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1 Abstract The investigation finds through methods and support in the referring of the socials representations theory in order to describe the cognitive dimension of the socials representations in the Colombia’s Press on the justice and peace law. These representations are interpreted through formalizations that are satisfied segmenting in graphical forms (codes), corpus of the news, considered as continuation of separated occurrences, to each other, by means of several delimited characters. Key words: social representations, transitional justice, the justice and peace law, impunity. Introduction Transitional justice makes reference to a very old problem, on what society should do with the legacy of crimes against humanity, when emerging from a civil war or a tyrannical regime. Should it punish those responsible? These questions have no easy answer, and at various times and societies have been given different solutions. Certainly in modern times has been a very important transformation in the way that focus transitions from war to peace or from dictatorships to democracies. Thus, as currently understood, transitional justice, refers to those transitional processes through which radical changes take place in a particular social and political order, they face the need to balance competing demands of peace and justice. In fact, on the one hand, transitional justice processes are characterized by involving in most cases political negotiations between different actors, aimed at reaching agreement sufficiently satisfactory for all parties to allow them decides to accept the transition. But on the other hand, transitional justice processes are governed by legal requirements imposed justice internationally, which are specified in the requirement to identify and punish those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the pre-transition stage. Many of the transitions occurred in the last years of the 20th century and the dawn of this century have been characterized, however, the difficult necessity of resolving the tension between international legal imperatives of punishment to the offenders and the practical demands of amnesty imposing transitional contexts. In fact, after the 2nd world war, public international law has shown a constant tendency toward the universalization of the obligation to punish the commission of heinous crimes, a trend most clearly evident in the recent creation of the International Criminal Court. Thus, the debate generated from the issuance of ruling C-370 by the Constitutional Court on the law 975 of 2005 (justice and peace law) above shows the great difficulty of implementing the agreements reached during the course of the negotiation process between the paramilitaries and the Colombian state and the problems of adopting a legal framework in a context of armed conflict.

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Abstract

The investigation finds through methods and support in the referring of the socials representations theory in order to describe the cognitive dimension of the socials representations in the Colombia’s Press on the justice and peace law. These representations are interpreted through formalizations that are satisfied segmenting in graphical forms (codes), corpus of the news, considered as continuation of separated occurrences, to each other, by means of several delimited characters.

Key words: social representations, transitional justice, the justice and peace law, impunity.

Introduction

Transitional justice makes reference to a very old problem, on what society should do with the legacy of crimes against humanity, when emerging from a civil war or a tyrannical regime. Should it punish those responsible? These questions have no easy answer, and at various times and societies have been given different solutions. Certainly in modern times has been a very important transformation in the way that focus transitions from war to peace or from dictatorships to democracies. Thus, as currently understood, transitional justice, refers to those transitional processes through which radical changes take place in a particular social and political order, they face the need to balance competing demands of peace and justice. In fact, on the one hand, transitional justice processes are characterized by involving in most cases political negotiations between different actors, aimed at reaching agreement sufficiently satisfactory for all parties to allow them decides to accept the transition. But on the other hand, transitional justice processes are governed by legal requirements imposed justice internationally, which are specified in the requirement to identify and punish those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the pre-transition stage. Many of the transitions occurred in the last years of the 20th century and the dawn of this century have been characterized, however, the difficult necessity of resolving the tension between international legal imperatives of punishment to the offenders and the practical demands of amnesty imposing transitional contexts. In fact, after the 2nd world war, public international law has shown a constant tendency toward the universalization of the obligation to punish the commission of heinous crimes, a trend most clearly evident in the recent creation of the International Criminal Court.

Thus, the debate generated from the issuance of ruling C-370 by the Constitutional Court on the law 975 of 2005 (justice and peace law) above shows the great difficulty of implementing the agreements reached during the course of the negotiation process between the paramilitaries and the Colombian state and the problems of adopting a legal framework in a context of armed conflict.

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Likewise, the increase in hostilities, which entails the growing involvement of civil society in conflict, fragmentation is causing not only social but higher degrees of polarization between sectors of Colombian society.

But armed political confrontation, and progress toward peace also being waged in the realm of the symbolic, in the production of representations on the developments of the conflict and its actors. The war is also in the field of information and the production of meaning in society. As stated by Castells, "cultural battles are the battles of power in the information age. Are fought primarily on the media and the media (...) The power and ability to impose behavior lies in the networks of information exchange and manipulation of symbols, which relate to the social actors, institutions and cultural movements, through icons, spokespersons and amplifiers intellectuals. "(...)1

The production processes of discourse and social regulation are mediated by political institutions, economic, professional, educational, religious and cultural to which society confers its processes of symbolic reproduction. One such institution is the media, through which the society reports on local happenings, national and international levels.

Moreover, the media have the ability to create and recreate speeches about what happens in the margins of society with greater credibility and coverage to other institutions. These speeches are put into circulation and complex processes involved in production of representations.

Similarly, the media serve as cognitive mediating institutions that offer individuals specific readings of social reality in which they are immersed. Following Barbero and Rey, journalism in Colombia has become "an agent of social control the actions of other actors (government, politicians and legislators, among others), is a mediator between all those actors that compose the complex scenario of our social conflicts, including of course the war."2

Thus, research on the social impact of media communications in Colombia, are more justified, because the responsibility of journalism is multiplied in a context of transitional justice. As Diaz notes, "It is not only accurate and timely reporting. It is also to allow a correct interpretation, giving the general tools to understand the processes. "3

Likewise, in the period of transitional justice in our country, reflecting on the social representations of it in the media, is fundamental to undersatnding their role in the processs of building peace. And if we understand the social representations and modes of thought common sense they arise, remain and transformed through

1 Manuel Castells, (1998). La era de la información. En: Economía, sociedad y cultura. Vol. 3 Fin de Milenio. Madrid, Alianza Editorial.

pp. 382-390.

2 José Barbero, y Germán Rey (1997). “El periodismo en Colombia: de los oficios y los medios.” En: Revista Signos y Pensamiento. Nº

30. Bogotá. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana.

3 Alfredo Díaz, (1999). Medios de comunicación, liderazgo mediático y gobernabilidad democrática. Bogotá. PNUD.

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everyday communication processes and media 4, then we must accept and emphasize "the increasingly decisive role of the mass media in the creation and dissemination of information, opinions and ideas. That is why the analysis of the representations that are transmitted by the media becomes necessary."5

The theory of social representations refers to the communication, language, namely the discursive aspect of mutually developed knowledge. As noted by Moscovici and Vignaux6, this theory since its inception, has emphasized the deep link between cognition and communication between mental operations and linguistic operations, including information and meanings.

According to Moscovici7, social representations are not only mentally but products are symbolic constructions that are created and recreated in the course of social interactions are not static in nature and inevitably determine individual representations. They are defined as specific ways to understand and communicate the reality and influence at a time which are determined by the people through their interactions.

Thus, a "social representation is defined as the development of a social object by a community."8. Subsequently, Moscovici, describes as "a set of concepts, statements and explanations originating in daily life, in the course of inter-communications. Amount, in our society, myths and belief systems of traditional societies, may even be said that are the contemporary version of common sense”9. These ways of thinking and creating social reality are composed of elements of a symbolic nature since they are not only ways to acquire knowledge and play, but have the ability to make sense of social reality.

Similarly, individuals are assigned to various social groups which constitute sources of determination in the working individuals do social reality, creating shared visions and similar interpretations of events10. The study of social representations has led to getting to know a little more about this social thought as

4 See, Serge Moscovici (1979). El psicoanálisis, su imagen y su público. Buenos Aires. Huemul. Robert M. Farr (1986). “Las

representaciones sociales” En: Serge Moscovici (compilador) Psicología social II, Barcelona: Paidòs, pp. 495-506.

5 Silvia Gutierrez Vidrio (2007). “El campo y objeto de estudio de la comunicación. Un estudio de representaciones sociales” en Juan

Manuel Piña (coord.) Prácticas y representaciones en la educación superior CESU, UNAM, Plaza y Valdés Editores, México, pp.123-

161.

6 Serge Moscovici & G. Vignaux (1994). Le concept de Thêmata. In C. Guimelli (Ed.), Structures et transformations des représentations

socials (pp. 25-72). Paris: Delachaux et Niestlé.

7 Serge Moscovici (1979). El psicoanálisis, su imagen y su público. Buenos Aires. Huemal.

8 Moscovici, S. (1963). Attitudes and opinions. Annual Review of Psychology. pp. 231-260.

9 Serge Moscovici(1981). La era de las Multitudes. Un tratado histórico de psicología de masas. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica.

10 Tomás Ibañez (1988). Some critical comments about the theory of Social Representation. Discussion of Raty & Snellman. En: Papers

on social representations, vol 1(1), 1994, disponible en: http: //www.swp.uni.linz.ac.at/content/psr/psrindex.h accesed in 12 june 2009.

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it is "a macro concept that points to a set of phenomena and processes rather than to distinct objects or mechanisms to precisely defined.”11

Thus, the theory of social representations is a valuable tool within and outside the field of social psychology because it offers an explanatory framework on the behavior of the people studied are not limited to the particular circumstances of the interaction, but transcends the cultural context and larger social structures. When people refer to social objects, classify, explain and also evaluate them is because they have a social representation of that object. This means, as well as notes Jodelet12, which is to represent an equivalent, but not in the sense of an equivalence photo but an object is represented when it is mediated by a figure. And only in this condition is emerging representation and the corresponding content.

The relationship between social representations and discourse is essential to locate the way they are constructed and how they circulate. The social representations circulating within discourses are conveyed by the words, messages and images in the media and are crystallized in the behavior of individuals and communities.

In addition, making use of language to objectify and to anchor the events and things they want to communicate, social subjects generate discourses that lead to specific texts. These social discourse, are evidence of how the social practices are represented in a given socio-cultural context and rationalized in terms of value (good / bad, fun / boring, new / old).13

The study and analysis of social representations is essential to consider its discursive nature as they are generated in the communication process and are then expressed through language. The discursive activity is undoubtedly more complex expression that can lead social representations as there is a discourse in which argumentative dimension is not present, at least to some degree14. The importance of the discourse of social representations has been recognized by several authors: Grize15, Potter and Litton16 y Wagner y Elejabarrieta17.

11 (Tomás Ibáñez (1988): 32).

12 Jodelet. D. (1984). La representación social: fenómenos, conceptos y teoría. En Moscovici, S. Psicología social II. Pensamiento y vida

social. Psicología social y problemas sociales. Barcelona-Buenos Aires-México: Paidós.

13 Silvia Gutiérrez Vidrio. (2003). El discurso argumentativo. Una propuesta de análisis. Escritos. Revista de Ciencias del Lenguaje No.

27 enero-junio. Pp 45-66.

14 Jean-Blaise Grize, et al. (1987). Salaries face aux nouvelles technologies. Vers une approche socio-logique des représentations

sociales. París. Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique.

15 Jean-Blaise Grize, (1989). Logique naturelle et représentations sociales. En Jodelet, D. (Ed.), Les représentations sociales. Paris: PUF.

16 J. Potter and I. Litton (1985). Some problems urderlying the theory of social representations. British Journal of Social Psychology. No.

24. pp. 81 - 90. London.

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In addition, there is growing interest in linking the study of social representations and communication. Just look at the studies of Moscovici18, Farr19 (1986), Doise20, Rouquette21, Wagner and Elejabarrieta22, among others, have stressed the theoretical importance of studying social representations and media. De Rosa23, from his work as coordinator of the European Doctorate on social representations and media, has done research on the relationship between them and the media at the same time has promoted the inclusion of these subjects in schools summer in the laboratory of social representations in Rome, Italy.

The media have the ability to create and recreate speeches about what happens in the margins of society with greater credibility and coverage to other institutions. These speeches are put into circulation and complex processes involved in production of representations. Thus, the media serve as cognitive mediating institutions that offer individuals specific readings of social reality in which they are immersed.

Today we must accept and emphasize the increasingly decisive role of mass media in the creation and dissemination of information, opinions and ideas. That is why the analysis of the representations that are transmitted by the media becomes necessary.

The media puts a circular meanings involved in the establishment of the cognitive and provide the subjects of images and knowledge are used to deal with everyday life. Likewise, the media provided the symbolic inputs that govern daily interactions of all social events and provide content that can imagine and naturalize the complexity of the reality represented in different contexts.

If we assume that communication is the medium through which social actors acquire practical skills that enable them to make the strange familiar, then as

17 Wolgang Wagner y Fran Elejabarrieta (1994). Representaciones sociales, en: Morales J. (Ed). Psicologia Social, Madrid, UNED-Mac

Graw-Hill.

18 Serge, Moscovici,. (1979). El psicoanálisis, su imagen y su público. Huemal. Buenos Aires.

19 Robert M. Farr (1988). Las representaciones sociales. En Serge Moscovici (Ed.). Psicología social II, Barcelona, Paidos.

20 Wilhem Doise (1991). Las representaciones sociales : presentacion de un campo de investigacion. En : Anthopos No. 27. Barcelona.

Wilhem Doise (1993). Logiques sociales dans le raisonnement. Paris: Delachaux et Niestlé.

21 M. L. Rouquette, y C. Guimelli (1994). Sur la cognition sociale, l'histoire et le temps. En Guimelle, C. (Ed.), Structures et

transformations des représentations sociales. Delachaux et Niestlé, 255-266.

22 Wagner, Wolgang y Elejabarrieta, Fran (1994). Representaciones Sociales. En José F. Morales (Ed). Sicología Social. Madrid: Mc

Graw-Hill.

23 Ana María De Rosa, (2001). The boomerang effect of the radicalism of discourse analysis no communication without representations,

representations without communication. Theory and method in Societal Psychology. Pecs, Hungary.

En:http://www.europhd.psi.uniroma1.it7pdf/derosa2001.pdf, accesed in 8 mai 2009.

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Moscovici says "we can create representations in order to make the strange familiar, disturbing or amazing."24

This research stems from the idea that the exploration in the discourse on transitional justice in print Colombian enables us to recognize the ways and thought processes of social constitution, by which people construct and are constructed by the social . It also recognizes that research on social representations us closer to the way people have of seeing the world, because knowledge is common sense that people use to take a position with the various social objects and social representations (sr) are generated from the communication and interaction. It is therefore considered that through the study of the interaction and communication, the rs of transitional justice can be detected.

In this context, given the wide range of methodological possibilities and techniques for studying the representations, has chosen a strategy inspired mainly on methodological theoretical-methodological proposal Grize, Verges and Silem25.

METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS

The selected methodology was framed within the procesual approach, since this approach rests in qualitative postulates and privileges the social thing analysis, the culture and the social interactions.

24 Serge Moscovici (2001). Gerard Duveen. (Ed.) Social Representations : Explorations in Social Psychology. Nueva York, EUA : New

York University.

24 Jean Blaise Grize, P. Verges, et A. Silem, (1987). Salariés face aux nouvelles technologies: vers une approche sociologique des

representations socials. Editions du Centre Nacional de la Recherche Scientifique (France).

24 Ibid

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It is as well as this investigation is constructed from a heuristic model, inspired mainly by the technique of Grize, Vérges and Silem26, whom recognize determining social spaces: the practice, the ideology and the cultural interpretation.

In this sense, Grize, Vergés and Silem proposed and validated a process to analyze the resulting discursive material. One treats in a first view to locate and analyzes the category system used by the people, permitting in this way define the whole representation content.

After this, in a second view, extract the organizing elements of this content. From a significant coefficient between the two classifications allows there to confirm or to reinforce the hypothesis that one is in the presence of organizing elements of the representation. The congruency of the both criterion (frequency and rank), constitutes an indicator of the centralidad of the element.

More in detail: A) As far as the practice, this speech by itself, its story is organized through the person live. B) The ideology, it is an instance that expresses the social thought front the relations of being able institutional in the circulating speeches of the society and that is knowledge source as well. C)The cultural matrix of interpretation are located in the collective historical memory and it is transmitted by a formal set system or informal (school, family, church, associations, among others) giving an historical connotation to the forms of social thought, updating them, even though their production conditions disappear when they out of context themselves of the political and social dynamics that gave origin him.

As a result of the previous act, for the boarding of the social representations of the justice and peace law, it was decided to choose the triangulation method: with the intention, to complement and/or to deepen with respect diverse points of views, to a same investigation topic, the triangulation was methodologic (documentary analysis, analysis of the written speech and observation); sources (primary and secondary information); and of results cuantitatives.

This way, the social representations of the justice and peace law were processed from general categories or scopes of interpretation, These were: cultural matrix, which represent a species of collective memory, from which they reflect on which the justice and peace law gives reduced prison sentences to the perpetradores in comparison with the punishments that formal justice imposes; in addition, the one of justice and equal peace to impunity and from which they appear marks of ideology, since with the justice and peace law the victims’ rights are violated and the international human rights law and international humanitarian law, too; politician, respect to the incredulity towards that the demobilization of members of illegal armed groups must respect victims' right to truth, justice and reparation and cultural and social practice that is generated from own conditions of the context and has to do.

Interpretation of the data analysis

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The main objective of this research was to identify the social representations of the transitional justice circulating in the Colombian press, that is, has tried to identify those common-sense knowledge shared about what constitutes the transitional justice, in particular the rights to truth, reparation and justice. Also, has tried to characterize this field of study and show that the theoretical-methodological approach of social representations is a suitable path to take the pictures, opinions, attitudes, social group, in this case the group of authors writing in the colombian press on the transitional justice. What follows is presented in this section is the general interpretation of the results of the analysis and conclusions of the investigation.

The phase of interpretation is essential because, as Thompson points out27, it is necessary to transcend the closed nature of the speech as a construct with an articulated structure and explain what is represented or what is said. The speech says something about something, he says, accounting, and it is this transcendent character which must be captured by the interpretation. While the interpretation is already contained in the meaning in its broadest sense, at this level it is in prime tool for insight into the explanation of what is said in a joint and the level of discourse with the social totality.

From the information gathered in the analysis of social representations on transitional justice circulating in Semana magazine could provide many interpretations of what the authors of the texts mean by truth, reparation and justice, ie the rights of victims This information can be useful to reconstruct the image that these people have on transitional justice.

The identification of social representation

The analysis of all the information possible to identify that there is one social representation on transitional justice which is configured in the social imagination of the authors of the texts analyzed. This social representation has to do with social or sharing of transitional justice, particularly as relates to the justice and peace law, although their presence has been rebuilt from the general information of the analysis that no mean that we can tell which is the social representation that each of the authors has built, but if we can identify content that are common so we can say that the core of social representation as is the law of justice and peace as synonymous with ridicule, impunity and injustice.

Since the interpretation is no mention of certain concepts that are essential to describe the social representation identified is necessary to recall the definitions of outlining, cultural preconstructed and anchor. First, the patterning has to do with building through micro-universe of the speech to that of which we speak and in this construction a notion that plays a fundamental role is that of preconstructed.

27 Thompson, John B. (1998). Los media y la modernidad, Paidós, Barcelona.

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A cultural preconstructed is the place of the manifestation of the collective historical memory, and is transmitted by a set of formal and informal inputs (schools, churches, families, etc.). Giving a historical connotation to the updated social ways of thinking, even when production conditions disappear when decontextualized from the social and political dynamics that gave rise.28

Similarly, recall that the anchoring "refers to the social roots of the representation and its object".29 This process has the duty to transform what is new in a familiar pattern. Anchoring allows you to integrate information about an object in our system of thought, facing innovations of the objects we are familiar. That is, the process can integrate cognitively anchor the object represented within the system of thought that pre-exists. In other words, through the society changes an anchor object for a device that can be used, becomes a scientific theory or abstract knowledge into useful knowledge for all people, in a model for stocks.

According to the theory of the core30, social representations are formed as a double system. A central system that gives meaning and organizes the representation and a peripheral system31 that allows the anchoring of the reality of the moment, allowing individual modules and intervening in the process of defense and transformation of representations. That is, all social representation is set around a central core and a peripheral system. The core is the system that gives meaning to social representation and consists of the opinions, beliefs and information, which in turn are those elements that are important not only quantitatively but qualitatively. It is linked to historical events, sociological and ideological group and is characterized by its stability, rigidity and continuity, enabling the continuity of the representation.

In other words, the meanings that are constructed in discourses coalesce around the idea that talk of justice and peace law implies speak of impunity, mockery and injustice. So we could say that this representation of justice and peace law and is rooted precisely in these values. In the construction of social representation using certain contents that were identified in the dimensions studied and are also central to the construction of such representation, for example, benefits to the paramilitaries in exchange for nothing, you will know the truth, justice and peace law as a law concealment, forgetfulness and forgiveness, symbolic reparation, money laundering, counter-agrarian reform, lack of proportionality and legal imbalance.

28 Vergès, Pierre (1989). Représentations sociales de l’économie: une forme de connaissances, in Jodelet, D. Les représentations sociales,

PUF, Paris, pp. 387-405.

29 Jodelet, Denise (1986). "La representación social: fenómenos, conceptos y teoría", en Serge Moscovici, Psicolología Social II, Paidós,

Barcelona, pp. 469-494.

30 See, Jean Claude Abric (1987). Coopération, compétition et représentations sociales. Cousset. Editions Del Val. Jean Claude Abric

(1997). Les représentations sociales: aspects théoriques, en Jean Claude Abric (dir) Pratiques sociales et représentations. Psychologie

sociale. París. Presses Universitaires de France. pp. 11-36.

31 Claude Flament, C. (1994a). Consensus, salience and necessity in social representations: Technical note. Papers on Social

Representations, 3, 2, 97-105. Claude Flament, C. (1994b). Représentation sociale, consensus et correlation. Papers on Social Representations, 3, 2, 184-193.

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To display the representation and the contents identified arising from the dimensions studied in the analysis we have constructed the following scheme:

The following is the general interpretation of the analyzed information to the scheme. The outline shows that the law of justice and peace synonymous with ridicule, impunity and injustice is the kernel of representation. Regarding synonymous with ridicule, the data reveals that the search for truth implies that mock paramilitary justice and truth itself. Similarly, the law of justice and peace is a mockery of the rights of victims in what he has to see that stop bosses took inventory of all farms and vacant land in their areas of influence to which he was granted a through the figure of compensation provided for by law for justice and peace.

Also, from the analyzed data has seen the vision of justice and peace law in mockery of the rights of victims since the paramilitaries are not going to apologize or to repair but are subject to the law of justice and peace to enjoy their illegally accumulated wealth and a blind eye to the state.

In what law is about justice and peace mean impunity, the analysis confirms that this law violates the rights of victims and that there will be no truth, no compensation, no justice.

From the analyzed data can be interpreted as the application of the legal benefits conferred by the various regulatory decrees, clearly becomes impunity, to the extent that once the paramilitaries are amnesty or pardon, not be required to

justice and peace law

synonymous with

ridicule, impunity and

injustice

Symbolic reparation /

money laundering /

counter-agrarian

reform

Benefits to the

“paras” / will not be

true / covenant / law

of concealment,

forgetfulness and

forgiveness

Lack of proportionality /

legal imbalance / new

conflicts

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compensate the victims, nor will be judicially compelled to provide better input for the ascertainment of the truth of criminal acts committed his organization.

Moreover, in the data also identified a general picture of the law of justice and peace is tailored to the paramilitaries, because at stake is not only the issue of impunity in itself, but what it implies in relation to the message that is sent to the armed groups and society.

Similarly, in the data it appears that the law of justice and peace is in violation of international obligations of the Colombian government on the issue of human rights and this is seen as a form of impunity, and that international treaties provide for obligation on member countries to impose penalties on offenders, consistent with the crimes committed.

With regard to the law of justice and peace synonymous with injustice is noted that the lack of proportionality of punishment constitutes injustice. The granting of benign punishment on the basis of a procedure that does not guarantee truth, justice, or redress, is injustice to allow exemption from a very important part of the sentence without the minimum conditions required by the Constitution and treaties and international commitments.

Other parts of the contents of core of social representations is about the theme of symbolic reparation. In what has to do with the repair, the data show that there is no will reparation because the paramilitary leaders hid their assets.

On the other hand, the data enables the assessment noted the violation of the rights of the victims in the law of justice and peace as the victims stripped of their property require that there be more than symbolic reparations in addition, require that the government has strong hand that actually there is a real return of goods, and so far the way it has tackled the problem leaves much to be desired.

Coupled with the issue of symbolic reparation is abour money laundering. Since the analyzed data can be interpreted that the land delivered paramilitaries might not necessarily be left to the victims, but the paramilitaries themselves can make use these lands, and legalized, and that will be recognized as compensation. Because, as the Colombian press, many of the assumptions and displaced farmers who participate in those projects, rather than victims of the paramilitaries, but they were displaced for years by guerrillas and sought the protection of the paramilitaries became its social base.

Therefore, the Colombian press warned of the risk that under this model of rehabilitation paramilitary leaders continue to have the upper hand and not the state.

The issue of agrarian counter is attached to the block symbolic reparation as compensation referred to in the law of justice and peace, you have to do with the allocation of land may be below a problem that leads to conflict Colombian armed intensified since it was talking of a counter-agrarian reform, if indeed, as has

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denounced the Comptroller General of the Republic, paramilitaries and drug traffickers have seized at least one million hectares of prime land in 28 of the 32 departments of Colombia, equivalent to 3% of Colombian territory.

Another block of SR content focuses on the benefits to the paramilitaries. In the data analyzed confirmed that the paramilitaries will receive enormous benefits, including light sentences in exchange for nothing. Also, note that the data analyzed regulatory decrees of the justice and peace law were issued in clear benefit to the employees of the paramilitaries, especially the so-called "parapolitics”.

It will not know the truth belongs to block benefits to the paramilitaries. The data analysis shows that the justice and peace law of is "a cover-up" and that the truth will probably never know. The concern is that the truth will come out of this process is that going to negotiated truth and not truth. Thus, these data allow us to interpret that the real purpose of the justice and peace law is to benefit the paramilitaries to prevent the country know the truth at the expense of the rights of victims.

The theme of pact is attached to block benefits to the paramilitaries. The justice and peace law is seen as a pact between the government and paramilitaries, where they are benefiting without paying jail for the crimes committed.

Law of concealment, forgiving and forgetting the content block is part of profits to the paramilitaries. The general view is that although the formal framework of justice offers more opportunities than many peace processes, also offers fewer guarantees of the truth, as can be seen around various arguments that law is only appropriate procedural mechanisms to actually get to know the truth about paramilitaries.

Another block of SR content revolves around the lack of proportionality in punishment. From the survey data can be interpreted as a lack of proportionality between crimes and punishments could lead to failure of justice and peace process. The issue of legal imbalance is linked to the block of lack of proportionality in punishment. In the analysis of data imbalance is evident when comparing the legal treatment given to paramilitary commanders and his staff regarding the provisions of the Colombian criminal statute.

What the new conflict is linked to block legal imbalance. With regard to new conflicts, the analysis allows the interpretation that failure to resolve the issue of lands by the paramilitary violence in our country can sharpen, allowing paramilitaries managed to legalize their ill-gotten gains.

Finally, we can interpret the justice and peace law synonymous with ridicule, impunity and injustice and that this law violates the rights of victims and that there will be no truth, no compensation, no justice. the law of justice and peace is in violation of international obligations of the Colombian government on the issue of human rights and this is seen as a form of impunity, and that international treaties contain an obligation for member countries to impose penalties on offenders , commensurate with the crimes committed.

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The granting of benign punishment on the basis of a procedure that does not guarantee truth, justice, or redress, is injustice to allow exemption from a very important part of the sentence without the minimum conditions required by the Constitution and treaties and international commitments.

The justice and peace law is a violation of international obligations of the Colombian government on the issue of human rights and this is seen as a form of impunity, and that international treaties contain an obligation for member countries to impose penalties on offenders, commensurate with the crimes committed.

The justice and peace law is seen as a pact between the government and paramilitaries, where they are benefiting without paying for the crimes committed. The general view is that although the formal framework of justice offers more opportunities than many peace processes, also offers fewer guarantees of the truth, as can be seen around various arguments that law is only appropriate procedural mechanisms to actually get to know the truth about paramilitaries. Conclusions The first question which is important to note is that the social representation of the Colombian press coincides with what we might call common sense or social knowledge circulating through what they write in the transitional justice scholars about the importance of prosecuting the perpetrators of gross violations of human rights in the country where they committed the crimes or if this is not feasible, in international courts universal jurisdiction.

Secondly, as shown in the analysis, the social and ideological context plays a fundamental role because social representations are social-cognitive construction of disciplined thought and common sense are, according Jodelet, "a form of socially developed and shared knowledge , which is an intentional practice and contributes to building a common reality of a social whole "32. That is, social representations are contextualized cognitive systems that respond to two main ideas: the cognitive and social. For this investigation, as already noted there are certain cultural pre-built that is anchored in the representation identified, these have to do with shared social and cultural values is not necessary to state in the construction of discourses.

This research was able to capture precisely its socially constructed symbolic construction, the identified social representation is not the sum of individual representations, ie the sum of individual presentations of each of the actors but rather a socially constructed representation and shared by contributors to the magazine. Moreover, this representation did not is static and fixed but inexorably determines individual representations because representations have to do with how we, social subjects, grasp the events of daily life, what happens in our environment , the information circulating, people who are part of the environment near or far.

32 Denise Jodelet (1989) Représentations Sociales: un domaine en expansion. In D. Jodelet (Ed.), Les Représentations Sociales. Paris: PUF. 31–61.

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On the other hand, the study allowed to confirm that the analysis of social representations is essential to consider its discursive nature as they are generated in the communication process and are then expressed through language. These speeches are put into circulation and complex processes involved in production of representations. Thus, the research allowed to see that procedures for production and social regulation of speech are mediated by institutions. One such institution is the media, through which, the company reports on local happenings, national and international levels.

Similarly, the research confirms that the media serve as cognitive mediating institutions that offer individuals specific readings of social reality in which they are immersed. Likewise, the media are understood as social systems that fulfill a task of social reconstruction of reality, that is, social representations circulating in the media and these are useful when exploring the ways in which media express and contribute to the formation of these representations. Thus the media plays a crucial role in shaping the vision of reality that people have under their influence.

Likewise, the analysis enabled the detection the social representation of the transitional justice in the Colombian press that the enforcement of justice and peace should not mean impunity and scorn by the paramilitaries, as justice and peace law is structured based on two formal objectives, which impact the rest of the legal framework developed after its issue. The first, to facilitate the peace process and reintegration into civilian life of members of armed groups outside the law, the second to secure the rights of victims to truth, justice and reparation. That is, the justice and peace law must be respectful of the rights to the victims, right to the truth, right to justice and right to full reparation. Since these fundamental rights are outlined here so the analysis of the colombian press allowed the detection on each of these rights.

The right to truth. Thus, the analysis enabled the detection that the articles of the justice and peace law not meet the standards contained and derived from international human rights treaties and the principles and fundamental rights of the Constitution, since no takes measures to clarify the historical truth about the processes of violence committed by illegal armed groups and their massive and systematic violations of human rights and International Humanitarian Law.

The right to justice. Under this law, it was found in the information that circulates into Coplombian press that the State waives the duty to investigate, prosecute and punish. Failure to satisfy those duties in connection with serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Similarly it is unknown the right of victims to an effective remedy, the observance of due process in all judicial proceedings, particularly with regard to full guarantees for the victims and the duty to impose appropriate punishment to those responsible for serious crimes under international law.

The right to reparation. The data analysis to find faults allowed the definition of various components of the right to compensation because it wishes to establish a refund action under international standards as when it is determined that the return of property be made only when this possible. Also, that the law allowed the

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detection of justice and peace does not refer to necessary and possible measures to restore family life often destroyed by crime, especially forced displacement and killings.

Similarly, in the Colombian press confirmed that the justice and peace law unknown dissemination of historical truth as a necessary step to complete compensation and provides that the only truth is referred to by judicial truth. It also helped to confirm that this law does not contemplate the need for pronouncements in which the State acknowledges its overall responsibility with the paramilitary phenomenon, its particular responsibilities, regional and temporarily located.

Finally, there are many challenges facing the implementation of the mechanisms of transitional justice in Colombia since the results that could shed law 975 of 2005 in its years of operation so far are weak in what he has to do with people affected by armed conflict and their access to truth and subsequent repair, so that not only the victims of armed conflict have raised their voice asking for a law that would guarantee victims complete compensation, but also NGOs, along with international agencies. Another major challenge, both at home and internationally, is conducting research on the representation of of victims, and the phenomenon of victimization.

Finally, the socials representations of the justice and peace law in Colombian press are multidimensional and they have been expressed in the political, economic, ideological and social dimensions.

In the social thing: from this dimension the justice and peace law is pronounced for the paramilitary heads obtain slight penalties in exchange for anything. The justice law and peace represents itself as a forgiveness and forgetfulness law that benefits clearly to the perpetrators, violating for this way, international humanitarian law and international human rights law.

The justice and peace law leaves of side the responsibility of the state agents authors of crimes against the International Right. This perpetuates the conflict and undermines the efforts of the National and International Community.

Also, the justice and peace law not clearly encourage the achievement of collective agreements between the Government and the illegal armed groups to ensure that the latter definitively agree to cease their attacks, abandon their weapons, avoid armed conflict and effectively dismantle their illegal structures.

Thus, there is strong evidence that paramilitary structures have remained intact after "demobilization", that human rights violations are still being committed by paramilitaries in areas where they have supposedly demobilized, that many demobilized paramilitaries are being "recycled", mainly as paid military informants, and that collusion between the paramilitaries and sectors of the security forces is continuing.

In the politician: The justice and peace law is deeply flawed and will only serve to strengthen the already chronic problem of impunity in Colombia. So, the national community, not want to support any demobilization of illegal armed groups until the the Colombian government has legal guarantees in place to ensure that any

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members of these groups responsible for human rights abuses are brought to justice. Such guarantees are part of the international obligations to truth, justice and reparation to which the Colombian State is a party.

In the economic thing: It sees clearly that it is not going to have but symbolic repairs. Also, the Justice and Peace Law could be a gigantic operation of washing of assets.

In the ideological thing: Without the truth, justice and reparation it will be impossible to fully dismantle the structures that have supported paramilitary violence for so many years. The justice and peace law clearly disregards these fundamental principles. Supporters of the law argue that a compromise must be made between peace and justice. But the dichotomy between peace and justice is a false one.