtheory.CastellsTheRiseof theNetworkSociety isgenerallyre
gardedasoneofthemostinfluentialworksofthelate20thcenturyonhowsocieties
andcitieswithinthemaredevelopingandmaybedevelopingforagoodpartofthe
21stcentury(Castells,1996(2000)). In ithehasoutlinedafundamentallynew con
textforplanning(AlbrechtsandMandelbaum,2005).
KeytoCastellsthesisistheconceptualdistinctionbetweenaspaceofplaces
the historically rooted spatial organisation of our common experience (Castells,
1996(2000):
408)
and
aspace
of
flows
the
material
organisation
of
time
sharing
social practices that work through flows (Castells, 1996 (2000): 442). These two
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spacesneed
to
be
seen
as
separate
ordering
mechanisms
(logics;
Castells,
1996
(2000):408)fortheeconomic,social,politicalandphysicalorderingofcities.Castells
claimisthatthespaceofflowsisreplacingthespaceofplacesasprimaryordering
mechanism; sonot that it is replacing itper seasCastellshasbeenoftenwrongly
interpreted. It is, inCastellsview, becoming thedominantspatialmanifestationof
powerandfunctioninoursocieties(Castells,1996(2000):409);thespaceofflowsis
notplacelessthoughitslogicis(Castells,1996(2000):443).Thecontentofthespace
of flows concept,Castellsexplains, canbedescribed through three layers,which I
summarisehere,thatprovidethematerialsupportforit:
Acircuitofelectronicexchanges that form thematerialbasis for theprocesses,beingstrategicallycrucialinthenetworkofsociety,i.e.thenetworkof
communicationexpressedintechnologicalinfrastructure(infirstinstancein
formation technology)whichdefines thenew spacemuch as railwaysde
finedregionsandmarkets;andasrulesofcitizenrydefinedcities.
The nodes and hubs of the space of flows, i.e. specific placeswithwelldefinedsocial,cultural,physicaland functionalcharacteristics; thesenodes
andhubsarefoundinparticularcitiesthatareembeddedinahierarchically
organisedglobalnetworkofcities.
The spatial organisation of the dominant managerial elites (rather thanclasses);
articulation
of
cosmopolitan
elites
(through
forming
symbolically
secludedcommunitiesandbydesigningsymbolicenvironmentsofglobally
unifiedspatialformsandlifestyles)andsegmentation/disorganisation ofthe
localmassesastwinmechanismsofsocialdominationinsociety.
(Castells,1996(2000):442445)
Thoughhaving formulatedhis thesisprimarily from theviewpointof spatialorder,
Castellsdevelops an intricate link to temporal order, as the conceptsof time and
space are inherently linkedwhen acknowledging the existenceof themechanisms
embeddedinthespaceofflows.Centralistheideathatthetransformationoftime
under
the
information
technology
paradigm,
as
shaped
by
social
practices,
is
one
of
thefoundationsofthenewsocietywehaveentered,inextricablylinkedtotheemer
genceofthespaceofflows(Castells,1996(2000):460).However,Castellssomewhat
mystifieshisconceptualisation oftimebyintroducingthetermtimelesstime[as]the
dominant temporality of our society (Castells, 1996 (2000): 494). In fact, Castells
reliesheavilyonaneclecticreadingofGiddenswork,onthatofHarveyandonoth
erssuchasJohnUrrytocometoanempiricallyexplicatednotionoftime.Thatnotion
oftimeIwouldsayisfarfromtimeless,butenshrinedincomplexinteractionsof
differentmechanismsoftimespaceordering.
Keynotions thatCastells identifiesas timeless timeare the following (Castells,
1996(2000):465481)againsummarised,but leavingouthisconceptualisation of
timeasherelatesittodeathandwar:
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The idea of realtime interactions and transactions in economic systems[notethatthisisanultimateformoftimespaceconvergence,JvS];
Thenotionofflextimeinnetworkedenterprisesseenasflexibleformsofmanagementcombinedwithintensifiedperformanceof labourforexample
related to the adaptability of firms tomarket demand and technological
changesbyslowingdownorspeedingupproductandprofitcycles[notethat
thisisrelatedtothenotionoftimespacecompressionasdevelopedbyDavid
Harvey,JvS];
The shrinkingandtwistingof lifeworkingtime;hoursspentforpaidworkremainingatthenucleusofdaytodaylifeofmostpeople,thoughgenerally
theamount
of
hours
quantitatively
declining
while
showing
increasing
diver
sity indurationofworkinghours [note that this combinesmechanismsof
timespaceindividualisationandflexibilisation,JvS](cf.below)
Theblurringofthelifecyclewhichwouldinitsultimatestateleadtosocialarrhythmia; Castells proposes to hypothesise that thenetwork society is
characterisedbythebreakingdownoftherhythms,eitherbiologicalorso
cial,associatedwiththenotionofthelifecycle(Castells,1996(2000):476)
(cf.Lefebvre,1995)(i.e.timespaceindividualisation;cf.below)
ForCastellsthecombinationoftheseprocessesoftransformationoftemporalorder
resultsin
timeless
time,
occurring
when
the
characteristics
of
agiven
context,
namelytheinformationalparadigmandthenetworksociety,inducesystemicpertur
bation in the sequentialorderofphenomenaperformed in that context (Castells,
1996(2000):494).Inmyviewhetriesheretounifythedifferentmechanismsoftem
poralordering inawaythatmystifiesratherthanclarifies. Iwilldrawoutthesedif
ferentmechanismsinmoredetailbelow.
2.3.6 Implications:mechanismsoftemporospatialadaptationandcartographyIn theprecedingparagraphs Ihavedevelopedadetailedaccountof tracesof time
geographyin
geographic
and
social
theory.
It
is
necessary
to
stand
still
here
at
two
implications of having outlined these traces. The first implication concerns the
mechanismsofspatialandtemporaltemporospatialtransformationsoradapta
tionsinJanellesterms(seesection2.1fortheroleofadaptationinsystemsthinking).
The second implication concerns the cartography, i.e. themapping, of timespace.
Letsstartwiththelatter.Harveydemonstratestheimportanceofrepresentationsin
howweconceptualisespaceandtime.Butherefrainsfromidentifyingafundamental
problematicofrepresentationsofspace.Namely,cartographypartiallyinformedby
thefieldof informationvisualisationforthedevelopmentofthematiccartography
producesprincipallyspatialmodels(i.e.on/asmaps)wheretimecanbedepictedonly
indirectly
by
morphing
space,
colour,
symbol,
scale
type
or
other
cartographic
tech
niques(Klaasen,2005b;seee.g.alsoKraakandMaceachren,1994).Althoughthereis
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aconsiderable
body
of
literature
on
cartography
of
timespace
phenomena
(see
e.g.
Vasiliev, 1997; Koussoulakou and Kraak, 1992; Axhausen and Hurni, 2005), these
showasignificantbiastowardsvisualisingtimeprimarilyastravelduration,neglect
ingthestationaryaspectsoftemporospatialbehaviour;despiteactivitiesinparticular
places,asidentifiedbyHgerstrand,beingkeytounderstandingactivityandmobility
behaviour.ForcompellingexceptionsseeFigures2.14and2.15;theauthorsofthese
visualisations,however,signal largedifficulties incollectingandprocessingthedata
necessary todevelop such visualisations of rhythms rather than distances (Janelle
andGoodchild,1983;GoodchildandJanelle,1984)(cf.Chapters5and6).
Thereisafundamentalstrengthintimespacemapsastohowtheymaycombine
differentnotions
of
time.
Timespace
maps
displaying,
for
example,
timespace
con
vergence,areabletomakevisibletheintuitiverelationbetweentimespacedistance
indaytodaylifeandthetransformations ofthetechnologicalconditionsfortravers
ingthosedistancesonadaytodaybasis;timespacemapsthusrendervisibleasig
nificantpartof the structurationof timespaceasconceptualisedbyGiddens.How
ever,thereisafundamentalbiasintimespacecartography,namelythebiasofmeas
urabilityofdistancesinbothtimeandspacewhichneglectsotherlesseasilymeas
urabletypesofrelationsbetweentemporalandspatialorder.Suchothertypesof
orders rhythm for example are often socially rather than technologically con
structed,althoughtheyareoftenstillmediatedbytechnology(information,including
monitoring
technology,
communication
technology,
transport
technology,
etc.).
Moreover, in thereductionoftemporalphenomena totwotimescales (onefor
traveldistanceandone fortransformation), timespacemappingsoftimespacecon
vergence neglectmany of the intermediaryscale orderings of time and space on
which timespaceconstraints tend to work suchasweeklyor seasonal rhythmsof
activity andmobility.Moreover, suchmappings tend to generalise timespacephe
nomena such that they render invisible the differences between how timespace
transformationsresult indifferenteffectsfordifferentgroupsofpeople(cf.thecri
tiquebyHgerstrandthat liesatthebasisofhisquestionwhataboutpeople?,but
also Giddens critique on Hgerstrand above). Thesemechanisms work together,
effectingfundamentalchanges inthefourtypesofconstraintsidentifiedbyGiddens
as embedded in time geography: capability, coupling, authority and packing con
straints.Iwillexplicatebelow.
Whentheoristsspeakofthe speedingupor accelerationofcontemporary life
to identify the condition of postmodernity (e.g.Virilio andDerian, 1998;Harvey,
1990), they often do not distinguish how thesemechanisms are related to those
different types of constraints. As has become clear in this chapter, distinguishing
betweentheseconstraintsasseparatecategories isnotthesameasthembeing in
dependent fromeachother.Yetwithout suchadistinction it isdifficult to identify
wheretheopportunitieslieforthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning
andwhichareclearlyoutsidetheworkingsofthatdomain.Therefore Iproposethe
schemein
Table
2.2
for
linking
constraints
to
different
mechanisms
of
timespace
adaptation.
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Figure2.14
The
shift
over
aperiod
of
24
hours
in
spatial
distribution
of
activity
patterns
by
type
ofactivity(Janelleetal.,1998:130)(originalincolour)
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Figure2.15Temporalorderingofurbanspaceshowing tractsof timeuse inparticularplaces
(Janelleetal.,1998:126)
Timespaceconvergenceandtimespacecompressionhavebeendiscussedearlierthis
chapter,but it isnecessarytoherebrieflyprovideamoredetaileddefinitionofthe
conceptsoftimespaceflexibilisationandtimespace individualisation(alsoseeChap
ter1forexamples).Timespaceflexibilisation referstotheuncoupling(disembedding)
ofactivities
from
alocal
temporal
or
spatial
order.
This
can
be
an
effect
of
the
disap
pearanceorshiftingoftemporalmarkers(orZeitgebers;seeParkesandThrift,1980;
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e.g.work
time
leisure
time
balance)
or
spatial
markers
(e.g.
the
shift
of
centre
func
tionsto edge locations;Garreau,1991);or itcanbeaneffectoftheemergenceof
newnetsof relationsbetweendistanciatedactors (seee.g. thespaceofflowscon
ceptdevelopedbyCastells,1996(2000)).
Ofadifferentorder,timespaceindividualisationreferstothepossibilitiesforpeo
ple todiversify their activitypatternsonboth adailybasis and/ordivergent from
theirsocialculturallydependentcontextandhabits.It iscloselyrelatedtotheproc
ess of disembedding associatedwith timespace flexibilisation, but differs in that
respectthatitisconcernedwiththedegreetowhichpeoplearecapableofgoverning
theirowntime.Assuchitisrelatedtobothnotionsoffreedomofactivitychoice(cf.
Chapin,1968)
for
example,
related
to
participation
in
the
labour
market
by
women
andfreedomofmobility.Thelatterismediated,forexample,bycarownership.
Thesefourmechanismsarenotunavoidablyunidirectionali.e.increasinglymov
ing towardsmore converged, compressed, individualised or flexible timespace. By
seeingtheseconceptsasmechanismsratherthanonlyintermsofprocessesoftrans
formationitispossibletoopenupinquiriesaboutthenongeneralised,differentiated
effectsofthesemechanismsthroughoutpopulations.Andaboutthepossiblerolesof
urbanandregionaldesignandplanning.
Timespaceconstraints Primarilymediatedby
(notethattheseare
technologically,socially,politically
and/oreconomicallyconstructedin
aprocessofstructuration
influencedbytheotherconstraints
themselves)
Mechanismoftimespace
adaptation
Capability Transportationand
communicationtechnology
Timespaceconvergence
Coupling Locationandregionsofactivitiesin
timeandspace,economicrules
Timespaceflexibilisation
Authority Socialrulesanddemarcationof
regions
Timespaceindividualisation
Packing Sizeandidentityoflocales Timespacecompression
Table2.2
The
suggested
relation
between
timespace
constraints
and
mechanisms
of
timespace
adaptation
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Withthe
scheme
in
Table
2.2
the
argument
is
reinforced
that
the
mechanism
of
time
spaceindividualisationisoutsidethedomainofdirectinfluenceofurbanandregional
designandplanning.This tablealsoputs forward that the threeothermechanisms
areinsomewayoranotherrelatedtospatialandtemporalorderingswhichmaybe
influencedbythephysicalspatialtransformationseffectedthroughdesignandplan
ningofcities.Thisshiftnowopensupthesubjectofthischapterto thequestion if
thedomainofurbanand regionaldesignandplanning is capableof responding to
suchanintricateconceptualisation oftimespace.
2.4 Conclusion:Whatabouttime?2.4.1 RecapitulatingthekeyideasinthischapterThischapterstartedofwithdefiningtemporalandspatialorderascharacteristicsof
systemsingeneralandactivitysystemsandurbansystemsinparticular.Thechapter
subsequentlyoutlined thekey conceptsof time geography in lightof thequestion
inspiredbyTorstenHgerstrandwhataboutpeopleinurbanandregionaldesignand
planning? Idemonstrated that theseconceptscanbeseen intermsof activitysys
temsaspartofawider systemsbasedviewofurbanplanning;and that timeand
spaceneedtobeseenasahomology:timespace.
BasedonHgerstrandsworkI introducedthe ideaoftimespaceconstraintsfor
peoples activity andmobilitybehaviour including threedifferent types: capability,
couplingandauthorityconstraints.A fourthcategory,namelypackingorecological
constraints was shown to contribute to amore complete understanding of con
straintsforthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Ofthesefour,at
firstglance, the fourmain typesofconstraintscapability,coupling,authorityand
packing are all of concern to urban and regional design and planning although in
differentways.
Bytracingtheseelementsoftimegeographyintheworkofthreekeysocialtheo
ristsGiddens,HarveyandCastells Iexplicatedthattheseconstraintsaredirectly
linkedto
different
mechanisms
of
structuration,
each
mediated
by
technology.
Thus
I
showedthatinsteadoflookingattimeintermsoftimespaceorder,timespaceinthe
contextofurbanandregionaldesignandplanningneedtobe lookedupon interms
oftimespaceordering,i.e.structuration.
Ihave identified twomajorcategoriesof implicationsoftheway inwhichsocial
theorylookeduponthetimespaceactivityandmobilitybehaviourofpeople.Thefirst
implication is that it isofkey importance toattach relevance to representationsof
timespace inthevisibilityand interpretationofthatbehaviour.Thesecond implica
tion is concernedwith the linking of the explanatory concepts of timespace con
straints forbehaviour to someof the keymechanismsof timespace structuration,
transformationand
adaptation
of
both
society
and
individual
behaviour
or
action
as
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identifiedin
social
theory.
Together
these
implications
provide
aconcise
framework
tolookupontheapproachesdescribedinChapters5and6.
2.4.2 ValueoftimegeographyforurbanandregionaldesignandplanningBecauseHgerstrandsdescriptorsofbehaviourofpeople intimespacehad inspired
muchgeographicandsocialtheorythatlaterprovedtobeinfluentialonproclaiming
the networksocietyasanewcontextforplanning, Isoughtoutthetracesoftime
geographywithin the largerdomainofgeographyand in social theory.Severalau
thorswithin geographyextendedonHgerstrands concerns seekingoutnew ave
nuesof
research,
amongst
whom
are
quantitative
geographers,
phenomenologists
andfeministgeographers.Theirbodyofwork ledtoattachingrelevancetonewno
tionsoftimesuchasrhythms,unequalopportunities,diversityandthe introduction
ofafourthtypeofconstraint,packingconstraints.Withinthegrandsocialtheories
ofGiddens,HarveyandCastellsIdrewoutthetracesoftimegeographyintheidenti
ficationofa seriesofmechanisms throughwhich theordering structurationof
timespaceintimeandovertimeandonaseriesoftimescalesunfolds.
Sowhatabouttimeinurbanandregionaldesignandplanning?Ifitwereeasyto
translate immediately such theorisations into issues of concern for urban and re
gionaldesignandplanning,thisthesiswouldnotconcernitselfwiththatquestion.It
turnsout
it
is
not
that
easy.
In
Chapter
3Ipoint
out
several
plausible
explanations
for
thelackofsuchtranslationsfromwithinthedomainofurbanandregionaldesignand
planningitself.
Iaimedinthischaptertoalsobuildabridgebetweenthedomainsofsocialthe
oryandurbanandregionaldesignandplanning.Forthatreason,letsgobacktotime
geography for amoment andHgerstrands question on what aboutpeople?. In
particularforAllanPred,timegeographysrelevance lay largely,butnotexclusively,
initsrelevanceforandapplicationinsocialaswellasphysicalplanning:Infact,since
1966,whentheResearchGrouponHumanGeographicProcessandSystemsAnaly
siswasformedatLund,thetimegeographicresearchofHgerstrandandhisassoci
ates[had]
been
mainly
funded
by
Swedish
government
agencies
concerned
with
regionaldevelopmentpolicies,nationwidephysical planning, andurbanisation and
settlementpolicies.(Pred,1977:211)Predsexamplesincludeawiderangeofplan
ningapplications,notonlyphysicalplanning,butingeneral:planningpolicies,ifthey
aretobegoalconsistentratherthancounterproductive, requiretheacquisitionofat
least an elementary understanding of the peopleinvolving process relationships
whichtheirimplementationwillbothaffectandbeaffectedby(Pred,1977:213).In
hisview,andinmine,timegeographydeliverssomeofthiselementaryunderstand
ing.
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